CHAPTER XVII.
Chilóe the last Spanish possession in South America—Freyre's Expedition—Failure—Second Expedition under Freyre and Blanco—Quintanilla's capitulation—Chilóe taken—Aldunate placed in command—Chilóe a dependency of Chile—Beagle sails to sea coast of Tierra del Fuego—Adelaide repaired—Adelaide sails—Adventure goes to Valparaiso—Juan Fernandez—Fishery—Coats—Dogs—Geology—Botany—Shells—Spanish accounts—Anson's voyage—Talcahuano—Concepcion—Pinoleo—Araucanian Indians—Re-enter the Strait of Maghalhaens—Fuegians.
The island of Chilóe was the last place the King of Spain possessed in South America; and even to this day he is not without friends there, who would gladly restore his absolute monarchy, notwithstanding the advantages that are acknowledged to have been derived from the change of masters, and the consequent opening of trade, which has added very much to the comfort, as well as civilization of the inhabitants.
During the struggle for independence, this island was too distant from the seat of war to render it important; but when all other parts of Chile were freed from the king's troops, the new government despatched an expedition, consisting of between three and four thousand men, commanded by the Director-General Freyre, to attack it. Upon the appearance of this expedition off the harbour of San Carlos, the Spanish governor, Quintanilla, was inclined to capitulate; but, instead of anchoring in the roads, the squadron proceeded to Chacao, landed troops there, and despatched some of their forces to Castro, where they were repulsed by the Spanish and native troops, and obliged to re-embark. In this interval, one of the ships left the squadron, and returned to Valparaiso, whence she was immediately ordered back; but meanwhile the Director had embarked his troops, and returned to Concepcion. Not long afterwards, in January 1826, a second expedition, under the same general, sailed from Valdivia, convoyed by a strong squadron, under the command of Admiral Blanco.
"Upon this occasion the troops landed, on the 8th, at the little inlet of the Bay of Huechucucuy; and Fort Corona was immediately taken. On the 10th, the disembarkation of the troops was completed. A battalion was left to mask Fort Aguy, while a force, under Colonel Aldunate, passed on, and took the battery of Barcacura. On the 10th, Admiral Blanco shifted his flag; and, leaving the O'Higgins outside, stood into the bay with the rest of the squadron, which anchored off Barcacura.
"The governor, Quintanilla, with upwards of three thousand Royalists, took up a strong position on a hill, at the S.E. side of the bay, flanked on the left by an impenetrable wood, on the right by the shore, and supported by three gun-boats in shallow water. These were taken by the boats of the squadron, under Captain Bell, and turned against the Royalists. Their position was thus enfiladed, and they retired. Freyre then advanced: some skirmishing took place: Quintanilla capitulated; and the territory of Chile was no longer sullied by the Spanish flag.
"Colonel Aldunate, Majors Maruri, Asagra, and Tupper (a native of Jersey); and Captain Bell, of the navy, greatly distinguished themselves.—Miller's Memoirs."
Colonel Aldunate was afterwards invested with the government of the island; but, owing to the disaffection of the troops, who were urged on by the King of Spain's agents, a revolution took place, Aldunate was imprisoned, and afterwards sent to Valparaiso, and the Spanish flag once more waved in Chilóe. It was, however, for a short time only; Aldunate was despatched once more, and with a small force of three hundred veteran troops, headed by Colonel Tupper, and accompanied by the Aquiles, brig of war, again obtained possession of the island, which he has since kept, though not quietly, for the Royalists were constantly on the alert, and made several futile attempts to recover the place for their king. Time has now reconciled the greater number to the change; and, I believe, Chilóe may be considered a contented dependency of the republic of Chile.
The Beagle being ready to resume her voyage, sailed on the 19th of November to survey the southern coasts of Tierra del Fuego; after which, she was to rejoin the Adventure at Rio de Janeiro.[[161]]
As the Adelaide had received some damage in getting aground, it was requisite to lay her on the beach for examination and repair. Her mainmast, also, was found to be sprung so badly, as to render a new one necessary; which we should have found much difficulty in obtaining, but for the kindness of General Aldunate, who, finding that we were at a loss, proposed to give us the flag-staff of the town, a beautiful spar of alerse, that was in every way suitable. Previously, however, to accepting his offer, being aware that such an act might expose him to much reproach from the people of the town, who were all very proud of it, I caused inquiry to be made whether a spar of the necessary dimensions could be brought from Calbuco; and in the meantime we proceeded with the repairs.
A creek behind Sandy Point offering every convenience for heaving her down, the Adelaide was moved into it, and laid on the beach. On stripping her copper off, the injury proved to be considerable; but not beyond our means to repair. Upon examination, the foremast was found to be in a bad state, but could be rendered effective by fishing it with the sound portion of the other mast, therefore our only real difficulty was to get a mainmast. From the account I received from Calbuco, I found that, without a great delay, not less than two months, and sending a portion of our people with ropes and tackles, there was no chance of procuring a spar: it could only be obtained at a considerable distance from the shore, and when felled must be dragged over several high ranges of hills, which might be called mountains, before it could be got to the water-side. General Aldunate, through whom this inquiry was made, then renewed his offer of the flag-staff, which I accepted most thankfully; and by his order it was taken down, and conveyed to the ship, soon after which it was converted into an excellent mainmast for the schooner. Before it was moved, a new, but shorter staff, with a topmast, was fitted for the flag; notwithstanding which, many unpleasant observations were made, and absurd reports circulated, which spread to Chile, and even to Peru, that the English were about to take possession of Chilóe, and had already removed the flag-staff of San Carlos.
