Ireland under the Tudors, with a Succinct Account of the Earlier History. Vol. 2 (of 3)

by Richard Bagwell

FOOTNOTES:

[134] Weston to the Queen, Oct. 8; Lords Justices to the Queen, Oct. 30; same to Cecil, Oct. 30 and 31; Weston to Cecil, Oct. 8; Earl of Clanricarde to the Queen, Oct. 22.

[135] Lords Justices to the Queen, Dec. 12; Thos. Scott to Cecil, Dec. 14 and 21; Queen to Lords Justices, Dec. 24; Lords Justices to Cecil, Nov. 23; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Nov. 27. The award of Draycott, M. R., Nugent, S. G., and Serjeant Finglas, is printed from a MS. at Kilkenny, in the Irish Archæological Journal, 1st series, iii. 341.

[136] Memorial by Cecil, Dec. 22, 1567; Indenture between the Queen and O’Connor Sligo, Jan. 20, 1568; the Queen to the Lords Justices, Jan. 25; Hugh O’Donnell to the Lords Justices, March 26.

[137] Tirlogh Luineach to the Lords Justices, Nov. 24, 1567; to Piers, Jan. 20, and to Bagenal, Jan. 17, 1568; Bagenal to the Lords Justices, Feb. 5 and Dec. 2, 1567. Tirlogh calls the Campbells Clan Veginbhne and Clan Meginbhne, names which puzzle me. Argyle he calls ‘Dominus Machali comes de Argyle.’ Terence Danyell to the Lords Justices, Dec. 10, 1567

[138] Gregory’s Western Highlands, new ed. pp. 203, sqq. Sir Nicholas White’s conversation with Mary in his letter to Cecil, Feb. 29, 1569 (in Wright’s Queen Elizabeth); Piers and Maltby to Sidney, Oct. 6, 1567, and to the Lords Justices, Nov. 18 and Dec. 6; the Queen to the Lords Justices, Dec. 10 and 24; Fitzwilliam to the Queen, Jan. 22, 1568; and to Cecil, Dec. 20, 1567. Peace was granted to Sorley Boy on Dec. 20.

[139] Many of the authorities are collected by O’Donovan in his note to the Four Masters, 1577. It is not clear that the quotation from Captain Lee’s Brief Declaration, which was printed by Curry from a MS. in Trinity College, Dublin, refers to this transaction at all. O’Donovan did not know of the entry in the Lough Cé Annals; he points out that Curry only seems to have relied on Moryson’s authority. In his curious memoir on Ireland it is evident that O’Connell copied Curry without even consulting Moryson: he held a great ‘repeal’ meeting at Mullaghmast. I have found no reference to the massacre in any State paper. The following is Dowling’s entry:—‘Moris ... cum 40 hominibus de sua familia, post confederationem suam cum Rory O’More et super quadam protectione, interfectus fuit apud Molaghmastyn in comitatu Kildarie, ad eundem locum ad id propositum per Magistrum Cosby et Robertum Hartpole, sub umbra servitii accersitus collusorie.’

[140] Lady Desmond to the Commissioners in Munster, Jan. 13, 1568; to the Lords Justices, March 19. Bishop of Meath and others to the Lords Justices, Feb. 1; Lords Justices to the Queen, March 23.

[141] Maltby to Cecil, Feb. 12 and March 19; to Sidney, Feb. 13; to the Lords Justices, March 6 and 18. Cheston to Piers and Maltby, April 3. Randal Oge to Fitzwilliam, April 7; Hill’s MacDonnells, pp. 148-151.

[142] Tirlogh Luineach O’Neill to Lord Justice Fitzwilliam, April 16, and the answer of the same date. Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 21, May 8, and May 26; to Weston, April 23. Bagenal to Sidney, May 3; Sir Brian MacPhelim O’Neill and others to the Queen, June 4; they call Elizabeth ‘auxilium et juvamen,’ and acknowledge themselves ‘rudes et silvestres et naturali superstitioni dediti.’ O’Neill styled himself ‘Princeps.’

[143] Memorandum by Oliver Sutton, March 26; Loftus to Cecil, Jan. 25; Fitzwilliam to same, March 25; Weston to same, April 3.

[144] Examination of Cahir O’Connor, Jan. 8, 1568. A note in Cecil’s hand says: ‘All the foresaid O’Connors that were slain aforementioned were of the company of this examinate and proclaimed rebels.’ See Desmond to Cecil, Feb. 8 and 12, 1568; and the Queen to the Lord Deputy, April 3, 1567. Cormac O’Connor was also examined; his evidence agreeing pretty well with Cahir’s.

[145] Submissions of the two Desmonds, Feb. 16 and 17; Interrogatories for Desmond, Feb. 20; Information, &c., Feb. (No. 60); Sir M. Fitzgerald to Cecil, March 15.

[146] Notes by Sutton, Feb. 23, 1568; Cecil to Sidney, Nov. 19, 1568; Graves’s Presentments, pp. 159 and 176; Morrin’s Patent Rolls, ii. p. 256.

[147] Hooker’s Life of Sir Peter Carew is printed as an appendix to the preface of vol. i. of the Carew MSS. It is a delightful book.

[148] Life of Sir Peter Carew; Walton’s Life of Hooker; Ware’s Writers of Ireland.

