"LAFAYETTE"
Letter of Lafayette on leaving Paris to join his army, after having appeared at the bar of the National Assembly, and protested against their proceedings, the last of June.
"Gentlemen—In returning to the post where brave soldiers are ready to die for the constitution, but ought not and will not lavish their blood except for that, I go with great and deep regret in not being able to inform the army, that the National Assembly have yet deigned to come to any determination on my petition. [Alluding to the request in his letter to the assembly a short time before, to suppress the Jacobin clubs.] The voice of all the good citizens of the kingdom, which some factious clamours strive to stifle, daily call to the elected representatives of the people, that while there exists near them a sect who fetter all the authorities, and menace their independence; and who, after provoking war, are endeavoring, by changing the nature of our cause, to make it impossible to defend it; that while there is cause to blush at the impunity of an act of treason against the nation, which has raised just and great alarms in the minds of all the French, and universal indignation; our liberty, laws and honor are in danger. Truths like these, free and generous souls are not afraid of speaking. Hostile to the factious of every kind, indignant at cowards that can sink so low as to look for foreign interposition, and impressed with the principle, which I glory in being the first to declare to France, that all illegal power is oppression, against which resistance becomes a duty, we are anxious to make known our fears to the legislative body. We hope that the prudence of the representatives of the people will relieve our minds of them. As for me, gentlemen, who will never alter my principles, sentiments or language, I thought that the National Assembly, considering the urgency and danger of circumstances, would permit me to add my regrets and wishes to my profound respect."
Noble and generous sentiments, worthy of the disciple of our great Washington—'worthy of the philanthropic hero and firm friend of civil liberty'—worthy of the adopted citizen of free and independent America! Such were the opinions and sentiments of Washington and his friends, in 1794, when our republic was assailed by foreign emissaries, and convulsed by secret associations at home, who through ignorance or design were advocates for measures which would have thrown our country into a state of anarchy and misrule.
There was still a small majority in the National Assembly who were the friends of constitutional liberty, and advocates of Lafayette. But the Jacobins were every day increasing; and they felt confident of the popular favor. Enraged at his bold and independent conduct, and suspecting, perhaps that he was a secret supporter of all the wishes of the King, they denounced Lafayette as a traitor and an enemy to the republic. In this state of extreme ferment, while he was openly threatened and every attempt was making to render him odious to the populace, he had the courage (some might say, the rashness) to proceed to Paris, and present himself to the bar of the National Assembly. Few men, in such a situation, would have thus hazarded their lives; but he was strong in conscious rectitude. He appeared before his enemies with dignity and firmness. "He entreated the assembly to come forward and save the country from ruin, by dissolving the factious clubs and inflicting exemplary punishment on the authors of the late disgraceful riots." His friends were numerous in the Assembly, and probably the greater number condemned the violent transactions, against which he raised his voice in the legislative hall of the nation. The national guards in Paris, also, manifested their attachment to Lafayette. They assembled before the hotel in which he lodged; and planting a tree of liberty before the door, which they decorated with ensigns and ribbons, they greeted him with enthusiastic applause. But he was destined to suffer a reverse of fortune, and to be the subject of the most unjust and cruel persecution. The violent party prevailed: Lafayette and constitutional liberty, were proscribed; and the spirit of anarchy and misrule dictated the violent proceedings which deluged France in blood.
Lafayette, finding all his attempts to restore order and to maintain the constitution in vain, speedily returned to the army on the frontiers. This must have been a moment of great anxiety and suspense. Some suppose that, attached as most of the military were to him and supported by his friends of the moderate party, if he had marched his troops to Paris he might have defended the King from indignity, and restored the reign of law. But this is doubtful. The probability is, that with his love of justice and his correct principles, he could not persuade himself "that the end would justify the means;" and that he chose rather to submit to a cruel destiny, than to violate the constitution he had sworn to support, by resorting to physical force for the accomplishment of honorable purposes, and to be the occasion even indirectly of increasing the misery, in which his unhappy country was involved. He was, indeed, accused by his enemies of a design to march to Paris with his troops and to force the assembly into a compliance with his views. But this was a most unfounded calumny. When the minister for the home department wrote to him on the subject, in the name of the Assembly he replied—"If I were questioned respecting my principles, I should say, that as a constant proclaimer and defender of the rights of man, and the sovereignty of the people, I have every where and always resisted authorities which liberty disavowed and which the national will had not delegated; and that I have every where and always obeyed those, of which a free constitution had fixed the forms and the limits. But I am questioned respecting a fact—Did I propose to Marshal Luckner to march to Paris with our armies? To which I answer in four words—It is not true."
Under the pretence that General Lafayette was meditating some plan hostile to the cause of liberty, or designed to aid the King in another attempt to escape from France, three commissioners were sent to counteract his movements. But he was notified of their appointment, and ordered their arrest before they reached his army. He knew they were deputed by a faction, and hoped the assembly would return to more moderate and just views. He addressed the following letter to the troops under his command. "It is no longer time to conceal from you what is going forward. The constitution you swore to maintain is no more; a troop of factious men besieged the palace of the Tuilleries; the national and Swiss guards made a brave resistance, but they were obliged to surrender, and were inhumanly murdered. The King, Queen and all the royal family escaped to the National Assembly; the factious ran thither, holding a sword in one hand and fire in the other, and forced the legislative body to supersede the King, which was done for the sake of saving his life. Citizens, you are no longer represented; the National Assembly are in a state of slavery; Petion reigns; the savage Danton and his satellites are masters. Thus it is for you to determine whether you will support the hereditary representative of the throne, or submit to the disgrace of having a Petion for your king."
The appeal was in vain. Though a momentary respond was given by the soldiers to the sentiments of their magnanimous commander, the baleful influence of faction had corrupted many of them; and finding himself robbed of the confidence of the army, as well as of the assembly, and thus deprived of all hope of being useful to his country, he quitted France, with an intention of retiring to America, where he had just reason to expect a grateful reception.
Thus terminated the revolutionary career of Lafayette; through the whole of which he appears to the impartial observer to have acted an honorable and disinterested part. If he committed faults, they were those of opinion or judgment; in sincerity and in zealous devotion to the liberty of his country, he was exceeded by none. He may justly be considered "an illustrious confessor of regulated liberty." His great object was to reform existing abuses, to lay the foundation of constitutional freedom: and with all his zeal for the recognition and the support of the rights of man, he was desirous of preserving a just measure of authority in the crowns and maintaining a sacred regard to law and justice. That he failed in his wishes of introducing into France a more mild and popular government, is matter of regret with the friends of civil liberty in America. But he cannot justly be censured by them for the failure of his object, or for the excesses which attended the revolution. The violent proceedings of the jacobins, which excited so much horror among the friends of regulated liberty in other countries, were opposed by him personally with singular firmness and constancy. He distinguished, with great accuracy, between the will of the people and the clamours of a faction; and between the deliberate acts of the legislature sanctioned by the constitution, and the hasty sentence or orders of a party, adopted without the usual forms of law, so necessary to the order and welfare of society.
Lafayette was arrested by an Austrian General, and delivered over to the King of Prussia, who ordered him to be confined in a prison at Wesel and at Magdeburg. Here he suffered some time, when he was removed to the fortress of Olmutz. In this place he was kept under the most rigorous confinement—enduring the privations and severity fit only to be inflicted on the greatest criminals.
After a close confinement of several weeks in the common prison at Wesel, he was removed to Magdeburg, and thence to Olmutz. At Magdeburg he was confined for a year, in a dark and solitary dungeon; during which he was offered his liberty, on condition of his joining with the enemies of France. He spurned the proposal with indignation; and preferred imprisonment and indignity, to treachery or hostility to his own country. When first taken into custody, he was treated with insult by the people of some places through which he was conducted; but afterwards, a deep interest was manifested in his behalf, and the warmest sympathy was expressed for his unfortunate condition.
The following is an extract from a letter of Lafayette in 1793, while confined at Magdeburg.
"Since my captivity, but one political paper has reached me, and that is yours for February. I appreciate, with deep sensibility, the justice you render my sentiments, and the approbation you bestow upon my conduct. Your commendations are greatly beyond my deserts; but your kind exaggerations contain, at this moment, something so generous, I cannot withhold from you my thanks, that you have enabled me to hear the voice of liberty honoring my tomb. My situation is peculiarly strange. I have sacrificed my republican partialities to the state and wishes of the nation: I obeyed the sovereign power where I found it vested, in the constitution. My popularity was as great as I could desire; for the legislative body defended me better on the 8th of August, than it defended itself on the 10th. But I became obnoxious to the Jacobins, because I reprobated their aristocracy, which aimed at usurping all legitimate authority.