OLD CHURCH AT CASTRO.
NEAR PT. ARENA.
PT. ARENA.—SAN CARLOS CHILOE.
Published by Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street, 1838
By Lieutenant Mitchell's activity in superintending the Adelaide's repairs, she was got ready for sea at the beginning of December, and sailed on the 8th, under the command of Lieutenant Skyring, with orders[[162]] to survey those parts of the Gulf of Peñas which had not been examined by the Beagle; particularly the River San Tadeo, in San Quintin's Sound; the openings behind Xavier Island; the Channel's Mouths; and the Guaianeco Islands, where the Wager was wrecked: and then to proceed down the Mesier Channel, behind the Island Campana, which was supposed to communicate with Concepcion Strait, by the Brazo Ancho (or Wide Channel) of Sarmiento. He was then to go to the Ancon sin Salida, examining all the openings into the main land, on his way, and search for a communication with the large waters, discovered by Captain Fitz Roy, through which he was to try to enter the Strait, and join the Adventure, at Port Famine, during the month of April.
Lieutenant Skyring again took with him, by Captain Fitz Roy's permission, Mr. Kirke and Mr. Bynoe, of the Beagle; Mr. Alexander Millar and Mr. Parke also accompanied them.
Having thus despatched our companions, we prepared, on board the Adventure, to return to Valparaiso; intending to proceed to Rio de Janeiro; by way of Concepcion, Port Famine, and Monte Video; for the sake of adding some links to our chronometric chain: with a view to which, I had taken the opportunity of having the chronometers cleaned at Valparaiso by Mr. Roskell, agent for Messrs. Roskell chronometer-makers at Liverpool. General Aldunate being on the point of returning to Valparaiso, I had an opportunity of obliging him, and showing my sense of the assistance, and essential kindness we had
received, by offering him and all his family a passage in the Adventure, which he accepted; and on the 17th we left Chilóe. In our way we touched at Concepcion, and anchored at Valparaiso on the 2d of January.
We remained there until the 11th of February, and then sailed on our return to Rio de Janeiro, with the intention of passing though the Strait of Magalhaens, and taking that opportunity of completing some few parts, which our former surveys had left unfinished. As the breeze, which, on this coast, blows with the constancy of a trade wind, would carry us close to the island of Juan Fernandez, I determined upon visiting it, for a few days; and then proceeding again to Concepcion.
We reached Cumberland Bay, on the north side of Juan Fernandez, on the 16th, and anchored, within two cables lengths of the beach, in ten fathoms.
I have seldom seen a more remarkable and picturesque view, than is presented by the approach to Juan Fernandez. When seen from a distance, the mountain of the 'Yungue' (Anvil), so called from its resemblance to a blacksmith's anvil, appears conspicuously placed in the midst of a range of precipitous mountains, and is alone an object of interest. It rises three thousand feet above a shore, which is formed by an abrupt wall of dark-coloured bare rock, eight or nine hundred feet in height, through whose wild ravines, broken by the mountain torrents, views are caught of verdant glades, surrounded by luxuriant woodland.
The higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on the island.
The Yungue is wooded, nearly from the summit to its base; whence an extensive and fertile valley extends to the shore, and is watered by two streams, which take their rise in the heights, and fall into the sea.
This valley appears to have been formerly cleared and cultivated by the Spaniards, who had a colony here; for the stone
walls, which served to divide their enclosures, still remain. From Walter's account of Anson's voyage, and the view given with it of the commodore's tent, there is no difficulty in determining this valley to be the spot on which his encampment was placed.
The island is now (1830) occupied, or rather rented from the governor of Chile for a term of years, by Don Joachim Larrain. The establishment consists of a superintendent (mayor-domo), there called, 'the governor;' and forty persons, who are employed in the seal and cod fishery, and in drying fish for the Chilian market. Their dwellings are erected on the flat land, at the north side of the bay, where the soil is richer than in other parts; and where it is more sheltered from the squalls, which, during strong southerly gales, rush down the valley of the Yungue, the situation of the former establishment, with great violence.
The remains of a fort, called San Juan Baptiste, are yet in a tolerable state; and from an inscription on the wall, it appears to have been repaired, or completed, in the year 1809. It is situated on a rising ground, about one hundred and thirty feet above the sea, at the S.W. part of the bay, and overlooks the village; there are now no guns mounted, but, with a few, it might be made very effective in a short time; and, from its situation, would command the bay.
In the middle of the beach are some ruins of a four-gun battery, and there are also traces of a fort at the N.W. end of the bay.
