The Letters of Cassiodorus / Being a Condensed Translation of the Variae Epistolae of Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator

by Senator Cassiodorus

PREFACE.

'The necessity for a Preface often arises from some contrariety in an Author's position which prevents him from writing as he would wish to write. It is admitted that it is not fair to expect the same degree of excellence from a busy man which we may reasonably look for in a man of leisure. But a man in high official position cannot be a man of leisure. It would be the highest disgrace to him if he were, since even his so-called privy-chamber[708] resounds with the noise of clamorous litigants.

'I can well understand that a man of few occupations will object against me, here that a word has been thrown out with ill-considered haste, there that a commonplace sentiment has not been dressed up in sufficiently ornamental language, or there that I have not complied with the rules of the Ancients by making my persons speak "in character." But the busy man, hurried from one cause to another, and constantly under the necessity of dictating to one man and replying to another, will not make these objections, because the consciousness of his own literary perils will make him tender in his judgments. And yet there is something even in the pressure of business which sometimes promotes briskness of mind, since the art of speaking is one which is placed very much in our own power[709].

'If anyone objects that I, placed in the height of the Praetorian dignity, should have dictated so few decisions of a legal kind, let him know that this was the result of my associating with myself that most prudent man [Felix][710], whose advice I have followed in every case. He is a man of absolute purity of character, of surpassing knowledge of the law, of distinguished accuracy of speech; a young man with the gravity of age, a sweet pleader, a measured orator; one who by his graceful discharge of his official duties has earned the favourable opinion of the public.

'Had it not been for his help, overwhelmed by so great a multitude of causes, I must either have been found unequal to the burden, or else perchance have seemed arrogant [in my disregard of previously settled decisions]. But, what was more important still, relieved by his labours from this duty, I was able to give such attention to the higher affairs of the State, that I could not fail to win approbation even in those arduous duties.

'I have therefore subjoined two books, in which I myself speak in my capacity as Praefect, to the ten in which I have spoken by the mouth of the King; for it seemed absurd to me to be silent in my newly-acquired dignity, who had so often spoken on behalf of others.

'Then, after these twelve books had been brought to their long-desired end, my friends compelled me to discuss the substance and the powers of the Soul, that I might say something about that faculty through which I had already said so much[711].

'Now then, learned men! view these letters with indulgence. If there be no eloquence in them, attribute it to my many occupations, which have prevented my reading as much as I would gladly have done. Cicero, that fountain of eloquence, when he was one day asked to speak, excused himself on the ground that he had read nothing the day before. The barn must be constantly refilled if it is not to become empty. All that is good in our minds is the fruit of study, and soon withers if it be separated from reading, which is the parent stem. Great indulgence therefore should be shown to us if we have often had to write when we were busy, to be read by others when we had no leisure to read, ourselves. And now enough of excuses, lest too elaborate a defence should rather injure our cause.'

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BOOK XI.

CONTAINING THIRTY-NINE LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME AS PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO, AND ONE ON BEHALF OF THE ROMAN SENATE.

[1.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Senate of the City of Rome (a.d. 534)[712].

Cassiodorus on his promotion to the Praefecture.

'If I can only be sure that my advancement is acceptable to you, Conscript Fathers, I shall not doubt of its being approved by God and popular with all good men.

'It is in the nature of things to love a colleague, and you are in fact exalting your own honour when you approve of a dignity given to a Senator[713].

'After our Sovereigns there is none to whom I so much desire to commend myself as you. To me honour will ever be the sole test of advantage. Justice, like a handmaid, will wait upon my actions; and the power, which I have not myself bought from our virtuous Sovereign, I in my turn shall sell to no man. You have heard, noble Sirs, the panegyrics[714] passed upon me at my entrance into office. These praises I will not dare to call false, but I will say that they lay upon me a heavy responsibility to show that they are not unmerited.

'Happy fortune of our time in which, while the Sovereign himself takes holiday, the love of his mother rules and covers us all with the robe of her universal charity! Happy for the young Ruler, who in this difficult position learns first to triumph over his impetuous impulses, and attains in the springtime of his life that self-control which hoary age with difficulty acquires!

Praises of Amalasuentha.

'As for the Mother whom he so dutifully obeys, her most fittingly do all kingdoms venerate, whom to behold is to adore, to listen to is to witness a miracle. Of what language is she not a perfect mistress? She is skilled in the niceties of Attic eloquence; she shines in the majesty of Roman speech; she glories in the wealth of the language of her fathers. She is equally marvellous in all these, and in each the orator in his own especial tongue feels himself surpassed by her. A great safeguard and a great excellence is this in the ruler of so many nationalities. None needs an interpreter with his accomplished mistress. No ambassador need wait, or hear his words slowly filtered through the mind of a go-between. Everyone feels that his own words are listened to, and receives his answer from her lips in the language of his forefathers.

'To these accomplishments, as a splendid diadem, is added that priceless knowledge of Literature, by which the treasures of ancient learning are appropriated, and the dignity of the throne is ever enhanced.

'Yet, while she rejoices in such perfect mastery of language, on public occasions she is so taciturn that she might be supposed to be indolent. With a few words she unties the knots of entangled litigations, she calmly arranges hot disputes, she silently promotes the public welfare. You do not hear her announce beforehand what will be her course of action in public; but with marvellous skill she attains, by feigning, those points which she knows require to be rapidly gained[715].

Comparison to Placidia.

'What case like this can be produced from the annals of revered Antiquity? Placidia's care for her purple-clad son has often been celebrated; but by Placidia's lax administration of the Empire its boundaries were unbecomingly retrenched. She gained for him a wife and for herself a daughter-in-law[716] by the loss of Illyricum; and thus the union of Sovereigns was bought by a lamentable division of the Provinces[717]. The discipline of the soldiers was relaxed by too long peace; and, in short, Valentinian, under the guardianship of his mother, lost more than he could have done if he had been a helpless orphan.

Relations with the East.

'But under this Lady, who can count as many Kings as ancestors in her pedigree, our army by Divine help is a terror to foreign nations. Being kept in a prudent equipoise it is neither worn away by continual fighting nor enervated by unbroken peace. In the very beginnings of the reign, when a new ruler's precarious power is apt to be most assailed, contrary to the wish of the Eastern Emperor she made the Danube a Roman stream. Well known is all that the invaders suffered, of which I therefore omit further mention, that the shame of defeat may not be too closely associated with the thought of the Emperor, our ally. Still, what he thought of your part of the Empire is clear from this, that he conceded to our attack that peace which he has refused to the abject entreaties of others. Add this fact, that though we have rarely sought him he has honoured us with so many embassies, and that thus his unique majesty has bowed down the stately head of the Orient to exalt the lords of Italy[718].

Expedition against the Franks.

'The Franks also, overmighty by their victories over so many barbarous tribes—by what a great expedition were they harassed! Attacked, they dreaded a contest with our soldiers; they who had leaped unawares upon so many nations and forced them into battle. But though that haughty race declined the offered conflict, they could not prevent the death of their own King. For Theodoric[719], he who had so often availed himself of the name of our glorious King as an occasion for triumph, now fell vanquished in the struggle with disease—a stroke of Divine Providence surely, to prevent us from staining ourselves with the blood of our kindred, and yet to grant some revenge to the army which had been justly called out to war. Hail! thou Gothic array, happy above all other happiness, who strikest at the life of a Royal foe, yet leavest us not the poorer by the life of one of the least of our soldiers[720].

League with the Burgundians.

'The Burgundian too, in order to receive his own again, crouched in devotion, giving up his whole self that he might receive a trifle. For he chose to obey with unimpaired territories, rather than to resist with these cut short; and thus, by laying aside his arms, he most effectually defended his kingdom, recovering by his prayers what he had lost by the sword[721].

'Happy Princess, whose enemies either fall by the hand of God, or else by your bounty are united with your Empire! Rejoice, Goths and Romans alike, and hail this marvel, a being who unites the excellences of both the sexes! As woman she has given birth to your illustrious King, while with manly fortitude of mind she has maintained the bounds of your Empire.

'And now, if leaving the realm of war we enter the inner courts of her moral goodness, a hundred tongues will not suffice to sound forth all her praises. Her justice is as great as her goodwill, but even greater is her kindness than her power. You, Senators, know the heavenly goodness which she has shown to your order, restoring those who had met with affliction to a higher state than that from which they had fallen[722], and exalting to honour those who were still uninjured.

'Look at the case of the Patrician Liberius[723], Praefect of the Gauls—a man of charming manners, of distinguished merit, a soldier with honourable scars—who even while absent in his Praefecture has received the fasces and a patrimony from her.

'What can I say of her strength of mind and tenacity of purpose, in which she excels even philosophers? I speak of this from my own experience. You know, oh Conscript Fathers, what influences were arrayed against me[724]. Neither gold nor the prayers of great men availed: all things were tried, and tried in vain, to prove the glorious constancy of that wisest Lady.

Virtues of the Amal Kings.

'And here the rules of rhetoric would require me to compare her with a long line of Empresses in the past. But if men cannot vie with her glory, what is the use of adducing female examples? If we look at the Royal Cohort of her ancestors, we shall see that she, like a pure mirror, reflects all their excellences. For Amal[725] was conspicuous for his good fortune, Ostrogotha for his patience, Athal for mildness, Munitarius [Winithar] for justice, Unimund for beauty, Thorismuth for chastity, Unalamer [Walamir] for faith, Theudimer for warmth of heart[726], and Theodoric, the renowned father of Amalasuentha, as ye have all seen, for patience. Each of these would recognise in her his own special attribute, but all would acknowledge that in these very attributes they are excelled by her.

'You will now perhaps expect me to praise our young King, but in extolling the author of his being, I have abundantly extolled him, her offspring. You will remember that excellent saying of the eloquent Symmachus, "I hesitate to praise the beginning of his career because I am confidently hoping for his advance in virtue[727]." Come to my help, Conscript Fathers, and render to your Lords and mine your united thanks for my promotion.'

[2.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Pope John[728].

Salutations to the Pope.

'Your prayers are assuredly the cause of our promotion. Your fastings have procured plenty for the citizens. Saluting you therefore with all due reverence, we pray you to continue your prayers for long life to our rulers, for peace and plenty to the State, and for an increase of heavenly wisdom to me. Let the Judge in public life be such as the Catholic Church has trained her son to be. I am indeed a Judge of the Palace, but I shall not cease to be your disciple[729]. Cast not off upon me the whole care of this City, which you watch over with a father's love, but take thought both for its bodily and spiritual wants, and admonish me whenever you think I am erring. Your See is an object of admiration through all lands, and your charity is world-wide; but yet you have also an especial, local love for the sheep of your own flock.

'Rome has in her own borders those shrines of martyrdom[730] of the Apostles [Peter and Paul] which the whole world longs to behold. With such patrons, if only your prayers ascend, we need fear no evil.'

[3.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to divers Bishops.

Salutations to the Bishops.

'Fathers after the flesh delight in the advancement of their sons. Even so do ye, my spiritual fathers, diligently pray to the Holy Trinity that He may make my candle to give light to all that are in the house; yea, and that He may so purge and enlighten mine own conscience that I may not, while an accurate Judge over other men, be a deceiver of mine own self.

'I beg of you to declare a fast, and supplicate the Lord that He will prolong the life of our Sovereigns[731], for the happiness of the realm; that He will defend our State from the assaults of its enemies, will give us all tranquillity in our time, and will deign to make me worthy of your love.

'Watch narrowly the acts of the subordinates whom I send among you, and inform me of anything which they do amiss. I cannot be held responsible for deeds of which I know nothing. And if they take bribes they at least cannot justify themselves by saying that they have first had to pay money for their offices.

'Continue to afford your wonted solace to the widow and orphan; yet beware that your pity does not lead you to seek to set aside the laws even for these. Oh, most holy men, banish to the home of all other unclean spirits violence, avarice, hatred, rapine; and root out from among your people luxury, which is the depopulator of the human race. Let the Bishop teach, that the Judge may have a maiden assize[732]. If only your preaching he continued, the penal course of law must necessarily come to an end.

'I therefore commend my dignity to your prayers, and end my letter with a salutation of love and honour to your Holinesses.'

[4.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to his Deputy[733] Ambrosius, an Illustris.

Functions of the Praefect's Deputy.

'We have formed a high opinion of you from long observation of your career as an Advocate, and feel sure that you will justify that opinion by your conduct in the office to which we are now calling you. The Forum has long resounded to your eloquence: now your turn is come to sit upon the magistrate's bench. Hitherto you have assisted the officers of the court: now you are yourself called upon to play the part of a Judge. Even when you are absent from me, you will be deemed to be sitting by my side; but whatever credit you may earn when hearing a case by yourself will be reckoned to you alone.

'We therefore ordain that the official staff which waits upon our orders shall be at your disposal, to carry your decisions into effect, and to see that none treat them with contempt.

'If you shall think it necessary to hand over any [insolvent] persons to those who have become security for them, assume that right with confidence, because that will most effectually relieve my mind when I shall learn that this matter has been finally disposed of by you[734]. For if I were present you might give me words only; but now in my absence you owe me, rather, deeds.

'Think, then, of all that is involved in your high office. Let your toil procure me rest from all men. Avoid the rocks on either side of you. These warnings come rather from my over-particularity[735] than from any distrust of you, for I believe that with God's help you will order all things as shall be best for our fame and for the Republic.'

[5.] The Same to the Same.

[On the occasion of a scarcity in Rome, either existing or dreaded. See the letter to Pope John II ([xi. 2]).]

Grain distributions for Rome.

'I am sure that you will rejoice with me if the needs of the Roman people can be satisfied by our means, and thus we can testify our gratitude for the hospitality which we have both received from that City. To this end have we endured the discomforts of travel, for this purpose have we racked our brains with anxious thought, that that people, which tasted such delights of old in the happy days of its former rulers, may now see its necessities relieved and again enjoy its former prosperity.

'Their poverty and hunger we make our own. Therefore, with all speed, let stores of grain in good condition be at once collected, so that the bread cooked therefrom may be a delight and not a horror. Let just weight be given. Flee all thought of unholy profit from this source. My own soul is wounded if anyone dares to transgress in this matter of the food-supply of the people. Not favour nor popular applause is my aim; but to be permitted, by God's help, to accomplish my own heart's desire.

'I love all my fellow-countrymen, but the Roman citizens deserve more than ordinary love from me. Theirs is a City adorned with so many illustrious Senators, blest with such a noble commonalty, a City so well fitted to celebrate the victories of our glorious rulers. When the question of my promotion hung in suspense, it was the good wishes of these citizens which turned the scale in my favour with the lords of the world[736], who complied with the universal desire of the Roman people. Come, then; so act that this goodwill of theirs to me may continue. Let us all beseech the mercy of the Most High to bless us with an abundant harvest; and let us resolve that, if we are thus favoured, no negligence of ours shall diminish, no venality divert from its proper recipients, the bounty of Heaven[737].'

[6.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Joannes, Cancellarius.

[An interesting letter, as showing the lowly original of the office from whence have sprung the mediaeval and modern Chancellors.]

Functions of the Cancellarius.

'Your rare merit causes you to enjoy a position beyond that which of right belongs to you in the official hierarchy[738]. Those who are above you cheerfully manifest to you a deference which you might be required to show to them; and thus you, while keeping your inferiors in their proper place, take without presumption precedence of many of your superiors.

'This laudable prejudice has assigned to you, from the twelfth Indiction[739], the dignity of Cancellarius[740].

'Guard then the secrets of our Consistory with incorruptible fidelity. Through your intervention the petitioner for justice has to approach me. On your acts depends in great measure the opinion which men shall form of me; for as a house is judged by its front towards the street, and men by the trimness or shabbiness of their raiment, so are we high officials judged by the demeanour of our subordinates who represent us to the crowd. Therefore, if such officials do anything which redounds to their master's dishonour, they put themselves altogether outside the pale of his clemency.

'Remember your title, Cancellarius. Ensconced behind the lattice-work (cancelli) of your compartment, keeping guard behind those windowed doors, however studiously you may conceal yourself, it is inevitable that you be the observed of all observers[741]. If you step forth, my glances range all over you: if you return to your shelter, the eyes of the litigants are upon you. This is where Antiquity ruled that you should be placed, in order that your actions should be visible to all.

'Attend now to this advice which I have given you, and let it not merely filter through your mind, like water through a pipe, but let it sink down into your heart, and, safely stored up there, let it influence the actions of your life.'

[7.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to all the Judges of the Provinces.

Duties of the Collectors of Taxes.

'It is an excellent thing that the yearly taxes should be regularly paid. What confidence does the consciousness of this give to the taxpayer, who can march boldly through the Forum, feeling that he owes nothing to anybody and need not fear the face of any official! One can only enjoy an estate if one has no fear of the process-server making his appearance upon it.

'Therefore, in the Diocese of your Excellency[742], we desire you and your staff at the beginning of this twelfth Indiction[743], with all proper gentleness, to impress upon the cultivator of the soil that he must pay his land-tax[744] and end those long arrears, which were introduced not for the assistance of the taxpayer, but for the corrupt profit of the tax-collector. For the officials who in this way professed to relieve the burdens of the people, really imposed upon them a heavier and more hateful weight in the shape of douceurs[745] to themselves.

'Let then this hateful swindling be henceforth banished. Let the cultivator pay nothing more than his lawful debt to the Treasury, and let him pay it at the appointed time, thus removing the confusion in which the slowness of collection has involved our accounts.

'Make up, therefore, the abstracts of accounts[746] at the stated times, and forward them to the proper bureaux[747], according to old law and the authority of this present edict; and if you neglect any of these injunctions, know that you do so at your peril. To quicken your diligence we have appointed A and B, persons of tried merit in the past, to supervise the proceedings of yourself and your staff, that this double check may prevent the possibility of negligence.

'Act then with justice if you wish to receive further promotion. Only those gains are to be sought for which the cultivator gladly offers and which the public servant can securely accept. If you take bribes you will be miserable ever after, through fear of discovery; but if you act uprightly, you will have in me a willing spectator and rewarder of your merits. I am most anxious to be your friend; do not force me against my will to become your enemy.'

[8.] Edict Published through the Provinces by Senator, Praetorian Praefect.

Edict announcing Cassiodorus' principles of administration.

'The custom of the ancients was for a new ruler to promulgate a new set of laws to his subjects, but now it is sufficient praise to a conscientious ruler that he adheres to the legislation of Antiquity.

'Do you all study to perform good actions, and shrink from deeds of lawlessness and sedition, and you will have nothing to fear from your Governors. I know that some fear, however irrational, is felt in the presence of the Judge; but as far as my purpose can avail, with the help of God and the rulers of the State[748], I can promise you that all things shall be done with justice and moderation.

'Venality, that greatest stain upon a Judge's character, will be unknown in me; for I should think scorn to sell the words that go out of my lips, like clothes in the market-place.

'In exercising the right of pre-emption we shall be solely guided by the wants of the State, buying nothing at a forced price in order to sell it again[749].

'Be cheerful and of good courage, therefore, with reference to the new administration. No soldier or civil servant shall harass you for his own pleasure. No tax-collector shall load you with burdens of his own imposition. We are determined to keep not only our own hands clean, but also those of our officials. Otherwise, vainly does a good Judge guard himself from receiving money, if he leaves to the many under him licence to receive it on their own account. But we, both by precept and example, show that we aim at the public good, not at private and fraudulent gains.

