Ireland under the Stuarts and During the Interregnum, Vol. 3 (of 3), 1660-1690

by Richard Bagwell

FOOTNOTES:

[222] Avaux’s despatches, April 26/May 6 to July 30/August 9, 1689. Rosen wrote to James on July 5 that the troops lately sent him had to take such arms as were given them, ‘mostly damaged and broken, and accordingly useless, as you have not in all your army a single gunsmith to mend them.’ Hamilton’s soldiers were still worse off, no battalion stronger than 200 men; and more than two-thirds without swords. No troop of cavalry had more than fourteen serviceable men.—Macpherson’s Original Papers, i. 205. The account of the siege in Witherow’s Derry and Enniskillen, 3rd edition, 1885, would leave little to be desired but for the writer’s violent antipathy to Walker.

[223] Walker and Mackenzie. Sermons and speeches by Walker are reprinted in Dwyer’s edition of the True Account. Sir Charles Lyttleton, writing to Lord Hatton on August 8, 1689, says he had talked the day before to a gentleman who was storekeeper in Ireland, who confirmed all he had heard about the Irish want of guns. There were only a few heavy ones in the country, and the ground about Londonderry was so ‘rotten’ that they could not be drawn thither.—Hatton Correspondence. Walker and Mackenzie both call the work at Bishop’s Gate a ravelin, but as there was no ditch it should probably be called a demi-lune.

[224] Walker and Mackenzie. Light to the Blind, p. 77.

[225] Walker and Mackenzie. Pointis to Louis XIV. or Seignelay, June 13, 17, and 22, State Papers, Domestic. Colonel Birch’s speech, June 19, in Grey’s Debates, ix. 351. Schomberg’s order to Kirke is printed from the copy among the Nairne MSS. in Dwyer’s edition of Walker: it was apparently written on June 29 and despatched with a postscript on July 3. Avaux to Louvois, June 16/26. The author of the Light to the Blind says a sunken gabbard or two would have destroyed the channel, but that James had forbidden this for fear of lessening his customs revenue.

[226] ‘I myself,’ says John Hunter, a private soldier, ‘would have eaten the poorest cat or dog I ever saw with my eyes. Many a man, woman, and child died from want of food. I myself was so weak from hunger that I fell under my musket one morning as I was going to the walls, yet God gave me strength to continue all night at my post there, and enabled me to act the part of a soldier as if I had been as strong as ever I was; yet my face was blackened with hunger.’—Journal in Graham’s Ireland Preserved, p. 335.

[227] Hamilton’s proposals, June 27, are in Walker’s appendix and elsewhere. Rosen’s declaration, June 30, is enclosed in Avaux’s letter to Louvois, an English version being printed by Walker and elsewhere. Rosen’s correspondence with James, June 30 to July 5, is in Macpherson, i. 204-210. See Berwick’s account of Rosen, and Avaux to Louvois, July 5/15.

[228] ‘One pound of oatmeal and 1 lb. of tallow served a man a week, sometimes salt hides. It was as bad as Samaria, only we had no pidgens’ Dunge. I saw two shillings a quarter given for a little dog, horse blood at 4d. per pint, all the starch was eaten, the graves of tallow, horse flesh was a rarity, and still we resolved to hold out ... I believe there died 15,000 men, women, and children, many of whom died for want. A great fever—all the children died, almost whole families, nor one left alive.’ Narrative of George Holmes in Le Fleming Papers, p. 265. Macpherson i. 312.

[229] Walker and Mackenzie. Light to the Blind. The written opinions of Hamilton and his council of war are in Macpherson, i. 217. James’s letter of July 22 ordering the siege to be turned into a blockade, ib. p. 218. Roche’s story is in Harris’s Life of William III., appx. xxix., and see Cal. of Treasury Papers, February 14, 1693-4. Writing to Louis XIV., August 4/14, Avaux says: ‘L’estacade était si mal faite qu’elle n’a pas resisté aux chaloupes qui remorquaient les deux petits bastiments qui portaient des vivres, et nous avons déjà sceu plus d’une fois que cette estacade se rompait souvent par le vent; et par la seule force de la marée.’ Though the Rev. James Gordon can scarcely be credited with the relief of Londonderry, his local knowledge may have been useful to Kirke, or rather to Rooke and Leake: Reid’s Presbyterian Hist., ed. Killen, ii. 387 and notes. Pointis, who was destined to meet Leake again in later years, gave a description of the boom (to Seignelay, probably), which he thought he had made very strong, State Papers, Domestic, June 13, 1689. It was partly attached to a great stone, which may still be seen, though moved from its original place, in the grounds of Boom Hall, and partly to a great tree, of which the stump remains.

[230] Walker and Mackenzie. Avaux to Louis XIV., August 4/14. McCarmick. There is an independent account by George Holmes, who was all through the siege and was made a major by Kirke; it is dated from Strabane, November 16, Le Fleming Papers, p. 264.

[231] Hamilton and McCarmick.

[232] Hamilton and McCarmick.

[233] McCarmick.

[234] The roads through the boggy flats of upper Lough Erne were paved. Mr. Thomas Plunkett, of Enniskillen, who knows more than anyone of the subject, has found some bits of these causeways, but the exact line taken by Wolseley and Berry cannot now be traced. The drainage works at Belleek have done much to dry the country.

[235] Hamilton and McCarmick. Wolseley’s own account to Kirke is dated August 2 in London Gazette, 2481. Kirke’s letters of August 5, ib. Avaux writes to Louis XIV., August 4/14: ‘Ceux d’Enniskillen estant venus à la debandade mais fort hardiment attaquer My lord Moncassel, la cavalerie et les dragons ont lâché pied sans tirer un coup depistolet,’ and on the same day to Louvois: ‘Ces mesmes dragons qui avaient fuy le matin lâcherent le pied, &c.’ MacCarthy’s force was much the larger of the two, but it is impossible to give exact numbers. For the reception of the news by James, see Avaux to Louis XIV., November 14/24. Harris’s account is taken from Hamilton. A Light to the Blind minimises the defeat, but Kirke says it was the greatest blow to the Irish since Scariffhollis. Macariæ Excidium, chap. xxxvi. Under August 16, Luttrell’s Diary says Wolseley had 2000 men and MacCarthy 7000, which is doubtless much exaggerated. MacCarmick says the Irish were estimated at 6000, and that only some 2000 escaped.