"From Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kamschatka to Amsterdam, every bastille is ready to receive me. The Huron and Iroquois forests are peopled with my friends; the despots and the courts of Europe, they are the only savages I fear. I am aware that the laws of England would protect me, though the court of St. James is opposed to me: but I cannot seek protection in a country at war with my own. America, the country of my heart, would welcome me with joy. Yet my fears for the future destiny of France, induce me to give the preference to Switzerland, at least for the present."
After this, he was confined about four years in the prison of Olmutz, when Henry Bollman, a young German physician, and Francis Huger, an American, (son of Colonel Huger, of South Carolina, who had first received Lafayette when he arrived in the United States, in 1777,) made great personal sacrifices, and exposed themselves to imminent dangers to effect his escape. General Washington also, then President of the United States, repeatedly solicited his release, on the ground of his being an American citizen, as he really was by a legal adoption. But his requests were vain. It was not consistent with the policy of the "Legitimates" of Europe, to show any favor to such a friend of liberty as Lafayette, or to listen to the honorable application of the chief magistrate of the American republic.
We have already seen frequent proofs of the peculiar regard which Washington cherished for Lafayette. He did not forget him when immured in the prison at Olmutz. Such was the state of political affairs in Europe, such the suspicions both of the jacobins in France, and the advocates for monarchy in the surrounding nations, that a formal and public request for the release of Lafayette, would have been of no avail. It would probably have added to the severity of his treatment by his implacable enemies. The American ministers residing at foreign courts were instructed, however, to suggest on proper occasions, the wishes of the President of the United States, for his enlargement. A confidential person was sent to Berlin to solicit his discharge. But Lafayette had been placed in the custody of the Austrian cabinet, before the messenger arrived. The American envoy at the court of St. James, exerted himself in favour of the heroic friend of Washington, but without effect. As the last resource, the President wrote directly to the Emperor of Germany on the subject. Justice both to Washington and Lafayette requires the recital of the letter.
"It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may sometimes exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. Finding myself precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology for it.
"In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the Marquis de Lafayette; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family in their misfortunes; and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present confinement is not the least distressing.
"I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment and the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the mediation of humanity? Allow me, Sir, on this occasion to be its organ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe.
"As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe that this request appears to me, to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound policy and durable glory."—But his imperial majesty was either destitute of the humanity and magnanimity, to which Washington appealed; or was prevented granting the request, through some promises to an "holy alliance," which even then existed among the princes of Europe.
Several members of the British Parliament made an effort, at this time, for the enlargement of Lafayette and his three friends from the dungeon of Olmutz. General Fitzpatrick moved for an address to his majesty, stating "that the detention of Lafayette and others by order of the King of Prussia and Emperor of Austria, was dishonorable to the cause of the allies, and praying him to interfere for their release." In support of his motion, he remarked, that although Lafayette was imprisoned by the allied powers on the continent, yet the government of Great Britain would be implicated in the cruel act, unless it should attempt his liberation, as it had now become a member of the coalition against the anarchical conduct of the French. He contended that justice and humanity required them to intercede in behalf of this oppressed and injured man. The generous Briton insisted, that Lafayette, though a friend to civil liberty, was a firm advocate for constitutional principles, and was in favor of the power of the King as in a limited monarchy: and made a powerful appeal to the generosity and honor of his countrymen, to unite in soliciting for the freedom of Lafayette. Colonel Tarlton, then a member of Parliament, who had been opposed to Lafayette in America, in the campaign of 1781, supported the motion of his military friend; and with great eloquence, urged the propriety and justice of his liberation. Mr. Fox also spoke in favor of an address to the King, for this humane purpose. But their arguments and their eloquence were vain. It did not consist with the existing policy of the British cabinet, to listen to the proposition. The motion was lost by a large majority.
Bollman proceeded to Olmutz, and thence to Vienna, where he was so fortunate as to meet with young Huger; and they cordially united in the humane and chivalrous project of rescuing the generous Lafayette, They both repaired immediately to Olmutz, and there became acquainted with two other gentlemen, who favoured their benevolent scheme. But the difficulty of effecting it can be easily imagined. A physician of Olmutz was engaged to make known the plan to Lafayette, when he visited him in prison, then in reality, or apparently in a debilitated state of health. He had, in fact, been attacked with fever at Magdeburg, which at one time was feared would terminate his valuable life, and from the effects of which he had not fully recovered. By him a note was communicated to Lafayette, which he answered with his blood. In a short time, the physician prevailed on the governor of the city to permit his prisoner to take an airing, occasionally, in a coach, attended by a guard. It was concerted, that in one of his short excursions with the governor, he should leave the carriage under some pretence, when he was to be joined by Bollman and Huger, and immediately conducted under cover of a dark night, to the confines of Silesia, beyond the territory of the Emperor of Austria. He alighted from the carriage, near a small wood, and his generous friends, who were ready to protect him, immediately attempted to convey him away on horseback; but the guard, which accompanied the carriage, suspecting some design, pushed forward into the wood, and attempted to seize the noble prisoner, and his brave friends. A desperate struggle ensued, in which the Marquis was wounded; but they succeeded in escaping from the guard. Huger was seen and followed by some of the peasantry; and after a long pursuit was overtaken and secured. The governor and his guard returned to Olmutz; alarm guns were immediately fired, and the whole population for several miles was soon engaged in search of Lafayette and Bollman. They were taken in the course of the evening, at the distance of about ten miles from Olmutz, and conveyed back to the prison, where a most rigorous confinement awaited them. Lafayette was put in irons, and suffered the most excruciating torture. He was in a feeble state, overcome by fatigue, and suffering greatly from the bruises and wounds received in his late attempt to escape. "His anxieties, his anguish (and despair we may almost say,) at finding himself again in the power of his unrelenting jailor, so affected his nerves, that his fever returned with increased and alarming violence. In this state he was allowed nothing but a little damp and mouldy straw; irons were put round his feet, and round his waist was a chain, fastened to the wall, which barely permitted him to turn from one side to the other. No light was admitted into his cell; and he was refused even the smallest allowance of linen.
"The winter of 1794-95 was very severe, but his inhuman jailors did not relax from the rigour of prescribed and systematic oppression. It seemed, indeed as if their object was to put an end to their victim's existence by this ingenious device of incessant cruelty. Worn down by disease and the rigour of the season, his hair fell from his head, and he was emaciated to the last degree. To these physical distresses were soon super added those mental anxieties, which perhaps, were still more difficult to endure. The only information he could obtain respecting the fate of his wife and children, for whom he felt the greatest solicitude, was, that they were confided in the prisons of Paris: and in reply to his enquiries concerning his most generous friends, Bollman and Huger, he was informed by his unfeeling tormentors that they were soon to perish by the hands of the hangman."
Bollman and Huger were kept in close confinement in the prison at Olmutz, for some time, for having attempted to rescue Lafayette from his cruel imprisonment. The keepers of the prison were unfeeling men; and instead of slowing any favour to their prisoners, who ought to have received their admiration, subjected them to unnecessary severity. They were subjected to strict examination, after a long confinement, and the sentence of their judges was in favour of their liberation, on paying a large amount to government. By the aid of some generous friends, they were furnished with the requisite sums, and discharged from the prison. But Lafayette was still detained in prison, and in the same suffering and shameful condition as before mentioned. It was several months before his irons and chains were removed; which was effected through the very benevolent individuals, who had secretly favoured his recent attempt to escape; but who, happily both for him and themselves, were not suspected of any agency in the plot: these were an opulent Jewish merchant, and the chief surgeon to the prisoners. They prevailed also with the civil authority to grant permission to the Marquis to walk an hour each day, in front of the prison, though in custody of a strong guard of soldiers, and no one was allowed to speak to him.
Unutterably painful and distressing must have been the situation of Madame Lafayette ever after the fatal day, when her beloved and affectionate husband felt it his duty to depart from France, and leave her and their three children unprotected, and subject to the insults and severities of an enraged and lawless mob. She and her two daughters, then about fifteen and twelve, were cast into prison in Paris. The family estates were confiscated, and most of his particular friends fell by the stroke of the guillotine. In this agonizing condition, she maintained the most wonderful fortitude and patience; without uncommon firmness and sincere trust in providence, she must have sunk under such deep and complicated distress. While she was in prison, she was often found in a retired spot, engaged in holy and humble supplication to heaven. When she was released from the prison, after about twenty months of degrading confinement, her constitution was greatly enfeebled, and her friends and physician advised her to seek repose at some retired place in the country. But she refused, and feeble and emaciated as she was, she resolved to proceed immediately to Olmutz, and to bury herself in prison with her husband, unless she could possibly procure his liberation. With this purpose in view, she went first to Vienna, to endeavour to concilitate the favor and influence of the Emperor. Through the friendly interposition of two noble females, acquainted at court, she was admitted to an audience with the Emperor.
