Ireland under the Stuarts and During the Interregnum, Vol. 3 (of 3), 1660-1690

by Richard Bagwell

FOOTNOTES:

[158] Sheridan MS. Cartwright’s Diary, January 17 and February 21 to March 5, 1686-7. Clarendon’s Diary, February 6, and his letters of October 2 and January 8.

[159] The Coventry letter, dated October 26, 1686, is in the Jacobite Narrative, ed. Gilbert, appx. i., and in Ormonde Papers, vii. 464. Clarendon’s Diary, January 4, 1686-7. Sheridan MS. The King to Clarendon, April 6, 1686. Barillon to Louis XIV., October 16, 1687, in Dalrymple, ii. 262.

[160] Clarendon’s letters of March 14, April 17, 1686, May 8, 11, 15, 25, and 30, and June 1 (to Ormonde). Sunderland to Clarendon, June 14. Anonymous letters of warning to Clarendon and the Protestants are in Clarendon and Rochester Correspondence, i. 369, 498, 563.

[161] Sunderland afterwards claimed to have prevented James from allowing Tyrconnel to hold a parliament, though he was offered 40,000l. to agree to the repeal of the Act of Settlement in that way. This may be believed, as he appealed for confirmation to Godolphin, as well as to Nugent and Rice, Diary of H. Sidney, ii. 379.

[162] Rules for Corporations in Irish Statutes, pp. 197-239. Clarendon’s letters, particularly that to the King of August 14, 1686. Cartwright’s Diary, August 1687. Sheridan MS.

[163] James’s letter of September 20, 1687, is in Harris’s Life of William III., appx. viii. The quo warranto to Belfast and the new charter are printed in Young’s Town Book of Belfast. King’s State of the Protestants, chap. iii. section 5. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689. The proceedings in the Londonderry case are given by King, appx. vii.

[164] Clarendon’s letters of June 22 and August 14, 1686, and of January 22 following—his last from Ireland. Ormonde to Southwell, February 5, 1686-7, in Ormonde Papers, 1899. Proclamations of February 21, 1686-7, and April 4, 1688. Life of James Bonnell, p. 273, and his letter to Strype, January 21, 1688-9, in English Hist. Review, no. 74.

[165] Clarendon’s letters of June 26, July 27 and 31, August 26, 1686, and his Diary, January 4, 10, and 11, 1686-7. The Duke of Berwick agreed with Mr. Nihill that Tyrconnel was ‘fort rusé.’

[166] Sheridan MS. King’s State of the Protestants, chap. iii. section 3. O’Flanagan’s Irish Chancellors, i. 470, 487.

[167] Clarendon’s letters of June 19 and July 31, 1686. King ut sup. In Secret Consults of the Romish Party Worth is represented as their chief tool, but Tyrconnel said he was ‘by God, a damned rogue ... by God, I will have it brought to the Council Board, the King has an ill opinion of him, and I will do his business.’

[168] Clarendon’s list of sheriffs for 1686 is printed with his letter of March 2, 1685-6. Tyrconnel’s list for 1687 is in King, appx. vii. Clarendon’s letters of June 12 and 15. The King to Clarendon, October 8, and the answer, October 16.

[169] The two judges left Dublin on March 17, 1688, St. Patrick’s Day, Secret Consults of the Romish Party, pp. 115, 120. They had left London on their return before April 25, Luttrell’s Diary, i. 438.

[170] Tyrconnel’s proclamations of April 11, 1687, and April 4, 1688. As to Irish Nonconformist addresses, see Reid’s Presbyterian Church, ii. 351, and Luttrell’s Diary, June to August 1687.

[171] List of Commissions in Dalton’s Army List, i. 10, from February 12 to June 21, 1687. Proclamations of February 24 and July 18. Sheridan MS.

[172] Avaux fully sustains King. He says most regiments were raised ‘par des gentilhommes qui n’ont jamais été à l’armée, que ce sont des tailleurs, des bouchers, des cordonniers qui ont formé les compagnies qui les entretiennent à leur despens et en sont les capitaines,’ to Louvois, April 16, 1689. Tyrconnel’s proclamations of July 20, August 24, December 29, 1688. Luttrell’s Diary, July 6, August 27, September 8, December 15, 19, and 30, 1688, January 1, and April 24, 1689. Evelyn’s Diary, July 23, October 7, 1688. Hoffmann to the Emperor Oct., Doc. 626 in Campana Cavelli. Tyrconnel to James II., Oct. 3/13, ib. Doc. 633. King’s State of the Protestants, chap. iii. sec. viii. 5. It was absurdly reported in France that William had interned the Irish in a little island that they might all perish there, Memoirs of De Sourches, January 12/22, 1689.

[173] Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 547, and see Macaulay’s remarks on the Charterhouse case in chap. viii. Ormonde to Southwell, November 18, 1686, in Ormonde Papers, O.S., ii. 306; and to Temple, June 15, 1687, ib. N.S., vii. 494. A. Wood’s Fasti Oxonienses and his Life and Times, ed. Clark.

[174] Burnet’s Own Times, i. 95, and the Supplement, ed. Foxcroft, p. 60. The two characters should be compared, that in the published History, written in 1702, being kinder to Ormonde than the original draft written in 1683. Burnet tells us that he had associated more with Ormonde’s enemies than with his friends, and looking back at the Caroline court from a convenient distance, he was able to see the old cavalier’s superiority. I have read Nicholas French’s Unkind Deserter, 1676, which is not convincing, though the Bishop proves that Ormonde got larger grants of land than Scævola and Horatius Cocles. A defence of his hero in money matters is in Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 308 sqq., 430. Burnet notes that Ormonde ‘writes the best of any man that has no learning that I ever knew.’