'We know what prayers you put up for us, how anxiously you watched for our elevation, and we are determined that you shall not be disappointed. Our Praetorium, which no base action has ever denied, shall be open to all. No servile throng shall lord it over you. You shall come straight to us, making your requests known to us through no hired interpreter, and none shall leave our presence poorer than he entered it. With God's help we trust we shall so act as to conform to the instructions which we have received from our Sovereign[750]; and we trust that you, by your loyalty, will enable us to be rather the Father of our Provinces than their Judge. You have patiently obeyed governors who fleeced you; how much more ought you to obey one who, as you know, loves you mightily! Pay the regular fees to the officials who are labouring in your midst; for there is no such excuse for high-handed oppression as the fact that a man is not receiving his covenanted salary. Obey the rule of reason, and you will not have to fear the armed man's wrath.

'We wish that you should enjoy the privileges conceded to you by former rulers without any encroachment by violent men.

'And now be of good heart; I pledge myself for your righteous government. Had I been present with you face to face, ye could not have seen my mind; but ye can read it in this letter, which is the mirror of my heart, the true image of my will, and ye can see that it desires only your prosperity.'

[9.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Judges of the Provinces.

Exhortation to the Judges to govern in conformity with the Edict.

'Knowing that past suffering makes men anxious and timid as to the future, we have put forth an edict [the preceding document] in order to reassure the minds of the Provincials, and to deliver them from the torment of ever-present fear.

'Therefore we call upon your Excellency[751] to cause this edict to be exposed in all the places which are most resorted to. Thus let the love and devotion of all classes be excited towards our happy Sovereigns[752], that as our thoughts towards the people are entirely thoughts of goodwill, so their dispositions towards the rulers who govern them in righteousness may be only loyal[753].

'It now rests with you, by your just government of the Provincials, to carry our promises into effect.

'Remember that the official staff standing by, is a witness of the acts of every one of you; and so comport yourselves, that both they and all others may see that you in your own conduct obey the laws which you administer.

'Be more anxious to remedy the poverty of the Provincials than to inflict punishment upon them. So act that when you are giving an account of your stewardship your year of office may be felt to have been all too short[754]. If you have acted justly, and earned the goodwill of your Provincials, you will have no need of gifts to stave off accusations.

'We do not appoint any spies upon your actions, and we pray you so to act that this most humiliating expedient may not be necessary.

'If you meet with any who pertinaciously set themselves up against the authority of your fasces, send us at once a messenger with your report; or, if you cannot spare such an one, send the report alone, as you have authority to use the public postal-service[755]. Thus all excuse for remissness on your part is taken away, since you can either wield your power or explain to us the hindrances which beset you.'

[10.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius.

Davus is invalided to the Mons Lactarius.

'Our lord the King[756] (whose prayer it is that he may ever rejoice in the welfare of all his subjects), when he reflected upon the impaired health of his servant Davus[757], ordered him to seek to the healing properties of the Mons Lactarius[758], for the cure which medical aid seemed powerless to bestow. A frequent cough resounded from his panting chest, his limbs were becoming emaciated, and the food which he took seemed to have lost all power to nourish his frame. Persons in this state can neither feed nor endure to fast, and their bodies seem like leaky casks, from which all strength must soon dribble away.

The milk-cure, a remedy for consumption.

'As an antidote to this cruel malady Heaven has given us the Mons Lactarius, where the salubrious air working together with the fatness of the soil has produced a herbage of extraordinary sweetness. The cows which are fed on this herbage give a milk which seems to be the only remedy for consumptive patients who have been quite given over by their physicians. As sleep refreshes the weary limbs of toil, so does this milk fill up the wasted limbs and restore the vanished strength. Strange is it to see the herds feeding on this abundant pasture. They look as if it did not profit them at all. Thin and scraggy, as they wander through the thickets they look like the patients who seek their aid; yet their milk is so thick that it sticks to the milker's fingers.

'Do you therefore supply the invalid when he arrives, with the appointed rations and pecuniary allowance, that he may be suitably maintained in that place while he is recreating his exhausted energies with the food of infancy.

'And, oh! all ye who are suffering under the like grievous malady, lift up your hearts. There is hope for you. By no bitter antidote, but by a delicious draught, you shall imbibe life—life, in itself the sweetest of all things.'

[11.] Edict concerning Prices to be Maintained at Ravenna.

Prices at Ravenna.

'The price at which provisions are sold ought to follow, in a reasonable way, the circumstances of the times, that there may be neither cheapness in a dear season, nor dearness in a cheap one, and that the grumblings of both buyers and sellers may be avoided, by fairness being observed towards both.

'Therefore, after careful consideration, we have fixed in the subjoined schedule the prices of the various articles of produce, which prices are to remain free from all ambiguity.

'If any vendor does not observe the prices named in the present edict, he will be liable to a fine of six solidi (£3 12s.) for each violation of the law, and may be visited by corporal punishment[759].'

[The schedule mentioned in this letter is unfortunately not preserved. Few documents that Cassiodorus could have handed down to posterity would have been more valuable. If we could have compared it with the celebrated Edict of Stratonicea (cir. a.d. 301), we should have seen what changes had been wrought in the value of the precious metals and the distribution of wealth during the two centuries of disturbance and barbaric invasion which had elapsed since the reign of Diocletian. But, unfortunately, Cassiodorus believed that his rhetoric and his natural history would be more interesting to us than these vulgar facts.]

[12.] Edict concerning Prices along the Flaminian Way.

Prices per Viam Flaminiam.

'If prices need to be fixed for the leisurely inhabitant of a town, much more for the traveller, whose journey may otherwise become a burden instead of a pleasure. Let strangers therefore find that they are entertained by you at fixed prices. To fawn upon them with feigned politeness and then terrify them with enormous charges is the act of a highway robber. Do you not know how much better moderate prices would suit your own purpose? Travellers would gladly flock to your accommodation-houses[760] if they found that you treated them fairly.

'Let no one think that because he is a long way off, his extortion will escape notice, for people are arriving here every day with tales of your rapacity.

'An official despatched for the purpose will, after deliberation with the citizens and Bishops of each place, decide what prices are to be charged there; and then whosoever dares to ask higher prices will have to pay a fine of six solidi (£3 12s.) and will be afflicted by the laceration of his body.

'Honest gains at the expense of your fellow-citizens ought to suffice for all of you. One would think that the highways were beset with brigands.'

[13.] The Senate of the City of Rome to the Emperor Justinian.

Supplications of the Senate to Justinian.

'It seems a right and proper thing that we should address our prayers for the safety of the Roman Republic to a dutiful Sovereign[761], who can only desire what will benefit our freedom. We therefore beseech you, most clement Emperor, and from the bosom of the Curia we stretch forth our two hands to you in prayer, that you will grant a most enduring peace to our King. Spurn not us, who ever seemed certain of your love. It is in truth the Roman name that you are commending, if you grant gracious terms to our lords. May your league with them assure the peace of Italy; and if our prayers be not sufficient to accomplish this thing, imagine that you hear our country break forth with these words of supplication: "If ever I was acceptable to thee, love, oh most dutiful Sovereign, love my defenders! They who rule me ought to be in harmony with thee, lest otherwise they begin to do such deeds towards me as thou least of all men wouldest desire. Be not to me a cause of death, thou who hast ever ministered unto me the joys of life. Lo, while at peace with thee I have doubled the number of my children, I have been decked with the glory of my citizens. If thou sufferest me to be wounded, where is thy dutiful name of Son? What couldest even thou do more for me [than these rulers], seeing that my religion and thine thus flourish under their rule?

'"My Senate grows in honour and is incessantly increasing in wealth. Do not dissipate in quarrels what thou oughtest rather to defend with the sword. I have had many Kings; but none so trained in letters as this one. I have had foreseeing statesmen, but none so powerful in learning and religion. I love the Amal, bred up as he has been at my knees, a strong man, one who has been formed by my conversation, dear to the Romans by his prudence, venerable to the nations by his valour. Join rather thy prayers to his; share with him thy counsels: so that any prosperity which I may earn may redound to thy glory. Do not woo me in the only fashion in which I may not be won. Thine am I already in love, if thou sendest none of thy soldiers to lacerate my limbs. For if Africa has deserved through thee to recover freedom, it were hard that I should from the same hand lose that freedom which I have ever possessed. Control the emotions of anger, oh illustrious conqueror! The claims urged upon thee by the general voice of the people ought to outweigh the offence which the ingratitude of any private individual may have occasioned to thy heart."

'Thus Rome speaks while, through her Senators, she makes supplications to you. And if that be not enough, let the sacred petition of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul be also taken into your account. For surely they, who are proved to have so often defended the peace of Rome from her enemies, deserve that your Sovereignty should yield everything to their merits. The venerable man, our most pious King's ambassador to your Clemency, will further set forth our prayers.'

[It is not easy to fix the exact occasion on which this petition was likely to be sent from the Senate to the Emperor. The allusion to the conquest of Africa shows that it was after the Vandal War, which ended in March, 534. On the other hand, the language put into the mouth of the Senate implies that the Imperial troops had not yet landed in Italy or Sicily, and the petition is therefore of an earlier date than the summer of 535. During the whole of these fourteen months the relations between Empire and Kingdom were more or less strained, the causes of complaint on the part of Constantinople beginning with the occupation of Lilybaeum and ending with the murder of Amalasuentha. I fear that the nattering portrait drawn of 'the Amal' can apply to no one but Theodahad, the terms used being hopelessly inapplicable to a boy like Athalaric. Who then are 'our lords' ('nostri Domini'), in whose name peace is besought. The best that we can hope, for the sake of the reputation of Cassiodorus, is that they are Amalasuentha and Theodahad, the letter being written between October 2, 534 (when Athalaric died), and April 30, 535 (when Amalasuentha was imprisoned). Upon the whole this seems the most probable conclusion. If written after Amalasuentha's death, in the few months or weeks which intervened between that event and the landing of Belisarius in Sicily, the language employed reflects deep discredit on the writer. In that case, 'nostri Domini' must mean Theodahad and Gudelina.]

[14.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of the Province of Liguria.

Praises of Como. Relief of its inhabitants.

'The City of Como[762] is visited by so many travellers that the cultivators of the soil declare that they are quite worn out with requisitions for post-horses[763]. Wherefore we direct that by Royal indulgence they be favoured in this matter[764], that this city, so beautifully situated, do not become a solitude for want of inhabitants.

'Como, with its precipitous mountains and its vast expanse of lake, seems placed there for the defence of the Province of Liguria; and yet, again, it is so beautiful that one would think it was created for pleasure only. To the south lies a fertile plain with easy roads for the transport of provisions; on the north a lake sixty miles long, abounding in fish, soothing the mind with delicious recreation.

'Rightly is it called Como, because it is adorned (compta) with such gifts. The lake lies in a shell-like valley, with white margins. Above rises a diadem of lofty mountains, their slopes studded with bright villas[765], a girdle of olives below, vineyards above, while a crest of thick chestnut-woods adorns the very summit of the hills. Streams of snowy clearness dash from the hill-sides into the lake. On the eastern side these unite to form the river Addua, so called because it contains the added volume of two streams. It plunges into the lake with such force that it keeps its own colour[766] (dark among the whiter waters) and its own name far along the northern shore[767], a phenomenon often seen with rivers flowing into the ocean, but surely marvellous with one flowing into an inland lake. And so swift is its course as it moves through the alien waves, that you might fancy it a river flowing over the solid plains.

'So delightful a region makes men delicate and averse to labour. Therefore the inhabitants deserve especial consideration, and for this reason we wish them to enjoy perpetually the royal bounty.'

[15.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Ligurians.

[Announcing the despatch of money to relieve the necessities of the Province, possibly after some incursions of the Franks. This would fit in pretty well with the mention of Astensis Civitas as having suffered the most.]

Relief of the necessities of Liguria.

'It is the privilege of a King to increase the happiness of his subjects. Not to postpone your joy by too long a preface, I will come to the point at once, and inform you that our most glorious Lords, taking the necessities of their loyal Liguria into account, have sent 100 lbs. of gold [£4,000] by the hands of A and B, officers of the Royal Bedchamber. You are to say how the money is to be spent, indicating the persons who are in the greatest necessity; but as we are informed that the city of Asti has been more heavily weighted than others, it is our wish that it should be chiefly helped by this disbursement. Now, do you who are tributaries, reflect upon the clemency of your lords, who are inverting the usual order of things, and paying out to you from the Treasury what they are accustomed to receive. Let us know at once how much you think each taxpayer ought to receive, that we may deduct it from his first instalment of land-tax[768].

'And put up your prayers for your most affectionate Sovereigns, that they may receive back again from Heaven the favour which they are conferring on you.'

[16.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Ligurians.

Oppressions practised on the Ligurians to be remedied.

'In thanking me so earnestly for a recent benefit [probably the present mentioned in the preceding letter] you invited me to further favours, and the implied promise which I then gave you I now fulfil.

'You complain that you are burdened with unjust weights and measures, and I therefore declare that this iniquity shall cease, and that no tax-collector or tithe-collector[769], shall dare to use too long a measure or too heavy a weight [in the collection of the King's revenue].

'Also that their accounts shall be promptly balanced, and that any overcharge that may be detected shall be at once repaid.

'Now then, your minds being freed from anxiety on this score, turn your attention to the supply of the wants of our most flourishing army, and show your zeal for the public good, since we have satisfied you that it is not for private and fraudulent gains that you are to pay your contributions.'

[17.] On the Promotions in the Official Staff of the Praetorian Praefect, made on Christmas Day[770].

Promotions in Officium of Praefectus Praetorio.

'On this day of general rejoicing, when by the kindness of Heaven the way of salvation was opened to all mankind, we wish that the members of our staff should also be glad. For to rejoice, ourselves, when those around us are mourning, is a kind of sacrilege. Hence some philosophers have held that the whole human race is one being, the various members of which are constrained to share one another's feelings of joy or sadness. Therefore let every official in our staff according to his grade[771] get promotion on this day, not only rising himself, but creating a vacancy which enables those below him to rise also.'

[All the Letters from [18] to [35] are documents, for the most part very short ones, relating to these promotions.

For an explanation of the terms used in these letters, and of the whole subject of the staff of the Praetorian Praefect, see [chapter iv.] of the Introduction.]

In [Letter 18], Antianus, who is vacating the office of Cornicularius, receives the rank of Spectabilis, and has a place assigned him among the Tribuni and Notarii, where he may 'adore the presence of his Sovereign[772]'.

In [Letter 19] the successor of Antianus in the office of Cornicularius receives his appointment.

In [Letter 20] the retiring Primiscrinius also receives the rank of Spectabilis, and takes his place among the Tribuni and Notarii, 'to adore the Purple of Royalty.'

In [Letter 21] Andreas is rewarded for his faithful service on the Praetorian staff[773], by being promoted to the office of Primiscrinius.

In [Letter 22] Catellus, who stands next in grade for this promotion[774], obtains the post of Scriniarius Actorum.

In [Letter 23] Constantinian, to whose virtues Cassiodorus himself bears witness, receives the charge of letters relating to the collection of Land-Tax (Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum).

In [Letter 24] Lucillus is appointed a clerk in the War-Office (Scriniarius Curae Militaris).

In [Letter 25] Patricius is appointed chief of the shorthand writers (Primicerius Exceptorum).

In [Letter 26] Justus obtains a place as member of the Sixth Schola (Sextus Scholaris[775]).

In [Letter 27] Joannes, whom we saw in the [Sixth Letter] of this Book entrusted with the duties of Cancellarius, is rewarded for his faithful discharge of those duties by receiving the place of Praerogativarius[776].

In [Letter 28] Cheliodorus[777] is appointed to the place of Commentariensis (Magistrates' clerk).

In [Letter 29] Cart(h)erius is promoted to the office of Regerendarius (Secretary of the Post-Office), in the hope that this promotion will render him yet more earnest in the discharge of his Praetorian labours.

In [Letter 30] Ursus is appointed Primicerius Deputatorum, and Beatus (probably the Cancellarius addressed in [Letter 10]) is made Primicerius Augustalium.

In [Letter 31] Urbicus, on vacating the post of Primicerius Singulariorum (Chief of the King's Messengers), is placed among the Body-guards (Domestici et Protectores), where he may adore the Royal Purple, that, being made illustrious by gazing on the Sovereign, he may rejoice in his liberation from official harassment.

[As the Singularii did not form part of the learned staff (Militia Litterata), their chief on retiring receives a guardsman's place, but still one which gives him access to royalty.]

In [Letter 32] Pierius receives the post of Primicerius Singulariorum which is thus vacated.

Delegatoria.

In [Letter 33] Cassiodorus, expanding the proverb 'Bis dat qui cito dat,' agrees that the Delegatoria[778] (or Delegatiorius), the letter conferring on the receiver the right to receive the increase of rations due to his promotion, should not be long delayed.

In [Letter 34] Antianus, the retired Cornicularius of [Letter 18], receives a somewhat evasive answer to a petition which apparently affected the rights of those below him in the official hierarchy[779].

In [Letter 35] we have an example of the Delegatoria alluded to in [Letter 33]. It is concerned with a Princeps, apparently the Princeps of the Agentes in Rebus; and, after extolling the zeal and alacrity of those officers, who are constantly intent on enforcing obedience to the Imperial decrees and reverence for the authority of the Praetorian Praefect, he observes that it would be impiety to delay the reward of such labour.

'Therefore let your Experience[780] pay, out of the third instalment of land-tax[781] from such and such a Province, those monies which the wisdom of Antiquity directed should be paid to the Princeps Augustorum[782]. Let this be done at once to those who are chargeable on the accounts of the thirteenth Indiction (Sept. 1, 534—Sept. 1, 535). Let there be no venal delays. Behave to the out-going public servant as you would wish that others should behave to you on your retirement from office. All men should honour the veteran, but especially they who are still toiling in the public service.'

[36.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Anat(h)olius, Cancellarius of the Province of Samnium.

The retirement of a Cornicularius on a superannuation allowance justified on astronomical grounds.

'As all things else come to an end, so it is right that the laborious life of a civil servant should have its appointed term.

'The heavenly bodies have their prescribed time in which to complete their journeyings. Saturn in thirty years wanders over his appointed portion of space. Jupiter in twelve years finishes the survey of his kingdom. Mars, with fiery rapidity, completes his course in eighteen months. The Sun in one year goes through all the signs of the Zodiac. Venus accomplishes her circuit in fifteen months; the rapid Mercury in thirteen months. The Moon, peculiar in her nearer neighbourhood, traverses in thirty days the space which it takes the Sun a year to journey over[783].

'All these bodies, which, as philosophers say, shall only perish with the world, have an appointed end to their journeyings. But they complete their course that they may begin it again: the human race serves that it may rest from its ended labours. Therefore, since the Cornicularius in my Court has completed his term of office, you are to pay him without any deduction this 1st September 700 solidi (£420) from the revenues of the Province of Samnium, taking them out of the third instalment of land-tax[784]. He commanded the wings of the army of the Praefect's assistants, from whence he derived his name[785]. When he handed us the inkstand, we wrote, unbribed, those decrees which men would have paid a great price to obtain[786]. We gratified him whom the laws favoured, we frowned on him who had not justice on his side. No litigant had cause to regret his success, since it came to him unbought. You know all this that we are saying to be true, for our business was all transacted in the office, not in the bedchamber. What we did, the whole troop of civil servants knew[787]. We were private persons in our power of harming, Judges in our power of doing good. Our words might be stern, our deeds were kindly. We frowned though mollified; we threatened though intending no evil; and we struck terror that we might not have to strike. You have had in me, as you were wont to say, a most clean-handed Judge: I shall leave behind in you my most uncorrupted witnesses.'

