History of the Franks

by Saint Bishop of Tours Gregory

NOTES

[A] P. 1, l. 21 f. Gregory’s vague idea of a symmetrical chronological development of history leading up to a great termination, namely, “the approaching end of the world,” finds expression in a number of passages; cf. pp. [5], [6], [7], [105], [208], [244]. It is a peculiar fact that the chronological tastes of the Christian historiographers and theologians were largely due to their interest in the future, which was as definitely marked out as the past by the Providence of God.

[B] P. 5, l. 1 f. Here as well as in his “first preface” (p. [1]) Gregory gives his point of view as definitely as any historian has ever done. The reader has merely to bear it in mind in order to interpret the narrative. Gregory’s impulse to write the History of the Franks came not from an interest in the Frankish state, but from an interest in the orthodox church, of which he regarded the Franks as the champions. It is for this reason that he is far more definite in expressing his adherence to the creed than his allegiance to the Frankish kings. It is this attitude, too, that explains his impatience with civil war (p. [105]). Cf. Introd., p. [xxi] and pp. [53], [54].

[C] P. 6, l. 36 f. Gregory’s references to his sources are relatively clear in Book I and can be traced through the succeeding chapters. The main source is naturally Jerome’s translation of Eusebius’ chronicle supplemented by Orosius’ History Against the Pagans. He also uses Rufinus’ translation and continuation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History. On these sources see other volumes of the Records of Civilization.

[D] P. 9, l. 1. The stade was 606 ft. 9 in. in length. It took about 8⅔ stades to make an English mile.

[E] P. 9, l. 2. Agripennis (arapennis, arpent), properly a measure of surface. Here it is used of length, just as American farmers use the term, acre, as a measure both of surface and of length, meaning in the latter case the side of a square acre—​about 70 yards. That this is the usage here may be proved by a simple arithmetical operation.

[F] P. 10, l. 12 f. For other exhibitions of extreme credulity, see pp. [68], [171]. It should be remembered that in these cases the point is that Gregory is applying his theory of life to a concrete situation in such a way that the contrast between the modern attitude and that of the dark ages is brought out strongly. His view of the material world was not one that laid any stress upon natural cause and effect, but rather upon supernatural cause and natural effect. It is in Gregory’s favor that he hears of more remarkable miracles than he sees.

[G] P. 11. Chapters 11-26 and 18-29 have been summarized. They contain nothing of importance and their inclusion in full would be solely at the expense of the reader’s patience.

[H] P. 12, l. 11. 251 A.D.

[I] P. 12, l. 16 f. Dionysius had the advantage, not apparent until long after his lifetime, of being sent to Paris. His cult rose with the city and he became the patron saint of France, his worship centering in the abbey of St. Denis, founded within half a century of Gregory’s death. In the ninth century St. Denis was boldly identified with Dionysius the Areopagite and with the mystical theological writings mistakenly attributed to the latter. This identification affected the development of French theological thinking for eight centuries. See Molinier, Sources de l’Histoire de France, Nos. 65, 816.

[J] P. 14, l. 1. The reference is to the temple built in honor of Mercurius Dumias (Mercury of the Dôme) on Puy-de-Dôme, the dominating peak among the mountains about Gregory’s native place. He had no doubt frequently visited it. For the term Vasso Galatae, see Art., Vassocaletis in Alt-Celtischer Sprachschatz, edited by A. Hohler.

[K] P. 15, l. 3. Cf. [note] to p. 6.

[L] P. 16, l. 4. St. Martin died in 397. His fame in later ages is largely due to the life written about 400 by his disciple Sulpicius Severus. This work had a large circulation in Gaul and became a model for saints’ lives. It is full of miracles and Gregory’s Miracles of St. Martin is merely a continuation of it. The best edition of Severus’ works is by Hahn, Vienna, 1866.

[M] P. 16, l. 38. For a similar case of “taboo of the threshold,” see [p. 200]. The custom of taking a corpse out by some other opening than the ordinary door is widely spread among primitive peoples. Cf. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by J. Hastings, Art., Death.

[N] P. 21, l. 28. Cf. Notes on p. [6], l. 36 and p. [16], l. 4. Sulpicius Severus wrote also an epitome of sacred history from the creation of the world down to 400 A.D. The best edition is La Chronique de Sulpice Sévère, by A. Lavertrujon, Paris, 1896.

[O] P. 21, c. 1. The source of the story of Bricius is unknown. A Brictio, described as a man of bad character, is mentioned by Sulpicius Severus (Dialogi, 3) and by Venantius Fortunatus.

[P] P. 24, l. 4. The Vandals invaded Gaul in 406 and moved on to Spain in 409 and across to Africa in 427 or 428.