[236] MacCarmick. Letter to Abigail Harley, May 9, 1690, Portland Papers, iii. 448. Colonel Filgate has traced the history of many Irish regiments.

[237] Walker’s True Account and papers printed with it and the Vindication. Note 113 to Dwyer’s edition of the same. Luttrell’s Diary, August and September 1689. Wood’s Fasti Oxonienses, p. 234, February 26, 1689-90, and his Life and Times, ed. Clark, ii. 326. Tillotson to Lady Russell, September 19, 1689, in her Letters. Dawson’s memoir of Walker in Ulster Journal of Archæology, ii. 129.

[238] Naming Walker, Mackenzie, and other preachers, the author of the Londeriad says:—

From sun rising to sun setting they taught,
While we against the en’my bravely fought.
Thus Heaven assists those actions which proceed
From Unity in greatest time of need.

In my copy of Mackenzie’s Narrative of the Siege (March 31, 1690) is written in a contemporary hand: ‘A partial account against Kirk, Walker, &c., on behalf of the fanatick party.’ The controversy is handled by Macaulay, chap. xv., with the titles of the pamphlets in a note. It is fully but not impartially treated in chap. viii. of Witherow’s Derry and Enniskillen, 3rd edition, Belfast, 1885. Burnet, ii. 19, and the Supplement, ed. Foxcroft, 321.

[CHAPTER LIII]
JAMES II. AND SCHOMBERG, 1689-1690

Schomberg’s preparations.

Before leaving London, Schomberg had ordered Kirke to relieve Londonderry. If the town could hold out, and if his orders were obeyed, he had no doubt that it would be safe to land in Ulster, but he feared that Kirke could not be depended on (un homme capricieux). The boom was broken on July 30, and the good news reached Schomberg at Chester on August 3, though at first he could hardly believe it. Three days later one of the warships from Lough Foyle came in with the official account, and the captain wanted to go on to London, but Portland, who had come to Chester, preferred to carry the message himself. Kirke’s account got to Edinburgh as early as August 1. Dundee received his death-wound only three days before the breaking of the boom, and after that Schomberg knew that there was no danger on the Scotch side. On arriving at Chester, Schomberg found nothing to his liking. He blamed William Harbord, Essex’s old secretary, who had been appointed paymaster-general, in the belief that he made money unduly by taking advance of the exchange, while the brass coin made all values uncertain. Harbord had a company, but the old general says scornfully that he had seen nothing of it but the colours in his room. It was said that he employed the officers at civil work. As to John Shales, the chief commissary, Schomberg is quite outspoken, and in the end he sent him to England to stand his trial. Shales had great experience, and that was why he was appointed, but the extreme Whigs naturally believed evil of all who had served the late King. Most likely the mismanagement and the peculation were much what the general described, but Shales probably knew that greater men than himself were involved, and the charges against him were never sifted to the bottom. Schomberg had a poor opinion of the English officers generally, and they were particularly unfit to train raw recruits during actual warfare. Cromwell’s plan had been to enlist men in England and to send over half a battalion at a time to join the more seasoned soldiers and to learn the rest of their business from them. Yet even Cromwell lost many men by disease during his first campaign. As it was, hundreds, perhaps thousands, of village lads were swept into the ranks who had never fired a gun, and some who had never seen one fired. The infantry were thinly clothed, and had no great coats. The cavalry were rather better off, but the officers, for the most part, did not mind their men’s comfort, and the privates would hardly take the trouble to groom their horses. Schomberg stayed over three weeks at or near Chester, grumbling much and with good reason, but working hard to make up for the defects of bad administration. In the meantime a fleet of transports was assembled in the Dee with enough men-of-war to guard against possible attack by French cruisers.[239]

Schomberg reaches Ireland.

Weakness of the Jacobite army.

On August 5 Portland arrived with William’s last injunctions, and probably with orders to hasten the embarkation. He had an hour’s private talk with Schomberg, even lieutenant-generals knowing nothing of what was said. The two men visited one or more of the ships. The certain news from Londonderry came next day, and on the third Schomberg went on board. All were ready to sail at a given signal as soon as the wind came south-east. Belfast Lough was their destination, and it was arranged that if any vessels were driven out of their course there should be a rendezvous at Ramsey, in Man. On August 12 the signal gun was fired, the wind held all the way, and the whole squadron were off Bangor, in Down, after thirty-one hours’ sail. The shore was crowded with Protestants of both sexes and every age, ‘old and young falling on their knees with tears in their eyes thanking God and the English for their deliverance.’ In mid-channel a crazy little boat had been picked up containing a poor minister, his daughter, and a servant girl, who were flying to Scotland to escape King James’s men. Schomberg took them on board and carried them to a place of safety. The little harbour of Groomsport was utilised for the disembarkation. Ten thousand men were landed and lay with their arms for the first night. They were not interfered with, though an enterprising officer might have done much, since Schomberg had at first no cavalry with him. The horses of one regiment had all perished at sea through mismanagement. The Jacobites fell back to Lisburn, leaving a garrison in Carrickfergus, who promptly burned the suburbs, and Belfast was occupied by the invaders on August 14 without any resistance. On the 20th, Carrickfergus was invested. Having to leave a good detachment in Belfast and another near the landing-place, Schomberg reported that he had only 6000 effective foot for the siege and no horse. Brigadier Maxwell, who commanded in Ulster for James, was much blamed for not attacking him at once, but he overrated the strength of the English, and feared to be hemmed in between them and the combined forces of Kirke and the Enniskilleners. Avaux wondered that Schomberg did not march straight to Drogheda, where there were scarcely 2000 men ready to oppose him. Berwick says he could easily have taken Dublin, and that the Jacobites were infinitely obliged to him for amusing himself at Carrickfergus. Londonderry and Newtown Butler had destroyed so many that for the moment it seemed almost impossible for James to get an army together. An artillery officer named Dean had deserted from Schomberg immediately after landing, and no doubt his account led Avaux to believe that the invaders were in overwhelming strength. He did not realise that the English regiments, who formed the bulk of Schomberg’s army, consisted chiefly of raw recruits. Before the cavalry from England and the victorious Protestants under Kirke and Wolseley assembled it seemed better to take Carrickfergus, whose guns were an annoyance to the shipping.[240]