He received her graciously, and professed a desire that her request might be fulfilled; but gave no positive orders for the liberation of Lafayette because his political engagements with other courts prevented it. He, however, consented that she might visit her husband. She accordingly repaired to Olmutz, to minister, as an angel of light, to his comfort, though not clothed with power to give him that liberty, which they ardently hoped. She and her daughters shared with him the confinement of a dreary prison, for nearly two years. It was not until 1797, that they were set at liberty: and this was immediately owing to the influence of General Bonaparte, on his victories over the Austrians in that year. Lafayette expressed his gratitude for this generous interference; but he made no sacrifice of principle, and was never his admirer or supporter.
While confined in the prison of Olmutz, with her husband, Madame Lafayette, whose health was much impaired by her sorrows and suffering, requested leave to visit Vienna for a week. She was informed her request would be granted on condition, that her daughters should be kept in a separate apartment from their father, and that she herself would never again enter the prison. She declined the offer, with indignation. Her letter on the subject, concludes thus-"Whatever may be the state of my own health and the inconvenience attending the stay of my daughters in this place we will most gratefully take advantage of the goodness his imperial majesty has expressed towards us, by the permission to share in the miseries of this captivity."
When the Emperor of Austria agreed to his liberation, he proposed certain conditions, to which Lafayette refused his assent. One was that he should immediately leave Europe and embark to America. "This", said the noble-minded Marquis, "has often been my desire and intention: but as my consent to this proposition, at the present moment, would be an acknowledgment of his right to impose such a condition, I cannot comply with the demand."—The other was, that as the principles which Lafayette professed were supposed to be incompatible with the safety of the Austrian government, the Emperor could not consent that he should again enter his territory without a special permission. To this Lafayette replied, "that there already existed antecedent obligations, of which he could not divest himself; partly towards America, but chiefly towards France; and that he could not engage to do any thing, which should interfere with the rights of his country to his personal services. With these exceptions, he assured the Emperor's ambassador, that it was his firm resolution not to set foot again on any part of his Majesty's dominions."
When he was set free from the long and severe incarceration at Olmutz, Lafayette proceeded to the neutral city of Hamburg, with his family; where he received the kindest and most respectful attentions from some American gentlemen, then in that place, and also from many of the distinguished citizens, who cherished the highest regard for his character, and his meritorious services in the cause of liberty. It was at this time, that his son, George Washington Lafayette, joined the family, on his return from the United States, where he had just then passed several years. After a short residence in Hamburg, Lafayette accepted the invitation of an Hanoverian nobleman, and passed some time at his elegant chateau in Holstein, where his eldest daughter was married to Latour Maubourg, a brother of one of the Marquis' staff officers, who retired with him from France, August 1792; and had shared with him the severities of the prison of Magdeburg and Olmutz. He then resided some time in the family of a French emigrant, living in that vicinity, and who was a distant relative of Madame Lafayette. In this situation he studied the agriculture of Holstein; and gave particular attention to the raising of merino sheep, an object in which he was also engaged after his return to La Grange, his country seat near Paris.
In 1800 a new revolution took place in the French government. The Directors were found to be incompetent to the support of order; cabals and factions still existed, and confusion prevailed through the nation. General Bonaparte, who had led the armies to victory in several campaigns, was ambitious of the sole direction of public affairs. The executive power, by the new constitution, was to be placed in three Consuls, of whom Napoleon was elected chief. A Conservative Senate, so called, was to constitute a part of the Legislature and to be joined with the Consuls also in providing for the public welfare in cases of particular emergency. By the constitutionalists and those opposed to the violent factions, by which France had been long agitated and disgraced, this change was considered as auspicious to the cause of rational liberty. They hoped that a more stable government would be now formed, and that their country would enjoy a season of repose. Lafayette seized this favorable moment to return to France, after an absence of nearly eight years. His patriotic feelings had not abated, though he had suffered so long and so intensely from the hatred of those who directed the destinies of his country. His love of liberty was not weakened, though many of his countrymen, with its sacred name on their lips, had committed excesses almost without a parallel in the most despotic governments. The First Consul incited Lafayette to take a seat in the Conservative Senate; but he declined; by which he gave new proofs of his disinterested and sincere attachment to the constitutional liberty and the rights of the people. After several conversations with Bonaparte, he was satisfied of the ambitious views of this military adventurer. He perceived that the constitution was to serve as an apology for the exercise of unlimited power in the First Consul; and that representatives and senators were to be the humble ministers of his will. He saw that the constitution did not emanate from the will of the people; and was not calculated to secure and promote their welfare. Bonaparte also had discernment to learn, that Lafayette was too sincere a friend to civil liberty and to the interests of the people, to support his purposes, or to submit to his plans of personal aggrandizement.
We shall have a more just estimation of the noble sentiments with which Lafayette was animated, in declining the generous offers of the First Consul, when it is considered, that, in addition to his self-banishment to private life, he also refused an honorable salary of 7000 dollars, when the estates which remained in his possession yielded only 2000 dollars. He had a grant of land from the American Congress, in consideration of his important services in the revolution, estimated to be worth 100,000 dollars. Before the revolution, his income was 50,000 dollars: but the most valuable of his patrimonial property, as well as that which accrued to him in consequence of his marriage, had been seized by the lawless robbers of the revolution.
It was in conformity to the principles, which he had long professed and by which he was constantly guided, that he soon after opposed the election of Bonaparte as Consul for life. He would have consented, perhaps, to the claims of the aspiring Napoleon to be the First Magistrate of France, under a constitution, which expressly defined and restricted his power, and at the same time provided a sufficient guaranty of the liberties of the people.
On this occasion he wrote thus to the First Consul—"When a man, who is deeply impressed with a sense of the gratitude he owes you, and who is too ardent a lover of glory to be indifferent to yours, connects his suffrage with conditional restrictions, those restrictions not only secure him from suspicion, but prove amply, that no one will more gladly than himself behold in you the chief magistrate for life, of a free and independent republic.
"The eighteenth Brumaire saved France from destruction and I felt myself reassured and recalled by the liberal declarations to which you have connected the sanction of your honor. In your consular authority there was afterwards discerned that salutary dictatorial prerogative, which under the auspices of a genius like yours, accomplished such glorious purposes—yet less glorious, let me add, than the restoration of liberty would prove.
"It is not possible, general, that you, the first among that order of mankind, which surveys every age and every country, can desire that a revolution, marked by an unexampled series of stupendous victories and unheard of sufferings, shall give nothing to the world but a renovated system of arbitrary government. The people of this country have been acquainted with their rights too long, to forget them forever: but perhaps they may recover and enjoy them better now than during the period of revolutionary effervescence. And you, by the strength of your character and the influence of public confidence, by the superiority of your talents, your power, and your fortunes, in re-establishing the liberties of France, can allay all agitations, calm all anxieties and subdue all dangers.
"When I wish, then, to see the career of your glory crowned by the honors of perpetual magistracy, I but act in correspondence with my own private sentiments, and am influenced exclusively by patriotic considerations. But all my political and moral obligations, the principles which have governed every action of my life, call on me to pause before I bestow on you my suffrage, until I feel assured that your authority shall be erected on a basis worthy of the nation and yourself.
"I confidently trust, general, that you will recognize here, as you have done on all other occasions, a steady continuance of my political opinions, combined with the sincerest prayers for your welfare, and the deepest sense of all my obligations towards you."
Here closed all connexion between Lafayette and Bonaparte. The First Consul not only avoided all intercourse with one so sincerely devoted to the cause of liberty; but he treated him with that studied neglect, which was little short of persecution. There was indeed nothing congenial either in the character or principles of these two distinguished men. The one was aiming at power by any means, without regard to the rights or happiness of his fellow men; the other was anxious for the permanent establishment of a mild government in his native country, for the true welfare and liberty of the people; and was willing to make every sacrifice for the attainment of such great objects.
The unfriendly feelings of Bonaparte were extended even to the younger Lafayette. This patriotic youth, with much of the public spirit of his noble father, engaged in the service of his country soon after his return from America. He was an aid of the brave Grouchy, general of division; an active, intelligent, meritorious officer, and distinguished on various occasions. But he received neither advancement nor distinction from the Emperor. It was, on the contrary, the wish of Napoleon, that young Lafayette would send in his resignation, and retire from the army. When this was made known to him, he observed, "that as long as his country was involved in war, he should not disgrace himself by a resignation; and that he should be ashamed to think of it, while his companions were daily exposing themselves to danger. It was true, he was an American citizen, but he was first of all a Frenchman and a loyal Frenchman."