[Q] P. 24, l. 7 f. The conception of war at this time was largely that the side with the strongest supernatural backing would win. As the supernatural forces on each side could be tested easily by a battle of champions, it was natural that this should be resorted to occasionally, at least in legend. Cf. Introd., p. [xxiv]. See also [p. 230].

[R] P. 26, l. 1. To Gregory’s mind the burning of the city of Metz was of interest mainly because it brought out this conclusion. See also l. 37 below.

[S] P. 27, c. 9. The historians, Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus and Sulpicius Alexander, are known only by the quotations given here. The elaborate method of citing authorities found in this chapter does not occur anywhere else in the History of the Franks.

[T] P. 31, l. 23. In consolaribus legimus. Nothing further is known of this source. If the following sentences are also drawn from it, it is plain that its writer speaks as one living to the north of the Loire before the conquest of that country by the Franks. Monod, Sources de l’histoire mérovingienne, p. 85.

[U] P. 33, c. 14-16. For Merovingian church architecture see Enlart, Archéologie française, vol. 1, ch. 2. No trace of the churches mentioned by Gregory survives.

[V] P. 36, c. 22. Sidonius Apollinaris (d. 480), the leading literary man of his time in Gaul, was bishop of Clermont the last ten years of his life. Gregory’s work on the masses written by him is lost. Although Gregory was born more than fifty years after Sidonius’ death, he speaks in this intimate way of the former bishop of the place of his birth. On Sidonius see Dill, Society in the Last Century of the Roman Empire, c. iv. Sidonius’ Letters have just been translated by R. M. Dalton, Oxford, 1915.

[W] P. 36, c. 27 f. For an acute analysis of the literary and oral origins of Gregory’s account of Clovis, see Kurth, Les sources de l’histoire de Clovis (Revue des quest. hist., 1888).

[X] P. 37, l. 33. Campus Martius. The March-field, later changed to the May-field, campus Madius, the annual assembly of the Franks.

[Y] P. 41, l. 8. Sigamber, one of the Sigambri, a German tribe forming a section of the Frankish people.

[Z] P. 41, l. 16. From the number Gregory reports as having been baptized, possibly an exaggeration in itself, we can see that Clovis’ army was relatively small.

[AA] P. 44, l. 8. The Lex Gundobada, still in existence (Mon. Germ. Hist., Legum, Sect. I, Legum Nationum Germ. tomi II, pars 1), is a codification of Burgundian custom. Gundobad also issued a code for his Roman subjects. The object of his legislation was largely to secure a better understanding between Romans and Burgundians. Cf. Lavisse, Histoire de France, II, p. 88 f. For bibliographical references see R. Schroeder, Lehrbuch der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte (1902), p. 241.

[AB] P. 45, l. 4. See Introduction, pp. [xviii] and [xxii].

[AC] P. 46, l. 35 f. The battle of Vouillé was fought in 507. The people of Auvergne, led by Apollinaris, son of Sidonius Apollinaris (p. [36]), fought on the side of the Visigoths.

[AD] P. 47, l. 29. Et ab ea die tanquam consul aut Augustus est vocitatus. The opinion is held that it was an honorary consulship to which Clovis was appointed. Cf. Pfister, in Cambridge Mediaeval History, vol. II, p. 115.

[AE] P. 49, l. 29 f. Cf. p. [50], l. 17 f. According to the description of Clovis he was entirely emancipated from the clan morality which was so powerful among the Franks of his time.

[AF] P. 53, l. 36. The case of Gundobad is hardly to the point, since he enjoyed a long and prosperous reign and left his kingdom to his son Sigismund. See also note on p. [44].

[AG] P. 54, l. 6 f. For a map showing this division see Longnon’s Atlas. Theodoric had his capital at Rheims and held Auvergne, Clodomer held Tours and Poitiers and made Orleans his capital. Childebert had Paris, and Clothar, Soissons, for his capital. Note that all divided equally, Theodoric the son of a concubine (p. [38]) with the rest.

[AH] P. 54, l. 22. Theodoric the Great, king of the Ostrogoths (475-526).

[AI] P. 55, l. 13 f. See p. [38].

[AJ] P. 56, l. 21. Cf. p. [54]. Hermenfred had “forgotten” to reward Theodoric. The atrocities of the Thuringians are mentioned only here.

[AK] P. 57, l. 3. Ecce verbum directum habemus. Cf. p. [84], l. 8, Verbum enim directum non habemus. The verbum directum was not justification to public opinion but to the supernatural powers. Cf. p. [45], 4 f. and Introd. pp. [xxiv-xxv].

[AL] P. 59, l. 2. Vitry in Champagne.