Schomberg takes Carrickfergus.

The Governor of Carrickfergus was Charles MacCarthy More, who had never seen a shot fired, but Colonel Owen MacCarthy was the real chief. There were no regular works, no skilled gunners, and no surgeon, but the two regiments of Munster infantry fought well. Approaches were made and batteries with guns and mortars erected on the north, east and west sides, while English men-of-war annoyed the Castle from the sea. The bands played ‘Lillibullero’ to encourage the gunners. A breach was made near the north gate of the town, but the garrison drove cattle on to it. As the poor beasts fell they were piled up to make a breastwork, from behind which the Irish fired. When bullets failed, they stripped lead from the Castle roof. The bombardment of the town did little harm except to certain Protestant inhabitants, but powder ran short and, to save time, Schomberg was content on August 28 to let the garrison march out with the honours of war after a week’s siege. The terms of capitulation were observed by the army, but the Protestant mob, who had suffered much from the garrison, were very violent, stripping the women and threatening the men. Schomberg himself, pistol in hand, exerted himself to protect them, otherwise the country people, says Story, ‘would certainly have used the poor Irish most severely, so angry were they one at another, though they live all in a country.’ Some of the Irish-Scots particularly would have fallen on them in spite of the capitulation. The only excuse for what happened was that the garrison were said to be carrying off private property contrary to the articles, and that the owners recognised it. Carrickfergus once taken, James no longer held anything in Ulster except Charlemont and the eastern portion of Cavan.[241]

Desolation of the country.

Berwick evacuates Newry.

Want of provisions.

Having thus secured his communications by sea, Schomberg encamped about Belfast, where he received a letter from Berwick addressed to him as Count, but he sent it back unopened because the title of Duke was withheld. He ordered the horses and train of artillery to come from Chester to Carlingford, and then marched in a leisurely way to guard that bay. At and round Dromore, where the Protestants were routed early in the year, not so much as a sheep or cow could be seen, and very few people. At Loughbrickland it was much the same, the reaped corn lying unbound on the ground under the rain. Here the Enniskillen horse joined the army, badly equipped but ready to advance against any odds if allowed. They said they would never thrive as long as they were under orders. When these enterprising horsemen appeared three miles from Newry, Berwick set the town on fire, destroying all except an old keep and five or six houses, and throwing one gun over the bridge into the river. He had only 1600 men with him, but made such a show that he was thought to be much stronger. Schomberg sent a letter to say that if the enemy burned any more towns it would be the worse for the prisoners at Enniskillen and Londonderry. He was answered that the terms granted at Carrickfergus had been infringed, and that until they were fulfilled King James would make reprisals. But Dundalk was not burned, and Schomberg occupied it unresisted. No attempt was made to obstruct him at the Moyry pass where there was so much fighting in Elizabeth’s time. There was, however, considerable difficulty in feeding the army, for the country north of Dundalk had been devastated and baggage animals were almost entirely wanting. The ships did not reach Carlingford for some days, and even when they came, artillery horses had to be used, to the great disgust of the officers, in bringing provisions from thence. Two thousand of Lord Bellew’s sheep were soon eaten, and for some time there was little or no bread. Story, the historian, had to dig potatoes for dinner, and he says many better men were glad to have that resource. In the meantime, James was steadily increasing his force, and Schomberg’s army of about 14,000 was soon confronted by superior numbers. Many of the Irish were raw recruits, but the English were for the most part no better. They were ready to fight, but knew nothing of firearms, scarce one in four being able to discharge his matchlock, and they had no idea of looking after themselves. Being undisciplined, they could scarcely be got to work even for their own good, lying on the wet ground rather than build huts; both French and Dutch showed a marked superiority in these respects.[242]

Flight of Melfort.

James’s proclamation.

Schomberg refuses battle.