G. W. Lafayette was much esteemed by the officers who knew him, of all ranks; and they frequently solicited his promotion; but the Emperor disregarded alike the merits of the youthful hero and the entreaties of his military friends. He continued in the army until the treaty of Tilsit.
To a man of his great sensibility and warmth of affection, the severest affliction which Lafayette has been called to endure, great and various as have been his sufferings, now awaited him. His amiable, his attached and devoted wife was torn from him, in his retreat, within a few years after his return to France; when he more than ever, perhaps, needed her company and solace, to fortify his mind under the multiplied disappointments from the world.
She had never enjoyed perfect health after her imprisonment at Olmutz. But possessed of uncommon fortitude and imbued with religious sentiments, she was still instrumental in promoting the happiness of her husband and family. Her patience, her equanimity, her sweetness of temper never forsook her. But her constitution was broken, and a sudden paralysis deprived her of her physical strength and almost of speech. At the urgent request of her husband, though with reluctance, she was conveyed to Paris for medical assistance; but it proved in vain. She died in December 1807.
While Madame de Lafayette was in the prison in Paris, though treated with the greatest severity by Robespierre and his party, she had the consolation of sharing in the sympathetic kindness and assistance of many individuals, who were willing to expose themselves to the hatred of her cruel persecutors for her relief. A gentleman from Boston, Joseph Russel, Esq. then a resident in Paris, made great efforts for her liberation; although by this generous interference he hazarded his own life. It was through his friendly assistance, that her son G. W. Lafayette, then about fourteen years of age, was conveyed to the United States, where he remained till the discharge of his parents from the dungeons of Olmutz.
About this period, and soon after the death of his amiable wife, General Lafayette received a severe fracture in one of his legs, by a fall, which occasioned his confinement for nearly twelve months, and was the cause of his present lameness. He had been transacting business with the minister of the marine; and in going from the office to his carriage, a distance of two hundred paces, late in the evening, after a heavy rain and sleet, which had rendered it dangerous walking, he fell suddenly and broke a bone.
For six or seven years, till 1814, when Louis XVIII. returned to France to mount the throne of the Bourbons, Lafayette resided at his chateau of La Grange, an inactive spectator of the political changes which took place. No doubt he had a sufficient apology for this inaction and voluntary retreat from public affairs. He was too honest and too candid, too much an enemy to the anarchy of the jacobin factions, and to the despotism of the Emperor, to support either, or to be received into their confidence. He would probably have been satisfied with the restoration of a Bourbon to the throne, if the throne could be founded in a constitution, admitting the representatives of the people to a share in legislation, and defining the extent and the measure of the executive authority. He was animated by the same principles and sentiments which governed him in the part he acted in 1789 and 1792: and although he might acquiesce in a different government, either under the First Consul, or under Louis XVIII. he could not, consistently, and therefore he chose not to forward their views by his own personal influence and support. He was still calumniated by some agents of the Bourbons, yet he declared, on the return of Bonaparte from Elba, to gain the throne of France, "that in all measures, which should promote or be consistent with the liberties of the people, he would aid the cause of the legitimate heir of the crown." The views of Louis' friends and allies were too arbitrary to lead them to expect his approbation and aid.
Louis XVIII. had not been long in France, before great discontent was manifested among the citizens at the prospect of his being placed on the throne of his brother. Napoleon and his friends took advantage of this state of things: he left his retreat in the Island of Elba, and returned to Paris. Louis was obliged to retire. Bonaparte, through his brother Joseph, the ex-king of Spain, solicited of Lafayette to accept of a peerage. But he promptly declined; but observed, "that if there should be a convocation of a chamber of representatives," which he strenuously urged, "he would consent to take a part in public affairs, should he be elected." His independence and his want of faith in Napoleon, were preserved, notwithstanding the urgent advances of the latter; and he resolutely refused to go near him till after his final abdication. Yet even at this time, Lafayette thought he might rely on "his cordial opposition to all foreign invasion and influence, and to any family or party which should avail itself of such assistance in order to attack the independence and the liberties of France." Much as he distrusted the views of Bonaparte, and desirous as he was of some explicit guaranty, from him and his supporters, for the liberty of the French people, he would not unite with the Bourbons, who were resolved to place Louis XVIII. firmly on the throne of his ancestors, by any means in their power, and who had collected an army of one million two hundred thousand foreigners to accomplish their object, at the risque of a civil war, and a general slaughter, similar to that with which the unprincipled, revolutionary Jacobins had before afflicted the nation.
Lafayette was now elected a member of the chamber of deputies from his own department, though he had protested against the articles of the constitution of the empire, and of the additional act which conspired against the sovereignty of the people, and the rights of the citizens. This was a strong proof of the sense the people had of his integrity and his patriotism. After the battle of Waterloo, Napoleon returned to Paris, in consternation, and undecided as to the course he would pursue on this signal reverse of fortune. Some of his friends advised him again to abdicate the office of Emperor, which he held by so precarious a tenure; others suggested decisive and bold measures, with a view to fortify himself in power, even in apposition to the will and wishes of the deputies. He attempted to prorogue the chamber of representatives, and have himself proclaimed perpetual dictator. Lafayette was then present in the chamber; and with his usual independence and energy, made the following observations.
"When, for the first time for many years, I raise my voice; which the old friends of liberty will recognise again, I feel constrained to address you, gentlemen, on the imminent danger of the country, which you alone are able to prevent.
"Disastrous reports have been circulated and are now unhappily confirmed. Now is the time to rally round the old tri-coloured standard of 1789, of liberty, of equality, and of public order. It is this alone which we are bound to defend against foreign pretensions and domestic factions. Allow a veteran in this holy cause, who has always been an enemy to the baneful spirit of dissension, to submit the following preliminary resolutions" of which I hope you will admit the necessity.
"First. The Chamber of Representatives declare that the independence of the nation is endangered.
"Second. The Chamber declare themselves in continued session—That every attempt to prorogue the Chamber shall be considered high treason—That any one guilty of such an attempt shall be deemed a traitor to his country, and be instantly proceeded against as such.
"Third. The army of the line and the national guards, who have fought and are still fighting for the independence of France, deserve the gratitude of their Country.
"Fourth. The minister of the interior is directed to assemble the general staff, the commandants and majors of the legion of the national guard of Paris, to consult on the means of supplying them with arms, and to render complete this citizen-guard; whose zeal and patriotism having been proved for twenty-six years, offer a sure guaranty of the liberty, the property and the tranquility of the capital, and of the inviolability of the representatives of the nation.
"Fifth. The ministers of war, of foreign relations, of the interior and of the police, are invited to attend the assembly immediately."
When the Emperor was informed that Lafayette was in the tribune, and engaged in the discussions on the proposition of constituting him dictator for life, he expressed great alarm and anxiety. He knew the sentiments of Lafayette too well, not to feel assured of his opposition to such a measure. For this consistent and zealous advocate for the rights of the people had always been hostile to a chief magistrate, under any title, who should possess absolute power; and contended for a constitution to limit and define the executive authority. It was then that. Bonaparte exclaimed, "Lafayette in the tribune!" and his great agitation betrayed the belief, that his power was at an end. In this situation, his armies defeated, and the representatives of the people opposed to his wishes of a perpetual dictatorship, he gave formal notice of his purpose to abdicate the imperial authority. Lafayette was at the head of the deputation appointed by the chamber of representatives, to wait on the Emperor, to accept and thank him for his abdication, A few days before this, when the deputies were accused of being capricious and ungrateful, by a friend of Napoleon, Lafayette observed, in reply, "go tell him that we can trust him no longer; we ourselves will undertake the salvation of our country."
Although he opposed the ambitious views of Bonaparte, and boldly and decidedly remonstrated against his intention of again assuming absolute power, yet he moved in the chamber of Representatives, at this time, that the liberty and person of the late Emperor Napoleon should be placed under the protection of the French nation; expecting, probably, that the allied princes of Europe, already in the vicinity of Paris with powerful armies, would take his life, or cause him to be imprisoned.