[175] Proceedings against John Price, &c., Wicklow Assizes, March 6, 1688-9, 1 William and Mary, Howell’s State Trials, xii. no. 363. The reporter says he was present in court. The author of Secret Consults is unfair to Keating, but points out (p. 75) that he had ‘always been a servant of the Duke of York’; he had done his law business in Ireland, Hist. MSS. Com. (House of Lords), 11th Report, ii. 219.

[176] Howell’s State Trials, xii. no. 364.

[177] The fullest account of this matter is in Lodge’s Peerage of Ireland, ed. Archdale, vi. 20. Hardiman, in his History of Galway, p. 155, note, says Lodge’s account is unfairly coloured, but does not dispute the facts. King’s appendix no. 16. Account of the Transactions of the late King James, &c., licensed July 7, 1690, p. 3. Luttrell, i. 517. Two Ponsonbys, a Percival, and a Purdon were among Southwell’s companions.

[178] Sheridan MS. Letters of Barillon, September 13/23, 1686, and September 6/16, 1687, and of Bonrepaus, August 25/September 4 1687, in notes to Macaulay, chap. viii. Luttrell, i. 495, 500. King, iii. 8, and Keating’s letter of December 29 in appx. xiv. Evidence of Sir Robert Colville and John Philipps to the House of Lords, Hist. MSS. Com., appx. to 12th Report, part vi. 1689.

[179] Walker’s True Account. The Comber letter is in King, appx. xii., and in many other places. Secret Consults of the Romish Party. Proclamations of October 15 and December 7. The ‘Irish night’ in London is sufficiently described by Macaulay, chap. x. Ellis Correspondence, ii. 356. Writing to her cousin Abigail Harley on December 13, 1688, Mrs. Pye says, ‘The watch called all up that the Irish were near, and at Knightsbridge had killed man, woman, and child, and were resolved for to fire and massacre. I bless God I was not much frighted as might be expected,’ Portland Papers, iii. 420.

[180] Faithful History of the Northern Affairs, &c., licensed December 10, 1689.

[181] Andrew Hamilton’s True Relation, 1690. He says there were public masses through the North ‘for the furthering of that which they called Inteneragh—that is, a secret intention.’

[182] Faithful History of Northern Affairs, 1689.

[CHAPTER L]
JAMES II. IN IRELAND, 1689

French designs on Ireland.

At the beginning of 1686, Bonrepaus, a high official in the French marine, was sent by Louis XIV. on a special mission to England. He found the navy there in very bad order, also discovering that Sunderland and Barillon were closely allied, and that the French diplomatist was no match for the English politician. He believed that in this way many important secrets became known to the Prince of Orange. Avaux wrote to the same effect from Holland, and even Skelton formed a similar opinion. Tyrconnel thought he could utilise Bonrepaus and defeat Sunderland, and when the former returned to England in the summer of 1687, he pressed him to come to Chester and arrange with James for the separation of Ireland from England in the event of a Protestant succeeding him on the throne. Tyrconnel and Sunderland were both with the King in August, but Bonrepaus trusted neither of them and kept away from Chester. James had no idea that he would be dethroned in little more than one year, and thought Ireland might be in a fit state after five of leisurely preparation, but Tyrconnel, who may have seen more clearly that his master was on the road to ruin, pressed for more speedy measures, and made all the military preparations that he could. Seignelay particularly cautioned Bonrepaus not to let Barillon know anything about his dealings with Tyrconnel. Sunderland, however, told the ambassador a good deal, adding that the King was determined to repeal the Irish Act of Settlement, and that in the opinion of all Englishmen this would lead to an entire separation of Ireland from England. The announcement that Mary of Modena was likely to become a mother, cut the scheme short, but when William became King of England the Irish Government was prepared to go on with the original plan. French and Irish were united as to the desirability of making Ireland depend only on France, but James was always too much an Englishman to take that view heartily.[183]

Mission of Pointis.

His report.

When James fled to France it soon became evident that Ireland was his only chance. In order to find out the true state of affairs there, Seignelay sent Pointis, an officer of marine artillery who had done good service at Genoa and Algiers and had already been on a mission to James in England. He was accompanied by Captain Michael Roth of the Irish foot-guards, by whom he was to be guided. Pointis produced a detailed report, which shows clearly the state of Ireland after William reached London and before James left France. He had been particularly instructed to consult Tyrconnel and to inquire whether the majority were strong enough absolutely to subdue the Protestant minority. No hope was to be held out of any help from France except in arms and ammunition. Pointis found that in Ulster about half the population was Protestant, but only one twentieth in the other provinces. They had arms, money, and good horses. Mountjoy had had the address to put Protestant garrisons into Londonderry and Sligo, but the towns generally were in Catholic hands. The Governor of Duncannon was a Protestant, but his men were not. There were 2300 good cavalry and 3500 infantry of the old army, and about 40,000 Catholics raised by the gentry but without arms or officers. He did not believe Tyrconnel could take either Sligo or Londonderry, though unfortified, for there were no gunners or artillery officers. This he attributes to the machinations of Mountjoy, who was Master of the Ordnance, but it is sufficiently accounted for by the general neglect prevalent under Charles and James. Dr. King had been all over Ireland some months before. He rejoiced in the nakedness of every garrison town, which would make it easier in good time to subdue the ‘papistical faction’ to whom James had entrusted all. Pointis returned to Ireland after reporting, and gave some trouble as Seignelay’s representative. He claimed to be independent of Avaux and almost independent of Louvois.[184]

Pointis on the new army.