[37.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Clarissimus Lucinus, Cancellarius of Campania.

Payment of retiring Primiscrinius.

'It was well ordered by Antiquity that the servants of the Public should receive a due reward for their labours; and who of all these are more deserving than the officers of the Praetorian Praefect (Praetoriani). Theirs is the difficult task of waiting on the necessities of the army. They must demand accounts, often minute and intricate, from great officers whom they dare not offend. They must collect the stores of food for the Roman people from the Provincials without giving them cause for complaint[788]. Their acts constitute our true glory; and in the formation of their characters, work, hard work, that stern and anxious pedagogue[789], is better than all literary or philosophic training.

'Such men ought assuredly to receive their stipulated rewards; and therefore we order you to pay regularly so many solidi of the third instalment, from the land-tax of the Province of Campania[790], to such and such a person, who has now just completed his term of service as Primiscrinius.'

[38.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Joannes, Canonicarius[791] of Thuscia.

Praises of paper.

'Rightly did Antiquity ordain that a large store of paper should be laid in by our Bureaux (Scrinia), that litigants might receive the decision of the Judge clearly written, without delay, and without avaricious and impudent charges for the paper which bore it[792].

'A wonderful product in truth is this wherewith ingenious Memphis has supplied all the offices in the world. The plants of Nile arise, a wood without leaves or branches, a harvest of the waters, the fair tresses of the marshes, plants full of emptiness, spongy, thirsty, having all their strength in their outer rind, tall and light, the fairest fruit of a foul inundation.

'Before Paper was discovered, all the sayings of the wise, all the thoughts of the ancients, were in danger of perishing. Who could write fluently or pleasantly on the rough bark of trees, though it is from that practice that we call a book Liber? While the scribe was laboriously cutting his letters on the sordid material, his very thought grew cold: a rude contrivance assuredly, and only fit for the beginnings of the world.

'Then was paper discovered, and therewith was eloquence made possible. Paper, so smooth and so continuous, the snowy entrails of a green herb; paper which can be spread out to such a vast extent, and yet be folded up into such a little space; paper, on whose white expanse the black characters look beautiful; paper which keeps the sweet harvest of the mind, and restores it to the reader whenever he chooses to consult it; paper which is the faithful witness of all human actions, eloquent of the past, a sworn foe to oblivion.

'Therefore for this thirteenth Indiction[793] pay so many solidi from the land-tax of the Tuscan Province to our Bureau, that it may be able to keep in perpetuity a faithful record of all its transactions.'

[39.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Clarissimus Vitalian, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii.

Payment by Province of Bruttii of commuted cattle-tax.

'The vast numbers of the Roman people in old time are evidenced by the extensive Provinces from which their food supply was drawn, as well as by the wide circuit of their walls, the massive structure of their amphitheatre, the marvellous bigness of their public baths, and the enormous multitude of mills, which could only have been made for use, not for ornament.

'It was to feed this population, that mountainous Lucania paid her tribute of swine, that fertile Bruttii furnished her droves of oxen. It was a glorious privilege for them thus to feed the Roman people: yet the length of roads over which the animals had to be driven made the tribute unnecessarily burdensome, since every mile reduced their weight, and the herdsman could not possibly obtain credit at the journey's end for the same number of pounds of flesh which he possessed at its beginning. For this reason the tribute was commuted into a money payment, one which no journeyings can diminish and no toil can wound. The Provinces should understand and respond to this favourable change, and not show themselves more slack than their ancestors were, under far more burdensome conditions. Your Diligence has now collected both these taxes[794] at the appointed periods; and I am glad of it, that my countrymen, who have served alien magistrates with praiseworthy diligence, might not seem negligent under my rule. These Provinces, which I, my grandfather, and my great-grandfather have benefited as private persons, I have endeavoured to help yet more earnestly while I bore the majesty of the fasces, that they who have rejoiced in my exaltation might see that I still retained my love for our common country. Let them pay the tax then, not from fear but from love. I have prevailed on the royal generosity to limit its amount; for whereas it used to be 1,200 solidi [£720] annually, it is henceforward to be 1,000 [£600][795].'

[40.] An Indulgence [or Amnesty to Prisoners on some great Festival of the Church, probably Easter].

General Amnesty.

'All the year we are bound to tread in the path of Justice, but on this day we secure our approach to the Redeemer by the path of Forgiveness. Therefore we forswear punishments of all kinds, we condemn the torture, and thus feel ourselves, in forgiving, to be more truly than ever a Judge.

'Hail to thee, O Clemency[796], patroness of the human race! thou reignest in the heavens and on the earth: and most fitting is it that, at sacred seasons like this, thou shouldest be supreme.

'Therefore, O Lictor, thou who art allowed to do with impunity the very thing for which other men are punished, put up thy axe; let it be henceforth bright, not bloody. Let the chains which have been so often wet with tears now grow rusty. The prison—that house of Pluto, in which men suffer a living death, from its foul odours, from the sound of groaning which assails their ears, from the long fastings which destroy their taste, from the heavy weights which weary their hands, from the endless darkness which makes their eyes grow dim—let the prison now be filled with emptiness. Never is it so popular as when it is seen to be deserted.

'And you, its denizens, who are thus in a manner transplanted to Heaven from Hell, avoid the evil courses which made you acquainted with its horrors. Even animals shun the things which they have once found harmful. Cattle which have once fallen into a pit seek not again the same road. The bird once snared shuns bird-lime. The pike buries himself in deep sand, that he may escape the drag-net, and when it has scraped his back leaps nimbly into the waves and expresses by his gambols his joy for his deliverance. When the wrasse[797] finds that he is caught in an osier trap, he moves himself slowly backwards till he can leave his tail protruding, that one of his fellows, perceiving his capture, may pull him out from his prison.

'So too the Sauri (?), a clever race of fish, named from their speed, when they have swum into a net, tie themselves together into a sort of rope; and then, tugging backwards with all their might, seek to liberate their fellow-prisoners.

'Many facts of the same kind would be discovered on enquiry. But my discourse must return to thee, O Gaoler. Thou wilt be miserable in the general joy, because thou art wont to derive thy gladness from the affliction of many. But as some consolation for thy groans, we leave to thee those prisoners whom the Law, for very pity's sake, cannot set free—the men found guilty of outrageous crimes, whose liberation would make barbarous deeds frequent. Over these thou mayest still exert thy power.'

---

BOOK XII.

CONTAINING TWENTY-EIGHT LETTERS WRITTEN BY CASSIODORUS IN HIS OWN NAME AS PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT.

[1.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the various Cancellarii of the Several Provinces.

General instructions to the Cancellarii.

'It is generally supposed that long attendance at the Courts of Law increases the love of justice. The character of the Judge also is in some degree estimated by that of his officers[798], as that of a philosophical teacher by his disciples. Thus your bad actions might endanger our reputation, while, on the other hand, with no effort on our part, we earn glory from all that you do well. Beware, therefore, lest by any misconduct of yours, which is sure to be exaggerated by popular rumour, you rouse anger in us, who as your Judge will be sure to exact stern recompence for all the wrong you have done to our reputation. Study this rather, that you may receive praise and promotion at our hands, and go forth, with Divine help, on this Indiction, to such and such a Province, adorned with the pomp of the Cancelli, and girt about with a certain proud gravity. Remember the honour of the fasces which are borne before you, of the Praetorian seat whose commands you execute.

'Fly Avarice, the Queen of all the vices, who never enters the human heart alone, but always brings a flattering and deceiving train along with her. Show yourself zealous for the public good; do more by reason than by terror. Let your person be a refuge for the oppressed, a defence of the weak, a stronghold for him who is stricken down by any calamity. Never do you more truly discharge the functions of the Cancelli than when you open the prison doors to those who have been unjustly confined.'

[2.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to all the Judges of the Provinces (a.d. 534-535).

General instructions to the Provincial Governors.

'God be thanked, the Provincials have attended to all my admonitions, and I have kept all my promises to them. You, as Judges, have admirably copied my own freedom from corruption, and I can only desire that you will go on as you have begun.

'Let the peasant pay cheerfully his share of the public taxes, and I on my part will guarantee him the administration of justice in the courts[799].

'It was evidently the intention of the legislators that you should be imitators of our dignity, since they have given you almost the same jurisdiction in the Provinces as ourselves.

'What avails the reputation of being a rich man? It confers no glory. But to be known as a just man wins the praise of all. Nothing mean or avaricious is becoming in a Judge. All his faults are made more conspicuous by his elevation. Better were it to be absolutely unknown, than to be marked out for the scorn of all men. Let us keep our own brews clear from shame; then can we rebuke the sins of others. A terrible leveller is iniquity: it makes the Judge himself feel like the culprit who is tried before him. All these considerations, according to my custom, I bring before you in this my yearly address, since it is impossible ever to have too much of a good thing[800].

'Now, to proceed to business. Do you and your official staff impress upon all the cultivators of the soil the absolute necessity of their paying their land-tax[801] for this thirteenth Indiction[802] at the appointed time. Let there be no pressing them to pay before the time, and no venal connivance at their postponement of payment after the time. What kindness is there in delay? The money must be paid, sooner or later.

'Prepare also a full and faithful statement of the expenditure for every four months[803], and address it to our bureaux[804], that there may be perfect clearness in the public accounts.

'In order to help you, we send A and B, members of our official staff, to examine your accounts. See that you come up to the standard of duty here prescribed for you.'

[3.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to all the Sajones who have been assigned to the Cancellarii.

General instructions to the Sajones.

'There must be fear of the magistrate in the heart of the citizen, else the laws would never be obeyed. But as in medicine various remedies are required by various constitutions, so in the administration of the laws sometimes force and sometimes gentleness has to be used. Wisdom is required to decide which is the best mode of dealing with each particular case.

'Therefore we despatch your Devotion[805] to attend upon A B, Clarissimus Cancellarius. Be terrible to the lawless, but to them alone. Above all things see to the punctual collection of the taxes. Do not study popularity. Attend only to those cases which are entrusted to your care, and work them thoroughly. No greater disgrace can attach to an officer of Court than that a Judge's sentence should be left unexecuted[806]. Do not swagger through the streets exulting in the fact that nobody dares meet you. Brave men are ever gentle in time of peace, and there is no greater lover of justice than he who has seen many battles. When you return to your parents and friends let it not be brawls that you have to boast of, but good conduct. We also shall in that case welcome you back with pleasure, and not leave you long without another commission. And the King too, the lord of all[807], will entrust higher duties to him who returns from the lower with credit and the reward of a good conscience.'

[4.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Canonicarius[808] of the Venetiae.

Praise of Acinaticium, a red wine of Verona.

'A well furnished royal table is a credit to the State. A private person may eat only the produce of his own district; but it is the glory of a King to collect at his table the delicacies of all lands. Let the Danube send us her carp, let the anchorago (?) come from the Rhine, let the labour of Sicily furnish the exormiston[809], let the sea of Bruttii send its sweet acerniae (?); in short, let well-flavoured dishes be gathered from all coasts. It becomes a King so to regale himself that he may seem to foreign ambassadors to possess almost everything.

'And therefore, not to neglect home-produce also, as our fertile Italy is especially rich in wines, we must have these also provided for the King's table. Now the report of the Count of the Patrimony informs us that the stock of Acinaticium[810] has fallen very low in the royal cellars. We therefore order you to visit the cultivators of Verona, and offer them a sufficient price for this product of theirs, which they ought to offer without price to their Sovereign.

'It is in truth a noble wine and one that Italy may be proud of. Inglorious Greece may doctor her wines with foreign admixtures, or disguise them with perfumes. There is no need of any such process with this liquor. It is purple, as becomes the wine of kings. Sweet and strong[811], it grows more dense in tasting it, so that you might doubt whether it was a liquid food or an edible drink[812].

'I have a mind to describe the singular mode of manufacturing this wine. The grape cluster, gathered in autumn, is hung up under the roof of the house to dry till December. Thus exuding its insipid humours it becomes much sweeter. Then in December, when everything else is bound by the frost of winter, the chilly blood of these grapes is allowed to flow forth. It is not insultingly trodden down by the feet, nor is any foul admixture suffered to pollute it; its stream of gem-like clearness is drawn forth from it by a noble provocation. It seems to shed tears of joy, and delights the eye by its beauty as much as the palate by its flavour. Collect this wine as speedily as possible, pay a sufficient price for it, and hand it over to the Cartarii who are charged with this business.

'And this point is not to be forgotten, that it is to be served up in goblets of a milky whiteness. Lilies and roses thus unite their charms, and a pleasure is ministered to the eye, far beyond the mere commonplace facts that the wine has a pleasant taste, and that it restores the strength of the drinker.

'We rely on you to provide both the wine and the drinking vessels[813] with all despatch.'

[5.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Valerian, Vir Sublimis.

[Written probably in the autumn or winter of 535, when Belisarius was in Sicily threatening the Southern Provinces of Italy.]

Measures for relief of Lucania and Bruttii.

'The ruler's anxiety for the common good of all over whom he is placed, may allowably show itself in an especial manner towards the dwellers in his own home, and that pre-eminently at a time when they need his succour from peril.

'The numerous army which was destined for the defence of the Republic is said to have laid waste the cultivated parts of Lucania and Bruttii, and to have diminished the abundance of those regions by its love of rapine.

'Now since they must take and you must give, and since the cultivator must not be robbed nor the army starved, know that the prices of provisions are fixed by the order of the Lord of the State at a much lower figure than you have been wont to sell at[814].

'Be not therefore anxious. You have escaped the hands of the tax-collector. The present instrument takes away from you the liability to tribute. In order that your knowledge may be made more complete, we have thought it better that the amounts of the provisions for which you are held responsible should be expressed in the below-written letters[815], that no one may sell you a benefit which you know to be conferred by the public generosity.

'Repress, therefore, the unruly movements of the cultivators[816]. While the Gothic army is fighting, let the Roman peasant enjoy in quiet the peace for which he sighs. According to the King's command, admonish the several tenants on the farms, and the better sort of peasants, not to mingle in the barbarism of the strife, lest the danger to public tranquillity be greater than any service they can render in the wars[817]. Let them lay hands to the iron, but only to cultivate their fields; let them grasp the pointed steel, but only to goad their oxen.

'Let the Judges be active: let the tribunals echo with their denunciations of crime. Let the robber, the adulterer, the forger, the thief, find that the arm of the State is still strong to punish their crimes. True freedom rejoices when these men are made sad. Here, in this civil battle, is full scope for your energies: attend to this, and enjoy the thought that others are fighting the battle with the foreign foe for you.

'Exercise great care in calculating the rations of the soldiers, that no trickery may succeed in defrauding the soldier of his due.

'The officers of the army are by the rulers of the State placed under my authority, and you are therefore to admonish them if they go wrong, while redressing all their real grievances. They, in their turn, must uphold discipline, which is the most powerful weapon of an army. Rise to the dignity of the occasion, and show that you are able to govern a Province in a disturbed condition of public affairs, since anyone can govern it while all things are quiet.

'The royal household is specially ordered to pay the same obedience to this rescript as all the rest of the Province; and as for my own dependants, I say expressly that, though I wish them well, I ask for no favour for them which I would not grant to all the other inhabitants of the Province.'

[6.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to all the Subordinate Governors of the Praefecture[818].

General instructions to subordinate Governors.

'The exhortations addressed to you by the inborn piety of our Lords ought to suffice; but nevertheless, that we may be doubly assured, we will address to you our threats against all who shall wield their power unrighteously. Cease from avarice, from arrogance, from venality. What will your money avail you when the day of inquisition comes? We shall not be tempted by it. Let it be clearly understood that we shall not sell pardons to unjust Judges, but shall hunt them to their ruin.

'But all you, good and honest rulers, continue to serve the State without fear. No rival will buy your offices over your heads; you are secure in your seats so long as you do well, until the time fixed by our Lords expires. Be earnest, therefore, that my good deeds may be imitated and receive their due meed of praise in your persons.'

[7.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Tax-Collector of the Venetian Province[819].

Remission of taxes on account of invasion by the Suevi.

'A good Sovereign will always exert himself to repair fortuitous disasters, and will allow those who have paid their taxes punctually in prosperity, considerable liberty in times of barbaric invasion. On this ground, and on account of the incursions of the Suevi, the King grants for this year, the fifteenth Indiction[820], a discharge of all claims by the Fiscus preferred against A and B. And in all similar cases where you shall be satisfied that the property has really been laid waste by those Barbarians, you are at liberty to remit the taxes for this Indiction. Afterwards you will use all the ordinary methods, in order that you may be able to pay over the stipulated sum to the Royal Treasurer. But meanwhile the poor cultivator has the best of all arguments against paying you, namely, that he has nothing left him wherewith to pay. Thus is his calamity his best voucher for payment[821]; and we do not wish that he who has been already alarmed by the arms of the robber should further tremble at the official robe of the civil servant[822].

[8.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Consularis of the Province of Liguria.

Permission to pay taxes direct to Royal Treasury.

'It is a new and delightful kind of profit to be able to grant the request of a petitioner without feeling any loss oneself. The present suitor, complaining that he is vexed by the exactions of the tax-gatherer on account of certain farms mentioned in the subjoined letter, offers to bring the amount due from them himself to our Treasurers[823]. We are willing to grant this request, on condition that the Fiscus does not suffer thereby; and therefore desire your Respectability to warn all Curiales, Compulsores, and all other persons concerned, to remove for this Indiction every kind of legal process from the before-mentioned properties; the condition of this immunity being that he shall, before the kalends of such and such a month produce the receipts[824] of the Arcarius, showing that he has discharged his debt to the State. Otherwise the debt must be exacted by ordinary process. But it is delightful to us whenever the tax is paid without calling in the aid of the Compulsor. Would that the peasant would always thus freely anticipate the needs of the Treasury!'

[9.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Paschasius, Praefect of the Corn-Distributions[825].

African claims to succeed to estate of an intestate countryman.

[To make this letter intelligible we must presuppose a custom, certainly a very extraordinary one, by which on the death of an African without heirs, any other African in Italy was allowed to claim the inheritance. By 'African,' no doubt, we must understand one of the indigenous inhabitants of Africa, perhaps a man of Negro race. The custom certainly cannot have applied to African Provincials of Roman descent. It was perhaps based on some old tribal notions of joint possession and mutual inheritance.]

'It is a work of wondrous kindness to oblige a foreign race with public benefits, and not only to invite blood relations to enjoy the advantages of property, but to permit even strangers to share them. This kind of heirship is independent of the ties of kindred, independent of succession from parents, and requires nothing else save only power to utter the speech of the fatherland.

'This is the privilege which, as the African asserts, was of old bestowed on his race. By virtue thereof they lawfully demand the inheritance of others, and thus obtain a right which the Roman in a similar case could never claim. Nor have they this benefit in their own land; but here they are for this purpose looked upon as all related to one another.

'The whole nation, in what relates to the advantages of succession, is regarded as one family.

'Your Experience is therefore to submit the subject of this man's petition to a diligent examination, and if it shall turn out, as he alleges, that the deceased has left no sons nor other persons who might reasonably claim to succeed him, your official staff is to induct him into the aforesaid property according to the established usage.

'He will thus cease to be a foreigner, and will acquire the status of a native possessor, and therewith the usual liability to pay tribute. He is inferior to other owners only in this one point, that he lacks the power of alienating his property. Let him who has derived so much benefit from our commiseration now relieve others. Fortunate and enviable has turned out his captivity[826], which enables him at one and the same time to enjoy the citizenship of Rome and the privileges of the African.'