Lafayette was one of the Commissioners appointed by the Chamber of Deputies to propose to the allied powers a suspension of hostilities. His object was to provide for the liberty of the people and to exact a promise of some limitations and restrictions to the royal authority. But the friends and supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, the hereditary princes of Europe, had a powerful army in the suburbs of Paris, and they refused to make any terms with the most moderate and honorable advocates of popular rights. Though one tyrant was overthrown; another was to be forced upon them: not precisely an usurper indeed; but who, without a constitution for his guide, and surrounded by men of arbitrary principles might be instrumental in their oppression and degradation. When he returned to Paris, he found the invading armies in possession of the city. Napoleon escaped, and nominal tranquility was restored to the capital of France. But it was a tranquility produced by a military force; and not that which is the effect of a wise and energetic government founded in the will of the people. The doors of the assembly were closed against the representatives of the people, by the gens d'armes, the agents who restored the Bourbon dynasty. Many of the deputies then assembled at the house of Lafayette; at whose instance they repaired to the President's to record their testimony to this forced and unjust exclusion, and to sign the proces verbal.
As he alike disapproved of Louis or Napoleon assuming the power of King or Emperor, without a bill of rights securing the privileges of the people, and a constitution as the rule and measure of executive acts, it was no longer in his power to render service to his country is a public station: nor did the favorites of Louis XVIII. invite him to take part in the administration of government, which they proposed to establish. It may appear surprising, on the first view of the subject, that the friends of a monarch of the reputed mild character of Louis, who must wish the greatest happiness of his subjects, should refuse to such men as Lafayette, all share in the government; and at the same time, take into their employment and confidence, many of the creatures of Bonaparte, who were destitute alike of principle and patriotism. But it is often found to be the fact, that the sincere and honest, who will not flatter, and do not approve all the projects of an ambitious aspirant, or an arbitrary Prince, are less courted, than those who have no settled principles, or one ever ready to support the successful candidate for power.
Except the short and occasional engagements in political concerns, just above related, Lafayette, after his return to France in the year 1800, generally remained at his estate, about thirty miles from Paris. But though retired from the more active scenes of public life, he enjoyed the friendship of several eminent characters in his own country; and was visited by all distinguished Americans, and many British statesmen and scholars, whose business or amusement led them to travel through France. He was always particularly desirous to learn the affairs of America, his adopted country; and was careful to procure all the publications from the United States. Besides literary pursuits, he was occasionally occupied in attending to the cultivation and improvement of his family estate. Such has frequently been the employment and solace of eminent men, when they have retired from high public stations, in which their services and exactions have met the mistaken censure or the neglect of the world. During several of the first years of this retirement, he was blessed with the society of an amiable and affectionate wife. And after her much lamented death, which has been before noticed, he still enjoyed the pleasure of being surrounded by his children and grand children, in whose education and improvement he always took a truly paternal interest.
At the time the federal constitution was in discussion by conventions in the several states, and when it first went into operation, Alexander Hamilton, who was its zealous advocate, corresponded with Lafayette on the subject. The letters have not been published; but it is probable they would be highly interesting to the politician and statesman, and serve fully to develop the views of both these eminent men on the science of civil government. This was about the period of the commencement of the French revolution. The particular extent of the change in the monarchical government of France, contemplated by Lafayette, may appear by this epistolary discussion. If not wholly confidential, it may be expected, that the letters will be given to the American public.
His second daughter, Virginia, married Monsieur de Lasteyrie, a young gentleman of eminent literary attainments; and who distinguished himself, also, as an officer in the French army, during the reign of Napoleon; particularly in the campaign of Jena, Eylau, Friedland, &c. But this brave and meritorious officer shared, with his brother-in-law, G. W. Fayette, the constant neglect and hatred of Bonaparte. G. W. Fayette was married to a daughter of Count de Tracy, one of the party of moderates, or liberals, as often denominated, and sometime a member of the conservative senate. The son and sons-in-law of General Lafayette, reside at the same chateau with their father; which is sufficiently spacious, not only for the respectable accommodation of the four united families, the father, son and two sons-in-law; but for the reception and occasional residence of family or other particular friends, who often pass much time in this hospitable mansion. Monsieur de Maubourg, an old and intimate friend of General Lafayette, with his lady, usually spend the greater part of the year at the chateau of La Grange. The son, and eldest daughter, who married Charles Latour Maubourg, have each several children, who are peculiar objects of affection and interest with their respected grandsire:
The following remarks of Madame de Stael, who personally knew much of General Lafayette, [Footnote: She was also an intimate friend of Madame de Lafayette. They were accused, in the days of suspicion and terror, of being too much engaged in political affairs.] and who was well acquainted with characters and events connected with the French revolution, are deemed worthy of being presented to the reader of these hasty memoirs.
"M. de Lafayette, having fought from his early youth for the cause of America, had early become imbued with the principles of liberty, which form the basis of that government. If he made mistakes with regard to the French revolution, we are to ascribe them all to his admiration of the American institutions, and of Washington, the hero citizen, who guided the first steps of that nation in the career of Independence. Lafayette, young, affluent, of noble family, and beloved at home, relinquished all these advantages at the age of nineteen, to serve beyond the ocean in the cause of that liberty, the love of which has decided every action of his life. Had he had the happiness to be a native of the United States, his conduct would have been that of Washington: the same disinterestedness, the same enthusiasm, the same perseverance in their opinions, distinguished each of these generous friends of humanity. Had General Washington been, like the Marquis de Lafayette, commander of the national guard of Paris, he also might have found it impossible to control the course of circumstances; he also might have seen his efforts baffled by the difficulty of being at once faithful to his engagements to the king, and of establishing at the same time, the liberty of his country.
"M. de Lafayette, I must say, has a right to be considered a true republican: none of the vanities of his rank, ever entered his head: power, the effect of which is so great in France, had no ascendancy over him: the desire of pleasing in a drawing room conversation, did not with him influence a single phrase: he sacrificed all his fortune to his opinions, with the most generous indifference. When in the prisons of Olmutz, as when at the height of his influence, he was equally firm in his attachment to his principles. His manner of seeing and acting, is open and direct. Whoever has marked his conduct, may foretell with certainty what he will do on any particular occasion. His political feeling is that of a citizen of the United States; and even his person is more English than French. The hatred, of which M. de Lafayette is the object, has never embittered his temper; and his gentleness of soul is complete: at the same time nothing has ever modified his opinions; and his confidence in the triumph of liberty, is the same as that of a pious man in a future life. These sentiments, so contrary to the selfish calculations of most of the men who have acted a part in France, may appear pitiable in the eyes of some persons—"it is so silly" they think, "to prefer one's country to one's self; not to change one's party when that party is worsted; in short, to consider mankind, not as cards with which to play a winning game, but as the sacred objects of unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form the charge of silliness, would that it were but once merited by our men of talents!
"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of M. de Lafayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank of the French noblesse; but he can neither be censured nor exculpated with impartiality, without being acknowledged to be such as I have described him. It then becomes easy to understand the different contrasts which naturally arose between his disposition and situation. Supporting monarchy more from duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards the principles of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and a certain kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was perceptible in him, although his reflection forbade the admission of their system into France. Since the departure of M. de Lafayette for America, now forty years ago, we cannot quote a single action or a single word of his, which was not direct and consistent. Personal interest never blended itself in the least with his public conduct: success would have displayed such sentiments to advantage; but they claim the attention of the historian in spite of circumstances, and in spite of faults, which may serve as a handle to his opponents."
M. Lafayette was returned a member of the chamber of deputies from his own department, in 1819, though his election was opposed by the ministerial party. Some members rejoiced to see again among them, the "friend and disciple of Washington;" while others, the adherents of monarchy, viewed him with distrust and jealousy, as "the veteran general of the revolution." He was not a very active member of this legislative body; for he was convinced it would be in vain to attempt restoring the constitution of 1789. He seldom attended the assembly: but on several questions, when he was present, discovered the same political sentiments which directed his conduct in the early days of the revolution. The minister offered a proposition for establishing a censorship over the public journals, and for arresting persons suspected of being inimical to the restoration of the Bourbons. Lafayette spoke against the proposed law, "as subversive of all order, of all right, and of the natural and just privileges of the citizens." He referred to the evils consequent upon all arbitrary proceedings against persons merely suspected of being unfriendly to the government, and to the probable mischiefs which would arise from a severe restriction upon the liberty of the press. The minister himself acknowledged, that the proposition was not wholly consistent with the national rights of the citizens; but insisted upon its expediency in the present state of the nation. At this time, also, he reminded the ministers of promises, which had been made by the political friends of Louis XVIII. in favor of the liberties of the people. He "conjured them to maintain the liberties of France, within the limits prescribed by the constitution." "To violate it," said he, "is to dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation and of the throne; it is to give ourselves up to a total primitive freedom from all duties and all laws." This discussion was unusually animated, and Lafayette was very decided in his opposition to the measure. The course pursued by the court was condemned; and some severity of remark was indulged in, as to the designs of ministers. The ministerial party obtained but a small majority in favor of the law; and some fermentation was excited in Paris in relation to this subject. The liberals, or the friends of constitutional freedom, were insulted, and the life of Lafayette was openly menaced.