[AM] P. 60, c. 15. This story is from Gregory’s family tradition. The bishop of Langres was Gregory’s great-grandfather and Attalus was a relative. Trèves was in Theodoric’s territory (Longnon, p. 368), so that Attalus must have been a hostage from Childebert. However, Longnon (p. 209) gives reasons for the opinion that Langres also belonged to Theodoric. In that case Attalus must have belonged to some other city and must have gone to Gregory merely for protection. For a contrary opinion see Bonnell, Die Anfänge des Karolingischen Hauses, p. 204, Note 2.

[AN] P. 60, l. 11. Note the use of the term barbarian (barbarus) for Frank. See also p. [94], c. 35.

[AO] P. 62, l. 8. Arndt remarks that the Meuse should certainly have been named in this passage rather than the Moselle. The latter, however, is the reading of all the Mss.

[AP] P. 64, l. 9. The Frankish kings were “long-haired” (reges crinitos) (p. [31]). The alternative offered to queen Clotilda was to countenance the degradation of her grandchildren from royal rank or “to see them dead.”

[AQ] P. 66, l. 7. The relation of godfather to godson was regarded as of great importance. See e.g. p. [179], l. 10.

[AR] P. 66, l. 13. Arles was probably taken by Theodobert about 534 and remained only a short time in his hands. Longnon, p. 434.

[AS] P. 67, l. 33. For the “fast of the Ninevites,” see Jonah 3, 5.

[AT] P. 70, c. 34. Professor J. W. Thompson (Commerce of France in the Ninth Century, Journal of Political Economy, November, 1915, pp. 876-7) regards this merchant group as probably going back to a Roman mercantile corporation. He is in error however in supposing that the merchants lent money to the king on the occasion Gregory refers to.

[AU] P. 70, c. 36. The Franks objected to being taxed not only because they were originally tax-free, but because the payment of taxes degraded them by placing them on a level with the conquered Gallo-Romans. This explains the bitterness of the enmity to Parthenius (cf. p. [177]), who may be judged from other references to him as a man intellectually at least much superior to the environment he found in Theodobert’s kingdom. See S. Hellman’s revision of Giesebrecht’s translation of the History of the Franks, vol. 3, p. 169.

[AV] P. 75, c. 2. Elsewhere (p. [220]) we learn that Clothar recognized the right not only of the clergy but of the people of Tours to go tax-free. The story told in this chapter would indicate that the bishop of Tours was the natural leader of the bishops of Clothar’s kingdom. Cf. Introd., p. [x].

[AW] P. 76, l. 30-31. The meaning is that the native rulers remained, there being a difference only in title.

[AX] P. 77, c. 6. The principle that the king’s consent was necessary to the choice of a bishop was just being established at this time. The bishops seeing in this case what they thought a good opportunity, wished to disregard it, but Cato would not consent to the scheme, believing that the king’s consent was demanded by the canons. Gregory appears to have sympathized strongly with the effort of the bishops. The selection of Cautinus in the way described was even more irregular than the proposed consecration of Cato.

[AY] P. 78, l. 31. Theodovald reigned 548-555.

[AZ] P. 82, l. 8. Cautinus was illiterate. Cf. Introd., p. [xiii].

[BA] P. 82, c. 13. Chramnus’ stay at Clermont must have come soon after king Theodovald’s death (555). At this time Gregory would be seventeen or eighteen years old.

[BB] P. 82, l. 11 f. Brioude was about 40 miles from Clermont up the valley of the Allier. In it was St. Julian’s church.

[BC] P. 82, l. 30. Note the use of the term rex as applied to Chramnus, who was merely an heir of king Clothar. So regina is applied to a king’s daughter (p. [138], l. 35).

[BD] P. 83, l. 16. Sallust, Catilina, c. 3. Note this apt citation.

[BE] P. 83, l. 23. It was the custom for the Frankish king on his accession to make a circuit of his kingdom and receive the allegiance of his people. Cf. pp. [174], [220].

[BF] P. 84, l. 37. Prima haec est et magna generatio. Gregory’s mother’s family. Introd., pp. [xi-xii].

[BG] P. 85, l. 27 f. For St. Martin’s church see pp. [33-34], and for the cathedral church, p. [247].

[BH] P. 86, l. 33. “Alas!” is a weak translation of the ejaculation, Wa!

[BI] P. 87, l. 7. “In the kingdom of Burgundy we find the title patricius as that of an official who governed the part of Provence which was attached to Burgundy and also appears to have held the chief military command in that kingdom,” Pfister in Cambridge Medieval History, II, p. 137.

[BJ] P. 91, l. 10. Gaganus (Khan), not a proper name.

[BK] P. 93, l. 34. Cf. Gregory’s own experience to illustrate this, Introd., pp. [xi-xii], [xx].