Pointis found a general expectation that the heretics would be crushed before help could come from England. In the three southern provinces they were easily disarmed, there was a daily exodus of Protestants, and hundreds quitted Ireland at the mere news of his arrival. Tyrconnel’s raw recruits were willing enough to be drilled, but they had only rusty muskets and pikes or mere sticks with nails at the end. Even the women begged on their knees for arms from France. There was no money to pay or feed them, but the number of men might be easily raised to 100,000 if none were rejected, and Lord Antrim, who hesitatingly followed his brother’s footsteps, had a commission from some Highland chiefs to join his force to theirs. Present help was necessary, but in the end Pointis thought Ireland could pay her way provided the wool trade were diverted to France. An invasion of England might even be possible, and in any case, William would be kept so busy as to make it impossible for him to do anything against French interests elsewhere.[185]

Tyrconnel invites James to Ireland.

Captain Roth carried a letter from James to Tyrconnel, and brought back his answer, containing the same information as Pointis gave to Seignelay, and urging him to appear himself in Ireland: 500,000 crowns would be wanted at once, with at least 16,000 muskets and 12,000 swords. Many good officers should be sent, including all those who had followed their King to France. ‘I beg of you,’ he added, ‘to consider whether you can with honour continue where you are when you may possess a kingdom of your own, plentiful of all things for human life.’ He could live well in Ireland on what the King of France allowed him. Vauban wrote to the same effect. Ireland was James’s last stake, and he ought to play it in person. It was his only chance, and, even if he failed, the diversion would be useful to France against her many enemies. Evidently James was not anxious to start. His insensibility and want of dignity in misfortune were generally remarked, while his Queen was praised and admired. But French and Irish opinion left him no choice, and the expedition was decided upon after he had been at St. Germain about six weeks.[186]

James II. in France.

The Emperor.

The Pope.

It has often been said, and is probably true, that if Louis XIV. in September 1688 had besieged Maestricht instead of Philipsburg, William of Orange would have been fully occupied in defending Holland and could not have invaded England. France might then have lorded it over Europe for an indefinite time. But James, before his affairs became desperate in England, had in one of his fits of independence refused the French King’s help because it would be unpopular. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes and the persecution both before and after, made the idea of a French alliance hateful to England. But after his flight James found that Louis was his only friend. He appealed for help to all the Catholic powers, but in vain. The league of Augsburg had been defensive against the overweening ambition of France, but Germany had been confirmed by the devastation of the Palatinate. Meanwhile, the Emperor Leopold reminded him that he had slighted his advice sent through Kaunitz, and that the favourable time had passed. He himself had to employ all his resources in defending the frontiers of Christendom, while the French ravaged German lands and burned the palaces of princes. ‘It has,’ he said, ‘become a diversion to them to commit all manner of insolencies and cruelties in many places, but chiefly in Catholic countries, exceeding the cruelties of the Turks themselves,’ and they were as dangerous to the Holy Roman Empire as to smaller potentates. The Pope supported the Emperor, for Gallicanism under such a king as Louis seemed to him a greater danger than Protestantism. James, while professing to tolerate and protect all creeds, privately proposed to root out heresy by military force, but success did not seem very probable while the most Christian King was actually threatening to occupy Rome. Louis expected the Pope to give money, but would make no concession on his part. In 1687, while James was still really King, Castlemaine’s mission to Rome had failed entirely. James Porter, Endymion’s fifth son, had no better fortune later, and was not allowed to go to the next Pope for fear of interfering with Melfort. By good and skilful government Innocent had replenished an empty treasury, and all that he could spare was wanted to repel the Turks. Of course he wished for the success of a Catholic monarch, but the prospect of good to the Church by James’s plan of invading Scotland from Ireland and England from Scotland did not recommend itself to him. Innocent XI. died two days after the relief of Londonderry, but the election of Ottoboni, who became Alexander VIII., brought no relief to James, though considered a victory for the French faction. Louis yielded some points in dispute, but the Pope said he could not afford to fight against Turks, Vaudois, and English. He mourned in tears of blood and was ready to sell his cassock, but he had no money. Melfort’s diplomacy was not likely to improve matters.[187]

Tyrconnel prepares for war.

General disorder.

It is possible, though not probable, that Tyrconnel may have hesitated a moment about his attitude towards the Dutch invader, but, if so, he was confirmed in his allegiance to James by the news of his escape to France. The Lord Deputy had always belonged to the French party, and he doubtless exaggerated William’s difficulties, though they were great enough. His mind once made up, he proceeded to enlist men as fast as possible though he could not arm, clothe, or feed them. Those who would undertake to support the recruits for three months from January 1 received commissions, 500 being issued in one day. The resulting confusion was indescribable and was felt for long afterwards. The colonels were men of family though not always soldiers, but the real recruiting was done by men of inferior rank, who became captains and subalterns. The new levies were begun in December, and by February over 50,000 had been enlisted. As for the most part they could not be armed, they were exercised with sticks three feet long tipped with iron or hardened in the fire. They were willing enough to be drilled, and were not accustomed to luxury, but they could not live without food, and being unpaid, they took what they wanted and more. The robberies and depredations could not be denied. They were daily, said Tyrconnel officially, ‘committed by loose and idle people, which are by some imputed to the new levies.’ He showed that he thought the imputation not ill-founded by ordering officers to keep strict discipline, to see that the soldiers took nothing without payment and behaved civilly to all, and to restore to their rightful owners such stolen horses, cattle, and other goods as could be recovered. Three weeks later he issued another proclamation announcing that the Prince of Orange was coming, and that to prevent his seizing them, arms and horses in private hands were to be immediately confiscated. Those who neglected to give them up at once were to be subjected to domiciliary visits on pain of being punished and of ‘risking the ill consequences which may fall upon them by the disorders of the soldiers.’ This applied to Dublin and the suburbs. Four days later the Lord Deputy had discovered that the associations in the North were armed and had rebellious intentions. The principle of confiscating arms and horses was therefore extended to all parts of the country, with saving clauses for those who did not appear to be rebels. Travellers were not to be molested except in Ulster and Sligo. As for the associated Protestants there, they were called upon to deliver up arms and horses, and on submission were promised protection, but Lord Kingston and ten principal gentlemen in North-East Ulster were excluded from favour or mercy.[188]

Attempts to resist Tyrconnel.