At present, except wild-goats, wild peaches, figs, abundance of fish, and excellent fresh water, no refreshments can be procured. An establishment of forty persons, with very little to do, might naturally be expected to cultivate the land, raise vegetables and fruit, and rear poultry and pigs, to supply the vessels, which frequently touch here for wood and water; but it is not the character of the Chileno to take any trouble, unless obliged, although his own comfort and advantage may be materially concerned.
The mayor-domo, however, told me that their attempts to
cultivate the soil, and raise potatoes, had been defeated by the destructive ravages of a worm.
By sending a boat to the east point of the bay, to fish in forty fathoms water, a most delicious kind of cod-fish may be taken, in such numbers, that two men, in half an hour, could fill the boat. Craw-fish, of large size, are almost equally abundant; they are taken with a hooked stick: one of our boats caught forty-five in a very short time. The inhabitants catch them, and cure their tails, by exposure to the sun, for exportation to Chile, where they are much esteemed, and fetch a high price.
Wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island, but are not easily obtained; they are sometimes shot, or taken with a lazo. These animals, according to Woodes Rogers, and other writers, were originally left on the island by Juan Fernandez, who, for a short time, lived there. According to the 'Noticias Secretas,' p. 50 to 56, they are supposed to have been landed by the Buccaneers, who frequented this island. Certain it is, that, without such refreshments, the Buccaneers would not have been able to carry on their harassing war of plunder against the Spanish possessions on the American coast to such an extent; nor should we, perhaps, have heard anything more about Commodore Anson, and the crews of the Centurion and Gloucester, who were, on their arrival at this island, in the last stage of scurvy.
To prevent Juan Fernandez from being so tempting a resort to Buccaneers, the Viceroy of Peru caused a great many dogs to be landed, which hunted down and destroyed the goats in great numbers: this in some measure has prevented their subsequent increase. The dogs however drove the goats to places where they could not follow them, and were then obliged to destroy seals for food. Large troops of these dogs still range about the lower grounds; but the heights are in the undisturbed possession of wild-goats; which may be seen in numbers browsing on elevated and almost inaccessible places, where they live in safety.
The geological character of this island, according to Mr. Caldcleugh, who accompanied me in this trip, is of basaltic
green-stone, and trap, which appears, at first sight, to be volcanic; but, on a more particular examination, the lava-like appearance of the rock does not seem to arise from an igneous origin.
The green-stone is full of crystals of olivine, which, as they decompose, leave hollows, resembling those of scoriæ. Mr. Caldcleugh communicated an account of the structure to the Geological Society.[[163]] In Captain Hall's interesting journal, there is a list of Geological and Mineralogical specimens, of which one from Mas-a-fuéra[[164]] is named 'Vesicular Lava.' May it not be this same rock in a decomposed state?
The late Signor Bertero, whose botanical collections from Chile have enriched many of the principal herbaria in Europe, accompanied me to make a collection of the Flora of the island; and he considered that the character of the vegetation was very little allied to the Chilian, but partook more of that of California. The sandal-wood, which has been described as indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and apparently very old. It is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong scent. The mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing interfered.
The island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant herbaceous plant is a species of oat, which grows very luxuriantly, and towards the westward covers the ground for many miles. The neighbourhood of Cumberland Bay is over-run with strawberry plants, wild radishes, mint, and balm, besides peach, apple, cherry, and fig trees, which are
found wild every where, and remind one of Lord Anson's visit.[[165]]
Not only in its botanical productions does this island differ from the Chilian coast, but also in its shells: the shell fish being extremely scarce, and dissimilar in character. On the rocks we found a patella and a small chama, but we saw no mytilus. From the deep water I fished up some coral, and attached to one fragment was a new species of arca.[[166]] The fishing-lines brought up, from the depth of eighty fathoms, a branch of coralline, to which an infinite number of a species of caryophyllia were attached. The existence of coral is mentioned in Mr. Barry's translation of the 'Noticias Secretas de America; por Don J. Juan, y Don A. de Ulloa,' a work which contains a long and, generally speaking, good account of the island; but their description of the anchorage does not agree with ours. They say, "The distance between the two points, which form the bay, is two miles, and its depth about half a league; and, although the depth is nearly the same in all parts, the best berth to moor ships is in the front of the 'Playa del Este;' but it is necessary to be close to the stones of the beach, for at one or two cables' length there are fifty fathoms water, and the outer anchor is in the depth of seventy or eighty fathoms; but if the vessel is three or four cables off, it will be necessary to drop the outer anchor in one hundred fathoms, which, even with two cables an end, will scarcely secure the ship." Now, at three cables' length from the beach, we had only ten fathoms, our outer anchor was dropped in seventeen fathoms, and in a line between the two points of the bay there is not more than fifty fathoms.
If the accounts of those Spanish officers were correct, the earthquakes, which certainly affect these islands, must have caused a considerable uprising of the base of the island; but, on referring to the plan in Anson's voyage, the soundings in 1741 do not appear to have been different from ours. The innermost ship, whose berth we occupied, is, in that plan, at anchor in
nineteen fathoms, and the depth between the points of the bay is shown to be about fifty fathoms.