This year, a society was formed among the friends of constitutional freedom, for the relief of those, who were arrested on mere suspicion, or on a charge of violating the restrictions on the press; but who were believed to be unjustly suspected, and who had been found entirely innocent, even in the eye of the law, rigid as were its provisions. This was a numerous society; consisting of fifty four members of the chamber of deputies, and many other opulent and literary citizens; at the head of which we find the name of M. Lafayette.
The distinguished Americans and Englishmen who have visited Lafayette, at his family mansion of La Grange, describe his residence and its inmates as most beautiful and interesting. "It is situated in the fertile district of La Brie, thirty miles from Paris, remote from any common road, and far distant from the bustling world. In the midst of a luxuriant wilderness, rising above prolific orchards and antiquated woods, appears the five towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays of the declining sun. The deep moat, the draw bridge; the ivied tower and arched portals, opening into a large square court, has a feudal and picturesque character; and the associations which occur, on entering the residence of a man so heroic, so disinterested, so celebrated, fill the mind with peculiar admiration, and excite the most lively interest." The family party, partaking more of patriarchal than of courtly manners, is composed of individuals mutually attached, and anxious only for mutual improvement and happiness. It represents the younger members, as employed in their studies or engaged in innocent recreations so salutary to the youthful temper and constitution: and the older, as occupied in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to the more enlivening pleasures of conversation.
"The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty seven, is in the full possession of every talent and faculty. His memory has all the tenacity of youthful recollection. On his person, time has yet made little visible impression. Not a wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his unbent and noble figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the mind which informs it. Grace, strength and dignity still distinguish the fine person of this extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years before the world, engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict, does not yet appear to have reached his grand climactic. Active on his farm, graceful and elegant in his salon, it is difficult to trace, in one of the most successful agriculturists, and one of the most perfect fine gentlemen of France, a warrior and a legislator. But the patriot is always discernible. His conversation is enriched with anecdotes of all that is celebrated in character or event, for the last fifty years. His elegant and well chosen collection of books, occupies the highest apartments in one of the towers of the chateau; and, like the study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm yard of the philosophical agriculturist. It frequently happens, said M. Lafayette, to one of his visitors as they were looking from a window on some flocks, which were moving beneath, that my merinos and my hay carts dispute my attention to Hume or Voltaire."
Of the benevolent affections of Lafayette, his whole life affords abundant proofs. He was possessed of the most patriotic and generous feeling. Numerous instances are also related of his kindness to individuals, and of his private benefactions. The children of his tenants, and neighbours were objects of his generosity and complacency. And those who are unjustly oppressed or defrauded, were sure to find in him, an able advocate. The widow of an American officer, of French parentage, who was left destitute at the death of her gallant husband, had a claim for patrimonial estates in France. The legal evidence to substantiate her claim was exceedingly difficult to be procured. The case was made known to Lafayette, and he never ceased his exertions until he recovered the greater part of the estate.
Soon after the arrival of young Lafayette in Boston, 1795, he wrote to General Washington, then President of the United States, informing him of his situation, and requesting advice and counsel from the friend of his father. As the chief magistrate of the nation, it would not have been prudent in Washington, publicly to interfere in his behalf—Lafayette, at this period, was almost equally obnoxious to the rulers of France, as any one of the royal family. He had, indeed, been most unjustly denounced and proscribed by the dominant party; but they pretended he was attached to a monarchy; and a public official act of patronage in the President, towards young Lafayette, would have furnished a pretext for complaint against the government. Washington had already given proof, that he did not approve of the conduct of the French Directory, nor of the proceedings of their minister in America. But though a prudent policy forbid all official attention and aid to the son of Lafayette the generous & noble feelings of Washington induced him to give assurances of personal regard, and of a readiness to afford all proper assistance towards the education and support of this youthful subject of political persecution. He wrote to his friend, Hon. George Cabot, stating the reasons for declining to act officially or publicly in the case; but requesting Mr. C. to assure young Lafayette that he might consider him as a father, a friend and protector. Washington expressed a desire in this letter, that he should become a member of the university in Cambridge, if qualified for admission, where he would be under the inspection and tuition of excellent men; for he was aware that want of employment would lead to dissipation; and that the season of youth was to be diligently improved for the cultivation of the mind. He desired Mr. C. to call on him to meet any expenses which might accrue in his education and support. The French tutor, who attended young Lafayette, chose to have him under his own private instruction; and he did not enter the university. The kindness and generosity of Washington were not the less meritorious in the appeal made to him by the son of his own, and of his country's friend.
Among the many eminent characters by whom General Lafayette was visited in his retirement at La Grange, after his return to France, (in 1800) was CHARLES J. FOX, the celebrated British statesman. The family of Mr. Fox, for several generations, was ranked among the whip party in England, and firm friends of the glorious revolution of 1689; when the House of Stuart was excluded from the throne, and William and Mary acknowledged as the legitimate sovereigns. Mr. Fox was of the same political school with the elder PITT, whose powerful talents were successfully exerted for the glory of Great Britain, in the latter part of the reign of George II. and who was a firm and decided advocate for the rights of the British colonies in 1775. When Lafayette and family were confined in the dungeons at Olmutz, Mr. Fox, with others, then members of the British Parliament, pleaded the cause of these unhappy sufferers, with great eloquence, but without effect. He had been personally acquainted with the celebrated French philanthropist, before this period; and was attached to his character and principles, as a zealous friend of civil liberty. The interview between these two highly distinguished reformers is represented to have been peculiarly interesting. Perhaps, the plans of reform proposed by Mr. Fox, could not have been carried into effect, at that time, without danger to the stability of the British government; but the general character of Fox, gave evidence of the sincerity of his upright purposes; and of the purity of the motives by which Lafayette was actuated, in the course he pursued in France, in 1789, and subsequently, cannot be justly doubted, though the revolution did not result in the political benefits he had anticipated.
When Mr. Fox was in Paris, some time in 1802, Lafayette hastened from his retired residence, at La Grange, to call on him. The writer, who gives an account of this meeting, observes, "that a stranger of an interesting and graceful figure, came gently in," where he and Mr. Fox were sitting, at the hotel in Paris, "advanced rapidly; and, embracing Mr. Fox, showed a countenance full of joy, while tears rolled down his cheeks; Mr. Fox testified equal emotion. It was M. de Lafayette, the virtuous and unshaken friend of liberty. He had come from the country to see Mr. Fox, and to invite him to his house. In a few moments their sentiments were interchanged. The review of the past was taken in a moment; and they soon appeared to be affectionate friends, who having parted for a few days, were now reunited. Lafayette viewed the new state of things with regret; not from any personal dislike of the first consul, but from a rooted and principled conviction, that arbitrary power is injurious to the happiness of mankind.
"In his retirement, and filled with gloomy prospects of the republic, he lived in the most private and simple manner. In the bosom of an amiable and affectionate family, he found every consolation. He frequented no place of amusement; and, with a very limited fortune, exhibited the bright example of a public man, content with a little, free from all envious and angry feelings: and willing to live in dignified silence, when he had not the power or influence to do good."
The visit of Mr. Fox and his friend to La Grange, is thus described—"The towers and wood of the chateau appeared in peaceful repose, as we drove near; and when we gained a full view of the building, I felt great emotion; it was the residence of a great and good man—a patriot and friend of mankind, whose life had been consecrated to virtue and liberty; the family came to the hall to meet us, happy in themselves, and rejoicing to see the illustrious friend of Lafayette! I cannot forget that moment—no silly affectation, no airs of idle ceremony were seen at the residence of him, who had gloriously struggled for America, and had done all he could for France.
"M. de Lafayette and Madame received Mr. and Mrs. Fox with the heartiest welcome. The family consisted of two daughters, and a son and his wife, all young and elegant; all living with M. de Lafayette, as a brother and friend. His graceful and manly form, his benevolent countenance, his frank and warm manners, which made him almost adored by his family, and a placid contentedness, nearly allied to cheerfulness; altogether had an irresistible effect, in gaining the affections and esteem of those admitted to his more intimate society.
"Madame de Lafayette, of the noble family of Noailes, was a superior and admirable woman, possessing the high polish of the ancient nobility, eloquent and animated. Fondly attached to M. de Lafayette and her family, she regretted nothing of past splendor; she possessed an affectionate husband, and was happy in retirement. The son was a pleasing young man, and his wife engaging and interesting; the daughters were charming women, entirely free from the insipid languor or wretched affectation, which in young ladies of fashion so much destroys originality of character, and makes us find, in one of the fashionables, the prototype and pattern of thousands. In a word, this amiable and happy family seemed united by one bond of affection, and to desire nothing beyond the circle of their own tranquil mansion.