[149] Petition of the inhabitants of Cork in Graves’s Presentments; Hooker’s Life of Sir P. Carew; Campion; Thomas Wadding to Sir George Carew, March 12, 1603, in Carew. In Maclean’s edition of Hooker’s Life is a list of the Munster lands claimed by Carew. It comprises the greater part of Cork and Kerry, and a part of Waterford. It was computed that the actual holders of these lands in the sixteenth century could bring 3,000 men into the field. The Carews claim descent from Nesta’s son William, who was brother to Maurice Fitzgerald, half-brother to FitzStephen, and uncle to Giraldus Cambrensis. Wadding was a lawyer, who had thoroughly studied the whole matter.

[150] Life, as above; Hooker to Carew, May 26, 1568.

[151] Hooker’s Life of Sir P. Carew; Carew to Cecil, Dec. 26, 1568.

[152] Morrin’s Patent Rolls, Dec. 7, 1568. See the Carew pedigree printed by Macleane.

[153] James Fitzmaurice to the Lords Justices, July 27; Lord Fitzmaurice to same, Aug. 1; Sir Maurice Fitzgerald to same, July 29; Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Sept. 5.

[154] MacBrien Arra to the Lords Justices, Sept. 9, 1568. He calls Butler’s camp followers ‘slaves.’ More Ny Carroll to her husband MacBrien Arra, Nov. 12.

[155] Lords Justices to the Queen, Oct. 8, with the enclosures.

Vol. II. to face page 17

London, Longmans & Co.

CHAPTER XXVI.
FROM 1568 TO 1570.

Sidney’s plans for Ulster.

Sidney lost no time in trying to realise his idea of bridling the North with forts and bridges. He surveyed Clandeboye and Ards, and declared them the shire of Carrickfergus—an arrangement afterwards departed from. He met Tirlogh Luineach at the Bann, and thought him inclined to obey. The various castles already garrisoned he found in good order, the people readily selling the soldiers a fat cow for 6s. 8d. and twenty-four eggs for 1d. In Carrickfergus a good market was kept twice a week, to which commodities were brought from the Pale, from Scotland and Man, and even from France. Three 40-ton cargoes of claret were sold at nine cowskins a hogshead. ‘The Archbishop of Armagh and the Bishop of Meath, with divers noblemen and gentlemen as well of England as the English Pale, lawyers, merchants, and others came from Dublin to Carrickfergus, only for visitation sake, the Bishops riding in their rochets, and the rest unarmed.’ A treaty was made with Sir Brian MacPhelim to build a proper carriage bridge over the Laggan at Belfast, to cut passes through the woods, to supply fuel for making bricks, and to protect men building or repairing ships in the Lough. On his road to Dublin most of the chiefs and gentlemen came to pay their respects to the Lord Deputy.[156]

The Scots.

Sidney believed that all Ulster difficulties originated in Scotland. Argyle did not pretend to be guided by any rule but the good of his own country, and he had 5,000 men always ready to invade Ireland if he did not approve of Elizabeth’s policy. He loved Sidney, he said, better than any other Viceroy, and for that reason would rather see him anywhere than in Ulster. Sir Francis Knollys was Scotland’s bitterest enemy, but he would willingly put him in Sidney’s place, where he could do far less harm than at Court. Lord Herries was not even careful to use civil language. James MacDonnell’s widow professed herself friendly, but said the clan would never forego its Irish claims until it was quite extinct. Donnell Gorm, born in Ireland and friendly to England, claimed the lordship of the Isles, and was in alliance with the Campbells—a reluctant tie which might easily be cut. His ancestors had a pension of 200l. from England, and its renewal would be money well spent. Rathlin Island, which was full of cattle—the very stable and baiting-place of the Scots—should be fortified and held, and this might be done for 300l. a year. A regular military occupation of the whole province would be intolerably costly, but half a dozen strong places on the coast might be provided for 2,000l. yearly. A town at Armagh and a bridge at Blackwater were quite necessary. In the meantime Dundalk Bridge might be repaired, and Bagenal’s unfurnished castles at Newry, Carlingford, and Greencastle might be made tenable for 2,000l. If the Scots were once disposed of, it would be easy to govern Ireland; the O’Neills would then be shut up in their own province, and would have to work or to starve.[157]

James Fitzmaurice. The Butlers.

When James Fitzmaurice found that Sidney had not brought either the Earl or Sir John of Desmond with him, he called a meeting of Geraldines, and informed them that their chief and his brother were condemned to death, or at least to perpetual imprisonment. He reminded them that when the good Earl Thomas had been murdered by the tyrant Earl of Worcester his followers had chosen a captain for themselves, and he advised a like course. He was immediately chosen by acclamation, and unhesitatingly accepted the position in spite of Sidney’s threats. He was soon afterwards proclaimed a traitor. The wise Earl of Clancare, as Shane O’Neill had in derision called him, placed himself about the same time at the head of a Celtic confederacy, plundered Lord Roche’s country, drove off the cattle, burned the sheep and the corn, and killed men, women, and children. Neither wheat nor oats were to be had for love or money west of Youghal: the combined result of drought from heaven and heat from the Earl of Clancare. Spanish ships supplied the MacCarthies with arms. Edward Butler told Sidney’s messenger, who found him at Thurles with 1,000 men, that no man of Irish birth could be safe since Sir John of Desmond had been sent to the Tower for little or nothing. He knew that he himself had deeply offended his brother the Earl, and was therefore afraid of Sir Edmund, who had also 1,000 men with him. ‘Your secret conference, brother,’ he said in the messenger’s presence, ‘hath brought me to this mischief.’ To Dublin he refused to go without pardon or protection, and Shane O’Neill hardly claimed more, even in his proudest days.

Ormonde’s presence declared indispensable.

