FOOTNOTES:
[1] Journals, etc., of Bishop Forbes, by the Rev. J. B. Craven, 1886, p. 12. This register is still extant, and one of its counterparts, the register of marriages performed by the Bishop, is printed in the Scottish Antiquary, vol. viii. pp. 125-129. See also p. 169. One of the baptisms was that of John Skinner, author of 'Tullochgorum,' who on 8th June 1740 went to Mr. Forbes in his room, and was re-baptized, declaring that 'he was not satisfied with the sprinkling of a layman, a Presbyterian teacher, he had received in his infancy.'
[2] See ff. 916, 987.
[3] See ff. 940, et seq.
[4] See f. 325.
[5] See f. 1749.
[6] Craven's Journals, etc., p. 11.
[7] These have been printed, along with a sketch of his life and a history of the Episcopal Church in Ross, in the work by the Rev. J. B. Craven, pp. 139-327.
[8] See ff. 1915, et seq.
[9] f. 1231.
[10] f. 1052, 1067.
[11] f. 1426.
[12] f. 197.
[13] Mr. Lyon was incumbent of the Episcopal Church in Perth, being elected thereto as colleague to the Rev. Laurence Drummond (whom he mentions in this letter) in or about 1738. When Prince Charles and his army passed through Perth on his way south, Mr. Lyon joined himself to them, especially as the most influential part of his congregation had gathered to the Prince's standard. He was appointed chaplain of Lord Ogilvie's regiment. After his arrest he was imprisoned at Montrose, and thereafter at Carlisle, where he was tried, and sentenced to be executed. He accordingly suffered death at Penrith on 28th October 1746. For further particulars about Mr. Lyon the reader may consult the Episcopal History of Perth, by the Rev. George T. S. Farquhar, M.A., 1894, pp. 131-186.
[14] Mr. Lyon's favourite sister.
[15] The paragraph following in brackets was at first omitted by Mr. Forbes, with this explanatory note inserted at the end of the letter. 'N.B.—In the original of the above letter there was a paragraph about a very particular concern of Mr. Lyon's which I did not chuse to transcribe.' But he afterwards supplied it by writing it on the inside of the front board of the volume, with the following: 'N.B.—Finding that Mr. Lyon's own relations and Mrs. Stewart Rose made no secret of the mutual affection that had been betwixt the young lady and her departed friend, I obtain'd a true copy of the paragraph and transcrib'd it as above.—Robert Forbes, A.M.'
[16] John Grahame of Balgowan.
[17] George Miller, town clerk of Perth, who seems to have taken an active part in the prosecution of his townsmen who engaged in the rebellion. See fol. 27.
[18] St. Simon and St. Jude's Day, F.
[19] This speech was printed in Blackwood's Magazine for May 1819 (No. 26, vol. v. p. 164), and in Stephen's Episcopal Magazine for 1836, pp. 10, 111.
[20] Thought to be the Rev. James Lyon, a native of Forfarshire, who was ordained under the patronage of the Earl of Strathmore, and became incumbent at Kirkwall, whence he was ejected after the Revolution (Episcopal History of Perth, p. 135).
[21] A copy of part of this 'Liturgy' in print is inserted here in the manuscript. It is entitled 'The Communion Office for the use of the Church of Scotland, as far as concerneth the ministration of that Holy Sacrament. Authorised by King Charles I. Anno 1636, Edinburgh, printed by Mr. Thomas Ruddiman, MDCCXXIV.' The signature of 'Robert Lyon' is on the title-page, and the following note by Mr. Forbes on the back of the title-page, 'This is the identical copy which the Rev. Mr. Robert Lyon made use of in consecrating the Holy Eucharist in Carlisle Castle.' It consists of 24 pp. 12mo. The Liturgy referred to is better known as Laud's Liturgy, the enforcing of which gave rise to the Second Reformation in Scotland.
[22] This church, which he called 'The True British Catholic Church,' was founded by Dr. Deacon, concerning whom see footnotes at fols. 37 and 40.
[23] See fuller references to this incident of the war at f. 155. According, however, to detailed accounts from the other side, it was deliberately done, and caused the death of several of the poorer townspeople, who were allured into the church in the hope of getting stores the rebels could not carry away.—Scots' Magazine, 1746, p. 221.
[24] William Baird in Perth. See f. 464 for the history of this case.
[25] St. Simon and St. Jude's Day.—F.
[26] Probably Mr. Thomas Wilson, then prebendary, afterwards dean in 1764.
[27] See a narrative of Mr. Buchanan's case at f. 100, and about the death of Mr. Stewart, f. 107.
[28] These follow on this and subsequent pages.
[29] See a letter to his father on the same occasion, f. 381 infra. According to Bishop Forbes, Mr. Deacon was the son of Dr. Thomas Deacon, who, he adds, (f. 40 infra), was a non-jurant bishop in Manchester. But another contemporary authority describes him as the son of an eminent and wealthy doctor of medicine in Manchester, and states that Thomas was educated at the university to qualify him for the same professions.—'History of the Rebellion,' extracted from the Scots' Magazine, 1755, pp. 294-301. The fact is that Dr. Deacon engaged in both professions. Three of his sons joined the Prince. Thomas was appointed a lieutenant in the Manchester Regiment, and so was his brother Robert, while Charles, the youngest, aged about seventeen, was made an ensign. All were taken at the surrender of Carlisle, and sent prisoners to London. Robert became so ill on the way that he was left at Kendal, and died there. Charles was reprieved, though he was taken to the place of execution under a military guard to see his brother and others suffer. The head of Thomas Deacon, with others, was sent to Manchester to be stuck up on the Exchange there. His father was the first to come and gaze upon it, and saluting it, thanked God that he had had a son who could die for his lawful prince. Dr. Deacon only survived his son about six years, and the inscription on his tombstone is worthy of note:—'Here lie interred the remains (which through mortality are at present corrupt, but which shall one day surely be raised again to immortality and put on incorruption) of Thomas Deacon, the greatest of sinners and most unworthy of primitive bishops, who died 16th February 1753, in the 56th year of his age.—Axon's Annals of Manchester, pp. 89-90.
[30] This book was compiled by Mr. Deacon's father, a non-jurant bishop in Manchester.—F.