"The chateau and estate of La Grange, which Madame, who was an heiress, had brought with her, was all that remained of his fortune. He had lost every thing besides in the madness of revolutionary confiscation; and had not yet been able to procure restitution or compensation. To add to the interest of the scene, General Fitzpatrick who had known Lafayette in America, and had vainly attempted, in the British house of Commons, to rouse the ministry to a sense of humanity and justice for him, joined the party at La Grange, at this time. That accomplished man was an addition to our society, and was received most affectionately by the family of Lafayette. I have often contemplated with great pleasure, Mr. Fox, General Fitzpatrick and M. de Lafayette walking in the long shady grove near the chateau, speaking of past times, the war in America, and the revolution in France. The rare sight of three such characters was grateful to any one who felt friendly to the cause of civil liberty, and valued men for their services to humanity, rather than for successful ambition.
"Lafayette spoke a good deal of America; and we learnt from him something of his various and useful services for that country, at the court of Louis, as well as of his personal efforts, during the struggle for independence. His political career in France had not the same happy result, as in America; but it should be considered, that his situation in the former was arduous beyond measure. A friend to limited monarchy, and to the legitimate rights of the people, at a time when the support of one was deemed hostility to the other, he found it impossible, consistent with his principles, to follow the mania of the nation. A king of integrity and firmness, with Lafayette as his counselor, might have been safe, even in the tumultuous times preceding the seizure of civil power by sanguinary demagogues. But Louis, it is feared, wanted both these qualities; certainly the latter. Lafayette failed, therefore, in his patriotic views; not as Bonaparte is said to have insinuated, because he aimed at what was impracticable; but because those whose interest it was to second his views, did not support him. A ruined throne and desolate country subsequently attested the purity of his principles, and the soundness of his judgment."
General Lafayette is of the Catholic religion, which has been long established, and is still generally professed, in France. But he discovers nothing of that exclusive and intolerant spirit which has distinguished the church of Rome, more especially in ages past. He took an active part in favor of the proposition, in 1789, for securing the rights of conscience and the privileges of worship to the protestants of France, according to, their own particular belief. It was not to be supposed that one of his enlightened views, and knowledge of human nature, would be a bigot in religion; or would attach undue importance to the external forms and the mere ceremonies of worship. He is not, however, to be classed with many learned men in Roman Catholic countries, in modern times, who merely profess the papal system because it is the religion of the state, while they are real infidels; or skeptical as to the essential doctrines of christianity. It is not improbable that his intercourse with liberal and candid yet pious men is America, in his early years, served to produce in his mind charitable sentiments toward those who were educated in a system differing somewhat from that which he had been taught to revere, in its ceremonies and even in some of its dogmas. He was several years intimately acquainted with Washington, Lincoln and other military characters, who were men of sincere, though of unostentatious piety; as well as with many of the clergy of our country, whom he could not but esteem and respect; and the natural effect of such intercourse would be a liberality of opinion on religious subjects. It is, indeed, a consideration, creditable, in some measure, to those who admit it, and tending also to prove that christianity is calculated and designed to be an universal religion, that intelligent men of different countries and sects unite in receiving all the essential and practical doctrines of revelation. In a word, "that God is no respecter of persons; but that in every nation he who feareth him and worketh righteousness is accepted of him."
Having followed Lafayette through many years of an active and eventful life, and having witnessed his course in various critical and responsible situations, we may be prepared to form a correct estimate of his talents, his wisdom and his virtues. It is far from our wishes to pronounce an unqualified or exaggerated panegyric on his character. But for the honor of our species and in justice to this eminent philanthropist, it is proper that his heroic and generous actions, and his firmness and perseverance of purpose in the cause of civil liberty and of the rights of mankind, should be duly appreciated. And when we reflect upon the ardour and constancy of his efforts in favour of American Independence; upon his personal sacrifices and exposure to danger in our behalf, in the field, and his solicitations as our advocate at the court of Louis; upon his warm attachment to Washington, and to the other patriots and heroes of our glorious revolution; upon his attempts afterwards to improve the government of his own country and to place some check upon the despotic power of a selfish, calculating ministry; upon his uniform resolute, and fearless opposition to the wild projects of factious men, who obtained ephemeral influence in France, but whose conduct was equally hostile to the rights and welfare of the people as that of the agents of an absolute monarch; upon his steady and firm support of the constitution, formed by the deputies of the people, and designed to guarantee their liberties; upon his desire to support the dignity of the monarch, in unison with the rights of the citizens, and his wishes to afford security to the person of Louis; and upon his efforts to restore related and constitutional liberty, at the time the present king returned to France, and when Napoleon was aiming at unlimited power as perpetual dictator, are we not obliged to acknowledge, that few men; very few, indeed, have done so much for the social happiness of their fellows; that very few deserve the gratitude and applause, which may be justly claimed for this very eminent asserter of the rights of man. Success is too often made the criterion of human merit. It is matter of great congratulation, that our revolutionary struggle was successful; and it is believed, that Lafayette, by his influence in France, and his personal exertions here, contributed very much to its happy termination. In his own country, afterwards, he was not so fortunate in attaining and securing the object at which he aimed. But to the accurate and deep observer of character and events, it will probably be apparent, that no one, however resolute, could have established a government in France in 1790, upon the just recognition of the rights of man, and the exercise of power, (even limited power) in the reigning Prince. That Lafayette was upright and disinterested in his purpose, perhaps, no candid impartial man will deny; that any one could have produced a more fortunate issue, is at least very doubtful. He did not want decision, or energy. He often acted with great promptness, and gave proof of ready mental resources. He was also brave, and fearless of personal danger. Other men might have conducted with more energy; but it would have been at the hazard of a thousand lives and in violation of constitutional principles. That Lafayette was not more efficient, or more despotic, when he commanded the national guards, and the populace of Paris went to Versailles and insulted the royal family; or when the Jacobin faction, in June 1792, were ready to denounce him and to prostrate the constitution, did not argue want of energy but the influence of principle and a salutary love of order.
When it is recollected what important and disinterested services the Marquis de Lafayette had performed for America, in the most critical periods of our revolutionary war, and how active and uniform he had been, through all the changes and excesses in his own country for upwards of thirty years, it cannot be thought unreasonable, that the citizens of the United States held his character in high estimation, and were desirous of greeting him once more, on their own territory, which he had assisted by his zeal and valour to defend. In his letters to his friends here, and in the interviews, which he had with American gentleman at his own hospitable mansion, he frequently expressed a wish and an intention of again visiting this favored land of liberty. He cherished precious recollections of the times, long since past, when he joined with many brave and honorable spirits in the sacred cause of freedom. To the patriots and heroes who achieved our independence, he had a most sincere and cordial attachment; and his military associates who survived, and their children, who had often heard of his heroic and generous deeds, were eager on their part to welcome him to their country and their affections; and to show to him and to the world, that they entertained a high sense of his sacrifices and efforts in securing to them the privileges and blessings they so richly enjoy.
The feelings of General Lafayette will appear by the letters he wrote to his friends in this country, when he was expecting to make his long-intended visit. The following is an extract from one addressed to an old revolutionary friend, who had previously written to Lafayette. "I am deeply affected by your kindly remembrance. No one among the survivors, who sharedin our glorious cause and military fraternity, can be attached more than I am, to the memory of our departed brethren, and to the ties which bind together the surviving American companions in arm. Since our youthful revolutionary times, many vicissitudes have passed over our heads. But in every situation, I have enjoyed, with great delight, the recollection of our struggle so glorious and so pure; of our Columbian country, so excellent and promising; of our brotherly army, so gallant, so virtuous and so united. How happy for us to see the present prosperous result of the contest, which our toils and our blood have shared the honor to support."
In January 1824, when it was known, that General Lafayette proposed to take passage for the United States, the Representatives of the nation, in Congress assembled, requested the President "to offer him a public ship for his accommodation; [he declined this offer, and chose to embark in a private vessel;] and to assure him, in the name of the people of this great Republic, that they cherished for him a grateful and affectionate attachment."
The Legislature of Massachusetts also, at its session in June last, adopted a resolve, "requesting the Governor to make such arrangements, as would secure to this distinguished friend of our country, an honorable reception, on the part of this State, and authorising him to draw any sum from the public treasury to meet the expenses arising thereupon."