The presence of Ormonde alone could settle his country, and he, in Sidney’s opinion, ‘politicly kept himself in England, as well for duty’s sake to the Queen as ancient and innate malice to the Earl of Desmond and all Desmondians.’ Sir Edmund could not brook the notion of dismissing his armed followers, and, as he himself expressed it, ‘riding up and down the country like a priest.’ No brother or lieutenant was of any use, and if Ormonde would not come Sidney would have to go himself; and he begged for a strongly-worded letter to show to the people. The report was that he was not allowed to interfere with the Butler districts, and indeed he was loth to do so, knowing that the Earl bore him little goodwill, and that he had the Queen’s ear. ‘Though never so upright,’ he said, ‘I shall not escape slander.’[158]

Lawless conduct of Ormonde’s brethren.

Both Butlers continued their lawless practices; indeed, Lady Dunboyne, who was a chief sufferer, declared that Edward was ‘but a patch to Sir Edmund in extortion and spoil.’ He threatened her with yet worse things for having brought Sidney’s letters to him; and in the meantime seized her cattle, nominally for the purpose of maintaining himself against the White Knight, with whom he had picked a quarrel to give an excuse for keeping his ragged battalion together. Ormonde still lingering in England, the Lord Deputy was obliged to go to Kilkenny himself, where he hanged several of Edward Butler’s men, not by martial law, as Sir Peter Carew proudly pointed out, but ‘by the verdict of twelve men orderly.’ A similar example was made at Waterford, and Sidney returned to Dublin to make preparations for holding a Parliament, in which he secured a majority by interfering in elections.[159]

Parliament of 1569. Opposition to Government.

No list has been preserved of the members who sat in either House of Elizabeth’s second Irish Parliament. Many Englishmen had, by Government influence, been returned for remote places. Sidney, who had a taste for heraldic pomp, was in some anxiety as to what dress he ought to wear. He was told to do as St. Leger had done. If he could not find whether St. Leger had used a garter or a Parliament robe, he might do as he pleased. Princely robes of crimson velvet lined with ermine were provided in due course, and the Lord Deputy took his seat under the cloth of estate. Lord Chancellor Weston made an eloquent speech on the advantages of law and order. The House then separated, and James Stanihurst, Recorder of Dublin, was again chosen Speaker of the House of Commons by a large majority over Sir Christopher Barnewall, who was also a lawyer and the candidate favoured by the gentlemen of the Pale. After the usual protestations of unfitness, Stanihurst was accepted by Sidney, and made a speech in which he claimed personal inviolability for the members, freedom of speech, and power for the House to punish breaches of its own orders. The Lord Deputy, having granted these suits, addressed the whole Parliament at great length. None knew better, he said, than those in Ireland the advantages of law and order; let them act according to that knowledge, and be careful lest in defending their own privileges they should tread upon her Majesty’s prerogative. On the following day business began, and it soon appeared that the House of Commons was divided into two parties bitterly hostile to each other. The Court, or English party, consisted chiefly of officials and of the Lord Deputy’s nominees, men who might be trusted not to exhibit too much independence. On the other side were the gentry of the Pale, the burgesses returned by the old corporate towns, and the common lawyers generally, who had been roughly handled by Sidney in Sir Peter Carew’s case, and who asserted that some of the English members were returned for towns not incorporated, that sheriffs and mayors had returned themselves, and that others were ignorant of their constituencies and non-resident. The Judges held that the first and second objections were good, but that there was nothing in the third. The Attorney-General having reported this decision, which still left the Government a majority, the Irish party professed not to believe him, and demanded that the Judges themselves should come down. The Speaker called for the orders of the day, but the malcontents refused to listen to the first readings of any bills. Next day the Judges came and confirmed their former decision, but the Irish party, headed by Sir Edmund Butler, still obstructed the business, and opposed the introduction of a Bill for suspending Poyning’s Law and allowing Bills to proceed without being first certified under the Great Seal of England. This Bill was obviously for the enlargement of their own jurisdiction, and passed in the end, as did another which provided that the Great Seal of Ireland should not be affixed to any further Suspension Bill until it had been passed by the majority of both Irish Houses. After some days spent in these bickerings, Hooker, who sat for Athenry—an ancient borough certainly, but at this time containing only four freeholders—made a long prerogative speech. He had formerly represented Exeter and had a taste for antiquities, and he proved to his own entire satisfaction that Moses and Pythagoras, Camillus and Mithridates, had created precedents on his side of the question. ‘The minority,’ he says, ‘did not hear the same so attentively as they did digest it most unquietly.’ The debate was adjourned, and Hooker had to be escorted by his friends to Sir Peter Carew’s house. The next day Sir Christopher Barnewall and other lawyers inveighed against Hooker, but the Speaker silenced them, and desired them to put their complaints into writing. Hooker, who says that the proceedings were more like bear-baiting than the deliberations of a Senate, then presented a treatise on the Order of Parliament, which closely followed English precedents, and asserted the power of the Speaker to hold members to the question, and to reform, correct, and punish disorder with the advice of the House. The contest was not renewed, and after the first fortnight matters settled down considerably.[160]

Legislation. Attainder of Shane O’Neill.