[10.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to divers Cancellarii in the Provinces.

Taxes to be punctually enforced.

'Arrears of tribute are like bodily diseases, serious and enfeebling when they become chronic. A man who is under a load of debt cannot be called free: he has abandoned the power of controlling his actions to another. Your supposed indulgence to the taxpayer is no real kindness. There comes a time when the whole arrear of debt has to be claimed, and then these venal delays of yours make the demand seem twice as heavy in the eyes of the unfortunate taxpayer. Cease then to trade upon the peasants' losses. Exact the whole amount of taxes for the coming Indiction, and pay them in on the appointed day to the Treasurer[827] of the Province; or else it will be the worse for you, and you will have to return, stripped of all official rank[828], into the Province which you are conscious of having badly administered.

'I shall not speak again on this subject, but shall, if necessary, extract the sums from you by an irrevocable act of distraint.'

[11.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Peter, Vir Clarissimus, Distributor of Relishes[829].

Distribution of relishes to Roman citizens.

'The liberality of a good Sovereign must not be discredited by fraud and carelessness in the person charged with its distribution. Even molten gold contracts a stain if not poured into an absolutely clean vessel. How sweet is it to see a stream flowing clear and unpolluted over a snow-white channel! Even so must you see that the gifts of the Sovereign of the State reach the Roman people as pure and as copious as they issue forth from him.

'All fraud is hateful; but fraud exercised upon the people of Romulus is absolutely unbearable. That quiet and easily satisfied people, whose existence you might forget except when they testify their happiness by their shouts; noisy without a thought of sedition; whose only care is to shun poverty without amassing wealth; lowly in fortune but rich in temper—it is a kind of profanation to rob such people as these.

'We therefore entrust to you the task of distributing the relishes[830] to the Roman people from this Indiction. Be true to the citizens, else you will become as an alien unto us. Do not be bribed into allowing anyone to pass as a Latin who was not born in Latium.

'These privileges belong to the Quirites alone: no slave must be admitted to share them. That man sins against the majesty of the Roman people, who defiles the pure river of their blood by thrusting upon them the fellowship of slaves.'

[12.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii.

Praise of the cheese and wine of Bruttii.

'When we were dining, according to our wonted custom, with the Sovereign of the State[831], the conversation happened to turn upon the delicacies of various Provinces, and we praised the wines of Bruttii and the cheese of the district around Mount Sila[832].

'The cheese, which retains in its pores the milk which has been collected there, recalls by its taste the fragrant herbs upon which the cattle have fed; by its texture it reminds us of the softness of oil, from which it differs in colour by its snowy whiteness. Having been carefully pressed into a wide cask and hardened therein, it retains permanently the beautiful round shape which has thus been given to it[833].

'The wine, to which Antiquity gave the name of praise, Palmatiana, must be selected not of a rough but sweet kind[834]. Though last [in geographical position] among the wines of Bruttii, it is by general opinion accounted the best, equal to that of Gaza, similar to the Sabine, moderately thick, strong, brisk, of conspicuous whiteness, distinguished by the fine aroma, of which a pleasant after-taste is perceived by the drinker[835]. It constrains loosened bowels, dries up moist wounds, and refreshes the weary breast.

'Let it be your care to provide as speedily as possible a stock of both these products of our country, and send them in ships to the Royal residence. For a temporary supply we have drawn on our own cellars, but we look to you to choose specimens of the genuine quality for the King. We cannot be deceived, who retain the true taste in our patriotic memory; and at your peril will you provide any inferior article to that which our cellars will have supplied[836].'

[13.] An Edict.

Frauds committed by the revenue officers on the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania.

'The generous gifts of Kings ought to be respected by their subjects.

'Long ago the constitutions of the Emperors enriched the holy Churches of Bruttii and Lucania with certain gifts. But since the sacrilegious mind is not afraid of sinning against the Divine reverence, the Canonicarii (officers of the Exchequer) have robbed these ecclesiastical positions of a certain portion of their revenue in the name of the Numerarii of the Praetorian Praefect's staff; but these latter, with righteous indignation, declare that they have received no part of the spoils thus impiously collected in their name.

'Thus have the Canonicarii turned the property of the clergy into a douceur for the laity[837]. Oh, audacity of man! what barriers can be erected against thee? Thou mightest have hoped to escape human observation, but why commit crimes which the Divinity cannot but notice?

'Therefore we ordain by this edict that anyone who shall hereafter commit this kind of fraud shall lose his own private gains, and shall forfeit his place in the public service[838].

'Let the poor keep the gifts which God has put it into the heart of Kings to bestow upon them. It is cruel above all other cruelty to wish to become rich by means of the scanty possessions of the mendicant.'

[14.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii.

Plea for gentle treatment for citizens of Rhegium.

'The citizens of Rhegium (so called from the Greek word 'ρηγνυμι, to break, because their island has been broken off from Sicily by the violence of the waves) complain that they are being unfairly harassed by the tax-gatherers. I, as an eyewitness, can confirm the truth of their statement that their territory does not bring forth the produce which is claimed at their hands. It is a rocky and mountainous country, too dry for pasture, though sufficiently undulating for vineyards; bad for grain-crops, though well suited for olives. The shade has to be all provided by the industry of man, who has planted there the tree of Pallas [the olive], which prospers in even the driest soil, because it sends its roots down into the very depths of the earth.

'The corn has to be watered by hand, like pot-herbs in a garden. You seldom see the husbandman bending beneath his load as he returns from the threshing-floor. A few bushels full are all that he can boast of, even in an abundant harvest[839].

'Contrary to the opinion of Virgil [who speaks of the bitter roots of the endive[840]], the fibres of endive are here extremely sweet, and encircled by their twisting leaves are caked together with a certain callous tenderness[841].

'In the treasures of the deep that region is certainly rich; for the Upper and Lower Sea meet there. The exormiston[842], a sort of king among fishes, with bristly nostrils and a milky delicacy of flavour, is found in these waters. In stormy weather it is tossed about on the top of the waves, and seems to be too tired or too indolent to seek a refuge in the deeper water[843]. No other fish can be compared to it in sweetness[844].

'These are the products—I speak from my own knowledge—of the Rhegian shore. Therefore you must not seek to levy a tribute of wheat or lard from the inhabitants under the name of "coemptio."

'I may add that they are so troubled by the constant passage of travellers entering Italy or leaving it, that it would have been right to excuse them even if those products had been found there in abundance[845].'

[15.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Maximus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii[846].

Praises of the author's birthplace, Scyllacium.

'Scyllacium, the first city of Bruttii, which Ulysses the destroyer of Troy is believed to have founded, is said to be unreasonably vexed by the exorbitant demands of purveyors[847]. These injuries grieve us all the more on account of our patriotic love for the place.

'The city of Scyllacium, which is so placed as to look down upon the Hadriatic Gulf, hangs upon the hills like a cluster of grapes: not that it may pride itself upon their difficult ascent, but that it may voluptuously gaze on verdant plains and the blue back of the sea. The city beholds the rising sun from its very cradle, when the day that is about to be born sends forward no heralding Aurora; but as soon as it begins to rise, the quivering brightness displays its torch. It beholds Phoebus in his joy; it is bathed in the brightness of that luminary, so that it might be thought to be itself the native land of the sun, the claims of Rhodes to that honour being outdone.

'It enjoys a translucent air, but withal so temperate that its winters are sunny, and its summers cool; and life passes there without sorrow, since hostile seasons are feared by none. Hence, too, man himself is here freer of soul than elsewhere, for this temperateness of the climate prevails in all things.

'In sooth, a hot fatherland makes its children sharp and fickle, a cold one slow and sly; it is only a temperate climate which composes the characters of men by its own moderation. Hence was it that the ancients pronounced Athens to be the seat of sages, because, enriched with an air of the greatest purity, it prepared with glad liberality the lucid intellects of its sons for the contemplative part of life. Assuredly for the body to imbibe muddy waters is a different thing from sucking in the transparency of a sweet fountain. Even so the vigour of the mind is repressed when it is clogged by a heavy atmosphere. Nature herself hath made us subject to these influences. Clouds make us feel sad; and again a bright sky fills us with joy, because the heavenly substance of the soul delights in everything that is unstained and pure.

'Scyllacium has also an abundant share of the delicacies of the sea, possessing near it those gates of Neptune which we ourselves constructed. At the foot of the Moscian Mount we hollowed out the bowels of the rock, and tastefully[848] introduced therein the eddying waves of Nereus. Here a troop of fishes, sporting in free captivity, refreshes all minds with delight, and charms all eyes with admiration. They run greedily to the hand of man, and before they become his food seek dainties from him. Man feeds his own dainty morsels, and while he has that which can bring them into his power, it often happens that being already replete he lets them all go again.

'The spectacle moreover of men engaged in honourable labour is not denied to those who are sitting tranquilly in the city. Plenteous vineyards are beheld in abundance. The fruitful toil of the threshing-floor is seen. The face of the green olive is disclosed. No one need sigh for the pleasures of the country, when it is given him to see them all from the town.

'And inasmuch as it has now no walls, you believe Scyllacium to be a rural city, though you might judge it to be an urban villa; and thus placed between the two worlds of town and country, it is lavishly praised by both.

'This place wayfarers desire frequently to visit, and as they object to the toil of walking, the citizens, called upon to provide them with post-horses, and rations for their servants, have to pay heavily in purse for the pleasantness of their city. Therefore to prevent this, for the future we decide that all charges for providing post-horses and rations shall be debited to the public account. We cut up, root and branch, the system of paying Pulveratica[849] to the Judge; and we decide, according to ancient custom, that rations for three days only shall be given on their arrival to the great Dignitaries of the State, and that any more prolonged delay in their locomotion be provided for by themselves.

'To relieve your city of its heaviest burdens will be, according to our injunctions, an act of judicial impartiality, not of laxity. Live, by God's help, a mirror of the justice of the age, delighting in the security of all. Some people call the Isles of the Atlantic 'Fortunate:' I would rather give that name to the place where you do now dwell.'

[16.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to a Revenue Officer[850].

[This interesting letter is one of the few written by Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect which we can date with certainty. It is written apparently at the beginning of the first Indiction, i.e. Sept. 1, 537. Witigis and the Goths have been for nearly six months besieging Rome, and are beginning to be discouraged as to its capture. Cassiodorus is probably at Ravenna, directing the machine of government from that capital.]

Payment of Trina Illatio.

'Time, which adapts itself incessantly to the course of human affairs, and reconciles us even to adversity[851], has brought round again the period for collecting the Trina Illatio from the taxpayer. Let the peasant (possessor) pay in your Diocese, for this first Indiction, his instalment of the tax freely, not being urged too soon nor allowed to postpone it too late, so that he may plead that he has been let off from payment[852]. Let none exceed the fair weight, but let him use a just pound: if once the true weight is allowed to be exceeded, there is no limit to extortion[853].

'Let a faithful account of the expenses of collection be rendered every four months to our office[854], that, all error and obscurity being removed, truth may be manifest in the public accounts.

'That you may, with God's help, be the better able to fulfil our instructions, I have ordered A and B, servants of our tribunal, who are mindful of their own past responsibilities, to assist you and your staff[855]. Beware therefore, lest you incur the blame of corruptly discharging the taxpayer, or of sluggish idleness in the discharge of your duties, in which case your own fortunes will suffer from your neglect.'

[17.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to John, Siliquatarius[856] of Ravenna.

Defence of Ravenna.

'In times of peace, by contact with foreigners who swarm in our cities, we learn what will be our best defence in war. Who can tell with what nation we may be next at war? Therefore, to be on the safe side, make such preparations as our future enemies, whosoever they may be, will dislike to hear of. Accordingly you are to order the peasants to dig a series of pits with wide mouths near the mountains of Caprarius and the parts round about the walls[857]; and let such a chasm yawn there that there shall be no possibility of entrance that way.

'If strangers want to enter the city, why do they not enter it in the right way—by the gates—instead of going skulking about these bye-paths? Henceforth, anyone trying to take any such short cut to our city will probably find that he loses his life in consequence[858].'

[18.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Constantian, Vir Experientissimus.

Repair of Flaminian Way.

'Great is the reward of those who serve Kings efficiently; as severe is the punishment of those who neglect their duties towards them.

'How delightful is it to journey without obstacles over a well-made road[859], to pass doubtful places without fear, to ascend mountainous steeps by a gentle incline, to have no fear of the planking of a bridge when one crosses it[860], and in short to accomplish one's journey so that everything happens to one's liking!

'This is the pleasure which you can now prepare for your Sovereign. Therefore, as the Flaminian Way is furrowed by the action of torrents, join the yawning chasms by the broadest of bridges; clear away the rough woods which choke the sides of the highway; procure the stipulated number of post-horses, and see that they have all the points which are required in a good steed; collect the designated quantities of provisions without plundering the peasants. A failure in any one of these particulars will ruin your whole service.

Supply of delicacies for the King's table.

'Collect, too, with the utmost diligence the spices which are needed for the King's table. What avails it to have satisfied the army, if the King's own board lack proper care. Let all the Provincials attend to your admonitions: let the cities furnish the stores set forth in the accompanying letters. Then, when they have put the Sovereign in a good humour, they may ask him for benefits to some purpose.

'Think of me as present and as judging of all your deeds. I shall have to bear the blame of your failures at Court; so act rather as to set my mind at rest, to cover me and yourselves with glory, and to entitle me to receive on your behalf the thanks of the whole army.'

[This letter was probably written in the autumn of 535, when Theodahad was preparing to march to Rome. The mention of the delicacies for the royal table suggests that that King, in addition to the other excellencies of his character, was probably an epicure.]

[19.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Maximus, Vicarius of the City of Rome.

Bridge of boats across the Tiber.

'As all great events in Nature have their heralding signs, so is the approaching visit of the King announced to you even by the concourse of wayfarers to your City. We, however, have to order you to clothe the waves of Tiber with a bridge [of boats]. The boat, thus used, is no longer moved by slowly hauled ropes, as it is wont to be. Fixed itself, it affords a means of transit to others. The joining of its planks gives the desired appearance of solidity; all the terror of the waves is removed by its likeness to the land, and the traveller passing over it unharmed only wishes that the bridge were longer.

'Let a safe bulwark of lattice-work shield the bridge on the right side and on the left. See that you give no cause for misadventure of any kind. You have a noble opportunity of distinguishing yourself in the presence of so many Senators and of the King himself, the rewarder of every well-done work. On the other hand, if you do it badly and put him out of humour, woe be unto you!

'We send A B, a servant of our Praefecture[861], to assist you and your staff and bring us report of the accomplishment of the work; for so heavy is our responsibility in this matter that we dare not leave anything to chance.'

[The King whose advent to Rome is here announced may be Witigis, after his election in the plains of Regeta (August, 536). But the fact that he is apparently approaching Rome by the northern bank of the Tiber, coupled with the directions in the preceding letter for the repair of the Flaminian Way, makes it more probable that some visit of Theodahad (probably in the year 535), when he would come from Ravenna to Rome, is here in prospect.]

[20.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Thomas and Peter, Viri Clarissimi and Arcarii.

Sacred vessels mortgaged by Pope Agapetus to be restored to the stewards of the Papal See.

'You will remember, most faithful Sirs, that when the holy Agapetus, Pope of the City of Rome, was sent as ambassador to the Sovereign of the East[862], he received so many pounds of gold from you for the expenses of the journey, for which he gave his bond[863] and deposited some of the Church plate as security[864]. The provident ruler thus lent him money in his necessity, and now, far more gloriously, returns as a free gift those pledges which the Pope might well have thanked him for taking.

'Therefore, in obedience to these instructions of ours, and fortified by the Royal order, do you return without any delay to the stewards[865] of the holy Apostle Peter the vessels of the saints together with the written obligation, that these things may be felt to be profitably restored and speedily granted, that the longed-for means of performing their world-famous ministrations may be replaced in the hands of the Levites. Let that be given back which was their own, since that is justly received back by way of largesse which the Priest had legally mortgaged.

'Herein is the great example of King Alaric surpassed. He, when glutted with the spoil of Rome, having received the vessels of the Apostle Peter from his men, when he heard the story of their seizure, ordered them to be carried back across the sacred threshold, that so the remembrance of the cupidity of their capture might be effaced by the generosity of their restoration.

'But our King, with religious purpose, has restored the vessels which had become his own by the law of mortgage. In recompense for such deeds frequent prayer ought to ascend, and Heaven will surely gladly grant the required return for such good actions[866].'

[There are in this letter several extremely obscure sentences as to the generosity of Theodahad. As the Papal journey was undertaken by Theodahad's orders, it was a piece of meanness, quite in keeping with that King's character, to treat the advance of money for the journey as a loan, and to insist on a bond and the deposit of the Church plate as a security for repayment. Cassiodorus evidently feels this; and very probably the restoration of the vessels and the quittance of the debt had been insisted on by him. But the more he despises his master's shabbiness, the more he struggles through a maze of almost nonsensical sentences, to prove that he has committed some very glorious action in lending the money and then forgiving the debt.]

[21.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Deusdedit, a Scribe of Ravenna.

Duties of a Scribe.

'The Scribe's office is the great safeguard of the rights of all men. The evidence of ownership may be destroyed by fire or purloined by dishonest men, but the State by making use of the Scribe's labours is able to make good the loss so sustained. The Scribe is more diligent in other men's business than they are in their own. His muniment-chest is the refuge of all the oppressed, and the repository of the fortunes of all men[867].

'In testimony of your past integrity, and in the hope that no change will mar this fair picture, we appoint you to this honourable office. Remember that ancient Truth is committed to your keeping, and that it often really rests with you, rather than with the Judge, to decide the disputes of litigants. When your indisputable testimony is given, and when the ancient voice of charters proceeds from your sanctum, Advocates receive it with reverence, and suitors, even evil-intentioned men, are constrained into obedience.

'Banish, therefore, all thoughts of venality from your mind. The worst moth that gets into papers and destroys them is the gold of the dishonest litigant, who bribes the Scribes to make away with evidence which he knows to be hostile. Thus, then, be ready always to produce to suitors genuine old documents; and, on the other hand, transcribe only, do not compose ancient proceedings[868]. Let the copy correspond to the original as the wax to the signet-ring, that as the face is the index of the emotions[869] so your handwriting may not err from the authentic original in anything.

'If a claimant succeed in enticing you even once from the paths of honesty, vainly will you in any subsequent case seek to obtain his credence for any document that you may produce; for he will always believe that the trick which has been played once may be played again. Keep to the line of justice, and even his angry exclamations at the impossibility of inducing you to deviate therefrom, will be your highest testimonial. Your whole career is public, and the favour or disgrace which awaits you must be public also.'

[22.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Provincials of Istria.

[This letter was written Sept. 1, 537, probably in consequence of the scarcity which the operations of Belisarius were already causing at Ravenna. Apparently the whole taxes levied from a Province at an Indiction were divided into two heads: so much for the central authority, and so much for the Province. Cassiodorus in this and the following letter says in effect: 'All the State's share of the taxes we will take not in money, but in your staple products, corn, wine, and oil. The rest goes as usual to the Province; but owing to the scarcity at Ravenna we shall be glad to buy all that can be spared either by the authorities of the Province or by individuals, whether farmers or merchants.']

'The true way to prevent the requirements of the public revenue from becoming oppressive, is to order each Province to supply those products in which it is naturally most fertile.

Requisition from Province of Istria.

