MONTGOMERY BLAIR TO TILDEN
"Washn., June 5th, '68.
"My dear Tilden,—I send another missive from Frank by which you will see his hopes are revived. You asked me to keep you posted, and therefore I send these advices, as they come to me intended only for me. I think the Chase fever will die out and will help Frank in the end. I wrote Barlow yesterday, who seems, by the way, to be enthused about it, that it was regarded here as an attempt like Pendleton's to subordinate the great constitutional questions involved in the reconstruction measures—a question which is fundamental and will determine whether this is to be a free govt. or not—and the subordinate one of whether the debt was to be paid in gold or greenbacks. It is impossible that the public mind shall make such a diversion, and those who attempt it are swayed by personal, not public, interests, and can have no real hold on the country, and no comprehension of the serious mood in which the people are at this moment. You, who really believe in the people and have faith, a real faith, in the Democratic philosophy, can comprehend how dangerous it is for the leaders of a great party to trifle with this subject, and that it is trifling with it to set up a man as the representative of a cause who has no heart in it, and only because he has quarrelled with his own party for their daring to prefer another man.
"The Chase spasm will help Frank by loosening up of the party feeling and antagonizing Pendleton. If any Democrat can go for Chase a priori they can go for Blair, and Frank[49] will carry just 10 Republican votes for every one that Chase can carry; for Chase has not the slightest influence with the only class of Republicans who are disposed to go with us, viz., the Lincoln men. He was an active Radical, and the Lincoln men would delight to have him beaten. He was the only human being that I believe Lincoln actually hated. Our running Chase would fix thousands to Grant, who would certainly go for us with Frank as a leader, Frank being really the true heir to Lincoln. Lincoln sent for him from the army to defend him and to assail Chase on the floor of the House of Representatives, and Lincoln, you remember, published his letter to me requesting my brother to leave his command and take his seat in the House of Reps., promising to restore him his commission as soon as military operations were resumed, which he did to the chagrin of all Chase men.
"I had a great contest to get into the convention. The B. & O. R. R. and Pendletonians exerted themselves to the utmost to defeat me, but by the sheer pressure of public opinion in Baltimore I was carried through. At every mention of my name in the convention the immense hall rang with the applause of the people, and I got 18 of 21 city delegates, altho' every man of them had been pledged against me.
"Y'rs truly,
"M. Blair."
R. J. WALKER,[50] SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY UNDER PRESIDENT POLK, TO TILDEN
"Confidential.
Washington, D. C., May 30, 1868.
"Dear Sir,—When you were last in Washington you were pleased to ask my views as to the candidate who ought to be nominated by the Democratic convention for the Presidency. I gave you my opinions then very briefly, but the great events which have transpired since that period have, in my judgment, settled the question conclusively. Our strongest man, and the only one who can certainly be elected, is Genl. W. S. Hancock.
"My reasons are as follows:
"1st. Pennsylvania is the most doubtful State in the Union, and has always decided contested Presidential elections. The reason is not only the closeness of her vote and the great number of her electors, but that her State elections precede by three weeks those in other States, and thus influence beyond calculation the result of the Presidential election. Hancock is the only man who can carry that State. His nomination from that moment would give us the prestige of certain success there, and a probable majority of 50,000 in our favor in the October election, which would immensely influence other States in November following. He is a Pennsylvanian by birth and education, and by far the most popular of her soldiers. He commanded in person more of her troops than any other man, leading them always to victory, especially at Gettysburg, to Pennsylvania the decisive battle of the war.
"2nd. About one-third of all the voters of the North were soldiers during the recent war. Recognizing this, the radical party have nominated Grant. We must receive a large proportion of that vote in the coming contest or we are defeated. No Democratic candidate can receive anything like so large a proportion of this vote as Hancock. From the commencement to the close of the war he has commanded, in person, over three hundred thousand troops, and both officers and men were greatly attached to him. His military record during the war was most brilliant, and will bear the closest scrutiny and the most favorable comparison with that of Grant.
"3rd. He would be more acceptable to the South than any other military candidate, many prominent Southern leaders and newspapers having announced their preference for him. Especially is this the case with her wisest men, because, whilst recognizing his sound Democratic principles, success is to them a necessity, and they believe that his nomination would make our victory certain. They do not support him with reluctance, but with enthusiasm. His humane, able, and statesmanlike administration of the affairs of the 5th military district, at a time when all seemed lost, when every other military leader had either gone over to the enemy or concealed his views, gained him their respect and admiration.
"4th. Hancock has from his youth up always been a Democrat. In taking him we do not rely upon a man of doubtful or vacillating principles, but one of our faith, with the firmness and the courage to maintain it.
"5th. Hancock, I believe, would make a President of whom not only our party, but our country, would be proud. He would unite and strengthen the party, and his firmness, good judgment, and total disregard of political trickery would lead us safely through the coming crisis of our national affairs.
"6th. No man can foreshadow the events of the next four years. Are they to be peaceful or warlike? And how is the latter condition to be avoided? We must nominate a man who can certainly be elected, and whose name at the head of our Presidential ticket, whilst giving us the prestige of certain success in that campaign, will give us strength to carry the Congressional elections. Has any such man been thought or spoken of except Hancock? I have heard of none. Besides, you will recollect that, by unconstitutional legislation, Grant has been made the virtual commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. We must have for his commander-in-chief a man who has the ability, the courage, and the firmness to command him. Such a man is Genl. Hancock.
"This will be the great struggle for the supremacy of one or the other great party of the country. A written Constitution against a popular, if not a military, despotism. If we fail now we may be lost forever, for a civil war alone could tear down the barriers which the Radical party would erect against our liberties. They would then have, as now, the Senate and the House, the legislative departments. Then, as now, by similar intimidation, carried to a greater excess by their victory, they would suspend the functions, as they pleased, of the Supreme Court, the judicial department. They would have also the executive department, thus securing substantially all the departments of the government. Do you doubt the extent to which they would carry their revolutionary doctrines? And would the Senate any longer be a curb upon the frenzy of the House, with an addition of 20 members from the negro-ized South? We must start out, casting aside all personal preferences and prejudices, determined to succeed. We must select the man who can secure the most votes, and who will be supported with enthusiasm by every Democrat, war or peace, so-called, by every conservative Democrat or Republican soldier, and by the thousands of new recruits and conservative Republicans. I think that Genl. W. S. Hancock is the only man who would receive the combined, enthusiastic support of the people South and North.
"I know that, if you concur with me in these views, you will not hesitate to use every effort to secure by this means the success of that party which is dear to us both. I have written you because I knew that you would not misconstrue my motives, and because I believe that you can exert great influence for the good of our country. If there be reasons which I may have overlooked, in forming a deliberate judgment upon a subject which has caused me much anxious thought, I should be very much pleased to hear them from a friend like yourself. Let us have harmony in our councils, and with wisdom success is ours.
"Very truly your friend,
"R. J. Walker."