Bandon.

Kenmare.

In Leinster there was no resistance to Tyrconnel’s Government. In Connaught the Protestants were comparatively few, but some found their way to Sligo from adjoining counties. In Munster the Protestants were in a hopeless minority, and a conspiracy to seize Cork was betrayed and ended in nothing, but where Lord Cork and Sir William Petty had left their marks something was attempted. At Bandon, in the neighbourhood of which robberies were openly committed, there was a small garrison under Captain Daniel O’Neill, who had doubtless good reasons for doubting whether he could trust the inhabitants. The corporation had been reformed here as elsewhere, but the oath was generally refused. O’Neill called upon all to give up their arms, but not many obeyed. A few days later Lord Clancarty threatened the town with a stronger force, but the Protestants resolved not to admit him. The garrison were suddenly overpowered in the night or early morning, and a few who resisted were killed. The captured arms enabled the people to man the wall, but the old cannon were neglected and useless. Lord Inchiquin advised them to make the best terms they could, and when General MacCarthy appeared with an army, nothing effectual could be done and the town was soon in his hands. He proposed to hang ten of the ringleaders and to burn the place, but Dr. Brady, the versifier of the Psalms, who had not yet abandoned the doctrine of non-resistance, interceded for his native town. MacCarthy, who was a civilised warrior, agreed to take an indemnity of 1500l. in ready money, full restitution being also made to soldiers who had been stripped of their arms or otherwise injured. Tyrconnel and James blamed the General for giving such easy terms, and some of the Bandonians were afterwards indicted for high treason. Many of the townsmen found their way to Londonderry, and thence to the Boyne. Petty’s settlement at Kenmare had long been threatened by the natives. The Protestants, who were chiefly engaged in the iron works and in fishing, were not one in 500 of the population in those parts, and they began to think of 1641. Petty’s agent was Richard Orpen, who was specially unpopular for his determination in bringing malefactors to justice. Among them was a MacCarthy, who in 1680 had robbed and murdered a smelter in open day, and Owen Sullivan (a loose gentleman), who in the same year had treacherously run Orpen himself through the back on a dark night for seeking to recover a debt. In 1685 Teague a Glauna had murdered a pursuivant for trying to arrest papists in Kerry. In 1686 Daniel MacDermot, with half a score more, had robbed some French Protestant fugitives who had taken refuge in Kenmare River. In 1687 Daniel Croly and seven more Tories attacked Orpen and his brother, who shot three of them. ‘Being made prisoners they lived till they were hanged at the assizes following. The greatest part of all these malefactors were severely prosecuted by Richard Orpen; some of them were hanged, some burnt in the hand, some remained in gaol, and the rest dispersed and fled out of the country.’[189]

Siege of Kenmare.

Though suffering from occasional robberies, the settlers managed to live in tolerable comfort until the new policy was adopted in 1685, after which it became daily harder to get any redress. When the fresh levies began in November 1689, the officers, ‘being persons of broken and desperate fortunes, not able to maintain themselves or their soldiers, were forced to filch and steal black cattle and sheep.’ The thieves appeared in bands, sometimes seventy at a time and well armed, and openly drove away the cattle by scores through the neighbouring glens. The corn was carried off, and by the beginning of January the Kenmare people were reduced to what they had in their houses. They appealed to MacCarthy, who had the chief command in Munster, and to Sir Valentine Brown, who governed Kerry under him; and after a week’s delay they sent back warrants to be executed by the plundered people themselves, which of course they were unable to do. In the meantime six of their houses were sacked. Sir Richard Aldworth of Newmarket was consulted, who said there was nothing for it but to retreat to the nearest garrison, but there were forty miles of mountains between them and Bandon, and they determined to stand on their defence. On the rocky peninsula of Killowen, in the estuary above the present town of Kenmare, Petty had built a house for his agent, 44 feet long by 22 feet wide, and containing four rooms and a garret. Here, under the command of Orpen and of his father-in-law, the Rev. Thomas Palmer, who held Kenmare and other Kerry livings, 42 families congregated numbering 180 persons, of whom 75 were fighting men. They had four blunderbusses and 40 guns of various kinds, besides pistols, swords and pikes, and 170 pounds of powder. Half an acre was enclosed by a bank 14 feet high and 12 feet thick, and wooden cabins were erected of such materials as might be easily pulled down if an assault were threatened. The house stood in the middle, and was strengthened with balconies and flankers. The country people about, who had lived mainly on wages paid by the colonists, made no difficulty about doing the rough work. On the last day of January an association was formed under seal, and all swore on the Gospel to obey Orpen and Palmer until they had orders from the Prince of Orange, ‘in defence of our lives and religion against the enemies of the Protestant Church.’ Stolen goods may be sweet, but in the long run they tend to poverty. The wild people who had driven off the cattle took no steps to till the ground, but lived on the plunder. People who had been used to potatoes or oatmeal with meat perhaps four times a year, now ‘gorged themselves with flesh, half-raw, half-roasted, sometimes half-boiled, half-rotten and stinking for want of salt, sometimes moving towards the boiler by the assistance of the wriggling crawlers, that lately before received their birth from the same piece of flesh.’[190]

Kenmare capitulates.

