FOOTNOTES:

[109] Complaint was made against Martha Carrier on the 28th of May, by Joseph Houlton and John Wallcott, both of Salem. John Ballard, Constable, arrested her. John Bayley, Assistant Constable of Andover, summoned the Witnesses. See Records S. W. ii, 54, 55, &c.

[110] Martha Carrier underwent the usual Examination, which occupies two Pages, and the Original is in the Hand of Mr. Samuel Parris. The above is but a very unsatisfactory Abridgement of it.

[111] It appears from Lawson's Account that such Accusations were much heeded. He says—"Several have confessed against their own Mothers, that they were Instruments to bring them into the Devil's Covenant, to the undoing of their Body and Soul. And some Girls of Eight or Nine Years of Age did declare that after they were so betrayed by their Mothers, to the Power of Satan, they saw the Devil go in their own shapes to afflict others."—Page 118-19.

[112] Benjamin Abbot was of Andover, and his Age was about 31.

[113] Sarah Abbot gave her Age as about 32 Years.

[114] Allen Toothaker was a young Man, aged about 22 Years. He may have received his Wound when the Indians attacked Andover, as mentioned in an earlier Note.

[115] John Rogers was of Billerica. He gave his Age as about 50. His Testimony takes up a quarto Page in the Records. Three Years later, viz., August 5th, 1695, he, with several others, was killed at Billerica by the Indians.

[116] Samuel Preston gave his Age as about 41 Years. He swore he "lost a Cow in a strange Manner." That strange Manner, it is evident from his Story, referred to the Way in which she was cast, and not being able to free herself, died. The preternatural and unusual being thrown in by the Doctor.

[117] It is only necessary to state that Phebe Chandler was but about 12 Years old, as a Reason that no Notice should be taken of her Evidence; and notwithstanding near two solid Pages of her Testimony are in the Records. However, Bridget Chandler, her Mother, aged 40 Years, corroborated the Daughter's Story.

[118] This has reference to Ann Foster, of Salem Village. See Records S. W., ii, 136-7.

[119] Mary Lacy was Wife of Lawrence Lacy, of Andover, and Daughter of Ann Foster. See Ibid., ii, 139-40. This "other Lacy" was also named "Mary." Ibid., 142.

[120] Susanna Sheldon was a ready Witness in a large Number of Cases, as has already been noticed.

[121] No Testimony appears to have been omitted that could be tortured by any Construction against "this rampant Hag," by the Author, while all that went to clear her was rejected. Fortunately the Case is changed, and the whole is spread before disinterested Inquirers, or enough upon which to form a correct Judgment. Mr. Francis Dane, the second Minister of Andover, dared to give his Thoughts upon the Witchcraft Cases. These he communicated to the Court, and the Scribe recorded them among the Evidence. He said he had lived above forty Years in Andover, and in his "healthfull Yeares had been frequent among y^e Inhabitants in their Habitations," and never heard of anything of the Nature of Witchcraft until the Arrests the last Summer (1692). If there were any Suspicions that Martha Carrier was a Witch, before she was apprehended, he said he had never heard of it; and "as for any other Persons, I had no Suspicion of them, and had Charity been put on, the Diuel would not have had such an Advantage against us, and I beleeve many innocent Persons have been accused." This Testimony of an aged and worthy Gentleman (then 77), well acquainted with all the Circumstances, and with the Accused, should accompany that against "the rampant Hag."

[122] This Passage caused Dr. Mather to utter some very wrathful Expressions against the Author. He says, or rather, his Defenders for him: "What was done in the dark Time of our Troubles from the Invisible World, all honest Men believe, they did in Conscience of the Oath of God upon them, and they followed unto the best of their Understanding, as we are informed, the Precedents of England and Scotland, and other Nations on such a dark and doleful Occasion. When they found the Matter carried beyond the Reach of Mortals, they stopt."—Some Few Remarks, 6; Magnalia, B. ii, 64.

Law Enacted, &c.

[140] His telling that the Court began to think that Burroughs stept aside to put on Invisibility, is a rendring them so mean Philosophers, and such weak Christians, as to be fit to be imposed upon by any silly pretender.

His calling the Evidence against How trivial, and others against Burroughs, he accounts no part of his Conviction; and that of lifting a Gun with one Finger, its being not made use of as Evidence, renders the whole but the more perplext. (Not to mention the many mistakes therein contain'd.)

Yet all this (and more that might have been hinted at) does not hinder, but that his Account of the manner of Trials of those for Witchcraft is as faithfully related as any Tryals of that kind, that was ever yet made publick; and it may also be reasonably thought that there was as careful a Scrutiny, and as unqestion'd Evidences improved, as had been formerly used in the Tryals of others, for such crimes in other places.[123] Tho indeed a second part might be very useful to set forth which was the Evidence Convictive in these Tryals, for it is not supposed, that Romantick or Ridiculous stories should have any influence, such as biting a Spectres Finger so that the Blood flowed out, or such as Shattock's Story of 12 Years standing, which yet was presently 18 Years or more, and yet a Man of that excellent Memory, as to be able to recall a small difference his Wife had with another Woman when Eighten Years were past.

As it is not to be supposed that such as these could Influence any Judge or Jury, so not unkindness to relations, or God's having given to one Man more strength than to some others, the over-setting of Carts, or the death of Cattle, nor yet Excrescencies (call'd Tets) nor little bits of Rags tied together (call'd Poppets.) Much less any persons illness, or having their Cloaths rent when a Spectre has been well hanged, much less the burning the Mares Fart, mentioned in the Tryal of How.

None of these being in the least capable of proving the Indictment; The supposed Criminals were Indicted for Afflicting, &c. such and such particular persons by Witchcraft, to which none of these Evidences have one word to say, and the Afflicted and Confessors being declared not enough, the matter needs yet further explaining.

But to proceed, the General Court having sat and enacted Laws, particularly one against Witchcraft, assigning the Penalty of Death to any that shall feed, reward or employ, &c. Evil Spirits, though it has not yet been explained what is intended thereby, or what it is to feed, reward or imploy Devils, &c. yet some of the Legislators have given this instead of an Explanation, that they had therein but Copied the Law of another Country.[124]

against Witchcraft

January 3. By vertue of an Act of the General Court, the first Superior Court was held at Salem, for the County of Essex, the Judges appointed were Mr. William Stoughton (the Lieutenant Governor) Thomas [141] Danforth, John Richards, Wait Winthorp, and Samuel Sewall, Esquires. Where Ignoramus was found upon the several Bills of Indictment against Thirty, and Billa-Vera against Twenty six more; of all these Three only were found Guilty by the Jewry upon Trial, two of which were (as appears by their Behaviour) the most senseless and Ignorant Creatures that could be found; besides which it does not appear what came in against those more than against the rest that were acquitted.[125]

The Third was the Wife of Wardwell, who was one of the Twenty Executed, and it seems they had both confessed themselves Guilty; but he retracting his said Confession, was tried and Executed; it is supposed that this Woman fearing her Husbands fate, was not so stiff in her denials of her former Confession, such as it was. These Three received Sentence of Death.[126]