There are few persons who have not read, with much interest, Mr. Walter's account of the Centurion's voyage, and who are not well acquainted with his description of this island, which we found exceedingly correct. The views of the land, although old-fashioned in execution, are most correctly delineated, and the plan of the bay is quite sufficient for every common purpose of navigation; but as we had an opportunity of fixing its latitude and longitude more correctly, it became desirable to make a more detailed plan than Commodore Anson's.
The seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice. They have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance escaped. At present the island is let to a tenant, who is not permitted to kill them until the young have taken to the water, by which means an opportunity is given for them to increase.
I am not aware that there are any indigenous animals. Dogs, goats, and rats, have been imported. Land birds are not numerous; some pigeons, said to have been imported, and a few hawks, are occasionally seen, besides three species of humming-birds, two of which are new to science.[[167]] Of sea-birds we saw very few; but were informed that the 'Goat Islands,' at the south-west end of Juan Fernandez, are completely covered by them at the breeding season.
During our stay, several excursions were made, in various directions, from the village, and much facilitated by beaten paths, one of which leads up a valley, westward of that of the
Yungue, and thence to a pass over the principal range, communicating with the other side of the island. This pass, called the Puertozuela, is 1,800 feet high, and was visited several times by the officers. On one occasion, they went to the western part of the island, to hunt wild goats. The party set out in boats with the mayor-domo, or governor, as their guide; but before they reached the proper landing-place, became so impatient that they landed, intending to walk back. The governor, however, persevered, and returned, in the evening, with five fine she-goats, which he had taken with 'lazos.' Our pedestrians found their return by no means so easy as they had contemplated, being obliged to pass the night in a cave, which they fortunately found at sunset, and they did not reach the ship until the following afternoon, fatigued, but much pleased by their ramble.
The thermometer on board ranged, during the day, between 63° and 82°, and the barometer between 29.98, and 30.16. On shore the thermometer stood higher, in fine, unclouded weather, and lower when the summits of the hills were covered with clouds.
We put to sea on the 22d, anchored at Talcahuano on the 3d of March, and sailed again on the 17th, to proceed through the Strait of Magalhaens.
While at Concepcion I had an opportunity of seeing Pinoleo,[[168]] the Indian chief, from whom Captain Basil Hall endeavoured to obtain the release of a captured Araucanian female, whose husband had been murdered in cold blood before her eyes.[[169]]
Mr. Rouse, our consul, procured for me the necessary introduction, and, with one of the governor's aides-de-camp, accompanied us to the Indian quarters, situated on the
outskirts of the town, towards the river Bio-Bio. We found the chief's residence (little better than a rancho, or hut of the country), surrounded by Indians, some of whom were armed; and at the door were his two daughters, young, and rather good-looking, whose persons and dress we had leisure to examine, whilst waiting the chiefs pleasure to receive us. They were clothed with a mantle, or wrapper, of green baize, enveloping the body from the neck to the feet, and fastened at the breast by a toup, or tupu[[170]] (a silver pin, or skewer, headed with a round silver plate, three inches in diameter), over which hung a string of beads. Their hair, which was remarkably fine and clean, as well as neatly dressed, was divided into two plaited tails ('trensas'), and their foreheads were ornamented with a broad fillet, worked over with beads.[[171]] They also wore necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and anklets of similar manufacture.
Our names having been announced to Pinoleo, he came to the door to receive us, and invited us to enter. Some of our party he recognized, and seemed pleased at their visiting him. We were early, and found him sober; but from his bloated and haggard appearance, it seemed that he had not been long so. On entering the hut, we observed a number of Indians, scarcely sober, seated round, near the walls. Some turbid wine was presented to us, in a silver cup, which we sipped as it passed round; but the last of our party knowing that to return the cup without emptying it, would be an offence, was obliged to drink the contents, and a bitter potion they were. Pinoleo was then stout and rather corpulent, five feet ten inches in height, of a fairer complexion than the generality of his countrymen, and had lost much of his hair. He had laid aside the Indian
dress, and wore the deshabille of a Spaniard, a shirt and pair of trowsers, in a very slovenly manner. He spoke Spanish with great facility, and appeared to be quite at his ease in conversation. He has the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the Chilian army, and receives pay, as a retainer for his friendship.