[BL] P. 95, c. 40. This chapter, summarized because outside of the main interest of the narrative, has been examined as a test of Gregory’s information as to the Eastern empire. The information is found valuable though not exact. A. Carrière in Annuaire de l’école pratique des hautes études, 1898.

[BM] P. 95, c. 41. The Lombards entered Italy from the northeast in 568. Their first invasion of Gaul from Italy and the defeat of the patrician Amatus took place in 569. The most complete account of these events is given by Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum, Lib. II, edition by Bethmann und Waitz (Mon. Germ. Hist.), 1878.

[BN] P. 96, l. 31. The Saxons had accompanied the Lombards in their original invasion of Italy. They were now proposing to return to their former homes by another route.

[BO] P. 98, l. 6. Ex hoc quasi honoratus habitus. “Being regarded in consequence of this as in a sense honoratus.” Honoratus here seems to be used in a general meaning rather than in the technical one of a man who holds or has held high office. Cf. Du Cange, Art., Honorati.

[BP] P. 98, l. 14. Verg. Aen. III, 56, 57.

[BQ] P. 98, l. 17. Judex loci. The vicarius or subordinate of the Count.

[BR] P. 99, l. 29. This omen pointed to Sigibert’s death.

[BS] P. 100, l. 20 f. The idea of conveying property by will was foreign to the Franks and was not received into their law, which regarded the family rather than the individual. On the other hand conveying property by will was a regular practice among the Gallo-Roman population. The church was often made a legatee, a practice due in part to the desire to have its interest involved in the carrying out of the will. Therefore in the conflicts that arose in regard to succession to property the interests of the church and of the state were naturally opposed.

[BT] P. 105, l. 35. Orosius, V, 8.

[BU] P. 106, l. 13. After Clothar’s death in 561 Charibert I became master of Tours. When he died in 567 Tours was allotted to Sigibert, who had however to drive Clovis, son of Chilperic, away before he took possession. In 573 Chilperic again took possession but was obliged to retire. Sigibert then held the city until his death in 575, after which Chilperic took it and held it to 584, when it passed into the hands of Gunthram and after three years, by the treaty of Andelot, into those of Childebert II.

[BV] P. 106, l. 15. Merovech’s mother was Audovera (p. [90]).

[BW] P. 108, l. 9. Theodobert, son of Chilperic and Audovera. Gregory tells us nothing of the manner of his death. Cf. pp. [90], [114-118].

[BX] P. 108, l. 21. The nails were probably large spikes. Iron was scarce and the people of Mans could make use of it in many ways, especially for making knives. It may be remembered in this connection how the barbarians tore out the clamps which the Roman masons used to hold the stones together, as in the case of the Porta Nigra at Trèves.

[BY] P. 108, l. 31. St. Martin’s church was “550 paces” from the city of Tours (p. [36]). Each of these “paces” is 4 ft. 10.248 in. and the whole distance slightly over half a mile.

[BZ] P. 108, l. 25. Regio morbo, jaundice.

[CA] P. 109, l. 3 f. Felix was bishop of Nantes from 549 to 583. He was the builder of a large church and undertook embankment improvements on the Loire in Nantes. His relations with Gregory appear to have been usually bad. Cf. pp. [76], [154-5]. For poems addressed to Felix by Fortunatus see Carmina, III, 4-10; V, 7 (edition by Leo in Mon. Germ. Hist.).

[CB] P. 109, l. 11. Tetricus died in 572. It was in 573 that Gregory became bishop of Tours.

[CC] P. 109, l. 21. Creditor, business agent.

[CD] P. 109, l. 21. It is of interest that Gregory’s own brother was accused of the practice of “evil arts” (maleficiis). Cf. Introd., p. [xix].

[CE] P. 110, l. 6. Probably Alais. This bishopric probably became part of that of Nîmes. Longnon, pp. 538-543.

[CF] P. 111, l. 38. Libri IV de Virtutibus S. Martini. See Introd., pp. [xvi] and pp. [254-260].

[CG] P. 112, l. 32 f. This tale indicates one kind of limitation under which the profession of medicine labored at this time. Another is revealed in the tales of healing undertaken in connection with “evil arts” (pp. [205-8], [236-8]). In the light of these passages the fate of the physician Marileif (pp. [115], [181-2]) is the natural one. See also p. [131] and Introd., pp. [xxii-xxiii].

[CH] P. 113, l. 3. A characteristic opinion. See Introd., pp. [xvii-xviii].

[CI] P. 116, l. 15. “On its right bank” (in dextera eius parte). Tours was wholly on the left bank of the Loire.

[CJ] P. 116, l. 22. Cf. Introd., p. [xix].