'Now I have learned by conversation with travellers that the Province of Istria is this year especially blessed in three of its crops—wine, oil, and corn. Therefore let her give of these products the equivalent of ... solidi, which are due from you in payment of tribute for this first Indiction[870]: while the remainder we leave to that loyal Province for her own regular expenses. But since we require a larger quantity of the above-mentioned products, we send ... solidi from our state chest for the purchase of them, that these necessaries may be collected for us with as little delay as possible. Often when you are desirous to sell you cannot find a purchaser, and suffer loss accordingly. How much better is it to obey the requirements of your Lords than to supply foreigners; and to pay your debts in the fruits of the soil, rather than to wait on the caprices of a buyer!

'We will ourselves out of our love of justice state a fact of which you might otherwise remind us, that we can afford to be liberal in price because we are not burdened by the payment of freights [on account of your nearness to the seat of government]. For what Campania is to Rome, Istria is to Ravenna—a fruitful Province abounding in corn, wine, and oil; so to speak, the cupboard of the capital. I might carry the comparison further, and say that Istria can show her own Baiae in the lagunes with which her shores are indented[871], her own Averni in the pools abounding in oysters and fish. The palaces, strung like pearls along the shores of Istria, show how highly our ancestors appreciated its delights[872]. The beautiful chain of islands with which it is begirt, shelter the sailor from danger and enrich the cultivator. The residence of the Court in this district delights the nobles and enriches the lower orders; and it may be said that all its products find their way to the Royal city. Now let the loyal Province, which has often tendered her services when they were less required, send forward her stores freely.

'To guard against any misunderstanding of our orders, we send Laurentius, a man of great experience, whose instructions are contained in the annexed letter.

'We will publish a tariff of moderate prices when we next address you, and when we have ascertained what is the yield of the present crops; for we should be deciding quite at random before we have received that information.'

[23.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus[873].

The same subject.

'Anyone can discharge the duties of the Commissariat in a time of abundance. It is a mark of our high appreciation of your experience and efficiency, that we select you for this service in a time of scarcity. We therefore direct you to repair to the Province of Istria, there to collect stores of wine, oil, and corn, equivalent to ... solidi, due from the Province for land-tax[874], and with ... solidi which you have received from our Treasurer to buy these products either from the merchants or from the peasants directly, according to the information prepared for you by the Cashiers[875]. Raise your spirits for this duty, and discharge it in a manner worthy of your past reputation. Make to us a faithful report of the yield of the coming harvest, under these three heads[876], that we may fix a tariff of prices which shall be neither burdensome to the Provincials nor injurious to the public service.'

[24.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to the Tribunes of the Maritime Population[877].

First historical notice of Venice.

'We have previously given orders that Istria should send wine and oil, of which there are abundant crops this year, to the Royal residence at Ravenna. Do you, who possess numerous ships on the borders of the Province, show the same devotion in forwarding the stores which they do in supplying them.

'Be therefore active in fulfilling this commission in your own neighbourhood, you who often cross boundless distances. It may be said that [in visiting Ravenna] you are going through your own guest-chambers, you who in your voyages traverse your own home[878]. This is also added to your other advantages, that to you another route is open, marked by perpetual safety and tranquillity. For when by raging winds the sea is closed, a way is opened to you through the most charming river scenery[879]. Your keels fear no rough blasts; they touch the earth with the greatest pleasure, and cannot perish however frequently they may come in contact with it. Beholders from a distance, not seeing the channel of the stream, might fancy them moving through the meadows. Cables have been used to keep them at rest: now drawn by ropes they move, and by a changed order of things men help their ships with their feet. They draw their drawers without labour, and instead of the capricious favour of sails they use the more satisfactory steps of the sailor.

'It is a pleasure to recall the situation of your dwellings as I myself have seen them. Venetia the praiseworthy[880], formerly full of the dwellings of the nobility, touches on the south Ravenna and the Po, while on the east it enjoys the delightsomeness of the Ionian shore, where the alternating tide now discovers and now conceals the face of the fields by the ebb and flow of its inundation. Here after the manner of water-fowl have you fixed your home. He who was just now on the mainland finds himself on an island, so that you might fancy yourself in the Cyclades[881], from the sudden alterations in the appearance of the shore.

'Like them[882] there are seen amid the wide expanse of the waters your scattered homes, not the product of Nature, but cemented by the care of man into a firm foundation[883]. For by a twisted and knotted osier-work the earth there collected is turned into a solid mass, and you oppose without fear to the waves of the sea so fragile a bulwark, since forsooth the mass of waters is unable to sweep away the shallow shore, the deficiency in depth depriving the waves of the necessary power.

'The inhabitants have one notion of plenty, that of gorging themselves with fish. Poverty therefore may associate itself with wealth on equal terms. One kind of food refreshes all; the same sort of dwelling shelters all; no one can envy his neighbour's home; and living in this moderate style they escape that vice [of envy] to which all the rest of the world is liable.

'Your whole attention is concentrated on your salt-works. Instead of driving the plough or wielding the sickle, you roll your cylinders. Thence arises your whole crop, when you find in them that product which you have not manufactured[884]. There it may be said is your subsistence-money coined[885]. Of this art of yours every wave is a bondservant. In the quest for gold a man may be lukewarm: but salt every one desires to find; and deservedly so, since to it every kind of meat owes its savour.

'Therefore let your ships, which you have tethered, like so many beasts of burden, to your walls, be repaired with diligent care: so that when the most experienced Laurentius attempts to bring you his instructions, you may hasten forth to greet him. Do not by any hindrance on your part delay the necessary purchases which he has to make; since you, on account of the character of your winds, are able to choose the shortest sea-track[886].'

[25.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, To His Deputy[887] Ambrosius, an Illustris.

[This letter appears to have been written in the early autumn of 538, about a year after the three last letters, and also after Letters [27] and [28], which precede it in order of date, though they follow it in this collection. For an account of the terrible famine in Italy, the beginning of which is here described, see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20.]

Famine in Italy.

'Since the world is not governed by chance, but by a Divine Ruler who does not change His purposes at random, men are alarmed, and naturally alarmed, at the extraordinary signs in the heavens, and ask with anxious hearts what events these may portend. The Sun, first of stars, seems to have lost his wonted light, and appears of a bluish colour. We marvel to see no shadows of our bodies at noon, to feel the mighty vigour of his heat wasted into feebleness, and the phenomena which accompany a transitory eclipse prolonged through a whole year.

'The Moon too, even when her orb is full, is empty of her natural splendour. Strange has been the course of the year thus far. We have had a winter without storms, a spring without mildness, and a summer without heat. Whence can we look for harvest, since the months which should have been maturing the corn have been chilled by Boreas? How can the blade open if rain, the mother of all fertility, is denied to it? These two influences, prolonged frost and unseasonable drought, must be adverse to all things that grow. The seasons seem to be all jumbled up together, and the fruits, which were wont to be formed by gentle showers, cannot be looked for from the parched earth. But as last year was one that boasted of an exceptionally abundant harvest, you are to collect all of its fruits that you can, and store them up for the coming months of scarcity, for which it is well able to provide. And that you may not be too much distressed by the signs in the heavens of which I have spoken, return to the consideration of Nature, and apprehend the reason of that which makes the vulgar gape with wonder.

'The middle air is thickened by the rigour of snow and rarefied by the beams of the Sun. This is the great Inane, roaming between the heavens and the earth. When it happens to be pure and lighted up by the rays of the sun it opens out its true aspect[888]; but when alien elements are blended with it, it is stretched like a hide across the sky, and suffers neither the true colours of the heavenly bodies to appear nor their proper warmth to penetrate. This often happens in cloudy weather for a time; it is only its extraordinary prolongation which has produced these disastrous effects, causing the reaper to fear a new frost in harvest, making the apples to harden when they should grow ripe, souring the old age of the grape-cluster.

'All this, however, though it would be wrong to construe it as an omen of Divine wrath, cannot but have an injurious effect on the fruits of the earth. Let it be your care to see that the scarcity of this one year does not bring ruin on us all. Even thus was it ordained by the first occupant of our present dignity[889], that the preceding plenty should avail to mitigate the present penury.'

[26.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Paulus, Vir Strenuus[890].

Remission of taxes for Province of Venetia in consequence of the famine.

'We are glad when we can reconcile the claims of the public service with the suggestions of pity. The Venerable Augustin, a man illustrious by his life and name, has brought under our notice the lamentable petition of the Venetians, to the effect that there have been in their Province no crops of wine, wheat, or millet, and that they must be ruined unless the Royal pity succours them.

'In these circumstances it would be cruel to exact the customary supplies from them, and we therefore remit the contributions of wine and wheat for the use of the army which we had ordered from the cities of Concordia, Aquileia, and Forojulii[891], exacting only the meat, as shown by the accompanying letter[892].

'We shall send from hence a sufficient supply of wheat when the time comes; and as we are told that there is a plentiful crop of wine in Istria, you can buy there the wine that would have been furnished by the three cities. Be sure that you ask for no fee in this matter. This remission of taxes is absolutely gratuitous on our part.'

[27.] Senator, Praetorian Praefect, to Datius[893], Bishop of Milan.

Relief of famine-stricken citizens of Ticinum and Dertona.

'It is most fitting that good and holy men should be made the stewards of the Royal bounty. We therefore request your Holiness, in accordance with the King's commands, to open the granaries at Ticinum[894], and Dertona[895], and sell millet thereat to the starving people at the rate of 20 modii per solidum[896]. We are anxious that you should do this, lest the work should fall into venal hands which would sell the King's bounty to those who are able to provide for themselves. It is the poor, not the rich, that we wish to help: we would pour our bounty into empty vessels. Let not then your Holiness think this work of compassion, unworthy of your sacred office. In order to assist you we have sent A and B, who will simply obey the orders of your Holiness, doing nothing of their own motion.

'Send us an account of the solidi received in payment for the said millet, that they may be stored up with our Treasurer[897], in order to replace the before-mentioned grain, and thus provide a reserve for future times of scarcity; like a garment taken to pieces that it may be made up again as good as new.'

[It is not very easy to assign a date to this letter. The mention of the famine would incline us to assign it to 538, as that seems to have been the year when the full force of the famine was felt in Italy (see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20, where 538 and 539 seem to be marked as the two great famine years). But very early in 538 the Bishop of Milan, the same Datius to whom this letter is addressed, visited Rome to entreat Belisarius to send a small garrison to occupy Milan, which had already revolted, or was on the verge of revolting, from the Gothic King. As soon as the siege of Rome was raised Belisarius complied with this request, and sent 1,000 men, under Mundilas, to escort Datius back to Milan. This expedition set forth probably in April 538, and as soon as it arrived at Milan that city openly proclaimed its defection from Witigis and its allegiance to the Emperor. It was soon besieged by Uraias, nephew of Witigis, by whom in the following year (539) it was taken. The city, we are informed, was rased to the ground, and Bishop Datius escaped to Constantinople. Evidently we have here a continuous chain of events, which makes it impossible for us to date this letter in 538 or any subsequent year.

We ought probably therefore to assign it to the autumn of 537, and to look upon it as an attempt (unsuccessful, as it proved) to retain Datius and the citizens of Milan on the side of the Goths. We know from the [Twenty-second Letter] of this book that signs of scarcity had already shown themselves in Italy by the 1st September, 537; and in an interesting passage of the 'Historia Miscella' (Book xvi.), famine in Liguria, the year 537, and the name of Datius are all combined. 'Praeter belli instantiam angebatur insuper Roma famis penuriâ: tanta siquidem per universum mundum eo anno [the year of the siege of Rome], maxime apud Liguriam fames excreverat, ut sicut vir sanctissimus Datius Mediolanensis antistes retulit, pleraeque matres infelicium natorum membra comederent.' I owe this reference to Baronius.]

[28.] An Edict [addressed to the Ligurians].

Relief of inhabitants of Liguria.

'Divine Providence uses adversity as a means of testing our characters. Famine has afflicted the Provinces, but the result of it has been that they have proved more fully than before the bounty of their King. Rejoice herein, oh ye Ligurians! For when, as you will remember, on a previous occasion the savage temper of your neighbours was aroused, and Aemilia and your Liguria were shaken by an incursion of the Burgundians, who waged a sneaking campaign by reason of their nearness to your territory, suddenly the renown of the insulted Empire[898] arose like the sun in his strength. The enemy mourned the ruin which was caused by his own presumption, when he learned that that man was Ruler of the Gothic race whose rare valour he had experienced when he was still a private soldier[899]. How often did the Burgundian wish that he had never left his own frontiers to be compelled to fight with such an adversary as our Sovereign; for though he found with relief that he escaped his actual presence in the field, none the less did his rashness bring him in contact with the good fortune of his arms. For when with redoubled fortitude[900] the Goths turned to the prosecution of the war, with such successfully combined operations did they strike the bands of the rebels, that you would have thought those were all armed men, these were all defenceless[901]. Such was the just judgment of God, that the robber should perish in those very plains which he had presumed to desolate. Exult now, oh Province, adorned with the carcases of thine adversaries! rejoice, oh Liguria, at the heap of dead bodies! If the harvest of corn is denied thee, the harvest of dead enemies shall not be wanting. Tribute thou mayest not be able to offer to thy King, but the triumphs which are won in thy land thou canst offer with pride.

'[902]To these triumphs must be added the lately foiled plunder-raid of the Alamanni, so checked in its very first attempts that their entrance and exit were almost one event, like a wound well and opportunely cauterised. Thus were the excesses of the presumptuous invader punished, and the subjects of our King were saved from absolute ruin. I might indeed enumerate to you what crowds of the enemy fell in other places, but I turn rather—such is human nature—to more joyful themes, and revert to the point with which I at first commenced, namely that the Sovereign who has saved you from the hostile sword is determined now to avert from your Province the perils of famine.

'In this new war the citadels are well-stored granaries; Starvation is the dreaded foe: if they are closed she enters; by opening them wide she is put to flight. I know not what the world in general may think of the relative merit of these two campaigns of our King. For my part, though I recognise it as the mark of a brave man to have fought a winning battle, I think it is something above mere human valour to have conquered penury.

'In addition to these benefits the King has remitted one-half of the taxes of the Province, that he might not sadden with the one hand those whom he was gladdening with the other. Herein he compares favourably with Joseph, who sold corn to the Egyptians, but on such terms that they lost their personal freedom. Doubtless that holy man was placed in a dilemma between the necessity of satisfying a covetous King on the one hand, and that of rescuing a starving people on the other. Still I must think that the Egyptian, whose life was preserved, groaned over the loss of his liberty; and if I may say so, with all respect to so great a patriarch[903], far nobler is it to sell corn to freemen who remain freemen, and to lighten their taxes on account of poverty. This is really a gratuitous distribution, when both the money with which to buy is handed over to you [by the abatement of tribute], and a price is fixed on purpose to please you.

'The generosity of the State therefore will sell 25 modii, when the peasant has lost his crops, at the price at which 10 are usually sold[904]. Humanity has altered the usual course of affairs, and by a strange kind of chaffering, but one which truly becomes a King, just when the famished peasant is willing to offer us an enhanced price for food, we are directed to offer it to him for a smaller one.

'The King himself had seen your calamity, and thereupon bestowed on you previously one favour. Now, on hearing of its continuance, he adds to it a second. Happy calamity, which forced itself on the notice of such an eye-witness!

'Now, oh Ligurian, rejoice in the good fortune which has come to thee. Compare thy lot with the Egyptian's and be happy. He was fed, but lost his freedom; thou art fed, and at the same time defended from thy enemies. Joseph gave back the purchase-money to his brethren in their sacks, showing a greater kindness to his kindred than to his subjects. Our King shows no such partiality, but bestows on all the taxpayers larger benefits than he did on his brethren. Happy age! in which Kings may be likened, not to Kings, but to Prophets, and yet bear away the palm.

'But that we may not longer detain you from the desired enjoyment of the Royal benefits, know that our commands have been given to those whose business it is to attend to this affair, that, according to the tenour of this edict, the generosity of the Sovereign may penetrate into your homes.'

[The same considerations which were applied to the date of the preceding letter seem to require that this also be dated in 537. After the raising of the siege of Rome (March, 538), by the despatch of Imperial troops into Liguria, and the enthusiastic adherence of that Province to the Imperial cause, a new state of things was established, and one to which the language of this letter would have been utterly inapplicable.

There are two events of which we have no other knowledge than that furnished by this letter: the invasion of the Burgundians, and the ravages of the Alamanni in the Province of Liguria.

(1) The invasion of the Burgundians seems, as stated in a previous note, to have occurred in the spring or early summer of 536; so that Cassiodorus could represent the invaders as surprised and disheartened by learning of the elevation of Witigis. It no doubt formed part of those hostile operations of the Frankish Kings described by Procopius (De Bello Gotthico i. 13), the termination of which was purchased by Witigis by the cession of Provence and the payment of a subsidy. It is interesting to observe, however, that the Burgundians, notwithstanding their subjugation in 534, and their incorporation in the Frankish monarchy, are still spoken of as conducting an invasion on their own account. This is just like the invasion of Italy in 553 by the Alamannic brethren, and is quite in keeping with the loosely compacted character of the Merovingian monarchy, in which it was copied by the Anglian and Saxon Kingdoms.

(2) For the ravages of the Alamanni consult, as before stated, von Schubert's monograph. This passage quite confirms his view of the events connected with the overthrow of the Alamannic Kingdom by Clovis. A remnant of the people, settled as refugees in Raetia under Theodoric's protection, now, in the decline of the Ostrogothic monarchy throw off their allegiance to his successors, and press forward over the Alps to share the spoil of Italy. Witigis, however, notwithstanding his struggle with Belisarius, is still able promptly to repel this incursion; but it co-operates with the Burgundian invasion and the inclement spring and summer of 537 to bring about the famine in Liguria in the autumn of that year.]

THE END.

---

INDEX OF PERSONS

TO WHOM THE LETTERS ARE ADDRESSED.

A.

Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect, [v. 16], [17], [23], [34]; [ix. 4].
Acretius, see [Eutropius].
Adeodatus, [iii. 46].
Adila, Vir Spectabilis, Comes, [ii. 29].
Aemilianus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, [iv. 31].
Aestunae, Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales dwelling at, [iii. 9].
Agapitus, Praefectus Urbis, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, [i. 6], [23], [32], [33], [41]; [ii. 6].
Alaric (II), King of the Visigoths (484-507), [iii. 1].
Albienus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, [i. 20];
Praefectus Praetorio, [viii. 20].
Albinus and Albienus, Viri Illustres atque Patricii, [i. 20].
Albinus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, [iv. 30].
Albinus, Actores of, [iv. 35].
Aloisius, Architect, [ii. 39].
Amabilis, Exsecutor, [i. 8];
Vir Devotus (? Sajo) and Comes, [iv. 5].
Ambrosius, Quaestor, [viii. 13];
Vir Illustris Agens Vices (Praefecti Praetorio), [xi. 4], 5; [xii. 25].
[Ampelius], Despotius, and Theodulus, Viri Spectabiles, [ii. 23].
Ampelius, Count Luvirit and, [v. 35].
Ampelius and Liveria, [v. 39].
Anastasius, Emperor (491-518), [i. 1]; [ii. 1].
Anastasius, Consularis, [v. 8].
Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, [xii. 12], [14].
Anat(h)olius, Cancellarius of Province of Samnium, [xi. 36].
Andreas, Primiscrinius, [xi. 21].
Andreas, see [Maximian].
Annas, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, [iv. 18].
Antianus, Vir Spectabilis, ex-Cornicularius, [xi. 18], [34].
Antonius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Pola, [iv. 44].
Apronianus, Vir Illustris, Comes Privatarum, [iii. 53].
Arator, Vir Illustris, Comes Domesticorum, [viii. 12].
Arelate (Arles), Possessores of, [iii. 44].
Argolicus, Vir Illustris, Praefectas Urbis, [iii. 11], [29], [30], [33]; [iv. 22], [25], [29], [42].
Arigern, Vir Illustris, Comes, [iii. 36], [45]; [iv. 23].
Artemidorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, Praefectus Urbis, [i. 42]; [ii. 34]; [iii. 22].
Assuin (Assius, or Assum), Vir Illustris, Comes, [i. 40].
Aurigenes, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, [iii. 14].
Avilf, Sajo, [v. 20].
B.