[31] Samuel Maddock or Maddox, an apothecary's apprentice in Manchester. He was appointed ensign in the Manchester Regiment, and after being taken prisoner became king's evidence. Some witnesses averred that Maddox held a bad character; that as apprentice he had wronged his master, and was not worthy of credence even upon his oath.—'History of the Rebellion,' extracted from the Scots' Magazine, 1755, pp. 279 et seq. See also ff. 91, 98 infra.
[32] Maddox deponed against Mr. Deacon, that he 'sat at the table at the Bullhead at Manchester, took down the names of such as enlisted in the Pretender's service, and received a shilling for each; and when he was writing he employed himself in making blue and white ribbons into favours, which he gave to the men who enlisted.'—'History of the Rebellion,' ut supra, p. 289.
[33] Thomas Syddall was a barber in Manchester and acted as adjutant of the Manchester regiment. Some interesting particulars about him and his family will be found in Manchester Collectanea, vol. lxviii. of the Chetham Society, pp. 208-225, where this speech is also printed.
[34] Thomas Syddall, a blacksmith, who on 10th June 1715, the anniversary of the birthday of the Old Pretender, headed a party of rioters in Manchester, and wrecked Cross Street Chapel. He was seized and sentenced to the pillory and imprisonment in Lancaster Castle. The Jacobite army, however, released him and some of his comrades, but he was retaken at Preston, and after trial at Liverpool was executed at Manchester on 11th February 1716.—Axon's Annals of Manchester, p. 76.
[35] Captain John Vere, or Weir, in service under the Duke of Newcastle. He had been taken prisoner by the rebels about the time they held Carlisle, and was employed by them in negotiating the terms of capitulation.
[36] Or Beswick. A Manchester linen-draper, aged about thirty-one years. He was known by the soubriquet of 'Duke' in the rebel army.—'History of the Rebellion' in Scots' Magazine, pp. 295-299.
[37] Arthur Elphinstone, sixth and last Lord Balmerino and fourth Lord Coupar, only succeeded his half-brother in these peerages on 5th January 1746. As he indicates in his speech, he forsook the service of King George the First in 1715, and joined the Earl of Mar, escaping abroad after the battle of Sheriffmuir. His father secured his pardon, and returning home he married Margaret, daughter of Captain John Chalmers (or Chambers) of Gogar, in Midlothian, but by her had no issue. An account of his trial and execution, with some notice of his life and family, and a portrait of him at the time of his death, was published in pamphlet form (12mo, pp. 50) at London in 1746. A fuller report of the above speech is given at f. 108, some panegyrical verses at ff. 112 and 403 et seq.; and a singular letter addressed to Lord Balmerino three days before his death with a later reference to Lady Balmerino in connection therewith at f. 561 et seq. Lady Balmerino died at Restalrig, near Edinburgh, on 24th August 1765.
[38] He was the son of Ronald Mor of Tir-na-dris, second son of Archibald MacDonald of Keppoch, and so nephew to the famous 'Coll of the Cows.'—History of the MacDonalds, p. 490. He suffered death at Carlisle. See f. 106. He is said to be the original of Sir Walter Scott's Fergus MacIvor in Waverley. His sword, a genuine Andrew Ferrara, afterwards came into the possession of the Howards of Corby Castle.
[39] See ff. 979-982.
[40] See further references to the Major, and his presenting the Prince with the first horse he rode in the war, the capture he had made in this first skirmish, ff. 357, 360, 641.
[41] Dame Magdalene Scott, widow of Sir William Bruce of Kinross, a noted Jacobite, in whose family Mr. Forbes lived until his marriage.
[42] Captain Hugh Clerk, in Leith.
[43] His daughter, Mary.
[44] Alexander Erskine, fifth Earl of Kellie. He had taken part in the Rebellion, but surrendered to the Government, and after over three years' imprisonment in Edinburgh Castle, was released without being brought to trial.
[45] Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh, in Skye, factor to Sir Alexander MacDonald. For concealing the Prince in his house he was arrested, carried to Fort Augustus, and sent by a party of Kingston's Horse to Edinburgh. He was committed prisoner to the Castle on 2nd August. See his own history in the sequel.
[46] Patrick Murray, silversmith.
[47] Lord Covinton.—F.
[48] This narrative is accordingly scored through by Mr. Forbes.
[49] David Morgan was a member of a good family in Monmouthshire, was about fifty years of age, and educated for the Bar. Not succeeding to his expectation in that profession he retired to his estate, and lived as a country gentleman until he joined the Prince's army at Preston. He was evidently consulted by the Prince and his officers as to their procedure, for he got the name of 'the Pretender's Councillor.' He accompanied the army to Derby. He was among the first lot of prisoners executed on Kennington Common, and there being no clergyman appointed to attend them on the scaffold, Mr. Morgan, 'with his spectacles on' for about half an hour, 'read prayers and other pious meditations to them out of a book of devotion.'—'History of the Rebellion,' Scots' Magazine, pp. 291, 295, 298, 300.
[50] Lee.
[51] Bradshaw was a Manchester man, and in the check trade there. Joining the Prince's army he became first a captain in the Manchester regiment, and afterwards entered into the Prince's life-guards, under Lord Elcho, which accounts for his going into Scotland. He was taken prisoner after the battle of Culloden.—'History of the Rebellion,' Scots' Magazine, p. 341.
[52] There was a soldier of the name of Enoch Bradshaw in the ranks of Cobham's dragoons in the Duke of Cumberland's army, who also was present at the battle of Culloden and wrote a letter in reference to it to his brother. The contrast in language is strong. But as the letter is not known to have been formerly printed, it is given in the Appendix at Letter A. We are indebted to Mr. C. H. Firth of Oxford for the copy.
[53] This paragraph seems to have been inserted here later. It is not in the handwriting of Mr. Forbes.
[54] Mr. Walkingshaw is frequently mentioned in this collection. He was a London Jacobite, and was able to be of considerable service to the Scottish prisoners there.
[55] He was the son of John Coppoch, or rather Cappoch, a tailor in Manchester, and joined the Prince there, by whom it is said he was appointed chaplain to the Manchester Regiment, and was promised the bishopric of Carlisle. See two pamphlets reprinted by Samuel Jefferson. (1) 'The Trial and Life of Thomas Cappoch (the rebel-bishop of Carlisle),' 1839; and (2) 'An Account of Carlisle during the Rebellion of 1745, to which is added a speech (supposed to have been) delivered by Thomas Cappoch, the rebel-bishop, on his execution at Carlisle,' etc. 18 October 1746: 1844.