When Schomberg landed he was, of course, unaware that James had no more than 2000 effective men available for the defence of Dublin. It was even proposed to fall back on Athlone at once. On the night of August 25 Melfort stole out of Dublin for fear of the Irish. He had long been aware of his own extreme unpopularity, and had sought to be relieved. James made a pretence of sending him on a mission to France. At the French Court his discomfiture was attributed to the failure of his intrigues to oust Tyrconnel. Under pressure from the Irish, James made Nagle secretary-at-war in his place—a very good lawyer but entirely ignorant of military matters. Rosen thought Dublin could not be saved, and advised a withdrawal to Athlone, but James could not neglect the wishes of Tyrconnel and of the Irish generally, who would leave him if he despaired. The removal of the hated minister worked miracles. Men were collected from all sides. Eight thousand pike-heads from France which had lain idle were at last fixed on staves. Many scythe-blades were used in the same way, and made a brilliant show when the hostile armies faced each other in the sunshine. Unserviceable muskets were repaired as far as possible, but this was not easy, for the armourers were all Protestants and took care not to do their work too well. On the day after Melfort’s departure James went to Drogheda with 200 horse. There he issued a general order to officers to join their regiments. By proclamation, all who served under Schomberg, irrespective of nation or religion, were invited to desert him, officers being maintained by their legitimate king in their old rank at least, and soldiers receiving a bounty of 40s. The army generally was encouraged by the promise of aid from France, and the ranks filled fast. No opposition was offered to James’s progress through Louth, and by September 16 he had 26,000 men, nearly double Schomberg’s force, encamped along the line of the Fane River, little more than three miles from Dundalk. Five days later he offered battle on a bright autumn morning, his right wing moving very near Dundalk, but Schomberg remained within his entrenchments, where he felt safe. He argued that a defeat would be disastrous to William, and that he could not risk it with a force much inferior in numbers and ill-provided with shoes and clothing. He believed that if his half-trained army were once broken he would never be able to get it together again. The Irish lords, who were anxious to get back to their homes and properties, favoured a bolder policy, and of course the London gossips blamed the old general without moving him. A sort of opposition was headed by Loftus of Rathfarnham, lately created Lord Lisburn, and Schomberg considered him a dangerous influence in the army. But even William thought more activity might have been shown. On the other hand, there were many among James’s followers who wished to attack Dundalk, but James would not risk it, and a few days later drew back towards Ardee, where he began some fortifications and lay encamped till the end of October. By that time all the forage was consumed within a radius of four miles, most of the soldiers had neither shoes nor stockings and their clothing gave little protection against torrents of cold rain. James was as improvident as ever, and Nagle, though active and zealous, knew nothing about the business of an army.[243]

Military conspiracy.

The inducements held out had no effect on the fidelity of Schomberg’s English and Dutch troops, but in the so-called Huguenot regiments many Roman Catholics had enlisted, and among them a serious conspiracy came to light. The ringleader, who was said to have instructions from the Jesuits, was Duplessis, formerly a captain in the French service, who had fled from justice for some act of violence. The plan, in case of a battle, was to open fire on the rear of Schomberg’s army. Duplessis was broken on the wheel, and five others were hanged. About 200 Roman Catholics were found in the ranks, who were all sent to Carlingford, and thence to England. The real Huguenots were to be trusted, but by their overbearing manners they incurred the dislike of the English, who were jealous of their superior industry and efficiency. Even amongst British troops there was a tendency to desert and join King James. Sir John Lanier, who was not conciliatory, had much trouble with his men.[244]

Sufferings of the army at Dundalk,

and at Belfast.

Schomberg thought it might be possible to risk a battle when his army had been reinforced by a promised Danish contingent, who would be useless if they arrived after a defeat. Owing to French intrigues, and other diplomatic hindrances, these valuable allies did not reach England until November. They were about 5000 foot and 1000 horse, ‘old disciplined soldiers, and very civil, and the Duke of Wirtemberg their general.’ By that time Schomberg had retired from Dundalk, where the mortality had been frightful, and the state of things in the Belfast hospital was no better. Story, who was an eye-witness, and who did what he could to help the poor soldiers, has left notices of these scenes which, in their simple brevity, vie with the descriptions of Thucydides and Manzoni. They were quite demoralised, not caring much for the death of comrades, but resenting their burial because they could then no longer make shelters with the bodies. During the retreat, two men died at Newry among a number who cowered in a ruined stable. The survivors begged the chaplain to get them a fire, ‘which I did, coming in about two hours after they had pulled in the two dead men to make seats of.’ The cavalry suffered less than the infantry because they had cloaks. Further on in the winter, when thousands had already died, 18,000 great-coats were ordered in London. Regimental surgeons at 4s. 6d. a day with assistants at 2s. 6d. were not likely to be very efficient. Apothecaries received but 1s. The supply of medical stores was altogether inadequate, very little for wounds, and nothing at all for fever and dysentery, which were the real destroyers. The mortality was not quite so great among the officers, who were better clad and had more foresight than their men, but many died. With some exceptions, the English officers, many of whom drank hard, were not careful enough of those under them, and compared unfavourably with the professional foreign soldiers. Count Solms, in particular, was said to be a father to his men. The fever, originating in the camp, spread all over the north. Vessels lay off Belfast entirely filled with the dead, like the phantom ships in Campbell’s poem, and the greatest mortality was among people who lived near the hospital there. At first the Irish army suffered less, for they escaped much of the rain which fell upon Dundalk. The superstitious attributed this to a judgment, but Story who was not superstitious, says ‘it was because we lay in a hollow at the bottom of the mountains, and they upon a high sound ground ... they were born in the country and were used to bad lying and feeding.’ Between the camp, the transport, and the hospital about half of Schomberg’s army perished. Before he retreated, the mortality among James’s men was nearly as great, and they confessed to a loss of 7000. Of Schomberg’s army, 1700 died at Dundalk, 800 on ship-board, and 3800 in the Belfast hospital, leaving only 7700 survivors.[245]

Mismanagement and corruption. Harbord and Shales.

When military affairs go wrong, it is the common practice to seek for a scapegoat. Schomberg was disposed to blame the paymaster, William Harbord, whom he thought more attentive to his own perquisites than to the business of his place. He was superseded early in the following year, but was employed elsewhere. A French apothecary was put under arrest for not providing the necessary medicines. But both the general and the public agreed in condemning Commissary-General Shales, whose experience had been gained in victualling King James’s army during the Monmouth affair, and afterwards in the camp at Hounslow. He had lingered long in England after Schomberg took up his position at Dundalk, and it was scarcely denied that he had been guilty, but he said that if pressed he would put the saddle on the right horse. His conduct was the subject of a very hot debate in the House of Commons. ‘Whoever put this man into this trust,’ said Birch, ‘are friends to King James and not to King William,’ and that was the opinion of the majority who addressed the King for the removal of Shales and for the name of the person who recommended him. Somers suggested that His Majesty should be merely asked to dismiss the person who had given the advice; but the more violent course was adopted. William readily agreed to dismiss Shales and impound his papers, but said it was impossible for him to name his adviser. There is some reason to suppose that the statesman aimed at was Halifax. Shales was sent over to England, but not until after the dissolution, and nothing further seems to have been done.[246]

Sligo taken and retaken.