Baion (Coion, or Goinon), Vir Spectabilis, [i. 38].
Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius, [xi. 10];
Primicerius Augustalium, [xi. 30].
Benenatus, Vir Spectabilis, [iv. 15].
Bergantinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, Comes Patrimonii, [viii. 23]; [ix. 3].
Boetius, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, [i. 10], [45]; [ii. 40].
Brandila, [v. 32].
C.

Cancellarii diversi Provinciarum Singularum, [xii. 1], [10].
Canonicarius Venetiarum, [xii. 4], [7].
Capuanus, Vir Spectabilis, [v. 21].
Carinus, Vir Illustris, [v. 28].
Cart(h)erius, Regerendarius, [xi. 29].
Cassiodorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius (father of Cassiodorus Senator), [i. 3]; [iii. 28].
Catana, City of, Honorati Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales of, [iii. 49].
Catellus, Scriniarius Actorum, [xi. 22].
Cheliodorus, Commentariensis, [xi. 28].
Clovis, see [Luduin].
Coelianus and Agapitus, Viri Illustres et Patricii, [i. 23].
Colossaeus, Vir Illustris, Comes, Governor of Pannonia, [iii. 23].
Comes Siliquatariorum et Portus Curas Agens, [ii. 12].
Constantian, Vir Experientissimus, [xii. 18].
Constantinian, Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, [xi. 23].
Consularis, Vir Illustris, [iii. 52].
Consularis Liguriae, [xii. 8].
Crispianus, [i. 37].
Cunigast, Vir Illustris, [viii. 28].
Cyprian, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and Patrician, [v. 40]; [viii. 21].
D.

Dalmatia and S(u)avia, all the Goths and Romans in, [ix. 9].
Daniel, [iii. 19].
Datius, Bishop of Milan, [xii. 27].
Decius, Vir Illustris, Patricius, [ii. 33].
Decoratus, Vir Devotus, [v. 31].
Dertona (Tortona), all Goths and Romans abiding (consistentes) at, [i. 17].
Despotius, see [Ampelius].
Densdedit, Scriba Ravennas, [xii. 21].
Domitianus and Willias, [i. 18].
Dromonarii, the, [ii. 31].
Duda, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, [iv. 28];
Sajo, [iv. 32], [34].
Dumerit, Sajo, [viii. 27].
E.

Ecdicius (or Benedictus), Vir Honestus, [ii. 4].
Elpidius (or Hespidius), Deacon, [iv. 24].
Epiphanius, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis of Dalmatia, [v. 24].
Episcopi et Honorati (?), [ix. 5].
Episcopi sui, [x. 34];
diversi, [xi. 3].
Eugenius (Eugenites, or Eugenes), Vir Illustris, Magister Officiorum, [i. 12].
Eusebius, Vir Illustris, [iv. 48].
Eustorgius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Milan, [i. 9].
[Eutropius] and Acretius, [v. 13].
F.

Faustus, Praefectus Praetorio (in the edition of Nivellius his title is given as Praepositus), [i. 14], [26], [34], [35]; [ii. 5], [9], [26], [30], [37], [38];
Vir Illustris, [iii. 21];
Praefectus Praetorio, [iii. 47], [51]; [iv. 36], [38], [50].
Felix, Vir Clarissimus, [i. 7];
Vir Illustris, Consul (511), [ii. 2]; [iii. 39].
Felix, Quaestor, [viii. 18].
Feltria (Feltre), Possessors of, [v. 9].
Ferrocinctus, see [Grimoda].
Festus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, [i. 15], [39]; [ii. 22]; [iii. 10].
Florentinus (or Florentianus), Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, [viii. 27].
Florianus, Vir Spectabilis, [i. 5].
Forum Livii (Forli), Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, [iv. 8].
Fruinarith, Sajo, [ii. 13].
G.

Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Liguria, [xi. 14].
Gaul, all the Provincials of, [iii. 17], [42]; [viii. 7].
Geberich, Vir Spectabilis, [iv. 20].
Gemellus, Vir Spectabilis, Governor of Gaul, [iii. 16], [18], [32]; [iv. 12], [19], [21].
Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, [viii. 30].
Gepidae, ad Gallias destinati, [v. 11].
Gesila, Sajo, [iv. 14].
Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, [ix. 11], [14].
Goths, all the, [i. 24]; [x. 31];
settled in Italy, [viii. 5].
Goths, all the, and Romans, [i. 28].
Goths, all the, and Romans, and those who hold the harbours and mountain-passes, [ii. 19].
[Grimoda], Sajo, and Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, [iii. 20].
Gudila, Bishop, [ii. 18].
Gudinand, Sajo, [v. 19].
Gudisal, Sajo, [iv. 47].
Guduim, Sajo, [v. 27];
Vir Sublimis and Dux, [v. 30].
Gundibad, King of the Burgundians (473-516), [i. 46]; [iii. 2].
H.

Haesti, the, [v. 2].
Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, [iv. 1].
Heruli, King of the, [iv. 2].
[Heruli], Warni, and Thoringi, Kings of the, [iii. 3].
Hilderic, King of the Vandals (523-531), [ix. 1].
Honoratus, Vir Illustris, Quaestor, [v. 3].
Honorius, Praefectus Urbis, [x. 30].
I.

Ida (perhaps Ibbas), Vir Sublimis and Dux, [iv. 17].
Importunus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, [iii. 5].
Istria, Provincials of, [xii. 22].
J.

Januarius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Salona, [iii. 7].
Jews, all the, residing in Genoa, [ii. 27]; [iv. 33].
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis Campaniae, [iii. 27]; [iv. 10].
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, [viii. 25].
Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, [v. 7].
Joannes, Canonicarius of Thuscia, [xi. 38].
Joannes, Cancellarius, [xi. 6];
Praerogativarius, [xi. 27].
Joannes, Siliquatarius of Ravenna, [xii. 17].
Joannes, Apparitor, [ii. 21];
Arch-Physician, [iv. 41].
John II, Pope (533-535), [ix. 15]; [xi. 2].
Judges, all the, of the Provinces, [ix. 20]; [xi. 7], [9]; [xii. 2].
Julianus, Comes Patrimonii, [i. 16].
Justin, Emperor (518-527), [viii. 1].
Justinian, Emperor (527-566), [x. 1], [2], [8], [9], [15], [19], [22], [24], [25], [26], [32]; [xi. 13].
Justus, Sextus Scholaris, [xi. 26].
L.

Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, [xii. 23].
Liberius, Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, [viii. 6].
Ligurians, the, [xi. 15], [16]; [xii. 28].
Liveria, see [Ampelius].
Lucillus, Scriniarius Curae Militaris, [xi. 24].
Lucinus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Campania, [xi. 37].
Lucristani (Lustriani?), the, settled (constituti) on the river Sontius (Isonzo), [i. 29].
[Luduin] (Clovis), King of the Franks (481-511), [ii. 41]; [iii. 4].
Luvirit, Count, and Ampelius, [v. 35].
M.

Magister Officiorum (at Constantinople), [x. 33].
Mannila, Sajo, [v. 5].
Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes, [iv. 12], [46].
Marcellus, Vir Spectabilis, Advocatus Fisci, [i. 22].
Massilia (Marseilles), citizens of, [iii. 34]; [iv. 26].
[Maximian], Vir Illustris, and Andreas, Vir Spectabilis, [i. 21].
Maximus, Vir lllustris, Consul, [v. 42];
Vir Illustris and Domesticus, [x. 11].
Maximus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, [xii. 15].
Maximus, Vicarius Urbis Romae, [xii. 19].
Milan, the Jews of, [v. 37].
N.

Neudes, Vir Illustris, [v. 29].
Noricum, Provincials of, [iii. 50].
Nursia, see [Reate].
O.

Opilio, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, [viii. 16].
Osun (Osuin, or Osum), Vir Illustris, Comes, [iii. 26]; [iv. 9]; [ix. 8].
P.

Pannonia, all the Barbarians and Romans settled in, [iii. 24].
Parma, Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, [viii. 29].
Paschasius, Praefectus Annonae, [xii. 9].
Patricius, Vir Illustris and Quaestor, [x. 6].
Patricius, Primicerius Exceptorum, [xi. 25].
Paulinas, Vir Clarissimus and Consul, [ix. 22].
Paulus, Vir Strenuus, [xii. 26].
Peter, Bishop, [iii. 37].
Peter, Vir Clarissimus, Erogator Obsoniorum, [xii. 11];
Arcarius, [xii. 20].
[Picenum] and Samnium, all the Goths settled in, [v. 26].
Pierius, Primicerius Singulariorum, [xi. 32].
Possessores, universi, [v. 38].
Provinus (Probinus), Vir Illustris, Patricius, [ii. 11];
Actores of, [iv. 40].
R.

[Reate] and Nursia, all the inhabitants of, [viii. 26].
Reparatus, Praefectus Urbis, [ix. 7].
Roman Church, Clergy of, [viii. 24].
Romans, all the, [i. 28];
in Italy and the Dalmatias, [viii. 4].
Roman people, the, [i. 31]; [viii. 3]; [x. 14], [17].
Rome, people of the City of, [i. 44].
Romulus (? ex-Emperor), [iii. 35].
S.

Sabinianus, Vir Spectabilis, [i. 25].
Sajones, universi, qui sunt Cancellariis deputati, [xii. 3].
Salvantius, Vir Illustris, Praefectus Urbis, [ix. 16], [17].
Samnium, see [Picenum].
[Saturninus] and Verbusius, Viri Illustres, Senatores, [i. 19].
Senarius, Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, [iv. 3];
Comes Privatarum, [iv. 7], [11], [13].
Senate of the City of Rome, [i. 4], [13], [30], [43]; [ii. 3], [16], [24], [32]; [iii. 6], [12], [31]; [iv. 4], [16], [43]; [v. 4], [22], [41]; [viii. 2], [10], [11], [14], [15], [17], [19], [22]; [ix. 19], [21], [23], [25]; [x. 3], [4], [7], [12], [13], [16], [18]; [xi. 1].
Senator (Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus), Praetorian Praefect, [ix. 24]; [x. 27], [28].
Servatus, Dux Raetiarum, [i. 11].
Severianus (or Severinus), Vir Illustris, [v. 14].
Severus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, [ii. 8].
Severus, Vir Spectabilis, [viii. 31], [32], [33].
Simeon, Vir Illustris, Comes, [iii. 25].
Speciosus, [i. 27];
Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, [ii. 10].
Stabularius, Comitiacus, [v. 6].
Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, [v. 36].
Stephanus, Vir Spectabilis, Comes Primi Ordinis et ex-Princeps nostri Ordinis, [ii. 28].
S(u)avia, all the Provincials and Capillati, Defensores and Curiales, residing in, [iv. 49];
all the Possessores in, [v. 15];
all the Goths and Romans in, [ix. 9].
Sunhivad, Vir Spectabilis, [iii. 13].
Sura (or Suna), Vir Illustris, Comes, [ii. 7].
Symmachus, Vir Illustris and Patricius, [ii. 14]; [iv. 6], [51].
Syracuse, all the Provincials of the City of, [ix. 10].
T.

Tancila, Vir Spectabilis, [ii. 35].
Tezutzat, Sajo, [iv. 27].
Theodagunda, Illustris Femina, [iv. 37].
Theodahad, Vir Spectabilis, [iii. 15];
Vir Illustris, [iv. 39]; [v. 12].
Theodora, Augusta, [x. 10], [20], [21], [23].
Theodosius, Homo Theodahadi (?), [x. 5].
Theodulus, see [Ampelius].
Theon (or Theonius), Vir Sublimis, [i. 2].
Theriolus, Vir Spectabilis, [i. 36].
Thessalonica, Praefect of, [x. 35].
Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, [xii. 20].
Thoringi (Thuringians). see [Heruli].
Ticinum (Pavia), Comites, Defensores, and Curiales of, [iv. 45].
Transmund (or Thrasamund), King of the Vandals, [v. 43], [44].
Tribuni Maritimorum, [xii. 24].
Tridentinae Civitatis, Honorati Possessores, Defensores, et Curiales, [ii. 17].
Tulum, Patrician, [viii. 9].
U.

Unigis, Spatarius, [iii. 43].
Uniligis (or Wiligis), Sajo, [ii. 20].
Urbicus, ex-Primicerius Singulariorum, [xi. 31].
Ursus, Primicerius Deputatorum, [xi. 30].
V.

Valerian, Vir Sublimis, [xii. 5].
Vandals, King of the, [v. 1], [43], [44]; [ix. 1].
Venantius, Vir Illustris, [ii. 15];
Spectabilis, Corrector of Lucania and Bruttii, [iii. 8].
Veranus, Sajo, [v. 10].
Verbusius, see [Saturninus].
Verruca, fort of, all Goths and Romans living near, [iii. 48].
Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, [ix. 12].
Victorinus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, [viii. 8].
Vitalian, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, [xi. 39].
W.

Wandil (Vuandil), [iii. 38].
Warni (Guarni), see [Heruli].
Wilitanch, Duke, [v. 33].
Willias, [i. 18]; [v. 18];
Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, [ix. 13].
Winusiad, Count, [x. 29].
Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, [ix. 12].

---

GENERAL INDEX.

[Note.—The references to the Introduction and to the Notes are by the page (thus, 106-108); references to the 'Variae' are by the numbers of the Book and Letter (thus, v. 16, 17). The Formulae are printed in small capitals.]

A.