[56] Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, the Lord Treasurer.
[57] See a full account of how this came about at f. 806.
[58] See f. 528.
[59] See ff. 530-534.
[60] Stated in the sequel to be incorrect.
[61] Should be 7. See f. 144.
[62] See ff. 145, 532, 533.
[63] Should be 7. See f. 144.
[64] Two shirts, one pair of stockings, one pair of brogs, a bottle of brandy, some scrapes of mouldy bread and cheese, and a three-pint stone bottle for water.—F.
[65] Altered to MacKinnon's. See f. 144.
[66] These pages will be found by the marginal folios.
[67] This is interlined in the manuscript. See f. 216. She married Ronald MacAlister, of the family of Loup.
[68] Neil MacEachan or MacKechan, the attendant of Flora MacDonald, was a descendant of the MacDonalds of Howbeag in South Uist. He followed the Prince to France, and settled there. One of his sons was Marshal MacDonald, Duke of Tarentum, one of Napoleon's most distinguished generals.—MacGregor's Flora MacDonald, p. 64.
[69] This was Roderick Mackenzie, who was killed by Cumberland's soldiers near Fort Augustus, and in dying tried to put an end to the pursuit of the Prince by pretending that it was he whom they had slain. See ff. 482, 1800.
[70] There is a printed copy of 'Alexis, Part 1st,' bound up in the end of volume eighth of this collection.
[71] For some interesting particulars about the MacDonalds of Barrisdale, see the Scottish Antiquary, vol. viii. p. 163, and vol. ix. p. 30.
[72] Not fact, as Donald Roy, who was there, told me.—F.
[73] No doubt Lochiel. See ff. 441, 616.—F.
[74] Not true. See ff. 1161, 1162.—F.
[75] See f. 1685.
[76] See f. 558.
[77] See f. 1684.
[78] See an addition to the narrative at this point, at f. 569.
[79] See f. 1546.
[80] See f. 1479.
[81] See observations on this document by Donald MacLeod, f. 270. There is another attested copy of this Journal given at f. 670.
[82] Not true. See f. 1161.—F.
[83] See ff. 292-297.
[84] See ff. 526, 589.
[85] See f. 529.
[86] See ff. 528, 529, 688-690.
[87] Miss Mary Clerk.
[88] Lady Mary Cochran.
[89] My Lady Bruce, Lady Mary Cochran, Mrs. Rattray, Mrs. Cheap, Miss Peggie Forbes, Miss Susie Graham, Miss Magdalen Clerk, Miss Mary Clerk, Miss Rachie Houston, Miss Peggie Callander.
[90] My Lady Bruce of Kinross.
[91] Here begins vol. ii. of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection. It is entitled:
'The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc. relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and distresses of.... Vol. 2d. 1747.'
'Qui modo Scotorum leges sceptrumque gerebat; Proh dolor! externi Principis orat orem.'
[92] See ff. 216-218, 690, 873, 922.
[93] Mrs. Ferguson of Pitfour.
[94] Miss Rachie Houston.
[95] My Lady Bruce.
[96] See ff. 150, 236.
[97] See ff. 538, 600.
[98] See ff. 525, 595.
[99] Alexander Cameron of Glenevis personally took no part in the Rebellion, but was imprisoned for nearly a year on suspicion of befriending his relatives who did. He was released on 7th July 1747. His lady and family suffered considerably at the hands of the government troops, and his house was burned. See f. 552.
[100] See ff. 263-265, 472, 477.
[101] See ff. 1714-1730.
[102] This narrative, at least as far as f. 248, is printed in the Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 468-487.
[103] Attended by Neil MacKechan and a boy to show them the way. Neil MacKechan went with Miss MacDonald to Slate.—F. See f. 537.
[104] See f. 879.
[105] Or Portree, i.e. The King's Port.
[106] See f. 862.
[107] Captain Donald Roy MacDonald.
[108] See f. 757.
[109] See ff. 1564, 1565.
[110] Wrong, for one of them, young Rasay, had gone to find out Donald Roy MacDonald.—F. See ff. 764, 867.
[111] See ff. 1564, 1565.
[112] See f. 1715.
[113] See ff. 150, 667, 668.
[114] See f. 1675.
[115] Son of said John.
[116] See ff. 233, 765, 871, 1564.
[117] See ff. 262, 1714.
[118] He is only 34 years of age. See ff. 1714, et seq.
[119] See ff. 875, 1718.
[120] See f. 1728.
[121] See f. 1829.
[122] See ff. 648, 989, 1207, 1256.
[123] See f. 380.
[124] See ff. 273, 993, 1258.
[125] lucky interlined.
[126] See ff. 767, 879.
[127] The passage within brackets is scored through as delete by Bishop Forbes. [Ed.]
[128] See ff. 701, 793, 851, 1056, 1631.
[129] There are frequent references in The Lyon in Mourning to Donald MacLeod. See ff. 460 and 1384, where his death is noticed.
[130] From this point to f. 316 of the manuscript, this narrative is printed in Jacobite Memoirs, ff. 373-411.
[131] See ff. 261, 649, 1258.
[132] See ff. 926-928.
[133] Of the family of MacKenzie.
[134] See f. 1686.
[135] There is a hiatus here, a leaf of the original having apparently been lost, viz., ff. 299, 300.
[136] See f. 460, for some additions here.
[137] See f. 462.
[138] See ff. 770, 805.
[139] See ff. 525, 769, 805.
[140] See f. 873.
[141] At last banished. See f. 281.
[142] See ff. 192, 690.
[143] See f. 1967.
[144] See ff. 1329, 1489, 1660.
[145] The birthday of the Old Chevalier.
[146] Near thirty years old before he could speak English at all.—F.
[147] See ff. 701, 792, 837.
[148] See f. 856.
[149] See f. 281.
[150] This Journal as far as f. 338 is printed in the Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 362-373. Burke died in Edinburgh on 23rd November 1757. See f. 1706.
[151] This epithet is not to be regarded.—F. See f. 667.
[152] See f. 1161.
[153] See f. 291.
[154] See f. 461.
[155] See p. 1706.
[156] Of this journal there is printed in Jacobite Memoirs (pp. 1-27), from ff. 348-360, in combination with that of Æneas MacDonald, which occurs at f. 490 et seq.
[157] See f. 496.
[158] Called the Doutelle.
[159] See ff. 256, 302, 507.
[160] See f. 640.