[CK] P. 116, l. 28. Note the terms of the prophecy and the statement that it was fulfilled. Chilperic was, however, succeeded by his son Clothar, who outlived Gregory. The doubts expressed as to Clothar’s legitimacy may have been inspired by this prophecy. See S. Hellman, in Hist. Zeit. vol. 107, p. 27 f.

[CL] P. 117, l. 1 f. For another glimpse of Frankish hunting see p. [235].

[CM] P. 118, l. 18. This is the earliest occurrence of the word Austrasii. Longnon, p. 193.

[CN] P. 119, l. 4. A more or less general custom among the early Germans, described by Tacitus, Germania, 31.

[CO] P. 119, c. 15. Chilperic’s enmity to Praetextatus, bishop of Rouen, arose from the latter’s favor for Merovech, Chilperic’s rebellious son. It was at Rouen that Merovech married Brunhilda. The legal side of the trial is hard to follow, the main interest lying in Gregory’s spirited resistance to Chilperic. How Chilperic would have described it might be another story.

[CP] P. 120, l. 29 f. From Sulpicius Severus’ life of St. Martin. See note on p. [16], l. 4.

[CQ] P. 127, l. 4 f. The boys were to die in fulfilment of the prophecy on p. [116]. See also p. [141].

[CR] P. 128, l. 2. Chilpericus … bannos jussit exigi. Bannus here means the fine for failure to obey the king’s ban (order) requiring the service of all inhabitants. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. II, 1, p. 34.

[CS] P. 128, l. 11. The term translated “acre” (arapennis) is in reality only five-sixteenths of an acre. This part of Chilperic’s decree must refer only to vineyard land.

[CT] P. 129, l. 33 f. The reference may be to children of Gregory’s niece who lived at Tours. Cf. p. [115].

[CU] P. 131, l. 16. Gregory’s comment has provoked discussion. It should be borne in mind that to Gregory the keeping of an oath was an essential, that his attitude toward practitioners of medicine was hostile, and that Gunthram was a favorite.

[CV] P. 132, l. 24. Hilarius of Poitiers and Eusebius of Vercellae (Liber in Gloria Confessorum, 2, 3), two champions of orthodoxy.

[CW] P. 133, l. 8. Sedulius (first half of the fifth century), a Christian poet who composed a metrical account of Biblical history.

[CX] P. 133, l. 12. This passage may be taken for evidence that Gregory did not know the Greek alphabet.

[CY] P. 133, l. 28. The mayor of the palace was regularly tutor (nutricius) of a king under age. Pfister in Cambridge Medieval History, vol. II, p. 136.

[CZ] P. 135, l. 8. See note on p. [106].

[DA] P. 138, l. 11. The church of St. Medard at Soissons. Braine is a short distance away.

[DB] P. 138, l. 35. Perhaps Riguntha, daughter of Chilperic and Fredegunda, sympathized with Gregory out of enmity for her mother. Cf. p. [221].

[DC] P. 140, l. 6. We hear of this local jealousy between Clermont and Tours also at p. [137]; another more serious inter-city feud is described on p. [172].

[DD] P. 148, l. 4. The recluse Hospicius had had himself immured in a tower. He had a window in it, but the only way to gain access to him was to take off the roof. For other recluses see pp. [151], [158], [199].

[DE] P. 150, l. 11 f. The interpretation of this passage is that the worms were demons or sent by demons to plague the holy man.

[DF] P. 152, l. 11. Inter senatores sophisticos ac judices philosophicos. This passage illustrates the difference in culture at this time between Paris and southern Gaul.

[DG] P. 152, l. 22. The earliest mention of the office. In Gregory’s time the major domo was of domestic rather than of political importance. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte (1892), vol. II, p. 104.

[DH] P. 154, l. 2. For another observation of a comet, see p. [92].

[DI] P. 158, l. 8. Gundulf is a great-uncle of Gregory on his mother’s side. Hist. Franc. VI, 11. It is worth while remarking that he has a barbarian name. Gregory had found it convenient to discard his own name for one more closely associated with the episcopal office, and Gundulf on his side may have had a similar motive.

[DJ] P. 158, c. 27. This agreement is referred to on p. 173 also. It was made by Chilperic, Gunthrum, and Sigibert in dividing the kingdom of Charibert in 567. Longnon, pp. 348-353.

[DK] P. 159, l. 1. In the division of Frankish territory following Clothar’s death, the territory of Marseilles was divided between Gunthram and Sigibert. When Sigibert died, Gunthram took the whole. Childebert II is here claiming his father’s share.

[DL] P. 159, l. 7. Gregory attributes the assassination of Sigibert to Fredegunda (p. [100]).

[DM] P. 159, l. 17. Bourges belonged to Gunthram; Tours, Poitiers, Angers, Nantes, to Chilperic.

