Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 1

by Samuel J. Tilden

HORATIO SEYMOUR TO TILDEN

"Utica, Oct. 3, 1872.

"My dear Sir,—I enclose a draft for $5233.34 to pay my note and interest. Please to send it to me by mail. I am very much obliged to you for the accommodation. How does the canvass go? I am not able to work myself into any heat about it. I grow old very fast. Then, too, it is hard to go out to speak for Greeley. His abuse has been so gross. As facts stand, I think it was wise to put him up, and I can see my way clear to vote for him, as he can be made of use in driving negroes out of office; but it is hard to speak for him. But for you and Kernan I would not move this fall. As it is, I will do what I can.

"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."

WHY KERNAN WAS NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR
(INTERVIEW WITH "HERALD" REPORTER, NOV. 3, 1872)

"Reporter.—Understanding that you had some agency in the nomination of Francis Kernan as the Democratic and Liberal Republican candidate for Governor, I have called to make some inquiries about it. Will Mr. Kernan be elected?

"Mr. Tilden (smiling).—You remember the old adage which says, 'You can't tell who is Governor till after the election'? But at the risk of violating that, I will give you an opinion. I feel very certain that Francis Kernan will be the next Governor of the State of New York.

"Reporter.—Are you willing to state the motives for nominating Mr. Kernan?

"Mr. Tilden.—I am perfectly willing to state my motives, so far as I had any agency in the nomination. Mr. Kernan will be 'the right man in the right place.' It is scarcely possible to find a man to whom the public interests can be so safely trusted. He is in the meridian of life and the maturity of his powers. He has acknowledged abilities. He has led a distinguished career as a lawyer. He possesses large knowledge and experience of public affairs, while he scarcely ever held office. He has inspired universal confidence in his most absolute integrity, and enjoys the esteem and affection of the people of the central portions of the State, and of all who know him everywhere else. Every circumstance about him conspires to assure his single-minded fidelity to the duties of his great trust.

"In the first place, he has a high standard of public conduct. He is imbued with the traditions of the best days of the Democracy. Like Jefferson, he would not attempt to increase his fortune, even by legitimate methods, while in public life. Like Silas Wright and Flagg and Marcy, he would not only be pure himself, but would disdain to use impure influence—impure methods or impure men for party objects. His ideals are all lofty.

"In the second place, he is not over-ambitious. He does not aim at a permanent public life, but to serve out his term and return to the congenial pursuit of his profession.

"In the third place, he is totally free from all ambiguous associations. He stands on no 'ring.' He owes nobody anything for political favors.

"Here are reasons enough, and good ones, but not all.

"Reporter.—What were the others? The Republican newspapers say that one was that Mr. Kernan is a Catholic, and that you advised his nomination on that account.

"Mr. Tilden.—There is not the slightest truth, or resemblance to truth, in that story. But I will speak of that subject presently. The other reason is the connection Mr. Kernan had with the reform movement last year.

"City Frauds.

"The discovery of frauds by certain city officials happened just as I was about leaving the city to spend a week in the country. On the eve of my departure I had an opportunity of cross-examining a gentleman who had the confidence of the financial men and taxpayers of this city, and who called on me with a letter from a distinguished philanthropist. I became satisfied that the revelations were substantially true. My week's reflections in the country resulted in a determination to attempt to carry out that system of measures in which I have been ever since engaged; but some co-operation was indispensable.

"Kernan and O'Conor.

"The first man I sought was Francis Kernan. After much telegraphing I found him attending court in Albany. I went there to meet him. It was on the fourth day of August, 1871. He was about to leave for the seashore to attend a sick relative. I gave him the documents. I submitted to him my views as to what ought to be done, and arranged for a further conference on his return. On that occasion he gave me assurances of his full and cordial co-operation, which I ever afterwards received. He was to me the one necessary man for a contest in the State convention. His courage, his independence, his tact and eloquence in debate, his popularity and weight of character were all needed.

"I next sought Charles O'Conor. I desired his co-operation in a different department. His great renown as a lawyer, his unmatched resources in a professional controversy, his lofty independence, and his high sense of public duty made him invaluable in many things which were necessary in order to achieve an overthrow of the corrupt dynasty which then ruled our great metropolis and to purify the administration of justice.