The garrison escape to England.

Having provided a temporary place of refuge, Orpen thought he might make an effort to execute Sir Valentine Brown’s warrants. He sallied forth by night with a strong party and captured six of the robbers with stolen property in their possession. The goods were retained at Killowen, but the men were handed over to the authorities and soon released ‘upon insolvent bail.’ On February 25, the day appointed for disarming the Protestants, Captain Phelim MacCarthy arrived at one o’clock in the morning hoping to surprise the little garrison, but good watch was kept. At daylight there was a parley, and the Irish captain produced a letter from Sir Valentine Brown authorising the seizure of their horses and arms and promising to make good any condition made on surrender; otherwise he was empowered to use fire and sword. The garrison stood on their guard, but sent out a spy to gather news, who returned in four days saying that the Protestants of Cork were disarmed, that Colonel Henry Boyle had surrendered Castlemartyr, and that Bandon was in little better condition. There was no sign of help from England, and Orpen and Palmer, knowing that they could not resist cannon, capitulated on condition that the garrison were not plundered or molested, but suffered to retain their swords, as Sir Valentine had promised, and to leave the country or stay in it, as they thought fit. The house was nevertheless invaded by a mob, and the contents carried away. The garrison, with the women and children, embarked on two vessels of about 30 tons each, where they were ‘packed like fish one upon the other.’ They were not allowed to sail until Orpen had given a bond in 5000l. that they would all go to Cork and surrender to the governor there. He resolved to ignore the bond, which would be valueless if William succeeded, and sailed at once for England. The boatmen could not lay a course, but the two gentlemen, who knew geography if ignorant of navigation, managed to reach Bristol on March 25, after a full fortnight at sea. They had salt beef, meal, and water enough to support life, but little or no shelter, and they had lost all they possessed. On landing, three died of exposure. Many more had fever, dysentery, and ‘a more than ordinary sort of measles.’ Petty was dead, but on reaching London his widow, now Lady Shelburne, and others, relieved them. Most of the men enlisted in the army intended for the reduction of Ireland.[191]

James arrives in Ireland, 1689.

French officers.

A French ambassador.

Royal progress to Cork.

James landed at Kinsale on March 12. He was escorted by a strong French squadron, but no enemy appeared, and the passage was quite uneventful. At this time he would not have accepted the help of a French army, and in any case Louis had no troops to spare, but he sent over 100,000l. in money, 20,000 muskets or carbines with ammunition, and 30,000 swords. Among the French officers sent by their sovereign to help his brother king were De Rosen, Lieutenant-General; Maumont, Marechal de Camp; and three brigadiers, Pusignan, Boisseleau, and Léry. Pointis accompanied them to superintend the artillery and, above all things, to represent Seignelay’s interest against that of Louvois. There were also a few French officers of lower rank, and some 200 English and Irish. Still more important was the appointment of Avaux as ambassador. Barillon was considered too fat and, moreover, he had been duped by Sunderland, while his rival’s good advice from Holland had been neglected at the English Court. Among James’s own subjects were Lord Dover, Lord Powis, whom he had just made a Duke, Berwick, and his other son Henry Fitzjames, on whom he had bestowed the empty title of Grand Prior of England. Some Jesuits, without whom the King could do nothing, were not wanting. There also was Bishop Cartwright of Chester, and above all Lord Melfort, who was James’s evil genius during the following months. The English officers, who were as yet unattached, landed at once, collected all the good horses for miles round, and hurried off to Dublin before travelling became difficult and before everything on the road was eaten up by the crowds following the King. Such animals as could be found were employed to take James and his baggage to Cork two days later. Pipers played and girls danced before him all the way. Cloaks and garlands were strewed in his path, and if some of the latter were made of cabbage stalks, it should be remembered that flowers are scarce in the first half of March, and that evergreens were not as common then as they are now. The French generals had to stay behind at Kinsale with the stores. There were no carts, only a sort of sledge (traineau) upon which a cargo of 250 lb. could be drawn by one horse at the rate of twelve miles a day. After four days, thirty quadrupeds were produced without saddles, bridles, or halters, enough rope to make reins being hardly procurable.[192]

James at Cork.

Brown’s case.

Tyrconnel met the King at Cork, made his report as to the state of affairs, and was created a Duke. James stayed there six days, lodging with the Dominicans. The Franciscans, in the dress of their order, escorted him through the streets to hear Mass in their new chapel. He granted Prebendary Brady’s request so far as to spare the walls of Bandon, though Avaux strongly pressed their demolition. The people there continuing to show their political colours, an order to level the walls was at last given, but not obeyed, and they were left standing. During his stay, Nugent presided at the Assizes, and some Protestants looked upon him as an Irish Jeffreys. A gentleman named Brown had started with Sir Thomas Southwell’s party, thought the adventure hopeless, and returned to his own house. He was brought before Daly at Limerick and discharged, but was arraigned at Cork, and found guilty of treason under the Chief Justice’s direction. The High Sheriff took it on himself to put off the execution for a fortnight so that the prisoner’s wife might have time to petition, and she appeared before James at Dublin with five or six children. ‘Woman,’ he is reported to have said, ‘your husband shall die.’ The sheriff was reprimanded for his humane action, and Brown was hanged, drawn, and quartered. In spite of his pardon to the Bandonians, for which he claimed the name of a gracious king, James allowed some of them to be indicted. A true bill was found, but the Assizes ended before a trial could be had. When Nugent would have tried them later MacCarthy interfered, much to his credit, and insisted that his word should not be broken. It was generally believed that Nugent on both occasions acted under direct orders from the King.[193]

Royal progress to Dublin.