[DN] P. 162, l. 15. The Mummolus mentioned here is a different person from Mummolus the patrician. See [Index].

[DO] P. 162, l. 26. Gregory’s attitude toward the story in general is not skeptical; but he regarded the diabolical powers as always deceitful. Cf. p. [116]: “What the devil promises is not to be believed.”

[DP] P. 163, l. 29. To take Riguntha as bride of the king of Spain.

[DQ] P. 164, l. 29. This should be regarded as a tax rather than as a free-will offering. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. II, p. 70.

[DR] P. 166, l. 3. See note on p. [133].

[DS] P. 169, l. 30. Nimia excesus abstinentia. The translation of these words is difficult. Excesus may be taken as excisus (ex, caedere). Caedere is frequently used in Gregory’s writings in the sense of flog. The compound however does not appear to be found elsewhere in Gregory, and Bonnet, p. 422, note 1, suggests for excesus, exesus (devoured, consumed), which however does not give a plausible meaning.

[DT] P. 170, l. 1. Eoglogias (eulogiae). Blessed or consecrated bread, not the eucharist. Bingham, Christian Antiquities, vol. V, 186 f.

[DU] P. 171, l. 32. Sallust, Catilina, c. 3.

[DV] P. 173, l. 12 f. See pp. [119], [145].

[DW] P. 175, l. 13. Duke Desiderius had been in the service of Chilperic; he now joined the pretender Gundovald.

[DX] P. 175, l. 30. The occasion is described on pp. [158-160].

[DY] P. 175, c. 14. This chapter furnishes a good example of the way in which their “sacred character” protected legates. The outward symbol of this “character” was a “consecrated wand.” Hist. Franc. VII, 32.

[DZ] P. 176, l. 11. Du Cange defines Ballomer as falsus dominus, pseudo-princeps. It is regarded as a word of Frankish origin with termination in -mer, like Clodomer.

[EA] P. 177, l. 9 f. The meaning of this probably is that Leonard was stripped of the insignia of office which he had retained. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. II, p. 81, Note.

[EB] P. 178, l. 18. Gunthram appears here more as the avenger of his kinsman according to the old custom than as king with a new order of justice at his hand. Cf. Brunner, vol. I, p. 325 (edition of 1906).

[EC] P. 178, l. 35. The reference is probably to the estates granted (commendatum) to him by the king.

[ED] P. 181, l. 9. The vicar (also tribunus, judex loci) was an officer subordinate to the count. Injuriosus had been obliged to borrow money, having either failed to collect the taxes in full or spent the money otherwise.

[EE] P. 182, c. 29. The interest of this chapter lies in the vivid manner in which the fear of St. Martin is depicted as a present reality to the people of the time. A Frank named Claudius was commissioned by king Gunthram to destroy Eberulf, a political refugee, without violating St. Martin’s sanctuary. “As he travelled along [to Tours] Claudius, according to the custom of the barbarians, began to watch the signs and say they were unfavorable to him, and at the same time to ask many persons if the power of the blessed Martin was shown at the present time on those who broke faith; he particularly wanted to know whether St. Martin’s vengeance followed immediately in case any one attacked persons who put their faith in him.” On arriving at Tours Claudius ingratiated himself with Eberulf and promised him help, and when the latter “saw that Claudius made such promises on oath in the very church and at its entrance and in every part of the court-yard [atrium], the ill-fated man believed the perjurer.” The next day a feast was held in the church and Claudius secured Eberulf’s confidence to such a degree that the latter relaxed his guard. “He sent his men one after another to get strong wine, Italian wine, of course, and Syrian wine.” This took place in the courtyard of the church. Claudius was now in a dilemma. “He was purposing to kill Eberulf in the courtyard, but he was afraid of the power of the holy bishop.” However, the chance was too good to be lost. Eberulf was slain by Claudius and his men, but Eberulf’s followers immediately appeared and there was a fierce battle in and about the monastery in the courtyard. “The poor, both those who received the regular doles, and others” took part. “Those who were ‘possessed’ and the beggars hurried from here and there with stones and clubs to avenge the insult done to the church.” Claudius and his men were all slain. Thus “the vengeance of God had immediately overtaken the men who had polluted the holy courtyard with human blood. Moreover, Eberulf’s wickedness is perceived to be not slight when the blessed bishop (Martin) allowed him to meet such a fate.” The whole incident was regarded by Gregory, who was absent at the time “at a country place about thirty miles from the city,” as a vindication of St. Martin.

[EF] P. 184, l. 21. For an account of the arms and armor of the period see L. Beck, Geschichte des Eisens, vol. I, pp. 703-728 (1884).