Sir Edmund Butler was openly censured by Sidney in the Council Chamber, and withdrew in high dudgeon to his own country. The House of Lords showed a mutinous spirit as well as the Commons. The Gentleman Usher seems to have occupied a position within the bar, and this being objected to, Sidney withdrew the cloth of State, but it does not appear that the punishment weighed very heavily on the delinquents. Several Acts of great political importance were passed. A subsidy of 13s. 4d. on every plough land was granted for ten years in consideration of the abolition of coyne and livery. This was for the public benefit, but was very unpleasing to many noblemen. The five principal men of each shire were made responsible for the rest, Shane O’Neill was attainted, the name of O’Neill extinguished, and the Queen entitled to Tyrone. Irish captainries were abolished unless established by patent. For the infringement of this law death without benefit of clergy was provided by the draftsman in England, but the House of Lords substituted a fine of 100 l. for each offence by a peer, and 100 marks for men of lesser degree. Even after this amendment there was much opposition, which, as the Chancellor observed, argued that ‘the matter misliked them more than the pain.’ An Act was also passed to enable the chief Governor, on certain conditions, to make the remaining Irish countries into shire ground.[161]

Wine duties.

A Bill for imposing a heavy import duty on wines borne in foreign bottoms was thrown out by the Commons, the members for the port towns declaring that it would beggar them utterly. The Bill was afterwards passed in a modified form for ten years, Sidney having refused the enormous bribe of 2,000l. in gold offered him to procure its withdrawal.

Schools.

A Bill for the erection and maintenance of schools with English masters by a charge on ecclesiastical property was thrown out by the Bishops, who thought that they and not the Lord Deputy should have the patronage in their own hands, and with better reason demurred to the exemption of impropriated lands, which were often the richest part of what had belonged to the Church. A Bill for repairing churches was thrown out by the Commons, the Catholics not caring to provide for the Establishment, and no one wishing to bear taxation. ‘Churches and schools,’ said Weston, ‘still find no favour among us, yet, in my opinion, the reformation of Ireland must come from churches and schools.’[162]

The Queen decides to erect a Presidency in Munster.

The Queen’s consent for Ormonde’s departure had been some time obtained before he actually started. He had to raise money to pay his debts, but it is plain that Cecil thought he delayed unnecessarily. He shone at Court, and was perhaps in no haste to leave while the Queen’s manner encouraged him to stay. In the meantime the state of the South became daily worse, Sidney complaining bitterly that Sir Warham St. Leger would have prevented all these troubles had not Ormonde’s influence prevented him from being armed with the necessary powers. The Queen selected Sir John Pollard for the office of President of Munster, and Mr. Peryam, Carew’s counsel, for his Chief Justice. The establishment was fixed at 13s. 4d. a day for the President, with one Justice at 100l. a year and another at 40l., and a clerk at 20l. The whole expense with petty officers and soldiers was estimated at 1,400l. Bacon and Winchester then suggested that there need be no surgeon, and that fewer soldiers would do; which cut down the estimate by one half. The Queen was delighted, but Cecil, who had persuaded Pollard to accept the appointment, was disgusted at the proposed breach of faith. In the end he had his way, and Elizabeth sanctioned the higher scale. Neither Pollard nor Peryam liked the work, and the latter, who had had enough of Ireland, bitterly complained that he would lose his practice at the bar, and that his family would starve. His own stomach too was delicate, and ‘not to be forced to any ordinary diet.’ The Queen was inexorable, but promised him leave to retire after two years’ service. He accompanied Pollard to Ilfracombe, where the Lord President had a bad attack of gout. Peryam was glad of an excuse to stay on the right side of the Channel. In the end both escaped the dreaded duty, and another Devonshire gentleman, Edmund Tremayne, went over to explain matters to Sidney. Tremayne, to use his own language, had forsaken a quiet life, and cared little for peace so he might fight in the good quarrel. His voyage was dangerous enough to satisfy the most adventurous man in Devon. The ship was first driven into Milford Haven, and afterwards blown on to the Wexford coast; and Tremayne and his party were attacked by the armed natives, who were prepared to resist Sir Edmund Butler, now in open rebellion. Finding that the castaways were Englishmen they received them joyfully, and forwarded them to Ferns, where Bishop Devereux gave them a most hospitable reception. Tremayne reached Waterford safely, where he found it generally reported that Ormonde was dead.[163]

The rebellion of James Fitzmaurice continues, 1569.

Fifteen months elapsed between the date of Pollard’s abortive commission and the appointment of Sir John Perrott; and for a long time the southern rebels met with no effectual resistance. A cloud might at any time gather abroad; for the papal Archbishop of Cashel and the papal Archbishop of Ross were already in Spain with full powers to treat on behalf of the confederated Catholics of Ireland, consisting of three archbishops, eight bishops, and most of the lords and chieftains outside the Pale. The sheriff of Cork at this time was the renowned Richard Grenville, who had made a practical beginning of colonisation by seizing lands to the west of Cork Harbour. His martial prowess was no doubt feared, but no sooner was his back turned than the country was in a flame. On the very day after he sailed for England, Clancare and Fitzmaurice appeared at Tracton with the seneschal of Imokilly, the White Knight, and other chiefs. The garrison appears to have been small, for the assailants were able to undermine the walls with pickaxes, and to kill all the inmates except three or four English soldiers, who were hanged next day. James Fitzmaurice declared that help was coming from Spain, swore on a book that Sir Edmund Butler was heartily on his side, and boasted that he could take the artillery at Kinsale when he pleased. The citizens of Cork were robbed whenever they ventured out, and all the lords of the county were either overawed or in sympathy with Fitzmaurice, who vowed to give no peace to Cork until all the English, including Lady St. Leger and Lady Grenville, were given up, as well as some Irish prisoners. The city was in want both of provisions and powder, and the town of Youghal hourly expected an attack. English farmers in the immediate neighbourhood had been already put to the sword.[164]

Sidney and the Butlers. Sir P. Carew.