His reception there.

James left Cork on March 20 and travelled by Lismore, Clonmel, Kilkenny, and Kilcullen to Dublin, which he reached on the 24th. The hedges were lined by half-pike men, something between bandits and soldiers, and the whole journey was attended by rejoicing crowds as upon the first day from Kinsale. At Carlow, we are told, ‘he was slabbered with the kisses of the rude country Irish gentlewomen, so that he was forced to beg to have them kept from him.’ He entered Dublin on horseback, great preparations having been made for his reception. Troops lined the streets which were freshly gravelled, and stands were erected for musicians, who played loyal and joyful tunes. And so, amid the shouts of the populace and the roar of cannon, James reached the Castle, above which waved a flag with the legend ‘Now or Never, Now and Forever.’ All was fair to the eye, but Avaux had misgivings from the first. The King of England, he said, vacillated continually and often came to the wrong decision at last. He minded small things and neglected great ones, having so little foresight as to wish to leave Kinsale before the stores were landed. Of ten fat bullocks sent as a present to His Majesty at Cork, two were stolen on the way. Bands of plunderers were everywhere, and the newly raised troops, being unpaid, added to the confusion. Avaux reported that within one month of the King’s landing over 5000 cattle were killed for the skin only, the bodies being left to rot unburied. A beast would be slaughtered to make a pair of brogues, sometimes the hide was used to boil part of the flesh in. Meanwhile the troops south of Dublin were not armed or even divided into regiments.[194]

Louis XIV.’s orders to Avaux.

Avaux had orders from his sovereign to stay with James wherever he went. He was particularly charged to allay the fears of the Protestants, to assure them that the King of England would make no difference between his subjects on religious grounds, and that zeal in his service would be the only title to his favour. A little later Louis reminded him that Cromwell had divided the land among the Protestants, but that the regicides’ portion had since been given to James, who would have to surrender it to create a fund for compensating Catholics. In future Protestants who joined the Prince of Orange should be considered traitors who forfeited their lands by English law. Other Protestants were to be promised quiet possession and be persuaded that they had no violence to fear from the Catholics. Avaux lost no time in telling his master that it was hard to distinguish between Protestants, for the Irish said none were loyal. Melfort wished to confirm all Protestants in their estates, but the ambassador disagreed, for the Catholics only were really faithful to James. Some of the bishops had gone to the Prince of Orange, and Avaux proposed that they should be treated as dead and not replaced. By that means all their property would be gradually made available for Catholics. Louis understood enough of English politics to know that James would never recover his kingdoms without the goodwill of Protestant England. He thought it possible by pursuing a tolerant policy in Ireland to take advantage of the unpopularity which was certain to beset William and his foreigners when the first flush of the Revolution was over. In any case there might be a long struggle in England, Scotland, and Ireland, during which the Prince of Orange would be able to do little against France on the continent. Louvois soon came to see that the real business in hand was to make Ireland absolutely secure. So little did James appreciate the facts, that he wanted to go to Scotland before he had been in Ireland a month. Avaux saw that it would be madness for him to leave the island until it was all in his hands, and that could not be as long as Londonderry held out.[195]

The Jacobite Government. Melfort.

To those who were not in the secrets of James’s Court he seemed to be entirely dominated by the French ambassador, but Avaux himself knew better. The King cared little for Ireland and only wished to make her a stepping-stone to Great Britain. The Frenchman cared even less for Ireland, but wished to make her an appendage of France and to keep William busy. Tyrconnel had always been a French partisan, and Avaux found that he acted like a Frenchman to all intents and purposes. Both ambassador and Lord Lieutenant did their best to drive away Melfort, who was Secretary of State and in whom James most confided, though he thought only of England and Scotland. Tyrconnel was indolent and often ill, and it was with the secretary that Avaux had to work. Melfort was dilatory and neglected the most important business. His promises were valueless, and he spent much precious time in walking or driving with his wife, of whom he was absurdly jealous. Lady Melfort was beautiful, but at thirty-six one might suppose that she could have taken care of herself. Rosen and Pointis sustain Avaux on this point, and the latter hints that the ambassador, who was handsome and insinuating, was himself the cause of the secretary’s jealousy.[196]

Proclamations. A parliament to be held.

The day after his arrival in Dublin James held a council from which Granard, Keating, and others were excluded. Among their successors were Avaux, Bishop Cartwright, and Colonel Dorrington, who had been Tyrconnel’s chief instrument in raising the new troops. Tyrconnel’s own promotion to a dukedom was announced on the same day, and a proclamation was issued summoning Parliament for May 7. By another proclamation James promised protection to all and the full exercise of their religion, provided nothing was preached or taught among them ‘which may tend to alienate the hearts of our people from us.’ As for his Irish subjects then in England and Scotland, he promised such protection if they returned within forty days, but only to those who fled from fear and without doing anything more against their allegiance. No one who had resisted his government in any way would be covered by this, and it had no effect at all. By another proclamation he admitted that many persons not of the army had armed themselves with pikes and skeans in fear of invasion by the Prince of Orange, and seized great numbers of cattle ‘upon pretence that the owners were in actual rebellion against us: which if true the same could be no ground for such irregular actions.’ Stolen property was to be restored to the owners, and if they could not be found or had been in rebellion, then to be delivered to the sheriff. The half-pikes and skeans were not to be given up, but to be kept at home and not carried to fairs and markets. But by another proclamation a week later, all loyal people were to be armed and ready for active service at a moment’s notice. The King then turned his attention to the affairs of the North, and by proclamation ordered a free market for all who brought provisions to his army. They were to be paid in ready money, and no violence was to be offered to them on pain of death.[197]

Fighting in Ulster.