The Jacobites, though their challenge was not a very determined one, claimed to have had the best of the campaign. But between the two main armies there was no serious fighting. Towards the end of September, Colonel Lloyd left Sligo with a small force of Enniskilleners, passed the Curlew hills, and defeated a much larger body under O’Kelly, killing many and taking many prisoners, besides a great quantity of cattle. So complete was the victory that he was able to occupy Boyle and Jamestown on the Shannon. Schomberg, who was glad to have any chance of encouraging his men, made much of this affair, paraded all the Enniskillen men in camp, and rode along their ranks with his head bare. Three rounds of musketry were fired, and also salutes from some of the big guns. The noise excited wonder and some alarm in the Irish camp, but James’s men professed to be ignorant of any defeat. Sarsfield and Henry Luttrell were, however, sent to the West a few weeks later with a considerable force. Schomberg had not men enough to operate in that direction, and Lloyd was soon driven from his new conquests back into Sligo, and from thence to Ballyshannon. The fort commanding Sligo was gallantly defended for three days by St. Sauveur, a French captain, but provisions and water failed, and he was forced to surrender, marching out with arms and baggage. Sarsfield kept his word strictly, and as the garrison filed past he offered five guineas and a horse and arms to any soldier who would serve King James. One Huguenot accepted his offer, but carried the guineas, the horse, and the arms to Ballyshannon. All the rest declared that they would never fight for the ‘papishes.’ Sligo was the key of Connaught, and the whole province remained in James’s hands until after the Boyne.[247]

Sufferings of James’s army.

State of Dublin.

James was inclined to cling to the position at Ardee with its unfinished fortifications, which Avaux had always said would be useless. But the ambassador prevailed upon him to remove his headquarters to Dublin, where at least the soldiers would not have to live in huts that did not keep out the rain. Scarcely any of them had shirts, one-half were without shoes and stockings, and one-third were bare-legged. The country was exhausted, and the magazines recommended by Avaux and Rosen had never been built. When the camp was evacuated, many dying men were left behind without food or care. In the hospital established between Ardee and Drogheda, there were 300 sick without provisions, wine, or beer. There was no doctor, no baker or cook, not even an attendant to bring a glass of water. At Drogheda there were over 200 more in a disused church. One-third had palliasses, the rest lay on the ground, with scarcely any food, and no drink but bad water. Dublin itself was given up to riot and dissipation during the winter and early spring. The city, says Stevens, ‘seemed to be a seminary of vice, an academy of luxury, or rather a sink of corruption, and living emblem of Sodom.’ Other Jacobite accounts are much to the same effect. Among the worst drunkards was James’s son Henry, who enjoyed the empty title of Grand Prior. He was Stevens’s colonel, but scarcely ever fit for duty. Dining one day with some Irish officers he began to quarrel with them, and Berwick tried to smooth matters by drinking confusion to Melfort. The Grand Prior then declared that Melfort was his friend and an honest man, and ended by breaking his full glass on Lord Dungan’s nose. James was willing that his son should fight, but Dungan very wisely passed the matter over as a childish ebullition.[248]

Incompetence of James.

Lauzun is sent to Ireland.

King James did little to improve the state of affairs. He seldom made up his mind until it was too late, and would scarcely listen to those who sought to establish discipline. There were many French officers who could be of little use, for they had no direct charge of the soldiers, and received commissions as majors and colonels with no duties attached. Some of them indeed, in Boisseleau’s language, were good neither to boil nor to roast. There were also many French swashbucklers, who did nothing but increase the ill-feeling between their countrymen and the Irish. Tyrconnel, Avaux, and Nagle worked together to evolve order out of chaos. They suppressed over a hundred loose companies, and aimed at reducing the army to twenty battalions of 800 men, seven regiments of cavalry, and seven of dragoons. Louis made up his mind to send over six or seven thousand men as soon as he could spare them, receiving in exchange a like number of Irish for his own army. About the beginning of 1690 it was known that troops were going to Ireland and that Lauzun would command them. The decision to send a force had been come to early in the previous summer; the appointment of such a general was owing to Mary of Modena, to whom Louis paid frequent visits. La Hoguette was made second in command. He did not like the work or the general, but prepared to obey. Bussy Rabutin said the exiled Queen was mad to raise a man of so little merit as Lauzun, for himself he would always have the meanest opinion of him, though he were given the Golden Fleece in addition to the Garter and the Holy Ghost. Louis XIV. realised that it was impossible to put Avaux and Lauzun together, as they were on the worst of terms. The ambassador and Rosen were to return with the Irish contingent in the ships which brought over the French. Lauzun lingered in Paris as long as he decently could, but at last followed his men to Brest, whence he sailed on St. Patrick’s Day 1690.[249]

Irish troops sent to France.

James was at first unwilling to have the assistance of a French army, lest the control of the country should be taken out of his hands. But after less than six months’ experience he despaired of doing anything without this dreaded help, and as France could not spare men until the continental campaign was finished, he thought of leaving Ireland. Louis warned him that to do so would be to give up all hope of ever regaining his crown. But jealousy of his great ally continued to animate him. He did not like Sarsfield, whom he had promoted very unwillingly; but when Avaux proposed to send him in charge of the Irish going to France, he said the ambassador wished to steal all his best officers. It was the same in Lord Kilmallock’s case, and in that of every competent candidate. Louis refused to have any of the Hamiltons, and the command was given to Mountcashel, who was peculiarly fit for the work, and who, from the circumstances of his escape from Enniskillen, could not serve again in Ireland. Very few tolerable officers were to be had, and it was not easy to collect the stipulated quota of privates, but in the end five strong regiments were embarked, numbering 5300 men. Many of the officers were shopkeepers and artisans, and they could not be refused for fear of stopping the recruiting, but it was intended to change them in France. As may be imagined under these circumstances, the health and cleanliness of the rank and file were neglected, and many were sick on arriving at Brest. Louvois gave orders to have them cared for and to force their officers to cleanse them from the vermin by which they were devoured. Yet these same men served gloriously in many a continental battle.[250]

French Opinion.