The unnatural alliance between Butlers and Geraldines which made the insurrection formidable was in part at least caused by Sidney’s harsh treatment of Sir Edmund Butler. Not only did he use strong language himself, but he allowed Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick to do the like. Sir Edmund withdrew from Dublin vowing vengeance against Fitzpatrick and against Sir Henry Sidney personally; though he was at all times careful to respect him in his official capacity. Sir Edmund was driven to desperation by the success of Sir Peter Carew and by the countenance which he received from the Lord Deputy; for his own castle of Clogrennan and the lands attached formed part of Idrone, and having been originally conquered from the Kavanaghs were included in the decision of the Privy Council, which ousted their title to the whole barony. Seeing that Sir Edmund would rebel, Sidney sent to him Lord Baltinglass and Richard Shee, the latter a devoted adherent of the House of Ormonde, with instructions to talk him over if possible. They went from place to place looking for him while he plundered the country, and when they at last came up with him his conduct was not particularly edifying. He bade them give over their flattery, bragging, and dissimulation, and declared that neither he nor his brethren would come near the Lord Deputy without pardon or protection for all concerned, that the Deputy’s object was to chop off their heads, and that all the mischief had been caused by the machinations of Carew and of Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick. The Queen herself, said Sir Edmund, was the only judge by whom he would submit to be tried; to her he was more loyal than they who accused him, and if he were proclaimed rebel he would make the heads of those who caused it fly from their bodies. If he and his men had pardon and protection he would be ready to attend the Lord Deputy in all wars; but if any of the Queen’s men helped Sir Barnaby or his other enemies, so her Highness or her Governor were not personally in the field, then he would do them all the mischief he could. Similar offers were made through a private messenger, and Sidney’s answer was to send Carew and Humphrey Gilbert, who now makes his first appearance in Irish history, with orders to apprehend Sir Edmund. A country neighbour afterwards tried to bring him into a more prudent frame of mind, but again the answer was, ‘I do not make war against the Queen, but against those that banish Ireland, and mean conquest.... If my lord my brother come to apprehend me, I will not in this quarrel be ruled by him nor come in his hands.’ If anything would have persuaded him it was Mr. Sweetman’s taunt that he was more a Desmond than a Butler; but he was past caring for this, and boasted that if Sidney invaded the South, Tirlogh Luineach would invade the Pale. He was already proclaimed rebel, and as if to prove the justice of that measure he exhibited letters from O’Neill and Fitzmaurice.[165]

The Geraldines are unchecked.

The Queen chided Sidney for coupling Sir Edmund’s name with Fitzmaurice’s and MacCarthymore’s, for which, however, there was abundant justification, and she let Ormonde go as the only chance of restoring peace. Before he could leave London, his brothers Edmund, Piers, and Edward had joined Fitzmaurice, with whom MacCarthy had made plans for concerted action. The Butlers had done their own part by devastating the eastern part of the Queen’s County, and killing the warders of Balliknockane. Fitzmaurice followed up the blow by attacking Kilmallock and extorting a ransom of 160l., the townsmen fearing that they would after all have to receive a Geraldine garrison. He met the Earl of Thomond and John Burke close to Limerick, and the citizens, who feared to lose all their cattle, were in some doubt as to the proper course. The men of Waterford, as became the city’s ancient reputation, did not wait for orders, but worked hard at their fortifications, sent provisions to Cork and Youghal, and gave shelter to the miserable inhabitants of the country. They reported that the Geraldine rebels burned and slew where they listed, stripping honest men and women naked and using more cruel tortures ‘than either Phalaris or any of the old tyrants could invent.’ Even before the open rebellion great disorders had been caused by the general poverty. On Good Friday the city, according to ancient custom, opened its gates to 1,100 poor men, who, when they had eaten, fell to plundering and housebreaking; and it took three weeks to get rid of them by beating out the sturdy beggars, and coaxing out those of a weaker sort. Corn was daily growing dearer, and ‘the caterpillars’ boasted that they would reap the next harvest. The kine, ‘which by milk used to keep the poor wretches alive,’ were killed or driven away. Edward Butler had devastated Waterford County, but the citizens feared nothing. To attack them without the aid of a foreign prince would be to ‘spurn against a wall,’ and Spain was of no such force in Ireland as their own sovereign liege.[166]

Waterford and Cork.

Waterford was a stronghold for its own people, and a city of refuge for many others, but the rebels had complete possession of the open country. English settlers were plundered and killed, or led about with halters round their necks. Sir Edmund Butler and his brother Piers devoted themselves to the district between Waterford and the Pale, of which the northern boundary was threatened by Tirlogh Luineach. Edward Butler was busy south-west of Waterford, and Fitzmaurice preached a crusade in the Desmond country, calling upon the citizens of Cork and the clergy of the diocese to send away all Protestants by the next wind. ‘The Queen,’ he said, ‘is not satisfied with our worldly goods, bellies, and lives, but must also counsel us to forsake the Catholic faith by God unto His Church given, and by the See of Rome hitherto prescribed to all Christian men.... If you follow not this Catholic and wholesome exhortation, I will not nor may not be your friend.’[167]

Carew and the Butlers.

Unable for the moment to visit the South, Sidney sent Carew and Gilbert to Kilkenny, in a sally from which town they inflicted a severe defeat on Sir Edmund Butler. In a second encounter Carew was less successful, but was able, within a few days, to lay siege to Clogrennan, which the garrison had orders to defend against all but the Lord Deputy himself. Hooker represents the capture of this castle as a great feat of arms, but Ormonde says that it contained only eight armed men. Being hard pressed, the commandant asked if Sidney was present, and being told that he was, went out on safe-conduct. Finding himself deceived, he returned into the house, but a soldier named Baker followed, shot or stabbed him in the back, and threw a log of wood between the doors, so that they could not be shut. Carew’s men then poured in, and killed not only the garrison but the women and children, including ‘an honest gentleman’s son, not three years old.’ This rascally breach of faith is represented by Hooker as fair stratagem of war.[168]

Atrocities on both sides.