Coleraine evacuated.

George Walker.

Richard Hamilton came to James at Dublin to say that he had routed the Protestants at Dromore, but that his force had been insufficient and that he had been repulsed from Coleraine. That town was defended by Colonel Gustavus Hamilton, afterwards Viscount Boyne, who must not be confounded with the Governor of Enniskillen. With him were Sir Arthur Rawdon and the remains of the beaten forces. Lundy, who was from the first suspected, was not allowed to enter. He advised that the place should be abandoned, and this was ultimately done, though not before the Irish army had been beaten back after an attempt to carry the town by assault. Hamilton had only five or six small fieldpieces, and the gunners could not hit any house. The garrison retired across the Bann to Londonderry, destroying the bridge behind them, and everything else they could find between the two towns. James sent Pusignan and Berwick towards Coleraine, and after some skirmishing they passed the Bann at Portglenone. Thenceforth the seat of war was on the left bank of that river. George Walker, rector of Donaghmore in Tyrone, had raised a regiment and occupied Dungannon, but by Lundy’s orders he left the place before the evacuation of Coleraine. Other small Protestant garrisons did the like, and before the end of March nearly all the Ulster Protestants who had not accepted protection from James were collected at Enniskillen and Londonderry.[198]

King William proclaimed at Londonderry.

On March 20, three or four days before the desertion of Coleraine, Captain James Hamilton arrived in Lough Foyle with 1000l. in money, 480 barrels of powder, and arms for 2000 men. He brought also a commission as governor for Lundy, with orders to administer the oath of allegiance to William and Mary to all officers, civil and military. Lundy took it himself, but some thought not with enough publicity. Hamilton was, however, specially ordered to swear him on board ship in presence of the chief civil magistrate. If he refused the oath, the commission was not to be delivered. After this the new governor and thirty-five others made a public declaration, by which they bound themselves to resist the Irish enemy to the last. If the latter should prove too strong in the field, they undertook that ‘the said Lord Blaney, Sir Arthur Rawdon, and their forces and all other Protestant friends shall be readily received into this city, and as much as in us lies be cherished and supported by us.’ Lundy was, therefore, thoroughly bound both to King William and to the townsmen. He was instructed to spend the 1000l. in buying stores and in strengthening the works. The new sovereigns were proclaimed with great joy and solemnity, and Philips, the late provisional governor, was sent to England for supplies.[199]

James goes to Ulster.

Skirmish at Cladyford.

James found it hard to believe that Londonderry would be a serious obstacle, and Melfort, whose eyes were fixed on Scotland, encouraged this view, but Avaux opposed it, fearing that, in the absence of Tyrconnel, the King would be entirely led by Melfort in the English interest. Tyrconnel also wished him to stay in Dublin, to devote his attention to forming a strong army, and not to dream of Great Britain until he had thoroughly secured Ireland. He decided at last to go North, and started on April 8, Pusignan having already gone thither with reinforcements for Hamilton. The King was accompanied by Avaux, Rosen, and Melfort, while Tyrconnel occupied himself with the new levies, whom there was no money to pay and whom he tried to get clothed at the expense of the officers. Before reaching Armagh, which had been stripped bare by the Protestants and afforded scant lodging for a court, James heard that Coleraine had been evacuated. At Charlemont, Pusignan, who said the country was like Arabia, found all military matters in a very bad way; and at Dungannon, James himself saw a regiment in which not a hundred muskets were fit to fire. Order after order was sent to expedite the arms from Cork, Kinsale, and Waterford, but when he returned to Dublin nothing had yet been done, nor were any tools being prepared for siege-work. The French ambassador was disgusted with everything he saw, but admired the wonderful hardiness of the Irish soldiers, who would swim a river thrice in a day’s march, and with no sustenance but thin oatcake and bad water. Such beer as could be had was no better, and would not keep at all. Louvois took note that French soldiers could not live on this fare, but required bread, half of wheat and half of rye. Only three wretched cabins were passed between Charlemont and Omagh, where the chimneys were demolished, the windows broken, even the locks and bolts carried off. As they drew near the city of refuge, the fugitive Protestants had had more time to make a desert behind them. Hearing that Lundy was in the field with a large force, and that English ships had appeared in Lough Foyle, James lost heart and went back to Charlemont, on his way to Dublin. But Lundy had taken care that the King’s road northward should be safe, for he posted thirty men at Cladyford on the Finn, with only three rounds of ammunition. They were commanded by Adam Murray, who was the bravest of the brave, but he was forced to retire. Lord Kingston was ordered up in support, but the summons was sent when it was already too late. A panic seized some other regiments, and Rosen was able to cross at Strabane without loss. It was proposed to throw harrows into the ford, but this precaution was not taken. Lundy set the example of flight, and from five to ten thousand men went crowding back to Londonderry without striking a blow. Among them was Walker’s regiment, which was shut out, and did not gain admission till next morning, ‘with much difficulty and some violence upon the sentry.’[200]

Vacillation of James.

He comes before Londonderry.