"Now it so happened that both of these gentlemen are Americans, born within this State; that they are both sons of exiles, for the sake of liberty, from Ireland; that they are both of the Catholic religion. Mr. Kernan's creed had nothing more to do with my desire for his nomination for Governor than it had with my seeking his co-operation, or Mr. O'Conor's co-operation in the reform measures. The only mode in which the question of creed came to be discussed with reference to Mr. Kernan's nomination was afterwards, when, notwithstanding his eminent fitness was conceded, it was said that the Republicans would attack him on account of his religious opinions. Every rogue in the State became greatly troubled on the subject. Every member of a corrupt ring, by interest, was opposed to him and thought that his nomination would eliminate the Protestant vote. I think they could have forgiven his religion if they could only have ceased to fear his honesty. For one, I was not disposed to concede much to such an objection. I never said anything about Mr. Kernan's religion except to defend him. I should have been as much in favor of his nomination if he had been of a different creed. Mr. Kernan is totally free from bigotry. His liberal views on every subject of sectarian controversy are on record in his speeches and in his conduct. In exercising the powers of an official trust his just and equitable character would be an impassible barrier against partiality towards any class to which he should himself belong. Are you ready to adopt the principle that no man, however superior in merits and qualifications, who is a Catholic, shall be eligible to high public office in this great commonwealth of freemen and equals? Such a

"Proscription

is not only unjust, but it is unwise and self-destructive, with reference to the interests you wish to protect. If your apprehensions were anything but imaginary, you direct them in the wrong quarter. Ambitious politicians seek to win those classes with whom they have no natural relations. It was not Southern men, like Washington and Jefferson and Jackson, who conceded most to slavery; it was Northern men, like Pierce and Buchanan. A Protestant American demagogue—and particularly if he had once been a Know-nothing—would do things to catch votes or win popularity among a class which a Kernan, an O'Conor, or a John Kelly would reject with disdain.

"City Reformers.

"New York is a cosmopolitan city. According to the census of 1865, rather more than three-fifths of the voters were naturalized. In the other two-fifths are included the sons of naturalized citizens. How reform in municipal administration or good government in the city is to be worked out by a moral proscription of the foreign voters or of the religious belief of the most numerous class of them, it is not easy to see. Every such effort is calculated to band them together in a compact mass. Large numbers of them joined in the reform movement of 1871. If among their classes, or among Americans descended from them, spring up citizens foremost in all the community for talents and virtues and devotion to our American ideas of government and society, I would not challenge the honorable pride they awaken in those of common origin. I share that pride in such men as Kernan and O'Conor. I would not weaken any power of leadership which the natural sentiments of humanity may give them in these numerous classes. I would rather see it stronger than it is in men like these, who would never seek to create any class influence, and would never abuse any influence, but rather exercise every power as a trust for the public good. I had occasion, after the election last year, in frequent addresses on municipal reform, to lament the apathy of many of our citizens whose reproach it is that while by pecuniary independence and leisure and all the legitimate elements of a just and honorable public influence they selfishly abdicate their power of leadership in the affairs of our great metropolis. Wherever a man appears in the commonwealth who is without venality or the inferior forms of ambition, but from an elevated sense of his duty as a citizen of the commonwealth, he ought to be encouraged and his natural elements of influence respected and cherished.

"It is too late in the day to revive the spirit of the native American or Know-nothing parties. The only purely American stock which remains on this continent is the whole population of the Southern States, who are now under the carpet-bag governments, upheld by the banded masses of rogues and the influence of the Federal governments and affiliated with the Republican party. In the North we are one-third emigrants of the last twenty-five years or their children. The great migration of the last quarter of a century is the most remarkable in the world's history. It has exercised a controlling power over every important event of our national progress. In that period about seven millions of people have come to our Northern States. I had occasion some years ago to analyze the character of that immigration. I found that it contained just about twice as many male persons between the ages of 15 and 40 as our resident population in 1860. In other words, it contained the population of the virile age equal to that of fourteen millions of our average people. It is that influx which has created our great cities, which has built our railroads and furnished them business, and which has produced the immense growth of our Northern States in population, wealth, and prosperity. It is that influx which overturned the equality of influence between the North and South in the Federal government, and stimulated both sides to the measure that led to the Civil War. It is that influx which would have given the North predominance if the war had not happened, and which gave it the victory in the conflict of arms, abolished slavery, and will at last fill the South with communities like our own.

"This is the state of things. Who could alter it if he would? Who dare say that, on the whole, he would alter it if he could?

"We must, then, avoid all those civil and social revolutions, work out as best we may the problem of self-government formed on equal and universal suffrage. We can only do so on the large, liberal statesmanship on which we began, and never by going back toward the dark night of proscription and bigotry."