It is needless to recapitulate all the outrages committed on either side, or to inquire whether certain attempts on Carew’s life were instigated by Sir Edmund Butler or not; but Enniscorthy was remarkable for the rapes and murders committed on the merchants and their families frequenting the great annual fair on August 15. Agriculture was quite neglected, and few houses were inhabited except those belonging to Ormonde. Carew laid all the blame on Irish ferocity, but Ormonde declared that the mischief was caused by rash attacks on landed property, which were shaking the loyalty of the highest and noblest. Sir Edmund had been a good subject, and was rewarded by losing his estate. He tried to defend his property, and was proclaimed a traitor. ‘A wiser man than he,’ said his brother, ‘might be brought beside himself thus.’ The following is too interesting to omit:—

Sinister rumours.

‘Old Grace, my man,’ the Earl wrote, ‘landed three weeks ago in Waterford sore handled with gout; my brother hearing of his being there came to the waterside to talk with him. Grace was carried between men to his boat, and in the boat talked with my brother, who asked very earnestly of the Queen’s Majesty. The other told him she was in health and very well. "No, no," says he, "I know well enough she is poisoned, and my brother put into the Tower and there put to death." My man told him he might know my handwriting: he answered my letter bore an old date. He asked again twice if the Queen were alive. The other sware she was alive and in as good health as ever she was. "Well," said my brother, "if my lord is alive and that I may see him, I will believe his word, and then will I go into England and let her Highness know how I am dealt withal by my Lord Deputy and Sir Peter Carew."’

Fitzmaurice, Clancare, and the Butlers between them had near 4,500 men, with whom they laid siege to Kilkenny. The townsmen had been reinforced by Captain Collyer’s company, but they gave hostages to prevent the suburbs from being burned. Without artillery the rebels could hardly take a well-defended walled town, and they could not keep the field long enough to starve out such a good soldier as Collyer. Piers Butler burned all the houses at Leighlin, and killed even children, but he did not attack the castle, which contained twelve able men. The roads were so closely beset that communication with Dublin was almost impossible. But Sir Edmund’s heart was not entirely in the business. He told Fitzwilliam that he would oppose neither the Queen nor her Deputy if they appeared in person, that he would not meddle in matters of religion, and that he would have nothing to do with the introduction of Spaniards.[169]

Return of Ormonde.

‘It was never seen,’ wrote Ormonde proudly, ‘that any traitor remained one night in camp in my country while I served in Ireland. I lament to hear of this wicked time. I would God I had 1,000 men at my landing in Waterford, to try my fortune among these caterpillars.’ At last he sailed, and was driven to Roslare in Wexford, where he landed. He wrote to ask Sidney, who was by this time at Cork, for an escort. His horses, he said, had all been taken, and he did not yet know whom to trust; but Sidney doubted this too powerful subject, and told him that he could easily go to Castlemartyr, Kilmallock, or Limerick without help. A fortnight was wasted at Waterford, no one joining the Earl but a few chance Wexford men, and he then made his way to Kilkenny, where his three brothers came to him. Sir Edmund at once asked after the Queen, and on being told that she was well, doffed his morion and thanked God. The other two followed suit. Sir Edmund recapitulated with much energy his charges against Carew and Sidney, took God to witness, and prayed he might be damned body and soul if ever he meant to rebel. He was ready to serve in France or anywhere in Ireland, so that he was not bound to come to my Lord Deputy’s presence, or to serve in his company. Ormonde tried to persuade him to go to Sidney, but he wept like a child, saying he would rather go to England unprotected than to Dublin on the best safe-conduct. He was ready to be tried by the Queen, but not by his declared enemy. At length the three Butlers surrendered to the Earl on safe-conduct, the further consideration of their case being reserved until the Lord Deputy’s pleasure should be known.[170]

Sidney goes to the South. Position of Ormonde in Tipperary.

Sidney left Dublin late in July with 600 men, Sir Barnaby Fitzpatrick, ‘the most sufficient man in counsel and action for the war that ever I found of that country birth,’ being left to guard the southern frontier of the Pale, while Fitzwilliam and Kildare held the O’Neills in check as best they might. After visiting and rebuking Kilkenny, the Lord Deputy entered Tipperary, the rebels burning their houses in front of him. His first intention was to go straight to Cork, where the citizens entertained the notion of giving Lady St. Leger up to Fitzmaurice, but hearing that a relieving force of 400 men had arrived by sea from England, he encamped near Clonmel, where he found the people good and loyal. Written challenges were thrown into the camp, promising that the rebels would fight him, and he sent for reinforcements to Waterford. The citizens answered that they had no spare men, and that besides they were exempted by their charter; but they had afterwards to pay a fine for their stiff-necked conduct. Proclamation of pardon had no effect, and the palatinate jurisdiction of the House of Ormonde was advanced by the principal gentlemen of Tipperary as a reason for not exerting themselves to restore order. ‘We are,’ they said, ‘of this county more ancient inhabiters and freeholders than any Butler is, and were the first conquerors of this soil from the Irishry.... England gave us away to a Butler.... We and our ancestors acknowledged him as our lord and captain, and indeed we know no other sovereign but him, whose lieutenant, Sir Edmund Butler, his brother and heir-apparent, is him we follow, and him we will follow and do as he commandeth us.’ Messengers to the chief rebels failed. They reported, not quite truly, perhaps, Sir Edmund Butler’s opinion that Leicester, Ormonde’s mortal foe, was about to marry the Queen and be King, and that Sidney was to be King of Ireland under him, ‘as might appear,’ the Lord Deputy said, ‘by bearing the ragged staff continually in my pensile before me, as indeed I did.’ ‘That blessed babe, Edward Butler,’ who had been Sidney’s page, professed great affection for his old master, and hoped that he would not go on to meet certain disaster. He had done all, he said, by Ormonde’s orders. Sir Theobald Butler of Cahir, who was always trying to assert his independence of Ormonde, was the only one of the family who voluntarily came to Sidney, by whom he was recommended for a peerage.[171]