Throughout his stay in Ireland James showed a proper regard for his own safety, and he turned back from Omagh though unwilling that the French should have the credit of taking Londonderry. Some chance shots fired by his own men filled him with apprehension of an attack. Before setting out he had the news of Rosen’s victory, but that general took care not to ask for the royal presence. At Charlemont an express came from Berwick saying that negotiations for surrender were on foot, and that if the King appeared nothing could or would withstand him. Melfort warmly encouraged the idea, and Avaux resisted in vain. After a day’s rest the poor horses, which had not had a proper feed for four days, were again called upon, and James started for the North. The French ambassador, having no taste for the discomforts of a camp and nothing to do there, returned to Dublin, where he might hope to expedite too long neglected preparations. The King pushed on to St. Johnstown, five miles from Londonderry, and sent a letter to the garrison suggesting a parley for the purpose of a surrender. A clergyman named Whitlow was the messenger. Lundy assembled his council with the officers of Cunningham’s and Richards’ regiments, taking care to exclude the fighting party. They agreed that the town was untenable and that it would be necessary to surrender, and the English ships sailed away. The King went no further than to promise them protection if they gave up the place and their arms. On the night of April 17 one of the town gates stood open and the keys were missing. An officer noticed it, and doubled the guards on his own responsibility. Muggeridge, the town clerk, disclosed the proceedings at the council. Jacobite emissaries were within the walls, and there can be little doubt that Lundy meditated treachery. Next day Adam Murray, who had been driven from Cladyford by want of ammunition, appeared at the gates. Lundy refused him admission, and even Walker hesitated about the men, though he offered to pull their leader with a rope over the wall. James Morrison, captain of the Guard, cut the knot by throwing open the gate. Murray brought in his followers, and became the great fighting hero of the siege. Next day James came near the gate, believing that his presence would work wonders, and that nothing was to be feared from Lundy. A shot from the wall killed an officer at his side, and the great siege began. Hamilton had promised not to come within five miles during the negotiations; but Rosen, though he knew this, moved up his troops without orders from James, and the men on the wall naturally supposed that they were betrayed.[201]

French fleet at Bantry.

John Stevens.

Naval action.

The ships that accompanied James to Ireland returned to Brest, and his English, Irish, and Scotch subjects gathered there from different parts of northern France. There were also French officers sent by Louis, and many adventurers who hoped for plunder or promotion. One who had been cashiered for a fatal duel was allowed to serve in Ireland at Mary of Modena’s request. Others, who could not show themselves at Paris, did likewise. Among the English loyalists was John Stevens, whose account has been fortunately preserved. His father was in Catherine of Braganza’s service and had been known to the elder Clarendon at Madrid. Young Stevens, who was a Spanish scholar, hankered after military distinction, and was recommended by the Lord Lieutenant Clarendon for a cornetcy—‘a colours would make him very happy.’ Tyrconnel would, of course, do nothing on his predecessor’s recommendation, but Stevens found employment as an exciseman at Welshpool. He learned something of the language and found it useful in Brittany. [The strength of his royalist and anti-Protestant feelings may be guessed from his calling the seven bishops champions of Satan. Ken and Sancroft champions of Satan!] Stevens followed his King to France, and was on the road to Brest before the end of February. There was no discipline among the horde of exiles who flocked to the naval port, and they were ‘guilty of all sorts of disorders that could have been acted by a dissolute army in an enemy’s country.... I have since seen some of the greatest rascals in the company preferred to considerable posts.’ The poverty-stricken crowd were treated with contempt by the French naval officers during the long delay at Brest and the passage to Ireland. They lay on boards without blankets, and those who were fortunate enough to find hammocks were cut down at night by the sailors. On the last day of April they entered Bantry Bay. The English fleet under Herbert being soon descried in the offing, the French Admiral, Count Château Renaud, ordered all the passengers, treasure, and arms to be landed from his light vessels, while he prepared for action. The battle or skirmish of May 1 was quite indecisive, but the French fleet was much the stronger of the two, and Château Renaud gained his main object, which was to land the passengers and stores. Herbert was made an Earl, and James ordered a Te Deum.[202]

General mismanagement.

The army neglected.

The means of locomotion were of the poorest, and it was three weeks before Avaux could report that all the French officers had reached Dublin, except a few whom Boisseleau kept at Cork. James made the senior captain a lieutenant-colonel, the rest majors, the lieutenants were made captains, and fifteen cadets became lieutenants. Most of them were sent to Londonderry. When the arms came to be distributed they were found to be very bad, muskets of many patterns, and swords even worse. Louvois was a man of detail, and it seems likely that he purposely allowed refuse stores to go to Ireland. It took Stevens a fortnight to get from Bantry to Dublin, generally on foot, for it was seldom possible to hire a horse. Parliament was sitting, and but little attention was paid to military matters. The royal army, on the highest estimate, was about 50,000, but everything was expected from France, and there was talk of arms arriving sufficient for the host of Xerxes. A commission was what Stevens wanted, but he was too modest to apply to James. Lord Limerick, Maguire the Roman Catholic Primate, and the Duke of Powis, who had known him in prosperous days, all put him off with empty promises. More forward applicants had better success, and were not deterred by the divinity that hedges a king. Stevens was horrified to see an ensign pluck His Majesty by the sleeve because he had passed without noticing him, while he himself was not only not employed but almost starving. He sold every valuable he had, including his father’s rings and the silver hilt of his sword, ‘so that I might be truly said to live by my sword,’ though as yet no soldier. The only kindness he received was from a Protestant to whom he had been civil in Clarendon’s time and who volunteered to lend him 10l. The money was repaid, but the borrower deeply regretted that he had never been able to requite the kindness. When Londonderry was relieved, officers flocked to Dublin, and among them Usher, a captain in the Grand Prior’s regiment, who had travelled with Stevens from England and easily got a lieutenancy for him.[203]