A very short visit was sufficient to satisfy us, and we took the first opportunity of retiring, for fear of a second cup of wine. While leaving the hut, we were beset by some of his followers, asking for money. The Indian quarter is a scene of drunkenness the whole day; the women, however, are prevented from thus injuring themselves; they are industrious and cleanly, and are principally occupied in the manufacture of ponchos. These Indians are frequently at war with other tribes, who live on the south side of the Bio-Bio river, and who have never yet been conquered by white men, of which they are not a little proud.([w])
These Araucanians are by no means to be despised. The Cacique Mariloan,[[172]] who resides near San Carlos, on the Bio-Bio, has three hundred fighting men under his own command; and from the influence he holds over neighbouring Caciques, could bring upwards of one thousand men into the field. Upon the occasion of a late revolution in Chile, a deputation of chiefs was sent by the Araucanian Caciques to inquire into the cause of those disturbances, of which they had received intelligence. They first asked for an interpreter, whom they cautioned to give a true and literal translation of their speech; and then they made a long harangue, in which they explained the cause of their visit, and declared their willingness to assist their friends, if their aid should be required, to expel a foreign foe; but if the troubles were caused only by the quarrels and dissensions of parties, they would not take an active part. They were then given to understand that an attempt had been made by one party to put down another, upon which they declined assisting either. The conference being ended, some horses were
slaughtered and skinned. Large holes were dug, and the skins put into them, to form substitutes for vessels, into which barrels of wine were poured, and the Indians commenced their feast of horses' flesh and turbid wine, which threw them rapidly into a state of excitement and intoxication, that lasted some hours after the wine was all drunk.
In this neighbourhood, the Araucanian pine (Araucaria imbricata) is found, but very few of the trees grow near the sea. One beautiful specimen which I saw in a garden was, at least, forty feet in height, with branches sweeping the ground. The cones of these trees, called piñones, are brought to the town from the mountains where they grow, and are roasted, to be sold in the streets.
On the 31st of March, the land about Cape Lucia was seen, and at noon it bore E.b.N., distant twelve miles, when the wind ceased, and a heavy swell setting us towards the land, made our situation an anxious one. A breeze, however, sprung up, and by carrying a press of sail, we succeeded in gaining an offing before dark. The night was very squally, but next morning (1st April) the weather was better, so we stood in, and made the Evangelists, which were seen from the mast-head, at a distance of twenty-two miles. Between these islands and Cape Pillar we found a most turbulent sea; yet no sooner had we entered the Strait, than the water became perfectly smooth. I intended anchoring in the Harbour of Mercy; but the night proved fine, and the wind was so favourable, that we proceeded by the chart, using a patent log, and passing within two miles of the headlands. Sail was reduced as much as possible, to give us space sufficient to run on during the night, steering E. ¾ S. by compass. Towards midnight the weather became cloudy, and occasionally the land was concealed from our view.
Abreast of Cape Tamar, and as far as Cape Providence, some sharp squalls raised a sea, rather heavy, considering we were in the Strait; but afterwards the water became smooth again. Off the latter cape, the patent log indicated a distance run equal to that shown by the chart, which proved that we had
experienced no current. At daylight we were in the entrance of the 'Long Reach,' abreast of Cape Monday.
While passing the opening opposite to Playa Parda, a schooner was observed at anchor, and a boat was seen coming out to us. It contained the mate of the schooner Industry, of New Bedford, who informed us that she had been lying there, weather-bound, for nearly a month. He came to make inquiries about good anchorages to the westward (having already lost two anchors), and to learn in what part of the Strait he was; his own idea being, that the vessel was under Cape Monday. Having given him the required information, we proceeded; but the wind fell light, and we were glad to anchor in the cove of Playa Parda. With our chains we found it safe; but the bottom, being rocky, would probably do much injury to hempen cables.
The opening opposite to us, where the schooner was lying, was evidently Sarmiento's 'Abra.' It appeared to us to be a mile and a half wide, with an island in the entrance. Within, it seemed to take a south, then a south-west direction, and afterwards to trend round a low hummocky point of the eastern shore, under a high, precipitous ridge, on the opposite or western shore, towards the S.E.; beyond this its course could not be observed. When passing through this part of the Strait, Captain Stokes found the weather so bad, that although the distance across was only two or three miles, the shores were often concealed by clouds and rain, so as to render it impossible for him to make any survey of them.
We were detained the two following days by bad weather. On the 5th we proceeded, but before we got abreast of Snowy Sound, heavy rain set in, which lasted all day.
As we passed Borja Bay, a schooner was observed at anchor in it, so like the Adelaide, that we altered our course to communicate with her. From a boat which came off to us, we learned that it was a sealing-vessel, called the Hope, of New York, going through the Strait, from Staten Land. She had seen nothing of the Adelaide.
When abreast of Bachelor River, a canoe, containing two
men and two women, came out to us; but we did not delay long, and at five the anchor was dropped in Fortescue Bay.
As it did not appear that the Adelaide had preceded us, I determined upon remaining, to make a chronometric measurement from Port Gallant to Port Famine; and the next morning Lieutenant Graves landed, and obtained a set of sights for time.
In the early part of the day, two canoes, containing eight or ten Fuegians, entered the bay. They came from the westward; but we did not recognize among them any of those who visited the ship as we passed Bachelor's River. Several had red baize shirts, and some had 'Union caps,' such as are supplied to our men-of-war; which they must have procured from the Beagle or Adelaide, or from the Chanticleer, at Cape Horn.([x]) After hanging about us all day, they landed at sunset, and took up their quarters in some old wigwams in the inner harbour.
