FOOTNOTES:
[1] “An Apology for Graft,” by Lincoln Steffens, American Magazine, vol. lxvi (1908), p. 120.
[2] The argument is at least as old as Plato. In the “Laws” it is put as follows: “Acquisitions which come from sources which are just and unjust indifferently are more than double those which come from just sources only.” With the true Greek contempt for business, however, the Philosopher finds it an easy matter to dispose of this specious contention. Cf. the “Laws,” bk. v, p. 125, tr. by B. Jowett, vol. v, 3d ed.
[3] “City Government in the United States,” ch. ix, p. 228.
[4] According to a newspaper report of October 16, 1909, the statue was finally placed in its niche in the $13,000,000 Capitol at Harrisburg.
[5] This argument is presented in a very striking way in Mr. Hutchins Hapgood’s “The Spirit of Labour,” pp. 114, 260, 345, 369.
[6] Political Science Quarterly, vol. xix (1904), p. 678.
[7] “The History of Tammany Hall,” by Gustavus Myers, p. 323.
[8] On this point cf. Mary E. Richmond’s extremely thoughtful and sympathetic study of “The Good Neighbour in the Modern City.”
[9] Particularly chs. viii and ix.
[10] Ibid., p. 195.
[11] A discussion of these reforms in detail is given in ch. ix of Professor Goodnow’s book.
[12] See his extremely able article entitled “Is Class Conflict in America Growing and Is It Inevitable?” in the American Journal of Sociology, vol. xiii (1908), p. 756.
[13] Political Science Quarterly, vol. xix (1904), p. 673.
[14] In his extremely interesting work on “The Anthracite Coal Communities,” Mr. Peter Roberts takes a rather dark view of the political morals of the coal counties of Pennsylvania (pp. 316-42, 355-58), but it is easy to recognise in his pages the emergence of political independence and higher forms of corruption which indicate better things for the future. “In the year 1897,” he writes, “the courts of Lackawanna, Luzerne, and Schuylkill, drafted a new set of rules to regulate the process of naturalising aliens, making it more difficult and expensive.—[The cost alone was increased from $2.00 to from $12.00 to $15.00, and applicants were compelled to engage the services of an attorney.]—The Sclav in this matter, as in all others which affect his material interests, moves in a practical manner that commends his business tact and condemns his political ethics. The applicants organise into political clubs, and prepare themselves for the examination. When they are ready they wait for the time of election until some aspirant for political honours comes round. A bargain is then made; if he secures them their naturalisation papers the club will vote for him. In this way a large number are pushed through, previous to the elections, at little expense to themselves.—The first lesson taught these men in the exercise of the franchise is that it is property having market value, which they sell to the highest bidder.” (pp. 44-45.)
“There are many brilliant young men rising among them [the Sclavs] who cherish political ambition, and they successfully lead their fellow countrymen to acquire the rights of citizenship in order to enhance their prospects and power in both municipal and county politics. They are gradually appropriating more and more of the spoils of office in municipalities and their power in county elections is annually increasing.”
“These people have both physical and intellectual qualities which will enrich the blood and brain of the nation, but the political ethics in vogue in our state are far from possessing a character likely to strengthen and elevate the moral nature of the Sclav. His leaders teach him cunning and give him samples of fraud and sharp practice which he is quick to copy. Venality is the common sin of our electors and the Sclav has been corrupted in the very inception of his political life in his adopted country.” (pp. 47-48.)