[161] See ff. 257, 302, 462.
[162] See f. 643.
[163] See f. 643.
[164] Mrs. Robertson of Lude, a daughter of Nairn.
[165] This lady was Jean Cameron, daughter of Archibald Cameron of Dungallon. See other narratives by her at ff. 547 and 566. An account of her husband's death is given at f. 1734 et seq.
[166] See ff. 421, 707, 1087, 1323, 1376.
[167] See f. 1485.
[168] See ff. 259, 1320, 1378.
[169] The passage in brackets is scored through as delete [Ed.]
[170] Here begins volume third of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection. It is entitled: 'The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc. relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and distresses of.... Vol. 3d. 1747.
Cui modo parebat subjecta Britannia Regi,
Jactatus terris, orbe vagatur inops!
On the inside of the front board of volume 3d are adhibited—1. Piece of the Prince's garter-ribbon. 2. Piece of red velvet, anent which on back of title-page is as follows: (by Mr. Robert Chambers) The small piece of red velvet on the inside of the board was part of the ornaments of the Prince's sword-hilt. While on his march to England he rested on a bank at Faladam, near Blackshiels, where the young ladies of Whitburgh, sisters to his adherent, Robert Anderson, presented some refreshments to him and his men. On being requested by one of these gentlewomen for some keepsake, he took out his pen-knife and cut a portion of velvet and buff leather from the hill of his sword, which he gave to her with his usual courtesy, and which is still (1836) preserved at Whitburgh. The above piece was cut from the larger fragment, and presented to me by Miss Anderson of Whitburgh.—R. C. 3. Piece of Bettie Burk's gown, sent by Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh, according to promise, f. 152. 4. Piece of apron-string, received from Miss Flora MacDonald. R. F. saw the apron on that occasion and had it on him. On the inside of the backboard of volume 3d are 5. Pieces of tartan, explained as under: The above are pieces of the outside and inside of that identical waistcoat which MacDonald of Kingsburgh gave to the Prince, when he laid aside the women's cloaths at the edge of a wood, f. 1434. The said waistcoat being too fine for a servant, the Prince exchanged it with Malcolm MacLeod, f. 239. Malcolm MacLeod, after parting with the Prince and finding himself in danger of being seized, did hide the waistcoat in a clift of a rock, where (upon his returning home in the beginning of September 1747) he found it all rotten to bits, except only as much as would serve to cover little more than one's loof, and two buttons, all which he was pleased to send to me, f. 472. The waistcoat had lain more than a full year in the clift of the rock, for Malcolm MacLeod was made prisoner some time in July 1746, ff. 251, 309.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[171] See f. 37.
[172] He was son of George Foulis of the Ravelston family, who, on inheriting the estate of Dunipace from his grandfather, assumed the name of Primrose in terms of the entail. Taken in the north of Scotland he was first imprisoned in Aberdeen, thence sent to Carlisle, where he was tried, and pleading guilty, was sentenced to death, and executed there on 15th November 1746.
[173] William Gray, commonly called Duntie Gray, foreman to Lord Shualton.—(F.)
[174] Patrick Kier, late wright at Moultrie Hill, near Edinburgh.—(F.)
[175] Lady Margaret Primrose, second daughter of Archibald, first Earl of Rosebery.
[176] See f. 425.
[177] Commonly called Cowley Murray.
[178] Lady Mary Primrose, Sir Archibald's widow.
[179] Charles Edward is generally said to have been born on 31st December: but 20th December is the date in the Manuscript, being old style.
[180] The birthday of the Prince's father, the Old Chevalier, or as the Jacobites called him, King James the Eighth.
[181] See f. 1829, where these lines are repeated.
[182] John Murray of Broughton (see f. 411 et seq.) became an evidence against his former associates, especially against Simon, Lord Lovat, who was executed at London on 9th April 1747, in his eightieth year, for being implicated in the Rebellion.
[183] William, fourth Earl of Kilmarnock, taken prisoner at Culloden and beheaded on Tower Hill, 18th August 1746.
[184] Charles Ratcliffe, brother of James, third Earl of Derwentwater, who was executed on 24th February 1716 for his share in the rebellion of 1715. At that time Charles had also been taken and condemned, but he escaped out of Newgate and went to France. In November 1745 he was recaptured on board the Esperance on his way to Scotland with other French officers to take part in the Rebellion, and after identification, he was condemned to suffer the sentence formerly passed upon him. He was accordingly executed on Tower Hill on 8th December 1746. He was a grandson of King Charles the Second, his mother being Mary Tudor, a natural daughter of that king.
[185] Not fact, for Mr. Dawson never saw her before she had come to glut herself with the bloody scene.—F.
[186] James Dawson, a young Lancashire man. He was being educated at St. John's College, Cambridge; but having misbehaved, and fearing expulsion, ran away. Dreading his father's displeasure, he, on falling in with the Manchester regiment, joined it and was taken at Carlisle. He was tried at London and executed on Kennington Common. The day before his death his father visited him, and took his farewell of him in a most pathetic scene. ['History of the Rebellion,' Scots Magazine, pp. 294, 297.]
[187] Lord Balmerino.
[188] John MacNaughton, one of Murray's servants who, when he was upon the sledge, was offered his life and £30 or £40 sterling per annum during life, provided he would turn evidence. He answered that they had done him much honour in ranking him with gentlemen, and he hoped to let the world see he would suffer like a gentleman. He suffered at Carlisle, October 18th, 1746, in company with the Rev. Mr. Coppoch, Arnprior, Kinlochmoidart, Major MacDonell, etc.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[189] Sir David Murray was bred Popish.
[190] See ff. 375, 707, 1087, 1323, 1376.
[191] He was 'Younger of Terpersie' in Aberdeenshire, and had engaged as a volunteer. His father, James Gordon, was an officer in the Prince's army. In the List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion, etc. (Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. viii.), he is said to have been made prisoner at Carlisle. But a story is told of his having been captured at his own house, when, after lurking long among the neighbouring hills, he ventured to pass a night there. His captors, not being sure of his identity, carried him before the minister of the parish, but not getting satisfaction from him, they took him to a farmhouse where his wife and children resided. On his approach his children ran out and greeted him with cries of 'Daddy! Daddy!' and so unwittingly sealed their father's fate. He was tried at Carlisle and executed there on 15th November 1746. As the prisoners taken at Carlisle were sent to London, and those taken in Scotland to Carlisle, the story may be authentic.