The canoes of these natives were very different in their construction from any we had seen to the eastward. Instead of being paddled, they were pulled with oars; one of which was an ash oar, probably obtained from some sealing-vessel. The canoes were large; at the bottom was a plank, twenty inches wide, to which were sewn the sides, in the manner of the piraguas, and they were caulked with bark, in a similar way.
We did not remark any thing peculiar among these people which we had not perceived in other natives of Tierra del Fuego, except that they frequently used the word 'pecheray,' a word particularly noticed by Bougainville, who thought that it meant the name of the tribe; and, in consequence, the Fuegians have been often called Pecherays.
On one of the officers cutting a lock of hair from a woman's head, the men became angry, and one of them taking it away, threw half of it into the fire, and, rolling up the other portion between the palms of his hands, swallowed it. Immediately
afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a tone and gesture of explanation, 'Pecheray, Pecheray.' After which, they cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and repeated a similar ceremony.
From this fact, one might suppose the word to be connected with their ideas of divine worship; but we had heard it used for so many opposite things, that I could not consider it of so much importance as some of the officers were inclined to think it.
The next day a party ascended the Mountain de la Cruz, to deposit a pewter plate, on which were cut the names of the ship and officers. At the summit they found the pile of stones made by Captain Fitz Roy, which they left undisturbed; but made another, in which a bottle was placed, containing the little Spanish coin, and copies, on vellum, of the memorials we had formerly taken from it, also several English coins, and some medals. The bottle was corked, covered with resin, and enveloped in sheet lead. Our party returned in the evening, having been seven hours in going up and descending.
The next day I obtained an angular measurement of the Mountain de la Cruz, with a theodolite, having measured a base of 2,608 feet, which gave for its elevation 2,364 feet, 74 feet more than Captain Fitz Roy's barometrical determination.
During the day several Fuegian families had arrived, and, by the evening, ten canoes, containing altogether about sixty natives, were collected. I landed to visit them, for I had never before seen so many assembled. We entered all the wigwams but one, which was said to be occupied by a woman in labour. In the opening stood her husband, painted all over with a red ochrous earth, and his head and breast ornamented with the white down of birds. The other Fuegians called him 'Pecheray;' and appeared to consider him, while in the character he had assumed, as a being superior to themselves.
Hence, there evidently is something of a superstitious nature connected with the word; but our frequent attempts to find out its precise meaning, were unsuccessful. On repeating this expression to a group of natives, one of them immediately coughed up a piece of blubber, which he had been eating, and gave it to another, who swallowed it with much ceremony, and with a peculiar guttural noise; then, looking up, and pointing with his finger to the skies, solemnly pronounced the talismanic 'Pecheray,' This word is also used in pointing to the sun.
On the 10th April, I went to Charles Islands, and surveyed them. There is very good anchorage for a small vessel, in eighteen fathoms, at the north end of the passage which separates them; and at the bottom, or elbow, under the eastern island, in thirteen or fourteen fathoms. The next day, a fresh arrival in two canoes increased the number of Indians to eighty; rather a formidable body for a small vessel to encounter. They conducted themselves, on the whole, very peaceably, but seemed determined that our curiosity should not be gratified by finding out the contents of the 'tabooed' wigwam. It was always guarded by the 'Pecheray,' who seemed ready and determined to dispute all access to it, by means of a heavy club. One of the midshipmen, however, with a little coaxing, persuaded the man to let him put his head in; but those who were inside, having received their lesson, threw ashes in his face, and nearly blinded him. After this, seeing they were determined on the point, I desired that no further attempt should be made to ascertain what was really going on inside the wigwam.
We sailed the next day (11th), not without some apprehension that the Adelaide might meet this large concourse of Indians before they separated; as Port Gallant was a place rarely passed by vessels without stopping, and the natives being all housed behind a point of land, could not be seen until too late.
We were abreast of Cape Froward at noon; in the evening we anchored in French Bay, and next day (13th) reached Port Famine. As I purposed remaining until the Adelaide should arrive, the tents were set up, the boats landed for repair, and the transit instrument was set up, in the hope that a comet
might be visible, which we had seen in our passage from Concepcion to the Strait; but the weather was at first too cloudy, and afterwards the comet itself was too faint to be discerned.[[173]]
On the 21st, nine canoes arrived in the bay, containing a large party of Fuegians, principally those who frequent the Magdalen Channel, and probably the sea-coast. They had generally shown themselves disposed to be mischievous, and I determined upon preventing their encamping near us; for their presence would greatly impede our watering and wooding parties, by distracting the attention of the people. I, therefore, went to meet them at the watering-place, under Point St. Anna, where they had landed, near one of our boats which was on the beach. Among them we only recognised three who had visited us before, and those three were brought to our remembrance by their former misconduct. I had always made it a rule to treat them kindly, with the view of obtaining their good-will; but I found it was the wrong way to gain their respect, for it only made them expect more from me, the consequence of which was, that when we separated, neither party was pleased with the other. I used on this occasion a more dictatorial tone than I had hitherto done; for, seeing several with slings in their hands, and a collection of large, round pebbles wrapped up in the corner of their mantles, I desired them to throw the stones away, which they did not hesitate to do. The Indians were now all landed, and evidently presuming upon their numerical strength, upwards of eighty being assembled, began to make themselves very familiar.