Ab Actis (Registrar), officer in Court of Praetorian Praefect, [106]-108;
origin of the name, [107];
compared to Referendarius, [312].
Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect, instructions to, as to forming a navy, [v. 16], [17];
to provide ships, and rations for young recruits, [v. 23];
instructions to, in the case of Frontosus, [v. 34];
to allow a family of Curials to degrade into Possessores, [ix. 4].
Acinaticium, red wine of Verona, praises of, and account of its manufacture, [xii. 4].
Actores (Representatives, Attorneys), of Albinus, [iv. 35];
of the holy Apostle Peter, [xii. 20];
of Probinus, [iv. 40];
of Spes, [ii. 21];
of Theodahad, [viii. 23].
Addua, River (Adda), derivation of the name, [xi. 14].
Adeodatus, forced by torture to confess himself guilty of rape, [iii. 46];
the sentence against him partially cancelled, [iii. 46].
Adjutores, general word for assistants, [97], [102]-104;
is Adjutor equivalent to Primiscrinius? [103];
a lower class of Exceptores seem to have been called Adjutores, [111];
of Magister Officiorum, [vi. 6].
Admissionales, Ushers of the Praefectoral Court, [112].
Adriana, petition of Curiales of, as to taxation, [i. 19].
Adulterer slain by the injured husband, case of, [i. 37].
Adultery, punishment of (Edictum Athalarici), [ix. 18].
Aemilia, Province of, invaded by Burgundians, [xii. 28].
Aemilianus, Bishop, ordered to finish the aqueduct which he has begun, [iv. 31].
Aestii, see [Haesti].
Aestunae (?), inhabitants of, ordered to send marbles to Ravenna, [iii. 9].
Aetatis Venia, Formula granting, [vii. 41];
letter relating to, [i. 38].
Aetheria, a widow, re-married, accused of wasting her children's property, [iv. 12].
African. Singular custom by which an African was allowed to claim estate of a fellow-countryman dying without heirs, [xii. 9].
[Agapetus], Pope (June 3, 535—April 21, 536), Cassiodorus seeks to persuade him to found a School of Theology at Rome, [56];
ordered by Theodahad and Gudelina to give his answer to Justinian's ambassador promptly, [x. 19], [20], [25];
mortgaged the Church plate to defray expenses of his journey to Constantinople, [xii. 20].
Agapita (or Agapeta), Foemina Spectabilis, wife of Basilius, and a person of feeble intellect [ii. 11];
affair of her abduction, [ii. 10], [11];
further light on this affair, [iv. 40].
Agapitus, with Coelianus, seems to have had special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians, [i. 23], [27].
Agathias on Theodoric's protection of the Alamanni, [195].
Agenantia, widow of Campanianus, [ix. 4].
Agens Vices (Deputy), functions of, [460 n]; [xii. 25].
Agentes in Rebus, Schola of, emissaries of the Magister Officiorum, [36];
Princeps of, [xi. 35].
Agnellus, Patrician, chooses Festus to defend his interests in his absence, [i. 15].
Agnellus, fidei-jussor of Crispianus, [i. 37].
Agnellus, house of, in Castrum Lucullanum given to Joannes, [viii. 25].
Agrimensor, a Roman, description of, [iii. 52].
Alamanni, date of Clovis' victory over, [23], [24], [195];
Theodoric congratulates Clovis on his victory over, [ii. 41];
directed to exchange their cattle with Noricans, [iii. 50];
plundering incursion of, into Liguria, [xii. 28]; [527].
Alaric I, clemency of, at siege of Rome, [28]; [xii. 20].
Alaric II, letters intended to avert war between Alaric and Clovis, [iii. 1]-4;
possessions granted by, to Church of Narbonne, [iv. 17];
taxation in the time of, [v. 39];
reception of his son Gesalic by Thrasamund, [v. 43], [44].
Albienus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, deputed to select a Pantomimist, [i. 20], [33];
appointed Praetorian Praefect (527), [viii. 20].
Albinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, deputed to select a Pantomimist, [i. 20], [33];
allowed to erect 'fabricae' overlooking the Forum, [iv. 30];
accused by Cyprian of treason, [289], [291].
Albinus, an extravagant minor, case of, [iv. 35].
Allecticii, Symmachus' oration on behalf of, [74];
probable explanation of the term, [78].
Alpes Cottiae, Provincials of, to be relieved from taxation, [iv. 36].
Alsuanum (?), transport of timber to, [iv. 8].
Altinum, villas of, [514 n].
Amal race, glorified by Cassiodorus in his Gothic History, [29], [30], [33];
'Amali sanguinis purpurea dignitas,' [ix. 1].
Amal race, glory of, [viii. 2], [5];
'consuetudinis est lex, cum imperio [Romano] amicitiam Amalos semper habuisse,' [x. 11].
Amalus (according to Jordanes, Amala), ancestor of Theodoric, 'felicitate enituit,' [xi. 1].
Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric, married to Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, [iv. 1].
Amalafrida, Queen of the Vandals, sister of Theodoric, wife of King Thrasamund, put to death by his successor Hilderic, [ix. 1].
Amalasuentha, daughter of Theodoric, mother of Athalaric, her regency, [38], [42]-43;
associates Theodahad in the kingship on the death of her son, [44]; [x. 1]-4;
dethroned and put to death by Theodahad, [45];
praises of her character, [x. 4]; [xi. 1];
sends present of marbles to Justinian, [x. 8];
writes warmly to Theodora, [x. 10];
a doubtful allusion to her death, [x. 20] (see [note] on [p. 433]).
Amandianus, Clarissimus, heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, [v. 12].
Ambassadors, Formula respecting, [vii. 33].
Amber, nature of, described, [v. 2].
Ambrosius, son of Faustinus, addressed by Ennodius in 'Paraenesis Didascalica,' [358];
Count of the Sacred Largesses, [viii. 13];
appointed Quaestor, [viii. 13], [14].
Ambrosius, Illustris (probably the same as preceding), appointed 'Vices Agens' to Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, [xi. 4];
instructions to, [xii. 25].
Amphitheatre, sports of, described and condemned, [v. 42].
Anastasius, Emperor, date of letter to, in the 'Variae,' [23];
his wrath against Apion and Macedonius, [105];
relations between him and Theodoric, [i. 1] [n];
informed of elevation of Felix to Consulship, [ii. 1];
as to introduction of Heruli into Italy, [258 n].
Anchorago, a fish caught in the Rhine, [xii. 4].
Andreas, intestacy of widow of, [v. 24].
Andreas, defaulting taxpayer in Apulia, [v. 31].
'Anecdoton Holderi,' MS. containing information as to Cassiodorus and his friends, [73]-84.
Anicii, dignity of the family of, [x. 11].
Annonae, of soldiers stationed in passes near Aosta, [ii. 5];
of garrisons on the Durance, [iii. 41], [43];
is praebendae equivalent to? [219];
to be regularly supplied, [v. 13] (see [Praefectus Annonae]).
Anonymus Valesii (an unknown chronicler of the Sixth Century, whose fragments are generally edited along with the history of Ammianus Marcellinus), quoted, [291], [363], [369].
Anthimus, Patriarch of Constantinople (535-536), deposition of, by Pope Agapetus, [436 n].
Antianus, ex-Cornicularius, made a Spectabilis, [xi. 18];
evasive reply to, [xi. 19].
Antiochus, apparently a tax-collector, [ii. 4].
Antiquarius, transcriber of manuscripts, Cassiodorus on the functions of, [60].
Apion, anger of Anastasius against, [105].
Apocha, a voucher for payment of taxes, [xii. 7], [8].
Aponus (Abano, six miles from Padua), marvellous qualities of hot-springs at, [ii. 39].
Apparitores, attendants on the great Ministers of War, [114];
Joannes, Apparitor, [ii. 21];
Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, [iii. 20].
Applicitarii, officers of arrest, [114];
under orders of Commentariensis, [104].
Apulia, Conductores of, despoiled by hostile invaders, [i. 16];
merchants similarly despoiled, [ii. 38];
crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, [i. 35];
corn-merchants of, [ii. 26];
farms of Thomas in, transferred to his son-in-law Joannes, [v. 6], [7];
arrears of Siliquaticum in, [v. 31].
'Apuli idonei,' [viii. 33].
Aqua Claudia, Roman aqueduct, description of, [vii. 6].
Aqua Virgo, Roman aqueduct, description of, [vii. 6].
Aqueducts of Rome, abuses connected with, [iii. 31];
glory of, [vii. 6].
Aqueduct begun by Bishop Aemilianus must be finished by him, [iv. 31].
Aqueduct of Ravenna protected, [v. 38].
Aqueduct constructed by Theodoric for City of Parma, [viii. 30].
Aquileia, contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted, [xii. 26].
Arator, Vir Illustris, sent by Provincials of Dalmatia to Theodoric, [viii. 12];
made Comes Domesticorum, [viii. 12].
Arcadius, Emperor (395-408), change effected by him in relation of Praetorian Praefect to Master of the Offices, [99].
Arcarius, Treasurer or Steward, [v. 7]; [x. 28] (see [p. 440]); [xii. 8], [11], [27].
Archery, practice in, for young soldiers, [v. 23].
Archiatrus, Arch-Physician, [iv. 41] (see [Comes Archiatrorum]).
Architect, duties of, [vii. 5].
Architect, Public, Formula for the Appointment of, [vii. 15].
Archotamia, 'Illustris Femina,' accuses her grandson's widow of wasting her children's property, [iv. 12].
Arelate (Arles), remission of taxation to inhabitants of, [iii. 32];
'glorious defence of,' [iii. 32];
its walls to be repaired and its citizens fed, [iii. 44];
fight for possession of covered bridge at, [viii. 10].
Arethusa, Fountain of, site of, near Squillace, [72];
qualities of, described, [viii. 32].
Argolicus, Vir Illustris, made Praefect of the City of Rome, [iii. 11], [12];
his ancestry and character, [ii. 11], [12];
ordered to repair Cloacae of Rome, [iii. 30];
other references to, [iii. 29], [30]; [iv. 22], [25]; [iv. 42];
his tardiness rebuked, [iv. 29];
heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, [v. 12].
Arigern, Vir Illustris and Comes, Governor of the new Gaulish Provinces, [iv. 16];
appointed Comes Urbis Romae (?), [iv. 16];
instructions to, [iii. 45]; [iv. 23];
report by, [iv. 43].
Armentarius, Clarissimus, appointed Referendus Curiae, [iii. 33];
informs against Argolicus, Praefect of the City, [iv. 29].
Armourers (Armorum Factores), Formulae of, [vii. 18], [19].
Arsenals of Italy, under the Magister Officiorum, [37].
Artemidorus, Illustris and Patrician, a relation of Emperor Zeno, and friend of Theodoric, [i. 43];
Tribunus Voluptatum (?), [i. 43];
Praefectus Urbis, [i. 42], [44];
detects embezzlement by persons employed for repair of walls of Rome, [ii. 34];
invited to Theodoric's Court, [iii. 22].
Assertor Libertatis (of the Theodosian Code, iv. 8), a possible allusion to, [iii. 43].
Astensis Civitas (Asti), to be especially helped in relief of necessities of Liguria, [xi. 15].
Astronomy, reasons derived from, for pensioning off civil servants, [xi. 36].
Athala, ancestor of Theodoric, 'mansuetudine enituit,' [xi. 1].
Athalaric, grandson of Theodoric, date of birth of, [29 n];
accession of (Aug. 30, 526), [37];
manner of his education, [42];
his death (Oct. 2, 534), [43];
letters announcing his accession, [viii. 1]-7;
edict of, [ix. 2];
his death announced to Justinian, [x. 1];
praises of, by Cassiodorus, [xi. 1].
Athens (Adige), flows past fort of Verruca, [iii. 48].
Attila, defeat of, in Catalaunian plains, [28]; [iii. 1];
embassy of Cassiodorus (grandfather of Senator) to, [i. 4].
Augiensis, Codex, of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' [73].
Augmentum, super-assessment, remitted by Athalaric for Dalmatia and Suavia, [ix. 9];
for Syracuse, [ix. 10].
Augusta (Turin, or Aosta), Bishop of, falsely accused of treason, [i. 9];
fastnesses (clusurae) of, soldiers stationed at, [ii. 5].
[Augustales], highest class of Exceptores (shorthand writers), [104 n], [110]; [xi. 30].
Augustin, Vir Venerabilis (probably a bishop), brings the scarcity in Venetia
under the notice of the King, [xii. 26].
Augustus, builder of the Circus Maximus, [iii. 51];
his survey of the 'Orbis Romanus,' [iii. 52].
Aurarii, persons liable to payment of 'lustralis auri collatio,' [ii. 26].
Auraria Pensio = probably 'lustralis auri collatio,' [ii. 30].
Avenio (Avignon), Gothic troops not to molest citizens of, [iii. 38].
B.

Bacauda, Vir Sublimis, Tribunes Voluptatum, [v. 25].
Bacaudae, insurgent peasantry of Gaul, [v. 25].
Baiae, baths of, praises of, [ix. 6]; [xii. 22].
Balthae, royal house of the Visigoths, was Athalaric descended from? [viii. 5].
Balzani, Ugo, on Cassiodorus, [121].
Barbarians, checked by fear, not honour, [ii. 5].
Barbaria, probably the name of the mother of Romulus Augustulus, [216].
Barbarian Kings, intellects of, subdued by diplomacy, [iv. 3];
do not use the grammatical art, [ix. 21].
Baronius, Cardinal, author of 'Annales Ecclesiae,' quoted, [500 n], [511 n].
Basilius (No. 1), Vir Spectabilis, claims restoration of his wife's property
from Probinus, [ii. 10], [11]; [iv. 40].
Basilius (No. 2), accused of magical practices, [iv. 22], [23] (see [note on p. 246]).
Basilius (No. 3, possibly same as No. 2), Opilio connected with him by marriage, [viii. 17];
concerned in accusation of Boethius (?), [364 n].
Baths, gratuitous admission to, at Spoletium, [ii. 37];
of Turasius, at Spoletium, [iv. 24];
at Baiae, [ix. 6].
Baudi de Vesme, fragments of oration of Cassiodorus (?), published by, [117].
Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius, ordered to supply rations to invalided officer, [xi. 10];
made Primicerius Augustalium, [xi. 30].
Belisarius, Imperial general, his capture of Neapolis, [48];
his campaign in Southern Italy, [492];
his recovery and loss of Milan, [522];
his entry into Ravenna, [51].
Bellum (war), derived from King Belus, [i. 30].
Benedict, St., not alluded to by Cassiodorus, [55];
relation of his rule to that of Cassiodorus, [57], [59].
Benedictus, a civil officer of some kind in the City of Pedon, guardianship of his children assigned to Theriolus, [i. 36].
Bethmann Hollweig, his 'Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden römischen Reichs,' [41], [95], [109 n].
Bigamy, punishment of, according to Edictum Athalarici, [ix. 18].
Bina, a kind of tax, [iii. 8].
Bina et Terna, Formulae for the Collection of, [vii. 20], [21], [22].
Birds, habits of, [i. 21];
the hawk's way of teaching her young to fly, [i. 24];
the eagle and her young, [i. 38];
filial piety of the stork, [ii. 14];
instinct of young partridges towards their mother, [ii. 14];
the vulture protects little birds from attacks of the hawk, [ii. 19];
gulls fly inland when they foresee a storm, [iii. 48];
cranes when about to cross the sea clasp pebbles with their claws, [iv. 47];
the turtle-dove once widowed never takes another mate, [v. 33];
flight of cranes suggested to Mercury shapes of letters, [viii. 12];
thrushes, storks, and doves gregarious, the greedy hawk loves solitude, [viii. 31];
orderly evolutions of cranes, [ix. 2].
Bishops, King Witigis' exhortations to, [x. 34];
Cassiodorus' exhortations to, [xi. 4].
Blue party in the Circus, rivalry of, with the Greens, [iii. 51].
Bodily signs by which character may be discerned, [vi. 9]
(compare also Cassiodorus, 'De Animâ,' capp. 10 and 11, referred to [p. 53]).
Boethius (or Boetius), Illustris and Patrician, receives orders to choose a harper to be sent to Clovis, [23], [24]; [ii. 40];
information as to his life in the 'Anecdoton Holderi,' [74], [79]-84;
really author of the theological treatises which have passed current with his name, [74], [80]-83;
and of a 'Bucolic Poem,' [74], [83];
difficulty caused by the non-Christian character of his 'Consolations of Philosophy,' [81], [83];
consulted as to depreciation of currency, [i. 10];
ordered to prepare water-clock and sundial for King of Burgundians, [i. 45].
Boethius, as to character of Basilius, [246 n];
as to character of Decoratus, [267 n];
character of his accuser Cyprian, [v. 40], [41]; [viii. 21], [22];
character of Opilio, [viii. 17].
Boethus, Bishop of Byzacene Province in Africa, author, according to M. Jourdain, of the theological treatises attributed to Boethius, [82].
Bormiae Aquae (Baths of Bormio), Count Winusiad recommended to visit, [x. 29].
Brandila, husband of Procula, story of his intrigue with Regina, wife of Patzenes, [v. 32], [33].
Breones, a Raetian freebooting tribe living near the Brenner pass, [i. 11].
Bribery repressed, [xii. 2], [6], [21], [26].
Bridge of boats ordered to be built across the Tiber, [xii. 19].
Brosse, Pierre, notes of, on Cassiodorus, [117].
[Bruttii ]and Lucania, Venantius Corrector of, [iii. 8], [46], [47];
his misgovernment of, [221];
the praises of, [viii. 31]; [xii. 15];
'opulenti Bruttii,' [viii. 33];
gold-mining to be commenced in, [ix. 3];
abundance of cattle in, [ii. 39];
measures for relief of, during presence of Gothic army, [xii. 5];
praise of the wine of, [xii. 12];
Canonicarii of, rebuked for despoiling the churches, [xii. 13].
Buat, Count, on the life and ancestry of Cassiodorus, [118];
as to Theodora's share in the murder of Amalasuentha, [433 n].
Burgundians, King of (see [Gundibad]);
cease to be 'Gentiles' under Gundibad, [i. 46];
boundary of, with Ostrogothic kingdom, [iii. 41];
dispute with Franks, [viii. 10];
league with Amalasuentha, [xi. 1] (see [456 n]);
invasion of Liguria and Aemilia, [xii. 28]; [527].
Butilianus, Presbyter, land allotment given by Theodoric to, in neighbourhood of Trient, [ii. 17].
C.

Caduca bona, property to which no heir is forthcoming, and which is therefore claimed by the State, [v. 24]; [vi. 8].
Caelianus, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and Praetextatus, [iv. 22], [23].
Calabria, crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, [i. 35];
regulations for corn-traffic in, [ii. 26];
arrears of Siliquaticum in, [v. 31].
'Calabri peculiosi,' [viii. 33].
Calogenitus, sent by Amalasuentha to Justinian with a present of marbles, [x. 8], [9].
Campania, practice of pignoratio prevalent in, [iv. 10];
suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, [iv. 50];
'industriosa Campania,' [viii. 33];
Cancellarius of, to pay pension to retiring Primiscrinius, [xi. 37];
the cupboard of Rome ('urbis regiae cella penaria'), [xii. 22].
Campanianus, of Lucania, widow and family of, permitted to step down from rank of Curiales, [ix. 4].
Cancellarius, an officer of humble rank in the Court of the Praetorian Praefect, [111], [112];
origin of the name, [112];
his functions described, [xi. 6];
of Faustus, desired to forward corn from Apulia, [i. 35];
Beatus (Vir Clarissimus) ordered to supply rations to invalided officer, [xi. 10];
Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Inguria, [xi. 14];
Anatholius, Cancellarius of Samnium, [xi. 36];
Lucinus, Cancellarius of Campania, [xi. 37];
Vitalian, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, [xi. 39];
admonition to various Cancellarii, [xii. 1], [10];
Sajones ordered to wait upon Cancellarii, [xii. 3];
Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, ordered to send cheese and wine for royal table, [xii. 12];
the same, ordered to be gentle with the citizens of Rhegium, [xii. 14];
Maximus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, [xii. 15].
Canonicarii, tribute-collectors under Comes Rerum Privatarum, [vi. 8];
to collect the Trina Illatio, [xii. 16];
of Thuscia, [xi. 38];