[192] This letter is printed in the Lockhart Papers, vol. ii. pp. 523-536.
[193] See ff. 157, 659.
[194] So the copy had it, but I think it should be Culraick.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[195] Scored through and 'Culraick' substituted.—[Ed.]
[196] See ff. 158, 661, 1270.
[197] See ff. 128, 1275.
[198] I am afraid this is not fact, for disputes and canglings arose even in the Abbey at Edinburgh, and I have heard some affirm, who had an opportunity of knowing, that these were owing to the haughty, restless, unaccountable temper of Lord George Murray, some of whose blood-relations fail not to lay blame upon him. Witness likewise the contest betwixt Keppoch and Lochiel about the right hand before they went out to fight Cope, a particular account of which dispute I had from Major MacDonald in the Castle of Edinburgh.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[199] No wonder that councils of war were out of request, when the Prince was always thwarted in them, and hardly got his will in anything he proposed, though his opinion of things in the event turned out to be the most eligible. Lord George Murray was at the head of the opposition, having got the ascendant of the greater part of the chiftains, and having insinuated himself into the good graces of all the clans who were ever ready to embrace his schemes. Besides, it was most unlucky that great jealousies and misunderstandings had arisen betwixt Lord George Murray and the French officers. These things are too notour to admit of any denial.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[200] See f. 770.
[201] See ff. 194, 769.
[202] See f. 301.
[203] See f. 336.
[204] See f. 303.
[205] See f. 589.
[206] See f. 29.
[207] Well may honest Donald in a literal sense use the words of the blessed Apostle, 2 Cor. xi. 26, 27: 'In journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness.' [See Donald's whole Journal, ff. 266-326.]—F.
[208] See ff. 263, 264, 265.
[209] See f. 239 and footnote, f. 380.
[210] See ff. 265, 321.
[211] See f. 238.
[212] See ff. 263-265.
[213] See f. 288.
[214] See ff. 134, 184.
[215] See f. 267.
[216] See ff. 247, 262.
[217] See ff. 215, 242.
[218] See f. 216.
[219] See f. 146.
[220] See f. 527.
[221] This Journal is printed in the Jacobite Memoirs (pp. 1-27) with some omissions, in combination with another by Duncan Cameron, f. 346, ante.
[222] Dr. Burton and Bishop Forbes were both enthusiastic Jacobites, and an account of their meeting follows (f. 519). Later, a considerable correspondence passed between them, most of which the latter embodied in this manuscript.
[223] The Prince in his Manifesto from the Abbey of Holyrood-house calls them seven only. Perhaps Mr. Buchanan (as I have heard suggested by several persons) was reckoned amongst the Prince's domesticks.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[224] See ff. 256, 302, 353.
[225] The contents of the above paragraph happened in Lochnannuagh.—(F.)
[226] See ff. 355, 640, for precise day, etc.
[227] See f. 640.
[228] See f. 640.
[229] At the end of a pamphlet, called 'The Life of Dr. Archibald Cameron, brother to Donald Cameron of Lochiel,' etc. [London, 1753, p. 32], there is given as an Appendix a notice and portrait of 'Miss Jenny Cameron, in a military habit.' She is there said to be the daughter of Hugh Cameron of Glandessary, and to have joined the Prince when he set up his standard with 200 well-armed followers, whom she personally led in action at Prestonpans, Falkirk, and Culloden. Mr. Robert Chambers, in his History of the Rebellion, 7th edition, pp. 251, 252, footnotes, gives all the additional information about this lady which seems to be known.
[230] A pamphlet history of the Prince's escape, printed in 1746, and not all facts.
[231] See f. 642.
[232] See f. 346.
[233] See ff. 640, 1476.
[234] See the Scots Magazine for September 1746, the first column of p. 445, and second column of p. 492.—(F.)
[235] Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 412-423.
[236] See f. 200.
[237] See ff. 186-7.
[238] See f. 192.
[239] See ff. 187, 193, 304.
[240] See ff. 152, 210-218, 594.
[241] See ff. 188, 589.
[242] See f. 149.
[243] See f. 485.
[244] See ff. 193, 687.
[245] See f. 137.
[246] See f. 191.
[247] See f. 189.
[248] See f. 1518.
[249] See f. 195.
[250] See ff. 138, 205, 598.
[251] See f. 138.
[252] See ff. 727, 738.
[253] Here is a mistake; for Mr MacDonald of Kingsburgh declared to me more than once [see f. 145], that he sought for the Prince some time to no purpose, and had almost despaired to find him, when at last the accidental running of a flock of sheep proved the occasion of finding him out. [See f. 736.]
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[254] See f. 138.
[255] See ff. 143, 206.
[256] See f. 146.
[257] See f. 209.
[258] See f. 213.
[259] See f. 143.
[260] See ff. 143, 228.
[261] See f. 214, 228.
[262] See f. 200.
[263] Particularly Donald Roy MacDonald. See f. 768.
[264] See f. 201.
[265] See ff. 201, 202.
[266] See f. 458.
[267] See f. 304.
[268] See f. 525.
[269] Francis Townly, Esquire, of an honourable family in Lancashire, was Colonel of the Manchester regiment, and one of the nine English gentlemen that suffered first upon Kennington Common, July 30th, 1746. [See Scots Magazine for July, pp. 326-330.]
[270] The verses are printed with some variations in 'Manchester Collectanea, Chetham Society,' vol. lxviii. p. 235.
[271] Alluding to the capitulation at Carlisle.
[272] England.
[273] See f. 374.
[274] Meaning here I suppose the Glenmoriston men [see f. 172], for these men (as I have often heard) were such infamous thieves and noted lifters of cattle, in a word, such remarkable banditti by profession, that the country people who knew them would not drink with them. And yet they proved most faithful and trusty friends to the Prince in his greatest dangers and distresses. These very men (consider and wonder!) that could at any time risque both body and soul for less than the value of a single shilling, were found proof of thirty thousand pounds sterling, and generously despised the tempting bait, whilst others (gentlemen by birth, improved by a proper education) greedily sought after it. This is a most surprising instance of fidelity and heroic virtue!—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[275] See f. 1451.
[276] See ff. 172, 620.
[277] See this point corrected afterwards, f. 820.
[278] See ff. 569, 608.
[279] See f. 146.
[280] See ff. 173, 175, 628, 635.
[281] See ff. 173-176.