I thought it best to check their advances, by desiring them not to visit the side of the bay where our tents stood, but to go round Point St. Anna, to an adjoining cove. They seemed to understand me perfectly, and soon afterwards embarked, while I returned on board. The natives, however, landed again, in the middle of the bay, at the north side, and there encamped.
Next morning, the men of the tribe visited our tents, but found them surrounded by a rope I had caused to be fixed,
and which they were not permitted to pass. At noon, after observing the sun's transit, I went to the barrier, and while the people were at dinner, endeavoured to amuse our visitors, who were from fifteen to twenty in number, by showing them several trifles; among the rest, a pocket set of coloured glasses, belonging to the transit. They looked through them at the sun, but handled them rather roughly, and broke the frame; upon which I expressed my anger, and turned them away. Soon afterwards, however, I walked towards them, and selecting the Indian who had offended me, gave him a bunch of beads, and thus restored peace; but desired them, at the same time, to go to their wigwams, which they did. In their way, they mischievously broke down a part of my meridian mark; seeing which, I sent a carpenter, attended by a marine, to repair it, and went myself to inspect its being again set up. The natives were collected round it, evidently in expectation of my being angry, and awaited my approach. Upon my coming near, I showed them that I was much displeased, and ordered them into their canoes; when one of the party, muttering a few words, picked up a stone from the ground, and was fixing it in his sling, when I took the marine's musket, and presented it at him, upon which the whole took to their heels; the principal offender and another ran along the beach, and the rest to their canoes. I could not resist the opportunity of letting them know we were prepared for them, by firing over the heads of the two who were running near the water.
The report of the musket attracted the attention of Lieutenant Mitchell, who was on board on the look-out, expecting some fracas would, sooner or later, take place; and seeing four or five canoes paddling across, and the two Indians running along the beach, he manned a boat, and pulled towards the canoes, which tried to evade him, and stones were thrown at him as he approached. A musket fired over their heads, soon quieted them, when he pulled round their canoes, to show them they were in his power, but did not molest them, and then allowed the party to proceed.
This affair alarmed the women at the wigwams, and hastily
gathering up their effects, they hurried into their canoes, and joined the others, who all paddled round Point St. Anna. The men, however, landed there, and remained on shore, armed with slings, spears, and bows, ready to defend themselves, and, by their gestures, defying us to land. No attention was paid to them, and, after a short time, they went over the hills to the coves on the north side of the point. As we had now openly quarrelled, I thought it better that they should keep at a distance; and therefore, taking two boats, pulled round the point, to tell them to go five miles farther, to Rocky Bay; but the canoes were already beached, and the women had taken up their quarters. As we approached, the hills echoed with the screams of the women and the shouts of the men; all of whom, stark naked, armed, and daubed with white paint, their heads being stuck full of white feathers, hastened down to the point of the bay. The place, from its nature, offered a good defence, as the beach was lined by large rocks, behind which they could conceal themselves from our view, and yet assail us with stones. When within a few yards of the beach, we held a parley—the object of which was, that they should go farther to the northward; to this they vociferously replied, by desiring us to leave them. Seeing there was no chance of enforcing our demand, without shedding blood, I ordered the boats away; and on getting about a musket-shot from the beach, one of the Fuegians threw a stone, which fell close to us. In an instant, every one of them was concealed behind the rocks; but we returned their fire, and another large stone fell within two feet of the boat. A second musket was fired, and another stone was returned, with equal precision. After the interchange of a few more stones for bullets, they ceased throwing them, and we returned on board. It was very unlikely that any of our shot took effect; for we were at a long distance, and could only see their heads above the rocks. Fortunately, none of the stones struck us, for they were large enough to have caused a severe bruise. It is astonishing how very correctly they throw them, and to what a distance. When the first stone fell close to us, we all thought ourselves out of musket-shot.
The next morning, five or six natives were seen crouching down among high grass, on the hill over our watering-well, waiting for the people to go for water; probably with the intention of assailing them, for it appeared afterwards that their slings and bows were in readiness. To show them they were not out of our reach, I caused a six-pound shot to be fired over their heads, which, as it went high above them, made no impression. The gun was then pointed lower, and another ineffectual shot fired. A third, however, fell close to them, when they jumped up, shook their mantles in the air, with the most violent gestures, and, apparently in a furious rage, scampered off; but the last man, before he disappeared, threw an immense stone, which did not reach one quarter of the distance.
We saw nothing more of the natives until the evening, when Lieutenant Mitchell, who went to look for them, found they had moved away to Rocky Bay, where they had encamped on the open beach. The next day, I sent him to endeavour to make peace, which he very easily effected, by the interchange of a few trifles.
After this we had much bad weather, during which most of the Indians kept close to their wigwams; but a few occasionally communicated with our watering party, quite peaceably, as if nothing had happened. A day or two after, the weather improved, and the Fuegians dispersed, probably for want of food, some going to the northward, but the greater part along shore to the southward. These people pointed upwards to the sky, when they were going away, repeating the word 'Pecheray.'