The Society of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, at their anniversary meeting on the fourth of July, it being then expected that General Lafayette would soon visit the United States, unanimously passed the following vote. "It being reported, that General Lafayette, an original member of the Society of Cincinnati, intends visiting the United States in the course of the present year, voted, that a Committee be appointed to consider what measures it will be proper for this Society to adopt on the arrival of this our distinguished brother; whose meritorious and disinterested services to our country, in the war of the revolution, cannot be too highly appreciated, and whose whole life has been devoted to the vindication of the rights of man." A committee was then appointed for the purpose, of which Hon. John Brooks (late Governor) was the chairman.
Letters were written to General Lafayette, before he left France by several distinguished individuals, and by the Mayor of New-York and of Boston, in the name and behalf of those corporations, expressing a strong desire, that he would visit America, as it was reported he intended, and informing him of the universal and sincere disposition of the citizens, to present him a tribute of esteem and gratitude.
In a letter dated at Paris, May 26, in reply to the invitation of the citizens of Boston, communicated to him by the Mayor, in their name, under date of March 20th, 1824, he observed, "that amidst the new and high marks of benevolence which the people of the United States and their Representatives had lately deigned to confer upon him, he was proud and happy to recognize those particular sentiments of the citizens of Boston, which had blessed and delighted the first years of his public career, the grateful sense of which had ever been to him a most valued reward and support." "I joyfully anticipate the day," he added, "not very remote, thank God, when I may revisit the cradle of American, and in future, I hope, of universal liberty. Your so honorable and gratifying invitation would have been directly complied with, in the case to which you are pleased to allude. [Footnote: This was the particular request that he would land at Boston, if he did not come in a public ship, and feel obliged to arrive at Washington.] But while I profoundly feel the honor intended by the offer of a national ship, I hope I shall incur no blame, by the determination I have taken, to embark as soon as it is in my power, on board a private vessel. Whatever port I first attain, I shall with the same eagerness hasten to Boston, and present its beloved and revered inhabitants, as I have now the honor to offer it to the City Council and to yourself, the homage of my affectionate gratitude and devoted respect."
When this letter of Lafayette was communicated to the Common Council of the city, a large and respectable committee was chosen "to make suitable arrangements for his reception, should he first arrive at the port of Boston; and that on his visiting this city, should he disembark at some other place in the United States, the committee provide for his accommodation, during his residence here; and to adopt all such measures as they might deem proper, to extend to him the hospitality of the city, and to exhibit the feelings of gratitude, which the whole body of citizens entertain for the splendid services, ardent patriotism and private worth of the illustrious visitor."
Hon. Mr. Lloyd, Senator from this State in the Congress of the United States, and particularly attached to Lafayette from family alliances, on hearing of his intended visit to America, also addressed a friendly note to him, at an early day, requesting the honor of receiving him at his hospitable mansion. But the city authorities were desirous, that General Lafayette, who might be justly considered the guest of the people and of the nation, should be accommodated by the city in a more public manner: and Mr. Lloyd, with his usual courtesy and regard to public opinion, resigned his particular claims, although he was among the first and most eminent of the citizens of Boston, to show peculiar and distinguished attention to the favorite of the American people.
In his answer to the letter of Mr. Lloyd, he says, "in whatever part of the United States I shall find myself, on reaching the beloved shore of America, I shall lose no, time in my eagerness to revisit the city of Boston, and answer the flattering invitation I have received. You do justice to the delight I shall feel, at the sight of the felicity and prosperity, which is the reward of a virtuous revolution, founded on the principles of true liberty and self-government."
VISIT OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE
TO THE
UNITED STATES—IN 1824
His arrival was anticipated with great interest and impatience. Preparations were in contemplation, particularly in New-York and Boston, several weeks before he arrived, to receive him with such public marks of veneration and joy, as were justly due to one so distinguished by an ardent love of liberty, and by meritorious exertions for the welfare of our country.
General Lafayette arrived in the harbour of New-York on the morning of the 15th of August, accompanied by his son, George W. Lafayette, and his friend, M. Le Vasseur. A steam boat was in waiting, at the entrance of the harbour, and they were immediately conducted to Staten Island, the residence of the Hon. Mr. Tompkins, Vice President of the United States, where he passed the remainder of the day, being Sunday. This is but a short distance from the city of New-York: here many public characters and other distinguished citizens repaired; on the day of his arrival, to offer him their respectful salutations. The next day he entered this populous city; and his reception was most splendid and cordial. Perhaps no hero of ancient or modern times, if we except the respectful and universal attention paid to Washington, when he made the tour of the United States in 1789, was ever greeted with such a sincere and enthusiastic welcome.
"At an early hour, the whole city was in motion; almost every man, woman and child was preparing to witness the landing of their much respected guest. The shops and stores were closed, and all business was suspended for the day. The ringing of bells, the roar of cannon, and the display of the national flag, at all public places and on board the shipping, proclaimed that it was a day of joy, in which all were anxious to partake. Before 12 o'clock, the battery, the adjoining wharves and every place commanding a view of the passage from Staten Island, were crowded to excess. It was supposed there were nearly 50,000 persons upon the battery, including the troops. This elegant promenade, since its enlargement, is said to be capable of holding nearly the whole population of the city, (130,000) but a large portion of the front was occupied by the brigade of artillery and other troops. The castle garden, almost contiguous to the battery, and its gallery, were also crowded by the citizens.
"Between 10 and 11 o'clock, a large steam ship, manned with about 200 United States seamen, and decorated with the flags of every nation, sailed for Staten Island. She was followed by six large steam boats, all crowded with passengers, decorated with flags, and enlivened by bands of music. In one of them, which exhibited only flags of the United States and of the State of New-York, proceeded the committee of, arrangements of the city, the officers of the United States army and navy, the general officers of the militia, the committee of the Society of Cincinnati, &c. On board this steam boat, General Lafayette embarked at Staten Island, for the city, at about one o'clock. This was announced by a salute from the largest steam ship, manned by the national troops, and from fort Lafayette. The procession then moved for the city, and presented to its inhabitants, a most beautiful and magnificent scene. About two o'clock the General landed at the battery, where he was received by a salute from the troops, and the hearty and reiterated cheers of the immense throng which had assembled to welcome him to our shores.
"It is impossible fully to describe the enthusiasm of joy which pervaded and was expressed by the whole multitude. Here the General had a fair specimen of the affection and respect, which is felt for him by every individual of this extended country. He seemed much moved by these expressions of attachment, and bowed continually to the people who pressed about him. After resting a few moments at the castle garden, he proceeded in an elegant barouche drawn by four horses, escorted by the dragoons and troops, through Broadway to the City Hall. The windows, balconies, and even the roofs of the houses were filled with ladies, all welcoming the General as he passed, by their smiles and waving of handkerchiefs.
"At about 4 o'clock, the procession arrived at the City Hall, where General Lafayette was received by the Mayor and Common Council, and formally welcomed and congratulated on his safe arrival in the country. After receiving the marching salute of the troops in front of the City Hall, he was conducted to the City Hotel, where he dined with the members of the corporation. In the evening, the front of the City Hotel, and many other adjoining buildings, were handsomely illuminated. The theatres and public gardens displayed transparencies; fire-works and rockets in honor of the occasion."—The committee of the Cincinnati waited on General Lafayette, at Staten Island; and were received by him with peculiar marks of affection and friendship. The committee consisted of several field officers of the revolutionary army, some of whom were upwards of eighty years of age.
The following is the address of the Mayor of New-York, to General Lafayette, when he arrived at the city Hall:
"In the name of the municipal authority of the city, I bid you a sincere welcome to the shores of a country, of whose freedom and happiness you will ever be considered one of the most honored and beloved founders. Your contemporaries in arms, of whom indeed but few remain, have not forgot, and their posterity will never forget the young and gallant Frenchman, who consecrated his youth, his talents, his fortune and his exertions to their cause; who exposed his life, who shed his blood, that they might be free and happy. They will recollect with profound emotions, so long as they remain worthy of the liberties they enjoy, and of the exertions you made to obtain them, that you came to them in the darkest period of their struggle; that you linked your fortune with theirs, when it seemed almost hopeless; that you shared in the dangers, privations and sufferings of that bitter struggle; nor quitted them for a moment till it was consummated on the glorious field of Yorktown. Half a century has elapsed since that great event, and in that time your name has become as dear to the friends, as it is inseparably connected with the cause of freedom, both in the old and in the new world.
"The people of the United States look up to you as to one of their most honored parents—the country cherishes you as one of the most beloved of her sons. I hope and trust, Sir, that not only the present, but the future conduct of my countrymen, to the latest period of time, will, among other slanders, refute the unjust imputation, that republics are always ungrateful to their benefactors.
"In behalf of my fellow citizens of New-York, and speaking the warm and universal sentiments of the whole people of the United States, I repeat their welcome to our common country."
To this address, General Lafayette replied as follows:—