[282] One day when I was conversing with John Cameron (in Edinburgh), uncle of Mr. John Cameron, Presbyterian preacher and late chaplain at Fort William, I asked him if he could inform me who the person was that had shot Culcairn out of the wood. He answered he had good reason to assure me that the father (an old man) of that Cameron whom Captain Grant had basely murder'd near the same spot was the person, and that his aim was against the said Captain Grant. But as he and Culcairn were walking together the latter had the chance to receive the bullet and to fall for his companion.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[283] See f. 58.
[284] This paper is not in Mr. Forbes's own hand, and it appears as if the subscriber had been obtained to write it in and sign it.
[285] See f. 172.
[286] See f. 172.
[287] See f. 550.
[288] See f. 155.
[289] Or rather Moidart, Lochnannua being the boundary betwixt Arisaig and Moidart. See f. 640.
[290] See ff. 180, 281, 352, 355, 522.
[291] This was George Durie of Grange, who claimed the title of Lord Rutherford as grand-nephew of the first Lord. His claim was disputed by a gentleman of the Rutherford family, and to determine the dispute the Lords' Committee of Privileges ordered both to lodge their proofs, and in end disallowed both claims.
[292] It seems to have been from this Journal that the 'Account of the Young Pretender's Escape,' in the Lockhart Papers, vol. ii. pp. 537-562 is taken. But here it is much fuller.
[293] See ff. 281, 328.
[294] Some difference in this page, etc., from the account of Ned Burk, an eye-witness of the route.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[295] See f. 329.
[296] See f. 281.
[297] Donald MacLeod in his own account fixes precisely upon April 26th with which Ned Burk's account agrees pretty exactly. See ff. 273, 281, 316, 329. Captain O'Neille in his account, attested by his own subscription, makes the Prince arrive in Knoidart only upon the 28th. See f. 675. But in the copy I formerly took of O'Neille's Journal the Prince came to Knoidart the 26th. See f. 183.
[298] Donald MacLeod mentions nothing of this at all. See f. 283.
[299] The forementioned Captain Alexander MacDonald (well skilled in the Earse) assured me these words should be spelled as above.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[300] See ff. 270, 284, 287, 343.
[301] See ff. 133, 286.
[302] See this affair cleared up, ff. 289, 479.
[303] See ff. 288, 330.
[304] This is a mistake, for he was left at Scalpay and returned to South Uist. ff. 287, 343.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[305] Probably Erwin, f. 291.
[306] Captain Alexander MacDonald, Ned Burke, and Miss Flora MacDonald agree in telling me that the name of Clanronald's house in Benbecula is Ballinnagallioch, i.e. the Carl's house, about five miles from Rossinish, which is a kind of a harbour. I told the said Captain Alexander MacDonald that I had asked at several Highlanders about the derivation and meaning of the word Benbecula, but I could never meet with any one that could give me an answer. I then begged him to satisfie me as to that. He answered that he looked upon Benbecula as a corruption of the original, which in Erse was Beinnmhaol (as to the true just spelling) but Beinviol (as to the vulgar way of spelling), i.e. a hummle or bare hill, there being such a hill in the island of Benbecula.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[307] This gentleman, no doubt, has joined the Prince upon his returning again to South Uist.—R. F.
[308] At this time 'tis to be presumed from what follows that Donald MacLeod was upon his errand on the continent, f. 301.—F.
[309] As to Boystil's seeing the Prince at Coridale and being merry with him, see f. 462.
[310] The Prince had different kinds of palaces, f. 300.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[311] Referred to at ff. 188 and 526, but his name now given.
[312] See ff. 307, 333.
[313] See f. 524.
[314] See f. 529.
[315] See ff. 218, 525.
[316] In this account the honest and trusty Neil MacKechan is altogether neglected. See ff. 149, 529, 533.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[317] See f. 530.
[318] This is an error, for there was no tryst in the case at all, nor could there be any such thing. It was all a matter of chance, or rather a wise, unexpected appointment of Heaven, without any foresight or contrivance of man. This is plain and undeniable from Kingsburgh's own words and the words of Miss Flora MacDonald. See ff. 145, 210, 533.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[319] Kingsburgh himself went along with the Prince, leaving Miss MacDonald, etc. who overtook them by the way. See ff. 145, 533.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[320] See f. 228.
[321] It appears the Prince had a particular affection for the MacDonalds in his wanderings. See ff. 214, 538.
[322] See f. 281.
[323] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Captain Alexander MacDonald, and then immediately began the handwriting of young Clanranald.
[324] This is a wrong date. See the true state of the case in ff. 247, 262, 1218, 1224.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[325] See ff. 244-247, 1664, 1831.
[326] See ff. 1219-1226, 1831.
[327] Four times at this place, see f. 573.—R.F.
[328] See f. 280.
[329] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[330] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Glenaladale, and then began again the handwriting of young Clanranald.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[331] See f. 1837.
[332] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[333] See ff. 172, 569.
[334] As this narrative, proceeds from Glenaladale himself, so it deserves more credit than that in f. 550, for Mrs. Cameron narrated the matter only from the best of her remembrance, and that too from report that had passed from hand to hand.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[335] See f. 1450.
[336] See ff. 1448, 1474.
[337] See f. 1450.
[338] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Glenaladale, and then began the handwriting of Captain Alexander MacDonald, which continued to the end of the Journal.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[339] Who could have thought that the troops would have furnished the Prince with a guide to make him escape their own clutches at the very nick of time when they were hunting after him like a partridge in the mountains? For their chasing the Glengary man proved the means of bringing him to the place where Glenaladale was. An instance of Providence most adorably conspicuous that made these very men who were eagerly panting after his blood, become (quite opposite to their intention) the principal instruments of the Prince's preservation.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[340] See f. 1451.
[341] This is the same narrative with what is contain'd f. 549 of this volume, and serves to correct a mistake there as to the person who lost the purse: for 'tis plain that Glenaladale has been the man.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[342] See f. 550.
[343] See ff. 1451, 1661, 1664.
[344] The faithful Glenmoriston men. See f. 172.
[345] Perhaps the circumstance of 'Ha! Dougal MacCullony' etc., mentioned by Mrs. Cameron is not literally true. But I have often heard that these men used to call the Prince by the name Dougal the better to conceal him. See f. 1451.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[346] Here begins vol. iv. of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection. It is entitled:
'The Lyon in Mourning,' or a collection (as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and distresses of.... Vol. 4th. 1748.