Advice of Louis XIV.

Even before his failure at Londonderry, many at the French Court thought James’s presence in Ireland did more harm than good. During the lull between the arrival of Lauzun and the expedition of William, Madame de Sévigné reported the general opinion that James had spoiled his own business there and earned all his misfortunes. With a greatly superior force he was just able to check Schomberg’s advance, and yet he talked of a descent on England or Scotland. He hated Ireland, and lent a ready ear to secret emissaries from both his lost kingdoms, who assured him that William was most unpopular and that all were ready to welcome their rightful king. His Queen received many messages to the same effect, but for some months she did not think it would be safe for her husband to invade England with less than 20,000 men. About the time that the two armies were going into winter quarters, she thought it might be attempted with any force he could command and without French help, except at sea. He gave a list of the Irish troops which he proposed to send. Avaux, Louvois, Vauban, and Louis XIV. all impressed upon him that the business in hand was to make himself master of Ireland, and the latter said he would never risk his ships in St. George’s Channel until he had command of the sea. The opportunity did not come till the battle of Beachy Head, but that was on the eve of the Boyne. Quite late in the winter, when James feared that Schomberg would be reinforced and that an English force might land in Munster, he began to talk again about going to England. Louis finally declared that this was not to be thought of until there was a party under arms strong enough to resist William’s army, until there was a fortified port ready, garrisoned and victualled, and until all the conditions of his return were fully settled. Above all, he must wait until the passage was made safe by a naval victory. James was cautioned not to believe those who gave contrary advice and who were very probably secret agents of the Prince of Orange, but he went on talking of invading England even when William was making his final preparations for attacking him in Ireland. We know from Jacobite sources that the English Government was always well informed about what happened at St. Germain.[251]

Brass money.

Pikes could be made in Ireland, where ash-trees are plentiful, for 3s. 10d. apiece, but firearms and even swords had to be imported from France. Textile fabrics of all sorts ran short. In the winter of 1689 some armourers were at work in Dublin, but the supply of steel was insufficient. Wool was abundant, and cloth for uniforms could be produced. But the most important manufacture under James’s rule was brass money. Needy governments have been tempted in all ages to tamper with the currency. Gallienus, and other late Roman emperors, carried the practice very far. Leather money was issued by Indian princes at a very early date, with the usual result. The credit of paper, which is the modern equivalent, depends upon the ability of the government to make good its nominal value. In the American Civil War, the notes of the seceding states became depreciated as the end drew near, and when all was over were sold very cheap as curiosities. Three months after James’s arrival in Dublin he issued a proclamation setting forth that money was scarce, and that he proposed to remedy this by coining sixpenny pieces out of brass or copper. These were made legal tender, except for the payment of duties on foreign commodities, of money held in trust, or of judgment debts already due. Interest accruing thereafter on mortgages, bills, bonds, or obligations might be satisfied with the new currency, and also the principal of debts ‘where the debtor or his goods are or shall be taken in execution of the same.’ Refusal to accept the new coin was to be punished with the utmost rigour of the law as contempt of the royal prerogative, but actual importers of foreign goods were excepted for the first payment. The King declared that the expedient was only temporary, and promised to pay the full value in gold or silver when the base coin should be cried down. A few days later an issue of shillings and half-crowns was proclaimed on the same terms.[252]

A depreciated currency.

The full effect of these measures in destroying credit and paralysing trade was not felt at once. Within a month of the first proclamation Avaux reported that the copper coins were everywhere taken as ready money, and that this was a great relief to King James. The precious metals soon disappeared from circulation. Even copper ran short, and the ambassador applied to the French King for at least fifty tons. Steel to make dies was also wanted, and men who could use it; for the whole supply of money depended on a single Protestant engraver who might go away at any moment. When French troops were expected, it was decided, after much discussion, to pay them in French money, and this made matters worse. Prices rose to an undreamed-of height in anticipation of brass having to compete with gold and silver. Cannon were converted into coin, and the total issue ultimately reached a million or more. Every sort of rubbish was used to make up for the want of good brass or copper. Half-crowns were converted by re-stamping into crowns, and at last a guinea, which at the beginning of 1689 was worth 24s. Irish, became exchangeable for base metal to the nominal value of 5l. As in the old Greek tale, gold made its way in spite of brass. The Protestants hoarded it or smuggled it to England. Writing to the exiled Queen on December 12/22, Tyrconnel says, ‘Not a farthing of silver or gold is now to be seen in this whole nation.’ All attempts to arrest the depreciation of course failed. By one proclamation the Government undertook to receive any quantity of currency by way of loan, to be repaid in specie when it was decried, interest being fixed at six per cent., and afterwards at ten; but the public liked not the security. All the exceptions made in favour of creditors were abrogated, and brass or pewter money was declared universal legal tender. To counterfeit it was high treason, and to refuse it contempt of the prerogative. Only a fortnight before the Boyne a guinea was officially rated at 38s., and no one was to give more on pain of death. When William gained possession of Dublin he lost no time in crying down the base money. The best of the crowns and half-crowns were made legal tender for one penny, and the smaller pieces in proportion.’[253]

Fight at Newry.

Wolseley takes Belturbet

and Cavan.