This was our last interview with the wretched Fuegians. Naturally petulant and quarrelsome, they are also ever intent upon mischief; the fear of punishment alone restraining them. Weakly-manned vessels passing through this Strait should always avoid them, if they are numerous; for unless they are given what they want, they try to steal it, and any consequent punishment probably brings on a quarrel. Their conduct, and servile bearing, at our first seeing them, gave them an appearance of being timid and inactive; while, in reality, they
are the very reverse. Had we attempted to land on the last occasion, I do not think we should have effected our object, without receiving some severe contusions from their stones, which they sling with such extraordinary precision and force: so much so, that I consider the sling, in their dexterous hands, to be equal to a musket in ours. Indeed, with many of us, a native would have had the advantage. It has been too much the practice, when obliged to fire upon them, to fire over their heads; by which proceeding the savages are led to consider our weapons as so uncertain in their effect, that they become much depreciated in their estimation. It would be almost preferable to inflict a slight wound, in order to show the nature of our arms, and as a warning against further hostilities.
When the Uxbridge, sealer, was at anchor in a harbour in the Magdalen Channel, some Indians, who were on board, angry at being ordered out of the vessel at sunset, threw stones at the person who was walking the deck, as they returned to the shore. Several muskets were fired over their heads, at which they expressed neither fear nor concern; but paddled leisurely away, and the next morning came off again to the vessel, as if nothing had happened. At Port Famine, Duclos Guyot had a skirmish with natives, the particulars of which are described in Dom Pernetty's History (ii. 653). Three of the Indians were killed, and three of the French were severely wounded. It may be here remarked, that the chief's name, according to M. Duclos Guyot, was 'Pach-a-chui,' which is not unlike 'Pecheray;' the women were called 'Cap, cap,' probably a mistake for 'Cab, cab;' which evidently means 'no, no!' for it was an expression we frequently used, and was never misunderstood. Their cunning is sufficiently proved by the theft of the Adelaide's boat, in St. Simon's Sound (page 142).
The absence of the Fuegians permitted us to move about a little; and among other places, we visited their late encampment at Rocky Bay, our approach to which was offensively indicated by a most sickening smell. On our way, I found two fossils; one was very interesting, bearing the appearance of a
large orthoceratite:[[174]] the other was a Venus. From Rocky Point we descried a strange sail, which, by her movements, we thought must be the Beagle: I returned, therefore, and sent Lieutenant Mitchell out to her. She arrived in the evening, but proved to be a ship belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, called the Dryad, bound to the Columbia River, and last from the Falkland Islands. She came to wait for Mr. Low, of the Adeona, who had promised to pilot her through the Magdalen Channel. The Adeona arrived on the 3d of May; and the following day, to our great joy, the Adelaide hove in sight: and being becalmed, was towed to an anchorage.
The result of her cruise proved to be very interesting, although no communication had been discovered between the 'Ancon sin Salida,' and the Skyring Water. The only loss they had sustained was, however, a severe one; Mr. Alexander Millar having died of inflammation in the bowels. The death of this promising young man threw a damp over the happiness we felt at meeting again, after having so nearly completed this long and tedious voyage.
We had, for some days, been getting ready for sea, and now hastened to complete our preparations. The Dryad, after receiving some assistance from us, sailed in company with the Adeona, and passed out to the Pacific, by going through the Magdalen Channel. The day afterwards we took our final departure—crossed the shoal that extends off Magdalena Island, in five fathoms, sailed on rapidly, and passed Gregory Bay at noon. Seeing us approach, a large party of Patagonians, at least a hundred in number, assembled at the usual place of communication; but as both wind and tide were in our favour, and we could derive no novel information from them, we continued on our course. The Indians were probably much mortified and disappointed; but all on board were delighted by avoiding the anticipated delay. We showed our colours to them, but I dare say our friend, Maria, was not very well pleased with my want of courtesy, in passing by so old an acquaintance
without a salutation; or, what she coveted much more, such presents as she had always received when we anchored.
Just before entering the First Narrow, we passed through a furious 'tide-race,' which broke over the Adelaide, and not a little impeded her progress. No accident, however, was the consequence; and a rapid tide, running at the least nine knots an hour, swept us through the Narrow, and round the reef off Cape Orange: after which we proceeded rapidly, and rounded Cape Virgins at ten P.M., not a little elated by leaving behind us, with no expectation of ever seeing it again, the famous Strait of Magalhaens.
Our voyage to Monte Video was rather long; but we delayed there only to water the ship, in the usual place, off Cape Jesu Maria, and then proceeded to Rio de Janeiro, where we awaited the arrival of the Beagle. Our anxiety for her safety, during so hazardous a survey as that of the sea-coasts of Tierra del Fuego, was soon removed, by hearing that she had touched at Monte Video; and, on the 2d of August, our consort was seen entering the harbour; when we were delighted by finding all well on board, and the little vessel quite ready for sea, having refitted on her passage.