Extera gens nostra passim dominatur in orbe,
Scotorum Princeps vix, ubi degat, habet!
On the inside of the back board there is one piece of wood, an inch long by about 3⁄8 broad and 1⁄8 thick (and there has been another piece, but now it is not) and underneath is written:—
The above are pieces of that identical eight-oar'd boat, on board of which Donald Macleod, etc., set out from Boradale on the continent with the Prince (after the battle of Culloden) for Benbecula in the Long Isle. The above pieces were sent to me from Major MacDonald of Glenaladale to the care of Captain Alexander MacDonald in Edinburgh, brother-german to Dalely. The said Alexander MacDonald delivered the above pieces to me on Wednesday evening, December 28th, 1748, he having come under a promise upon our first acquaintance to procure me a bit of the eight-oar'd boat. See vol. 2, ff. 270, 284, vol. 3, ff. 581, 582. Vol. 4, ff. 677, 678.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[347] It is very remarkable that the Prince made little rest serve him at any time, and that he was almost indefatigable in walking and in undergoing hardship. [See ff. 238, 244, 291.]—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[348] See f. 1664.
[349] See f. 1665.
[350] The Prince used to insist upon it that the French would still send him succours. This I heard from severals. See ff. 175, 214.—F.
[351] See the preceding note.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[352] See f. 1665.
[353] See ff. 173-176, 356.
[354] See f. 173.
[355] It is omitted in this Journal that Auchinsaul himself was with the Prince. See f. 173.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[356] The affair of the Prince's sending expresses to Lochiel, and of Lochiel's sending proper persons to seek out the Prince, and at last of their meeting together as they both intended, appears to me not to be so distinctly and accurately narrated in this Journal as in that of Mr. John Cameron [See ff. 173-179]. As I have made some enquiry into this matter, I shall note down all I have discovered about it as exactly as possible. Dr. Archibald Cameron (Lochiel's brother) and Mr. John Cameron (late Presbyterian chaplain at Fort William) were the persons despatched by Lochiel to use all the endeavours they could to find out the Prince, in which they were happily successful. Lochiel was by this time recovered of his wounds [See f. 1479] as is evident from Dr. Stewart Threpland's leaving him and making his way to Edinburgh in the habit and character of a Presbyterian probationer, in the month of July, long before the Prince and Lochiel could meet. The foresaid Mr. John Cameron was the person dispatched by Lochiel (after meeting with the Prince) to Edinburgh in order to hire a vessel to take him and whom he should bring along with him off the east coast. Mr. Cameron (by the assistance of proper friends) succeeded in this negotiation, as is well known to some. But when he returned to inform the Prince of his success, he, with Lochiel, etc., had set out for the place where the French were landed upon the west coast to take off the Prince, etc. So that Mr. Cameron was left to shift for himself. He made his way back to Edinburgh in disguise, and at last got off under a borrowed name in the same coach with Lady Lochiel and her children for London, the lady passing under the name of Mrs. Campbell, for she could have no pass. They all got safely to France. When I happened to be conversing with John Cameron, uncle of the said Mr. Cameron, in Edinburgh [See f. 558], he told me that he himself attended Lochiel in his skulking. I told him it was surprizing to me how any person could find out the Prince when the ship landed in the west, because he was so far down the country in his way southward, and then asked him if he could inform me what miles the Prince might be from the ships when notice came to him. He said that he himself was then on an errand enquiring about some of the distressed gentlemen, but that he was persuaded the Prince was no less than 60 miles from the ships in a direct line over the tops of hills, etc., as by that time he behoved to be in the confines or in the county of Athol. I said no doubt he meant Highland miles. He said he meant so, for that it would be no less than 70 or 80 ordinary miles; and if one was to travell it by the common roads [See f. 1475], it would make no less than 90 or 100. The indemnity did not make John Cameron (the uncle) safe, because he had carried arms abroad in the first Highland regiment, and when the Prince landed had a pension from Chelsea. He got off to Holland, and from thence to France. He said the Prince, when skulking, used to retire some time morning and evening by himself.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[357] This certainly is a wrong date, for by the best intelligence that can be had the Prince arrived in France on the 29th or 30th of September, having set sail from Scotland on the 20th of said month. [See ff. 522, 1476.]
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[358] I asked particularly at Captain Alexander MacDonald whether the Prince arrived on the Arisaig or Moidart side, and he assured me he landed on Arisaig. This serves to clear up any doubt in Vol. 2, f. 355, and Vol. 3, f. 573.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[359] See f. 68.
[360] See f. 356.
[361] See f. 690.
[362] See ff. 589, 923.
[363] See ff. 266, 466, 760-776.
[364] See f. 669. This narrative is printed in Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 131-144.
[365] See f. 380.
[366] Ker's account of this affair agrees most exactly with that of Captain Malcolm MacLeod, but the account given by the Captain is much more exact and circumstantial, as may be seen in [see ff. 258-261, 273, 989, 1207, 1256.]
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[367] See f. 156.
[368] See f. 1138.
[369] See ff. 567, 902.
[370] Who pillaged the house of Lude (the widow lady living in it), breaking to pieces all the doors and windows, and the finishing of the rooms and some of the floors.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[371] See f. 907.
[372] See ff. 907, 1267.
[373] These particulars represent the Earl of Cromarty in a very indifferent light. See f. 1259.—F.
[374] It should be some of Lord Loudon's.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[375] See f. 1261.
[376] See ff. 156, 1261.
[377] On Monday, says Mr. John Cameron [see f. 157].
[378] The copy from which I transcribed had here the words, viz.: 'Wednesday, being the 16th of April,' which certainly behoved to be an error, as it is well known that the battle of Culloden was fought upon Wednesday, April 16th. See ff. 126, 157, 181, 430, 439.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[379] Mr. John Cameron says sword and pistol [f. 157]. But certainly Colonel Ker, who carried the orders from Lord George Murray, must know that point best.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[380] See ff. 158, 441, 1270.
[381] In the copy which I made, my transcript from the word here was Ern, which behoved to be a mistake, the water of Ern being in Perthshire. The same mistake was in the said copy a second time—viz., in the fourth line of page 667 in the volume.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[382] See ff. 129, 445.
[383] As this proceeds from Colonel Ker himself, who behoved to know this matter best, so it is more to be depended upon than other accounts, which differ from this, and some of which tell it in such a way as to leave an insinuation of some blame upon Lord George Murray, whose bravery can never be called in question. See ff. 129, 160, 182, 328, 446, 675.