The military operations between Schomberg’s retirement from Dundalk and the landing of King William were not very important. Boisseleau made an attempt to surprise the ruined town of Newry, but his party was beaten back by the small garrison consisting chiefly of sick men. Some who could not stand managed to fire with their backs propped against the walls of the roofless houses, and others shot from the windows. Among the slain Irish was Magennis, who killed Tory Hamilton at Down in 1686. After this Schomberg sent regular reliefs, and Newry remained his outpost on the side of Belfast. The outpost on the side of Enniskillen was Belturbet, which Wolseley surprised early in December. More than two months later Berwick led an expedition to recapture it, and concentrated a considerable force at Cavan. Wolseley was well informed and determined on a night attack before the whole of the enemy arrived. He had with him about a thousand men, and the English accounts say that Berwick’s force along with the garrison was four times as large. This is probably an exaggeration, but the odds were certainly not less than two to one. Wolseley was delayed on the march, and did not reach Cavan till after daybreak. The surprise was not therefore complete, and the assailants were met by a smart fire. The Irish retired through the town to the fortified castle, and the Enniskilleners, who imagined their victory complete, began to plunder in all directions. A sally followed, and Wolseley had to set fire to the houses to get his men out. They fell back on the reserve, and he then advanced in good order. Berwick’s success was short-lived. His cavalry, as he tells us himself, fled for a distance of twelve miles, and he owns to a loss of 500. Wolseley lost thirty men and two officers. Among the slain was Brigadier Nugent, a brave soldier, much regretted by the Irish, and many officers were taken prisoners. Berwick had a horse shot under him. The victorious soldiers took 4000l. in brass money, but they threw it about the streets as not worth carrying away. The Castle was too strong to attack, and Wolseley marched back to Belturbet, which was not molested afterwards. Soon after this Sir John Lanier threatened Dundalk, but found it too strong to attack. A detachment took Bellew Castle, and 1500 cattle were driven off. Schomberg had garrisons at Clones, Monaghan, and Armagh, and his headquarters were at Lisburn. There were frequent skirmishes along the line between Lough Erne and Newry, but beyond it Charlemont was the only place holding out for King James. The rest of Ireland was in his power.[254]

Avaux and Rosen were both recalled to please James and because neither of them could get on with Lauzun. Avaux did his best to hide his contempt for the King, but did not quite succeed. Rosen was scarcely civil to His Majesty and was moreover hated by every officer in the Irish army.

Intrigues in France. Melfort.

Mission of Dover.

Melfort was generally hated on both sides of St. George’s Channel. In Scotland, Dundee was thought to be his only friend, and was an extremely candid one. But he had Mary of Modena’s ear, and he always worked against Avaux and against Tyrconnel as head of the French party in Ireland. In the three months preceding his journey to Fontainebleau at the beginning of October, Louis paid the exiled Queen no less than fourteen visits at St. Germain, and Melfort had influence in this way. Even when recalling the unpopular favourite, the King of France rebuked Avaux for being too hard on him. At Dublin Lord Dover tried to steer a middle course, realising Melfort’s incompetence and working with Tyrconnel, though he hated his French tendencies. In July, when Londonderry was still unrelieved, James sent him on a mission to France, and Avaux evidently feared his action there while defying him to contradict anything he had said about the mismanagement of affairs in Ireland. Dover was commissioned to ask for 6000 French infantry, a considerable sum of money, a hundred thousand pounds of powder, a train of artillery with the necessary officers, and a vast quantity of small arms and other munitions of war. On reaching Versailles he spoke slightingly of Tyrconnel and favourably of Melfort, with whom he was supposed to have some understanding, but court opinion was entirely with the former. Dover pressed Louis hard to give all that James had asked for, but he was told that it was impossible to do this with English and Dutch fleets at sea, but that when December came the men should be sent and as much of the other things wanted as could be spared. The visits to St. Germain had done their work, and when they were resumed after the excursion to Fontainebleau, the exiled Queen was informed to her great joy that 6000 men were going, and that her favourite Lauzun was to command. This had been known for some time in official circles. That James and his wife should have been foolish enough to wish for such a general is surprising, but that Louis should have granted their prayer passes all understanding. Bussy Rabutin, expressing the general opinion, says Lauzun was one of the smallest of God’s creatures, both in body and mind. Dover was sent back to Ireland with 2000 muskets and ammunition. He reached Kinsale safely in December, but the vessel containing arms was captured by the English off the Scillies. Avaux was afraid that Lauzun’s intrigues would injure him at Versailles, but Louis reassured him on this point. As neither he nor Rosen could serve with the new general, they were ordered to return with the fleet that brought him to Ireland. The King of France showed that he valued his ambassador’s services by inviting him to all the much valued, but very uncomfortable parties at Marly, and by sending him on a mission to Sweden. Rosen obtained an important cavalry command.[255]

Lauzun reaches Ireland.

Exactly twelve months to a day after King James Lauzun sailed from Brest and arrived in Cork harbour with over 7000 French troops. One regiment contained many Dutch Protestants, and had to be closely watched. The general had not yet got the ducal coronet which he had tried to stipulate for, but he wore the Garter and the Order of the Holy Ghost. Tyrconnel warned Avaux that there would not be horses for the officers nor carts to carry stores. It was no business of the retiring ambassador’s and he could only warn Lord Dover, who was responsible for embarkation and quarters. When Avaux and Rosen were gone, Lauzun, who thought only of the King of France, had difficulties with Dover, who thought of James as King of England. Much merchandise had come with the fleet, and the Frenchman sought favourable terms for the traders, while the Englishman was chiefly anxious that his sovereign’s rights should not be infringed. Lauzun thought, perhaps rightly, that under existing circumstances not one guinea would reach King James out of the duties thus insisted on, that Ireland should be regarded as a besieged city, and that famine could only be averted by opening the ports. This reasoning prevailed, and three weeks after his landing Lauzun persuaded James to issue a proclamation remitting the customs on all foreign goods except silk and tobacco. But the difficulties about transport and storage continued. La Hoguette thought King James improvident, but it was Lauzun’s cue to lay the whole blame upon Dover. Cork, he said, was a tomb very hard to get out of. As soon as Avaux and Rosen had embarked with the Irish regiments, he and Dover went to Dublin, but the French troops could not move for some time. Even the flour they brought with them had to be stored in a ruined building, and half of it was washed away or reduced to a condition in which the dough would not rise. Much of what remained was lost in the carriage to Dublin on horses’ backs.[256]

The Protestants disarmed.

