(7) HOMES FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN
One of the earliest permanent homes for women was St. Katharine’s-by-the-Tower, London. The sisters of St. John’s, Reading, are described as “certyn relygyous p026 women, wydowes in chast lyuyngg in God’s seruyce praying nygt and day.” To provide for fatherless children and widows was part of the design of Holy Trinity, Salisbury. In two hospitals outside Lincoln this particular work was carried on. Originally served by the Gilbertine Order, they became entirely eleemosynary institutions under the care of lay-sisters. Many wills about the year 1400 allude to St. Katharine’s asylum or hospital for widows, orphans, and bedemen. The daughter-house was a home for waifs and strays, namely, “certain orphans placed in danger through the negligence of their friends, and deserted, and brought into the hospital of St. Sepulchre, guarded and educated there.”
A further reason for the adoption of children into the hospital family was this: that when women died in confinement, their infants were frequently kept and cared for. (See p. [9].) In connection with St. Leonard’s, York, mention is made of “ministering to the poor and sick and to the infants exposed there.” In 1280 there were twenty-three boys in the orphanage, with a woman in charge. Education was provided for them and for the thirty choristers. Two schoolmasters taught grammar and music. The Dean and Chapter were forbidden by the King on one occasion (1341) to meddle with the grammar school in the hospital. Among the expenses in 1369 is a gratuity to the bishop of the choir-boys. This shows, says Canon Raine, that there was a “boy-bishop” at St. Leonard’s as well as in the Minster.
Nor was it uncommon thus to find young and strong side by side with aged and infirm inmates. Several almshouses maintained children. Bishop Grandisson carried out his predecessor Stapeldon’s intention of p027 adding twelve boys to the foundation of St. John’s, Exeter, and Archbishop Chichele attached a boarding-school to his bedehouse at Higham Ferrers. There were children and adult pensioners in St. Katharine’s, London, and in Knolles’ almshouse, Pontefract.
Some hospitals had boarders or day-boarders whose studies were conducted in neighbouring schools. St. John’s, Bridgwater, maintained thirteen scholars—such as were habiles ad informandum in grammatical—who were excused from full ritual that they might keep schools daily in the town (1298).[19] In some cases, like St. Giles’, Norwich, food was provided for children who were getting free education elsewhere. At St. Cross, Winchester, seven choristers were boarded and instructed. Thirteen poor scholars from the Grammar School also received a substantial meal daily.
In other instances we find that instruction was provided without board and lodging. The lads taught in God’s House, Exeter, were not inmates, like those of St. John’s in that city. The master of the hospital was required to teach from three to nine boys, beginning with the alphabet and going on to the “great psalter of the holy David.” In the almshouses of Ewelme and Heytesbury also there were non-resident pupils. Only the more advanced at Ewelme aspired to “the faculty of grammar.” It was directed that should the schoolmaster have no more than four “childer that actually lernes gramer, besides petettes [i.e. beginners] and reders,” he should assist at matins and evensong. He must so rule his scholars that none be tedious, noisome, or troublous to the almspeople. Payment was forbidden at p028 Heytesbury except as a free gift, or by pupils whose friends had a yearly income of over £10. Bishop Smyth, a patron of learning, added a schoolmaster and usher to his restored almshouse at Lichfield, where very poor children were to be taught. The Grammar School connected with St. John’s hospital, Banbury, became famous.
Lastly, the development of these institutions must be considered. Many of the almshouses built during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were intended from their foundation for life-pensioners. In other cases, however, on account of necessity or expediency, the permanent home was evolved from one originally of a temporary character. Charities underwent a change during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This may be attributed to various social and economic causes—the decline of leprosy, legislation regarding vagrancy, and the redistribution of wealth. As the number of lepers decreased, the alms formerly bestowed upon them were available for other necessitous persons, and some lazar-houses gradually became retreats for aged invalids. This was chiefly during the fifteenth century, but even about 1285 St. Nicholas’, York, is said to be “founded in the name of lepers, and for the support of the old and feeble of the city.” Again, when it was realized that indiscriminate hospitality encouraged vagrancy, the character of some hospitals gradually altered. The Statute of 1388 helped to develop local administration of charity by ordaining that beggars unable to work must either remain in the town where they found themselves or return to their birthplace and abide there for life. p029
[♦ ] 5. BEDE-HOUSE, STAMFORD
The crying need for the permanent relief of genuine distress made itself heard. Langland, the poet of the people, called attention to the necessity of rebuilding hospitals. In his Vision “Truth” begs rich merchants to put their profits to good uses and “amenden meson-dieux” therewith. In 1410, and again in 1414, the Commons suggested that new almshouses might be founded if some ecclesiastical property were confiscated. Although this was not done, many were provided through private liberality. By the redistribution of wealth and the rise of the middle classes, a fresh impetus was given to building. The chantry system also had an increasingly powerful influence upon the charity of this period. The newer foundations, even more explicitly than the older, were “bede-houses” or houses of prayer. All p030 charitable foundations were to a certain extent chantries. Many, alas! were solely on this account marked with the stigma of superstition, and fell under the two Acts for the dissolution of chantries: the plea of usefulness, however, happily prevailed in several cases.[20] For a time the work of building almshouses ceased, but revived after a while. In 1583 Philip Stubbes complained that although in some places the poor were relieved in hospitals, yet more provision was required:—
“For the supplie whereof, would God there might be in euerie parish an almes house erected, that the poore (such as are poore indeede) might be maintained, helped, and relieued. For until the true poore indeed be better provided for, let them neuer thinke to please God.”[21]
- Notes — Chapter II
- [13] Rolls of Parl. 2 Hen. V, Vol. IV, p. 19b Petitions, No. III.
- [14] St. John’s, Bedford, was intended only for townsmen; all such applying to the master for relief were to be received, but “all poore folkes dwellyng without the same town to be expulsed and put out.” Chantry Cert. (ed. J. E. Brown).
- [15] Pat. 9 Hen. IV, Pt. i. m. 8.
- [16] Tovey, Anglia Judaica, 227.
- [17] Chron. and Mem. 44, iii. 262.
- [18] Pat. 8 Edw. I, m. 17.
- [19] Bishop Drokensford’s Reg. p. 268.
- [20] See Chapter XVI.
- [21] Anatomie of Abuses, Pt. II, 43.
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