Sidney persuades his men to advance.

Negotiations having failed, Sidney’s drum beat to quarters, but the men showed a great disinclination to advance. He was a fluent and persuasive speaker, and he addressed the troops, serving out wine plentifully at the same time. By the time the speech and the wine were finished, the soldiers began to cry ‘Forward,’ and to declare that they would follow to the land’s end or die on the road. They demanded to be led out at once. ‘"Nay, fast, sirs," quoth I, "it is Sunday, and it is afternoon; we will go hear evening prayer, sup and rest; and you shall be called, I warrant you, betimes in the morning, and so, in the name of God, we will advance forwards." That evening and all the night there was nothing but singing, casting of bullets, drying of powder, filing of pike-heads, sharpening of swords, and everyone thinking himself good enough for five rebels.’

Sidney meets with little resistance. Fitzmaurice burns Kilmallock.

Sidney marched next morning by Cahir into the White Knight’s country, and laid siege to a castle, which was perhaps Mitchelstown. The garrison said they held the place for God and James Fitzmaurice and the White Knight, and that they would yield to only one of them in person, or to St. Peter or St. Paul. Sidney had no artillery heavy enough to breach the main walls, but shattered the upper works, and ultimately won the courtyard and barbican by assault. The garrison retired into the vaulted chamber of the keep; but this also was assaulted, and they were pursued to the top story, and then thrown over the battlements. Lord Roche’s son was left in possession. Sidney pushed on to Cork, where Lady St. Leger was fully relieved, and the wavering citizens confirmed in their allegiance. Carrigaline was taken and garrisoned, and Castlemartyr, which the seneschal of Imokilly held against the Crown, was summoned. The seneschal himself answered that he would defend it to the last. A day or two having been spent in preparing gabions, a small breach was effected, and the garrison escaped by night into a neighbouring bog. The castle was entrusted to Captain Jasper Horsey, and Sidney then visited the Mallow district. After some pulling down of castles and wasting of country, the chiefs submitted without protection, and took the oath of allegiance. Buttevant, which Lord Barrymore had mortgaged to Desmond, was taken, and the Queen, as Sidney grimly said, was made mortgagee. Passing on to Limerick, Sidney found that Fitzmaurice had been before him at Kilmallock, which he had carried by escalade with the help of sympathisers inside. Some houses were sacked, others burned, others ransomed, and others spared altogether. Here Sidney heard from Ormonde, who could not join for want of convoy. Lord Power and the Earl’s friend Lord Decies were sent to Kilkenny, and they brought him safe to the Lord Deputy at Limerick.[172]

Sidney Limerick.

Thomas Roe Fitzgerald, Desmond’s half-brother by Catherine Roche, was induced by Sidney to serve the Queen—a stroke of policy which greatly weakened Fitzmaurice, since many Geraldines thought his title better than that of the acknowledged Earl, and of course far better than his cousin’s. ‘During my abode in Limerick,’ says Sidney, ‘there came to me divers principal personages of the county of Kerry and of Connello, as the Lord Fitzmaurice, William Burke, captain or owner of Clanwilliam, whose eldest son after (being my man) with his own hand killed James Fitzmaurice, and James him at one only encounter, Lacy, Purcell, and Suppell, with many more whose names I have forgotten, being all descended of English race; all sware allegiance to her Majesty and faithful service in that action against James. There came to me also Rory MacSheehy, captain-general of the Earl of Desmond’s gallowglasses, surnamed Clansheehy; he likewise submitted, sware allegiance, and delivered pledges as before. This man was counted one of much might among them; he procured to come to me a great many more of the Irishry.’[173]

Submission of the Butlers.

Sir Edmund escapes from Dublin Castle.

No doubt by his brother’s advice, Sir Edmund Butler wrote to Cecil, throwing himself on the Queen’s mercy; and it seems that he set out to join the Lord Deputy, but thought better of it on the road. Piers lay in pleurisy at Kilkenny, but Edward accompanied the Earl to Limerick, and made his unconditional submission. Sidney seems still to have called him traitor, but he declared himself willing to serve the Queen anywhere. Afterwards Ormonde gave his parole for him, and he executed a bond binding himself to appear at Dublin when sent for, and if possible to bring Piers and Edmund with him. ‘I granted his requests,’ said Sidney, ‘but since that time I could never set eye on my old servant Edward.’ Some weeks later Ormonde brought Sir Edmund and Piers to the Lord Deputy at Dublin, Edward being this time the defaulter. When the brothers were brought before the Council Sir Edmund accused Sidney of having threatened him, but this the Lord Deputy denied, and we have the testimony of an eye-witness to his gravity and dignity. But it seems that faith was not strictly kept, for Sir Edmund had come in upon safe-conduct granted by Ormonde to ‘come safe, remain, and go safe,’ that Ormonde had full power to grant such safe-conduct, but that nevertheless Sir Edmund was imprisoned in the castle. After a short and very indulgent confinement, he managed to obtain a rope and slipped down the wall, but hurt himself, and fell into the ditch. He lay all night in the water—it was November—and those who found him in the morning were friends. The young O’Byrnes, the afterwards renowned Feagh MacHugh being one of them, led him through the Wicklow Mountains, and he made his way once more to the neighbourhood of Leighlin. He soon afterwards visited Holy Cross, and offered a thank-offering for his escape. Sidney was highly indignant, but if he really broke Ormonde’s safe-conduct he had nothing better to expect. He insinuated doubts as to the sincerity of the Earl’s professions, but he had not gone the right way to confirm his loyalty. Ormonde, on the other hand, reported that Sidney was too jealous of him to avail himself of his services against the Munster rebels.[174]