[EG] P. 186, c. 47. This feud, the sequel of which is given in Book IX, c. 19, is of some interest in the study of the criminal law of the period, but is told by Gregory in a somewhat tangled way, so that it seems best to summarize the main points in a note. A company who were celebrating Christmas were invited by a priest “to go to his house, to drink.” Evidently they had been drinking too much already, for one of them, Austrighysel, drew his sword and killed the priest’s slave who brought the message. Thereupon the feud began. Another of the company, Sichar, “who was on terms of friendship with the priest,” attacked Austrighysel at the church door, but the latter was forewarned and his party, killing Sichar’s servants, made off with his gold and silver and other property, Sichar himself escaping in the confusion. The case came before a court of citizens (in judicio civium) which gave judgment against Austrighysel, who was to pay the fine for homicide and for taking property without warrant. But Sichar, in the true spirit of a feudist, did not wait for this judgment. Learning where the property was kept, he took an armed band, murdered all in the house where the treasure was, and even carried off the flocks and herds. “On hearing this,” says Gregory, “we were greatly vexed and in conjunction with the judge we sent messengers to them to come to our presence and make a reasonable settlement and depart in peace, that the quarrel might not breed greater trouble.” Gregory even offered to advance the church’s money to pay the fine of the guilty one, if the latter had not money himself. But Chramsind, the representative of the family Sichar had murdered in the last incident, refused to accept settlement, and hearing later a false report that Sichar had been killed by one of his own slaves, he took up the feud anew, “summoned his kinsmen and friends,” plundered Sichar’s house, and killed all the slaves on his estate. The settlement of this tangled feud is extremely interesting, since it shows how the courts of the period were straining every effort to overcome the time-honored custom of the blood feud. “Then the two parties were summoned before the judge in the city and pleaded their causes, and the verdict was found by the judges that he [Chramsind] who had been unwilling to accept a money payment before and had burned the houses, should lose half of the award which [otherwise] would have been adjudged to him,—​this was done contrary to the law if only peace could be restored—​but Sichar was to pay the other half of the fine. Then the church gave money to the amount of the verdict; Sichar paid his fine and received a receipt for it, each party swearing to the other that at no time should one party go muttering things against the other. And thus the strife ended.” It did not end, however, as the nineteenth chapter of the ninth book shows.

[EH] P. 189, c. 1-7. For a discussion of Gregory’s attitude toward Gunthram see S. Hellmann, Studien zur mittelalterlichen Geschichtschreibung, Hist. Zeit., vol. 107, p. 23 f.

[EI] P. 189, l. 6. Gunthram was frequently threatened with assassination. See pp. [174], [176], [178], [205]. On this occasion he seems to have felt more confidence.

[EJ] P. 189, l. 20. The Syrians were the distributors of eastern Mediterranean commodities in Gaul. The name seems to have been applied to a number of eastern peoples. In this connection it may be recalled that a Syrian, Eusebius, was bishop of Paris, and another, Theodore of Tarsus, archbishop of Canterbury.

[EK] P. 191, l. 1. Gunthram had held Saintes from 567 to 576, when it was taken from him by Chilperic’s son Clovis.

[EL] P. 197, l. 20. Daemonii meridiani instinctu. Cf. Interea accedentibus hariolis et dicentibus eum meridiani daemonii incursionem pati (De Virtut. S. Martin. IV, 36). A sudden seizure in the heat of the day would be diagnosed as possession by a mid-day demon.

[EM] P. 198, l. 22 f. See Frazer, Golden Bough, vol. 8, p. 280, for an explanation of this matter. An image of a noxious creature was supposed to rid a locality of it.

[EN] P. 206, l. 2. Errore nigromantici ingenii. The spelling of nigromantici reveals a popular etymology (niger), “the black art.” Cf. Bonnet, p. 218.

[EO] P. 207, l. 7. The “imposter” had to conduct a service containing responses all by himself.

[EP] P. 209, l. 34. The meaning of this is that in his pain and excitement Gunthram Boso thought he had a lance in his hand instead of a sword.

[EQ] P. 210, c. 15. This assembly of the Arian bishops of Spain took place in 587.

[ER] P. 211, l. 12. The reference is to the Latin version (and continuation) of Eusebius’ history by Rufinus. Book X, c. 14.

[ES] P. 212, l. 2. According to the Salic law the fine which the killing of a free man entailed was more than doubled if the corpse was concealed.

[ET] P. 212, l. 21. The purpose of the letter was to certify that Chramsind was not an outlaw and could not be attacked with impunity by Sichar’s kinsmen.

[EU] P. 212, l. 36. In the agreement there are two separate statements about Senlis, the first (p. [213], l. 34), that “Childebert asserts his right from the present day to two-thirds of Senlis,” the second (p. [215], l. 6), that “it is agreed that Childebert shall hold Senlis in entirety, and as far as the third therein due to lord Gunthram is concerned, he shall be compensated by the third belonging to lord Childebert which is in Ressons.”