Dr. William King.

On February 25, 1689, Tyrconnel, having heard all that Richard Hamilton could say, issued a proclamation for disarming Protestants. They had to carry their weapons to their parish churches on pain of being subjected to disorderly searches by the soldiery. Three thousand firearms besides bayonets, swords, and pikes were seized, and horses were taken also. Both before and after this, crowds went to England and others found their way to the North. Many fled from their country homes to Dublin in hopes of escaping thence or perhaps supposing that the law could protect them there. The established clergy got away in large numbers, Francis Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin, among them. He left Dean King authority to act as his commissary, and the chapters of St. Patrick’s and Christ Church submitted in spiritual matters to Dopping, Bishop of Meath. Some other Dublin clergymen stood their ground, and with the help of the fugitives from country districts King managed to arrange for the duties of every parish in the diocese. When the Irish Parliament had been prorogued just before the relief of Londonderry and only a little before the landing of Schomberg, King was imprisoned in the Castle. No evidence was ever produced against him, and Sir Edward Herbert was for releasing him on bail, but Nugent was hostile, and he remained in confinement for more than four months. He was allowed to see his friends, and had many visitors, Roman Catholics as well as Protestants, who kept him well informed. The possible approach of Schomberg made his gaolers stricter, but in November Nagle said the invading army was mouldered to the Devil, and he saw no use in prisoners; in the following month King was released. Even when the watch was pretty close he mentions a venison pasty for supper, and Father Harold the Franciscan, who helped to eat it. Lest his diary should fall into the hands of the enemy he always entered James as King and William as Prince of Orange. In June 1690 when the deliverer was at hand, a state of siege was established in Dublin, and there were some 3000 Protestants in custody. Lists were made of all male Protestants from 16 to 80, any arms that still remained among them were ordered to be given up on pain of death, none were to leave their houses from ten at night till five in the morning, and it was a capital offence cognisable by court-martial for more than five of them to assemble anywhere or at any time.[257]

Protestants in Dublin. James Bonnell.

Vast numbers of Protestants had been leaving Ireland ever since the death of Charles II., but many remained because they could not get away or because they had no means elsewhere. Many placemen stood their ground, for patents could not be voided without some process of law, and the depositaries of official knowledge might reasonably hope to be found indispensable. Among them was the accountant-general, James Bonnell, who took up the active duties of his office in 1685. Clarendon, while acknowledging him to be ‘ingenious,’ did not think him strong enough for the work, but there were trained clerks, and he soon learned the business. He had travelled, and saw that Versailles was sucking the life-blood of France as clearly as Arthur Young did more than a century later. He was a remarkably good and religious man, and his Anglican orthodoxy is certified by many bishops, and by the fact that his familiar friend was the Rev. John Strype. Bonnell was, nevertheless, willing to meet the Presbyterians half-way on the question of orders. He spent his salary and his spare time in relieving the wants of others during the time of Tyrconnel and James II. The doctrine of passive obedience weighed heavily with him, but he ‘could not but secretly wish success to King William,’ and accepted the result gladly. When Bishop Cartwright, of whom historians have little good to say, died in Dublin in April 1689, Bonnell gives him credit for fidelity to the Church of England, and a sort of disinterestedness—‘he was buried decently from the Bishop of Meath’s house, and at his charge, for he had no money.’ On July 3, 1690, Bonnell saw his fellow-Protestants ‘congratulate and embrace one another as they met, like persons alive from the dead.’ Later on, when Aughrim had been won and Limerick taken, Bonnell wished to have a parliamentary union as in Cromwell’s time and to make all English laws since Henry VII. applicable to Ireland. By these means the English and Protestant interests might be preserved.[258]

Refugees in Dublin.

Case of Trinity College.

As the principal traders, the skilled artisans and the officials were mostly Protestants, and as they were the chief sufferers the tradition of the Brass Money has naturally been preserved among their descendants. The crowd of fugitives from country visitors added to the confusion. Men who had been rich were reduced to penury, and the holders of power and influence were either in exile or reduced to the condition of a conquered population. As in 1641 the established clergy and laymen with property guaranteed by the Act of Settlement were often surprised at what happened. They found the conquered people friendly enough in common life, and often failed to see that they were perfectly certain to retake their own when they could, and in doing so often to take what never belonged to them. Trinity College, Dublin, though the fellows had escaped personal attainder, was not spared. Under Tyrconnel no rents were paid and but one meal a day was given in the hall, ‘and that a dinner, because the supper is the more expensive by reason of coals, &c.’ But fourpence a day was allowed to each fellow for kitchen and buttery. All arms and horses were taken away. When James landed, Vice-provost Acton and his three remaining colleagues waited on him and were promised protection and encouragement. But six months later the college was turned into a barrack and prison for Protestants. The government grant to the scholars was stopped. The chapel plate—all that was left of a rich store—was sent to the custom-house by Luttrell, but preserved by a friendly commissioner of revenue. The chapel itself was re-consecrated and Mass said there, but later it was made a magazine. All the woodwork in the college was destroyed, first by way of searching for arms, and then no doubt for fuel, of which there was a famine in Dublin. Dr. Michael Moore, a distinguished scholar and a man of high character, was made Provost by James, but soon had to resign as a punishment for having preached against the Jesuits. Another priest, Tiege MacCarthy, had charge of the library, and is honourably distinguished for having preserved the books and manuscripts. Provost Huntingdon and the fellows returned immediately after the Boyne.[259]