[384] This says very ill for the corps posted to guard the park walls in order to prevent the Prince's army being flanked by the enemy from that quarter.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[385] Here Colonel Ker vindicates Lord George Murray from villainy, an imputation which no man in his right senses could ever entertain against Lord George, because no villain would have exposed his person so remarkably as he did where danger called upon all occasions. Besides, if Lord George had acted the double and dishonest part, why should he have skulked, and, at last, have gone to foreign parts? But, then, it is worth noticing that Colonel Ker says not a word with respect to the insolence and haughtiness of Lord George's temper, his great misfortune and fault, in which alone he can be justly blamed, and with which he stands charged by the Prince's own words to more than one [see ff. 150, 236, 450, 453]. However, to do Lord George justice, it is affirmed by some who have an opportunity of knowing, that Lord George, before he left Scotland, did declare his surprize to a friend (Murray of Abercairney) how it could enter into the head of any person to charge him with treachery. But at the same time that he acknowledged with concern and regret that he had been too often guilty of contradicting and thwarting the Prince in the measures he proposed. Certainly, tho' both be bad enough, there is a great difference 'twixt villainy and pride.
Robert Forbes, A.M.
[386] Printed in Jacobite Memoirs, pp. 348-362.
[387] Thus the attested copy had it, without the word 'the.'
[388] If this be so, how then came I by the copy in vol. i. p. 181? For I can declare I was master of that copy upon July 14th, 1747, i.e. exactly a month and a half before the date of the Captain's letter, along with the attested copy, to the Countess of Dundonald. [See ff. 692-700 postea.]
[389] Three or four miles, say other accounts, and justly too, as must be confessed by those who know anything of the country about Nairn, where the attack was to have been made. See ff. 158, 448, 661.—F.
[390] This page contains several particulars not so much as mentioned in any of the accounts given by others, as may be seen by making a comparison.—F.
[391] The Prince marched all that night on foot, says Ker of Gradyne, f. 662.—F.
[392] With tears in his eyes, says the other copy, f. 181.—F.
[393] These words are wanting in the foresaid copy. See f. 182.—F.
[394] Nine squadrons, says the foresaid copy, f. 182.—F.
[395] Here in the foresaid copy these following words, 'but to no purpose.' See f. 182.—F.
[396] Not true. See f. 1161.—F.
[397] The foresaid copy says here, 'And next day arrived at Fort Augustus.'—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[398] These words are not in the other copy, f. 183.—F.
[399] The 26th of April, says the foresaid copy, which day Donald MacLeod fixes upon for their departure from the continent to the Isles. See ff. 273, 281, 316. Ned Burk says much the same. [See p. 329.]—F.
[400] Says Donald MacLeod, 'ten or twelve miles by sea, but a much greater distance by land.' See f. 278.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[401] Honest Donald MacLeod, the pilot, and Allan MacDonald, Clanranald's relation might have had a place here, to say nothing of the poor rowers. See f. 281.—F.
[402] This must be a mistake, tho' it be so in the other copy too, for none of the lochs has so much bounds as to allow of such a drive from an intended harbour. I remember Donald MacLeod called this 'nonsense,' for he makes the whole course but only 96 miles. [See f. 284.]—F.
[403] This should be Benbecula, but I think not so much of his mistaking names, being a stranger. See f. 284.—F.
[404] This is altogether an error, as plainly appears, not only from the words of Donald MacLeod and Ned Burk [see ff. 270, 343], but likewise from a remarkable token given me by Captain Alexander MacDonald, which puts this point beyond all doubt. See f. 581.—F.
[405] One error never fails to prove the foundation of another, if not of many.—F.
[406] This whole affair is represented in quite a different manner by Donald MacLeod, who caused me remark more than once that O'Neille did not accompany him to Stornoway (See ff. 270, 287), and I have heard Ned Burk affirm the same thing.—F.
[407] Here either 'not' should be wanting, or the next word immediately following should be 'impossible' to make sense of the words which were precisely as above in the attested copy, but in the other copy they happen to be right. See f. 184.—F.
[408] One error must be the foundation of another at least. See this whole affair cleared up by Donald MacLeod himself (See f. 289), and that, too, according to the expressions of Captain John Hay upon the head who could have no interest or by-view in what he spoke. See f. 479.—F.
[409] Four days and four nights, says Donald MacLeod, and not in so very great misery as Captain O'Neille represents them to have been in, though indeed their case was bad enough (See ff. 291-297). And Ned Burk's account of this matter agrees with that of Donald MacLeod (See f. 331). One day I read this particular of the desert island to Ned Burk when he used this remarkable expression, 'What deel needs a man mack mair wonders than we had. Faith we had anew o' them.' Words tho' coarse, yet very significant.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[410] In all this Captain O'Neille is exactly right, for I have heard Miss MacDonald declare more than once that the Captain came to her (bringing the Prince along with him) when she happened to be in a shealling belonging to her brother; that the Captain was the contriver of the scheme, and that she herself was very backward to engage in it; and indeed no wonder (whatever some may say), when one seriously considers the important trust, and the many dangers attending it. Something of all this may be gathered from her own Journal. See f. 524.
[411] In the other copy these words are wanting. See f. 187.—F
[412] In the other copy thirty-four hours.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[413] See ff. 526, 589.
[414] It is truly a matter of much wonder that the Prince should escape the clutches of so many in such narrow bounds, especially when the coast was swarming with ships, sloops, etc.—F.
[415] See ff. 485, 526.
[416] These words are not in the other copy. See f. 189.—F.
[417] The faithful MacKechan might have been named here.—F.
[418] Captain O'Neille speaks more respectfully, and is more favourable in his accounts of Colonel O'Sullivan than some other hints that are given in this Collection. (See ff. 496, 519, 528.)—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[419] See the person named and the whole affair cleared up in this vol. f. 644.—F.
[420] A man remarkable for his cruelties. See ff. 192, 216, 257, 309, etc. Even in his younger years he was remarkable for a cruel turn of mind among his school-fellows and companions, and therefore he is the fitter tool for William the Cruel. He was born at Old Meldrum in the shire of Aberdeen.—Robert Forbes, A.M.
[421] See ff. 191, 645.
[422] See f. 189.
[423] See ff. 277-307.
[424] See footnote, p. 50, ante.