Humphrey Gilbert in Munster.

The rank of colonel was given to Humphrey Gilbert, and he was told to pacify Munster. He showed all those qualities which have given him an enduring place in English story. Kilmallock was again threatened, and Gilbert occupied it with little more than two companies. Fitzmaurice and Clancare brought 1,500 foot and 60 horse, intending to starve out the garrison; but Gilbert sallied forth with about 100 men, and put the Irish to flight, exhibiting the Quixotic courage for which he is famous. He had a horse shot under him. His buckler was transfixed by a spear. He advanced to the attack across a river, and had twenty mounted men upon him at once, of which he slew one, unhorsed two, and wounded six. No wonder that he had a fever after this. Gilbert’s energy seems to have paralysed the enemy, for he marched almost unopposed through the wilds of Kerry and Connello, and took thirty or forty castles without artillery. The policy pursued was like that of Samuel to the subjects of Agag. At Garrystown Gilbert ordered Captain Warde to put all to the sword on pain of death. No capitulation was admitted, but all strongholds were stormed at any cost, and men, women, and children killed. ‘They are now,’ wrote Warde, after three weeks of this horrid work, ‘so well acquainted with his conditions that I think they will defend no castle.’ And the worthy captain adds that all were astonished at Gilbert’s sufficiency, and that in his opinion he was fit for any place, civil or military.[175]

Fitzmaurice is hard pressed.

James Fitzmaurice himself found the battle so hot about him that he withdrew, closely pursued, into the glen of Aherlow in Tipperary, and Sidney complained that Ormonde was slack in his service, and that they were afraid of the Queen’s displeasure if they entered his country to do the work which he neglected. Sidney called Fitzmaurice an Irish beggar, Gilbert called him a silly wood-kerne, and both wondered that an Earl of Ormonde should find any difficulty in dealing with him. The Butlers were an ungrateful crew, and Gilbert would teach them, if he might, that they had more need of the Queen’s mercy than she had of their service. The Queen’s partiality made it necessary to keep some terms with Ormonde, but Gilbert did not hesitate ‘to infringe the pretended liberties of any city or town corporate not knowing their charters to further the Queen’s Majesty’s service, answering them that the prince had a regular and absolute power, and that which might not be done by the one, I would do it by the other in case of necessity.’ Gilbert was satisfied that Ireland, being a conquered nation, would never obey for love, but for fear only; and he acted fully up to this opinion. Under his drastic treatment all the Geraldines except James Fitzmaurice submitted. Captain Apsley was sent into Kerry, and such was the terror inspired by his colonel, that the whole district was reduced with little difficulty. Clancare and MacDonough MacCarthy acknowledged their treasons on their knees. Gilbert would promise no pardons, and every rebel taken in arms was executed at once. After his service in Munster, Gilbert repaired to the Lord Deputy, who knighted him, having nothing but honour to give. In his despatches he praised him to the skies, and seems not to have had the slightest misgiving about the wisdom or morality of his conduct. The ways were safe. City gates lay open. The English name was never so much feared in Ireland. It needed now only a good sour lawyer to manage the escheats of forfeited lands. ‘If her Majesty will provide, that which is spent is not lost. Persuade her to address into Munster further a council with a President. The iron is now hot to receive what print shall be stricken in it, but if it be suffered to grow cold, I fear where before it was iron it will then be found steel. These people are headstrong, and if they feel the curb loosed but one link, they will, with bit in the teeth, in one month run further out of the career of good order than they will be brought back in three months.’ Without money, thwarted at home, and in bad health, the Lord Deputy begged earnestly for his recall. All classes were against him, and he felt as if he could not live another six months in Ireland.[176]

Ulster is quiet.

While Geraldines and Butlers, for once united by the fear of losing their lands, kept the South of Ireland in a turmoil, Ulster, for Ulster, was rather unusually quiet. The O’Neills feared to provoke Sidney while he had the power to punish, and minor chiefs professed themselves ready to obey his call. James MacDonnell’s widow took advantage of the lull to come to Rathlin and give her hand to Tirlogh Luineach, who had now from 3,000 to 5,000 men under his orders, his wife having brought at least 1,200 Scots with her. Newry was threatened, but the arrival of Ormonde left Kildare free, and the forces of the Pale were drawn northwards. Sidney followed as soon as he could, and found that the Scots had weakened rather than strengthened Tirlogh Luineach, who had ‘eaten himself out’ by supporting them. The fact that he had been accidentally shot by a jester while sitting at supper with his new wife, may have had a good deal to do with Tirlogh Luineach’s inactivity. In any case, he gave Fitzmaurice no help; and, the Butlers having submitted, the confederacy from which so much had been expected and feared fell to pieces of itself.[177]