[EV] P. 215, l. 9. Ressons-sur-le-Matz, not far from Senlis. Cf. Longnon, p. 416.

[EW] P. 216, l. 30. It was as the head of the Merovingian clan that Gunthram’s consent was required.

[EX] P. 216, l. 32. Ingunda had married Reccared’s elder brother who rebelled against his father and was finally executed. Ingunda died shortly after on her way to Constantinople.

[EY] P. 217, l. 1. Childebert had already made two expeditions against the Lombards. Cf. pp. [163], [197].

[EZ] P. 218, l. 10. The agreement was made Nov. 8, 588 at Andelot.

[FA] P. 218, l. 16. Gregory’s idea of a good king is that he approximates to a bishop. Cf. Introd., p. xvii.

[FB] P. 220, c. 30. This chapter contains the history of taxation in Tours in Gregory’s day. The exemption enjoyed by Tours must have brought it some rich inhabitants. On the other hand the fact that political refugees fled to St. Martin’s church for protection was sometimes a disadvantage. Cf. p. [117].

[FC] P. 221, l. 25. Genetricemque suam servitio redeberit. The translation of this passage is difficult. Bonnet, p. 668, note, suggests redhiberet for redeberit, in which case the meaning would be that Rigunda would make Fredegunda a slave again, as she had been before marrying Chilperic.

[FG] P. 222, l. 6. Wife of duke Launebod, who built the church of St. Saturninus at Toulouse.

[FH] P. 222, l. 8. For Waddo see pp. [165], [182-185]. He had been count of Saintes, and it was probably from the territory of Saintes that he made this expedition.

[FI] P. 223, l. 11. The story of the forty nuns is told with burdensome detail. The sequel of the story with the review of the case by the bishops ([Book X, Chaps. 15-17]) is translated.

[FJ] P. 227, l. 16. Pope Gregory the Great, 590-604. This chapter gives the only contemporary information about him not given in his own writings.

[FK] P. 228, l. 10. Pope Gregory had lived in Constantinople from 579 to 585.

[FL] P. 228, l. 23 f. It was a custom for the bishop to resist election, in appearance at least.

[FM] P. 228, l. 31. Carthage was so called to distinguish it from Carthage in Spain (Cartagena).

[FN] P. 232, l. 18. The vicarius was an officer subordinate to the count.

[FO] P. 232, c. 7. The reference seems to be wholly to back taxes due from the church.

[FP] P. 233, c. 8. This is a tale from Gregory’s home town. He must have known personally some at least of the persons mentioned. The time of the incidents may be inferred from these facts: Bishop Cautinus died in 571; duke Desiderius died about 587, and Gregory is writing between 590 and 592.

[FQ] P. 235, l. 11. 590 A.D.

[FR] P. 235, c. 10. In this case the trial by combat yielded no verdict. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, vol. II, p. 440 (edition of 1892).

[FS] P. 244, l. 32. The “swarm of flies” was the medium through which this man became “possessed.” In De Virtut. S. Martin, I, c. 53, a cloud of dust has the same effect. Cf. also De Virtut. S. Martin, III, c. 16, 20.

[FT] P. 245, l. 19. Episcopis ac civibus. The meaning of the last word may be “people of the civitas (city),” i.e. “townsfolk.”

[FU] P. 246, l. 3. See Note on p. [189], l. 20.

[FV] P. 246, l. 23 f. A similar case of summary punishment is found on p. [199]. Cf. also pp. [38], [48-50], [176].

[FW] P. 246, l. 36. The cathedral church in the city. Below (p. [247], l. 21 f.) the reference is to St. Martin’s church.

[FX] P. 247, l. 13. The reference is to a legend dating back to the time of the emperor Maximian (285-310) and centering about St. Maurice (cf. p. [54]). The legion, consisting wholly of Christians from the East, was commanded to take part in the persecution of the Christians. On its refusal its members were executed to a man. The question of the authenticity of the legend has given rise to a long controversy. See Art., Theban Legion, New Schaff-Herzog Religious Encyclopedia.

[FY] P. 247, l. 32 f. Appeals of this sort are common in the literature of the age. Compare the following: “I adjure thee, who shalt transcribe this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious appearing, when he comes to judge the living and the dead, that thou compare what thou has transcribed, and be careful to set it right according to this copy from which thou hast transcribed; also that thou in like manner copy down this adjuration, and insert it in the transcript.” Irenaeus, De Ogdoade (Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. I, p. 568).

[FZ] P. 248, l. 2. Martianus Capella wrote, about 450, a work on the seven liberal arts much used in medieval schools. Cf. Introd., p. xiii.