of Venetia, [xii. 4], [6];
of Bruttii, rebuked for robbing the churches, [xii. 13].
Candac, King of Alani, mentioned by Jordanes, [164].
Candax, apparently next of kin to a man slain by Crispianus, [i. 37].
Capillati (?) of Suavia, [iv. 49].
Capitularii horreariorum et tabernariorum, farmers of revenue derived from granaries and taverns, [x. 28].
Caprarius, Mons (situation of doubtful, but near Ravenna), [xii. 17];
works of defence to be constructed near, [xii. 17].
Capuanus, Senator, appointed Rector Decuriarum, [v. 21], [22];
his character, [v. 22].
Cardinalis = chief officer of Court, [vii. 31].
Carpentum, official chariot of Praetorian Praefect, [vi. 3];
of Praefect of the City, [vi. 4];
of Consularis of a Province, [vi. 20].
Cartarius (or Cartularius), Clerk in the Record Office, Formula approving Appointment of, [vii. 43].
Cartarii ordered to prepare transfers of property to Theodahad, [viii. 23];
to receive the wine collected for the royal table, [xii. 4].
Casa Arbitana taken from heirs of Argolicus and Amandianus, [v. 12].
Casa Areciretina, deed of gift of, from Agapita to Probinus, annulled, [ii. 11];
this decree revoked, [iv. 40].
Cassian, one of the founders of Western Monachism, Cassiodorus' qualified praises of, [55].
Cassiodorus (1), an Illustris, great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator, [3];
history of, [i. 4].
Cassiodorus (2), grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator, Tribunus and Notarius under Valentinian III, his embassy to Attila, [3];
history of, [i. 4].
Cassiodorus (3), father of Cassiodorus Senator, Comes Privatarum Rerum and Comes Sacrarum Largitionum under Odovacar, [3];
Consularis of Sicily, [4];
Corrector of Bruttii and Lucania, [4];
Praetorian Praefect (cir. 500), [4], [12];
Patrician (cir. 504), [4];
frequently confused with his son, [11];
his praises, [i. 3], [4];
a man of tried integrity and pure fidelity, [i. 26];
invited to visit Court of Theodoric, [iii. 28].
Cassiodorus, Magnus Aurelius Senator, his position in history, [1], [2];
his name, Cassiodorus or Cassiodorius (?), [5];
Senator not a title, [5];
his birthplace, Scyllacium, [6];
date of his birth (cir. 480), [9]-12;
his love of Natural History, [12]; [ix. 24];
appointed Consiliarius under his father, [12];
his panegyric on Theodoric, [13], [16];
appointed Quaestor, [14]; [ix. 24];
his special utility, as Quaestor, to Theodoric, [15];
his official correspondence, the 'Variae,' [16]-19, [22]-24;
statesmanlike insight which led him to second Theodoric's policy, [20], [21];
his religious tolerance, [22];
duration of his Quaestorship, [25];
his Consulship (514), [25];
restores harmony between clergy and people of Rome, [25];
Patrician, [27];
his 'Chronicon,' its defective character, [27]-29;
his Gothic History, [29]-35; [ix. 25];
appointed Magister Officiorum, [36]; [ix. 24];
his services to the regent Amalasuentha, [38];
provides ships and soldiers for the state, [38];
appointed Praefectus Praetorio, [39]; [ix. 24];
letters during his Praefecture, [42];
continues in office after murder of Amalasuentha, [46];
announces the elevation of Witigis, [49];
his position during the first five years of the Gothic War, [50];
he retires from office (538 or 539?), [51];
probably did not meet Procopius, [51];
edits the 'Variae,' [51], [52];
writes the treatise 'De Animâ,' [53], [450], [512];
his reasons for publishing the 'Variae,' [133]-140;
letter written by himself to himself on receiving the Praetorian Praefecture, describing his many virtues, [ix. 24];
letters to the Senate on the same subject, [ix. 25]; [xi. 1];
his account of his occupations as Praetorian Praefect, [450];
issues his Edict, [xi. 8], 9;
his own and his ancestors' services to Bruttii and Lucania, [xi. 39];
his praises of Scyllacium, [xii. 15];
resides at Ravenna (?) during the war, [506];
retires to Scyllacium and founds two monasteries there, [54];
probably never Abbot, [56];
devotes the leisure of his monks to literature, [57];
his relation to the Benedictines, [59];
his merits as a transcriber of the Scriptures, [60];
his Commentary on the Psalms, [60];
on the Epistles, [61];
his Tripartite History, [61];
his 'Institutiones Divinarum et Humanarum Lectionum,' [62]-65;
his 'De Orthographiâ, [65], [66];
his death, (575?), [66];
his knowledge of Greek probably slight, [61];
information derived from the 'Anecdoton Holderi' as to his life, [74], [84];
editions of his works, [115]-121;
chronology of the life of, [122]-130.
Castellius, Mons, near Scyllacium, monastery founded by Cassiodorus at, [55].
Castorius unjustly deprived of his property by Faustus, [iii. 20].
Castrensis, Butler or Seneschal, [88], [91].
Catabulenses, freighters, transport masters, [iv. 47];
ordered to transport marbles from Pincian Hill to Ravenna, [iii. 10].
Catana, walls of, to be repaired with stones of amphitheatre, [iii. 49].
Cathalia (?), petition of inhabitants of, as to collection of Tertiae, [i. 14].
Catos, the mob of the circus is not precisely a congregation of, [i. 27];
'the father of Felix was the Cato of our times,' [ii. 3].
Cellaritae, provision dealers (?), [x. 28].
Celsina, see [Curritana].
Censitores, tax-collectors, [ix. 12].
[Cethegus], Rufus Petronius Nicomachus, Consul (504), Magister Officiorum, Patrician, probably the person to whom the 'Anecdoton Holderi' was addressed, [76].
Chameleon, appearance and habits of, [v. 34].
Chance, the world not governed by, [xii. 25].
Chariot-race, effect of, on spectators, [iii. 51];
picture of, from Cilurnum gem, [231].
Cheese of Mount Sila described, [xii. 12].
Chorda, the lyre so called 'quia facile corda moveat,' [ii. 40].
Christmas Day (Natale Domini), promotions of Praefect's staff upon, [xi. 17].
'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus, faulty character of the work, [28], [29].
Chrysargyron, tax on traders = 'lustralis auri collatio,' [ii. 26 n].
Church, Dean, author of article on Cassiodorus, [121].
Cilurnum (Chesters in Northumberland), gem found at, representing chariot-race, [231].
Circus, factions of the, [i. 20], [27], [30], [31]; [iii. 51].
Circus Maximus, description of, [iii. 51];
plan of, [227].
City and country life contrasted, [viii. 31].
Civilitas, Theodoric's anxious care for, [20];
description of, [iv. 33];
Theodahad exhorted to observe, [iv. 39];
for the sake of it even Jews are to be protected, [v. 37];
references to, [iv. 41], [44]; [v. 31]; [vi. 5]; [ix. 14], [18], [19].
Clarissimus, Formula conferring Rank of, [vii. 38].
Clarissimus, title of ministers of the third rank, [91];
epithet of Clarissimus conferred on all Senators, [91].
Clavicularii, gaolers, [114];
under orders of Commentariensis, [104].
Climate, influence of, on character, [xii. 15].
Cloacae of Rome, description of, [iii. 30].
Clovis (Luduin), King of the Franks, date of letters to, [23], [24];
Theodoric marches his troops against (508), [i. 24];
a harper sent to, chosen by Boethius, [ii. 40];
congratulated on victory over Alamanni, [ii. 41];
letter dissuading from war with Alaric II, [iii. 3];
called 'regius juvenis' by Theodoric, [iii. 2];
his overthrow of the Alamannic kingdom, [527].
Clusurae, mountain fastnesses, [ii. 5], [19].
Codicilli Vacantes, [vi. 10].
Coelianus, with Agapitus, seems to have had special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians, [i. 23], [27].
Coemptio (purveyance) of wheat or lard not to be claimed from the citizens of Rhegium, [xii. 14].
Cognitor, trier of causes, [viii. 12]; [ix. 14], [18].
Cohortes, used of civil servants of Praetorian Praefect, [xi. 36].
Coloni, apparent case of, reduced to slavery, [viii. 28];
'coloni sunt qui agros jugiter colunt,' [viii. 31].
Colossaeus, Illustris and Comes, appointed Governor of Pannonia Sirmiensis, [iii. 23];
pun on his name, [iii. 24];
rations ordered for him and his suite, [iv. 13].
Colosseum described, [v. 42].
[Comes Archiatrorum], Formula of, [vi. 19].
Comes, a Spectabilis, nature of his office (military), [90 n];
relation of Comes to his Principes, [vii. 25], [28].
Comes Domesticorum (Vacans), Formula of, [vi. 11];
Arator receives the rank of, [viii. 12].
Comes Domorum, his functions, [88].
Comes Formarum, Formula of, [vii. 6].
Comes Gothorum, Formula of, [vii. 3];
servants of, have oppressed Provincials of Suavia, [v. 14];
his dignity almost the only one peculiar to the Gothic state, [320].
Comes Neapolitanus, Formula of, [vi. 23];
reference to, [vi. 24].
Comes Patrimonii, Formula of, [vi. 9];
references to, [iv. 3], [15];
Bergantinus as, ordered to transfer property to Theodahad, [viii. 23];
ordered to commence gold-mining in Bruttii, [ix. 3];
Willias (Comes Patrimonii) ordered to increase the pay of the Domestici, [ix. 13].
Comes Portus Urbis Romae, Formula of, [vii. 9].
Comes Primi Ordinis, Formula of, [vi. 12], [13];
letter addressed to, [ii. 28].
Comes Principis Militum (?), Formula of, [vi. 25].
Comes Provinciae, Formula of, [vii. 1].
Comes Ravennas, Formula of, [vii. 14].
Comes Rerum Privatarum, Formula of, [vi. 8];
an Illustris, [86]; [iv. 7];
his functions, [89];
office of, held by father of Argolicus, [iii. 12];
held by Senarius (510), [iv. 13].
Comes Romanus, Formula of, [vii. 13].
Comes Sacrae Vestis, Keeper of the Wardrobe, [88].
Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, Formula of, [vi. 7];
an Illustris, [86];
his functions, [88];
orders given to, [ii. 31];
reports remissness of Venantius, [iii. 8];
office of, held by grandfather of Argolicus, [iii. 12];
Bina and Terna to be collected under his superintendence, [vii. 21];
Ambrosius held office of, [viii. 13];
Opilio, father and son, held office of, [viii. 16];
Cyprian held office of, [v. 40].
Comes Secundi Ordinis, Formula of, [vii. 26].
Comes Syracusanus, Formula of, [vi. 22] (see also [ix. 11], [14]).
Comitatus of the King, litigants summoned to, [i. 7]; [iv. 44], [45]; [v. 12], [32];
presence of in Liguria requires extraordinary supply of provisions, [ii. 20];
the place 'ubi et innocentia perfugium et calumniatores jus possunt invenire districtum,' [iv. 9];
meant to be a blessing to his subjects, [iv. 40];
recourse to it by a distant suitor not compulsory, [iv. 40];
journey of the Heruli to, [iv. 45];
always ready for redress of grievances, [v. 15];
Nimfadius journeying to, [viii. 32].
Comites of Pavia, [iv. 45].
Comitiacus (officer of the law courts), Formula bestowing honorary rank on, [vi. 13];
Stabularius, Comitiacus, [v. 6];
Florentinus, Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, [viii. 7].
Commentariensis (or Commentarisius), officer in Court of Praetorian Praefect, nature of his functions, [104]-106;
Cheliodorus appointed, [xi. 28].
Commonitorium, [iii. 19]; [vii. 22].
Como, City and Lake of, the praises of, [xi. 14].
Competitores, Formula concerning, [vii. 44].
Compulsor, officer employed to compel payment of taxes, [xii. 8].
Compurgation, evidences of a practice similar to, [ix. 14] (p. [397]).
Computus Paschalis, tract on determination of Easter, attributed to Cassiodorus, [10], [11].
Comum (Como), theft of brazen statue at, [ii. 35], [36].
Concordia (Caorle), contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted, [xii. 26].
Conductores, farmers of royal domain, losses of, in Apulia, [i. 16];
in Spain, [v. 39].
Confiscated property, manner of asserting claims of Crown to, [iv. 32].
Consiliarius (Assessor), nature of the office, [12], [13];
Cassiodorus appointed to office of, [12].
Constantinople, character of diplomatists of, [ii. 6];
Cyprian's mission to, [v. 41].
Constantius, Bishop, his petition as to spoliation of the Church, [iv. 20].
Constantius, a farmer, unjustly reduced to slavery by Tanca, [viii. 28].
Consularis, Formula of, [vi. 20];
of Liguria, [xii. 8].
Consulship, Formula of, [vi. 1];
of Cassiodorus (514), [25]-26;
of reigning Emperors, [28 n];
of Felix, [ii. 1], [2], [3];
of Maximus, not to prevent his filling lower offices afterwards, [x. 12].
Consuls, Eastern and Western, order of precedence of, in the Fasti, [122].
Consumption cured by milk of the cows on Mons Lactarius, [xi. 10].
Corn, restraints on exportation of, [i. 34];
traffic in, for Southern Italy, regulated, [ii. 26];
traffic in, from western coast of Italy to Gaul, [iv. 5], [7];
traffic in, from Spain to Rome, [v. 35];
forestalling and regrating of, prohibited, [ix. 5];
sale of, at reduced price, in Liguria and Venetia, [x. 27];
distribution of, in Rome, [xi. 5];
sale of, at reduced price, to citizens of Milan, [xii. 27].
Cornicularius, his position on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, [97];
nature of his functions, [97]-102;
must be chosen from the Augustales, [110];
Antianus vacates office of, [xi. 18], [19];
retired, to be pensioned, [xi. 36].
Corrector (lowest grade of Provincial Governor) of Bruttii and Lucania, [iii. 8].
Cosilinum (? Padula), a city of Lucania, [viii. 33].
Costula, a free Goth, complains that servile tasks are imposed on him by Guduim, [v. 30].
Cubiculum = royal treasury, [v. 44];
'libra cubiculi nostri' = the standard pound, [v. 39].
Cunigast (or Conigast), Vir Illustris, evil character of, according to Boethius, [376];
ordered to administer justice between Tanca and his poorer neighbours, [viii. 28].
Cura Epistolarum, officer charged with copying letters on fiscal matters, [109].
Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, Constantinian appointed, [xi. 23].
Cura Palatii, Formula of, [vii. 5].
Curator of a City, Formula of, [vii. 12].
Curia, called by Antiquity Minor Senatus, [ii. 18]; [vi. 3]; [ix. 2].
Curialis, Formula directing Sale of Property of, [vii. 47].
Curiales, condition of, [ii. 18];
conflict between Curial and Ecclesiastical obligations, [ii. 18];
have to make good the Senators' deficiencies in payment of taxes, [ii. 24];
'sordid burdens' = Curial obligations (?), [ii. 28];
of Aestunae, [iii. 9];
penalty on Jovinus for killing a fellow-curial, [iii. 47];
might be punished with stripes by Praetorian Praefect, [vi. 3];
oppression of, forbidden by Edictum Athalarici, [ix. 2];
of Adriana, [i. 19];
of Catana, [iii. 49]; of Forum Livii, [iv. 8];
of Velia (?), [iv. 11];
of Ticinum, [iv. 45];
of Suavia, [iv. 49]; [v. 14];
of Neapolis, [vi. 24];
of Liguria, [xii. 8];
Formula addressed to, [vii. 27];
family of, permitted to descend from the Curia, [ix. 4].
Currency, wickedness of depreciating, [i. 10]; [vii. 32].
[Curritana] Insula et Celsina (two of the Lipari Islands), Formula for the Comes of, [vii. 16].
Cursus Publicus, Postal-service, [37];
transferred from Praetorian Praefect to Magister Officiorum, [99], [302]; [vi. 3], [6];
under Regerendarius, [109];
letter as to, [i. 29];
abuses of, to be reformed by the Sajo Gudisal, [iv. 47];
by Sajo Mannila, [v. 5];
abuses of, in Spain, [v. 39];
citizens of Scyllacium not to be harassed by, [xii. 15].
Cyprian, Vir Illustris, Count of the Sacred Largesses (524-525), his character and appointment to above office, [v. 40], [41]; [viii. 16];
his services as Referendarius, [v. 40];
his mission to Constantinople, [v. 40];
his accusation of Albinus and Boethius, [289], [291], [363], [369];
raised to honour of Patricate, [viii. 21], [22].
D.

Dahn, Felix (author of 'Könige der Germanen'), quoted, [119], [152], [155], [165], [177], [180], [182], [183], [184], [197], [198], [202], [204], [206], [207], [209], [216], [221], [236], [240], [242], [248], [269], [282], [287], [320], [341], [350 n], [353 n], [356], [361], [370 n], [372], [375], [401], [403], [435], [437 n].
Daila, a free Goth, complains that servile tasks are imposed on him by Duke Guduim, [v. 30].
Dalmatia, Simeon appointed to collect arrears of taxation from, [iii. 25];
iron mining in, [iii. 25];
Epiphanius Consularis of, [v. 24];
address of Athalario to Goths settled in, [viii. 4];
Arator sent on an embassy from Provincials of, to Theodoric, [viii. 12];
Osuin appointed Governor of, [ix. 8], [9].
Danube, River, 'made a Roman stream by Amalasuentha, [xi. 1].
Datius, Bishop of Milan, made steward of the King's bounty to the citizens, [xii. 27].
(For his history, see [522].)
Davus receives sick-leave to visit Mons Lactarius, [xi. 10].
Death, the inconvenience of, 'comperimus dromonarios viginti et unum de constituto numero mortis incommodo fuisse subtractos,' [iv. 15].
Decennonium, Marsh of, drained by Decius, [ii. 32], [33].
Decennovial Canal mentioned by Procopius, [188].
Decii, Lay of the, recited at school, [iii. 6];

family of Liberius and Paulinas descended from, [ix. 22], [23].
Decius, Caecina Maurus Basilius, Illustris, ex-Praefect of the City, and ex-Praetorian Praefect, undertakes to drain the Marsh of Decennonium, [ii. 32], [33];
one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and Praetextatus (?), [iv. 22], [23].
Decoratus (Vir Devotus), brother of Honoratus, appointed Quaestor, his character and early death, [v. 3], [4];
conflicting testimony of Boethius and Ennodius as to, [267 n];
instructions to, as to arrears of Siliquaticum, [v. 31].
Decuriae, guilds of copying-clerks, &c., connected with administration of justice, [277].
Defensor, Gothic soldier of a Roman noble, [iv. 27], [28].
Defensor of a City, Formula of, [vii. 11].
Defensores of Church of Milan, [ii. 30];
of Aestunae, [iii. 9];
of the sacrosanct Roman Church, [iii. 45];
of Catena, [iii. 49];
of Ticinum, [iv. 45];
of Suavia, [iv. 49]; [v. 14].
'Defloratis prosperitatibus,' meaning of this phrase, used by Cassiodorus of his Gothic History, [137 n].
Degeniatus = (apparently) stripped of official rank, [xii. 10].
Delegatoria, warrant for increased rations consequent on promotion, [xi. 33], [35].
Denarius, puzzling passage as to relation of to solidus, [i. 10].
[Deputati], fifteen shorthand writers of the highest class, appropriated to the Emperor's service, [111]; [xi. 30].
Dertona (Tortona), fortification of, [i. 17];
corn warehouse at, to be opened, [x. 27]; [xii. 27].
Diceneus, philosopher-king of Dacia, perhaps Cassiodorus' ideal of a king, [32].
Dionysius 'Exiguus,' author of our present chronology, a colleague of Cassiodorus in his literary enterprises, [64].
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, chief authority on the Roman chariot-races, [230].
Discussores, assessors of taxes, [iv. 38].
Documents not to be tampered with by the Scribe, [xii. 21].
Domestici, life-guardsmen attached to the Provincial Governors, to receive larger pay, [ix. 13].
Domitian, office of Master of the Horse abolished by, [99].
Domitius, Spectabilis, has received a concession for drainage of land which he is too parsimonious to take full advantage of, [ii. 21];
complains of seizure of his estates by Theodahad, [iv. 39].
Domus Palmata, near the Forum, [iv. 30].
Donativum, see [Largesse].
Drainage concession to Spes and Domitius, [ii. 21].
Drill, need of, exemplified, [i. 40].
Dromonarii, rowers in express boats, [ii. 31];
twenty-one dead, [iv. 15].
Dromones, express boats, one thousand to be built, [v. 16].
Druentia (Durance), River, frontier of Ostrogothic and Burgundian Monarchies, [218];
provisions for garrisons upon, [iii. 41].
Dux, a military officer of the rank of Spectabilis, his relation to the Comes, [90 n].
Dux Raetiarum, Formula of, [vii. 4].
E.

Eastern Empire, Amalasuentha's relations with, [xi. 1].
Ecclesiastical privileges and immunities, [i. 9], [26]; [ii. 29], [30]; [iii. 14], [37], [45]; [iv. 17], [20]; [viii. 24]; [ix. 15], [16]; [x. 26], [34]; [xii. 13], [20];
conflict between Ecclesiastical and Curial obligations, [ii. 18].
Ecdicius, sons of, allowed to leave Rome to bury their father, [ii. 22].
Edictum Athalarici, [ix. 2], [18], [19], [20].
Edictum Theodorici, published by Nivellius, from a MS. belonging to Pithou, [116];
punishment for adulterers according to, [283], [403];
permission to parents to sell their children, [382 n].
Egregii, fifth rank in Imperial service, [92];
not mentioned by Cassiodorus, [92].
Elephant, natural history of the, [x. 30];
brazen images of, in Via Sacra, [x. 30].
Eloquence the special product of Rome—'Aliae regiones vina, balsama et olentia thura transmittant: Roma tradit eloquium, quo suavius nil sit auditum,' [x. 7].
Endive of Bruttii has not the bitter fibres spoken of by Virgil, [xii. 14].
Ennodius, Magnus Felix, Bishop of Ticinum (died 516), information given by, as to Boethius, [79 n];
information as to Alamannic refugees, [195];
his testimony to character of Decoratus, [267 n];
addressed his 'Paraenesis' to Ambrosius, [358].
Epiphanius employed by Cassiodorus to assist him in the compilation of 'Historia Tripartita,' [61].
Eufrasius the Acolyte sold a house at Rome to Pope Simplicius, [iii. 45].
Eugenius, Vir Illustris, receives the dignity of Master of the Offices, [i. 12], [13];
possibly alluded to, [viii. 19] (see [note]).
Euric, King of the Visigoths (466-485), father of Alaric II, taxation in his time, [v. 39].
Eustorgius, Bishop of Milan, his petition for protection to Milanese Church granted, [ii. 29].
Eutharic, husband of Amalasuentha, Consulship of (519), [27], [28];
adopted as son in arms by Justin, [viii. 1].
Evans, Arthur J., on the topography of Squillace, [9], [68]-72.
Exceptores, shorthand writers, [104], [110], [111]; [xi. 25];
charged a fee for the bad paper which they supplied to suitors, [483 n].
Exormiston, a kind of lamprey (?), [xii. 4], [14].
Expeditio, derivation of, [i. 17].
F.

Famine, provisions for relief of, [x. 27];
unusual appearances foreboding the famine of 538, [xii. 25];
in Liguria to be relieved, [xii. 28].
Faustus, Praetorian Praefect, Illustris, rebuked for his delay in sending corn from south of Italy to Rome, [17]-19; [i. 35];
embassy of, to Constantinople (493), [23];
Consulship of, [122];
severely censured for his oppression of Castorius, [iii. 20], [28];
sent into the country for change of air, [iii. 21];
oppression of Joannes (?), [iii. 27].
Faustus the younger, son of the above, [i. 41];
enquiry into character of, on his admission to the Senate, [i. 41].
Faventia (Faenza), blocks of marble to be forwarded to Ravenna from, [v. 8].
[Felix III], Pope (526-530), election of, in deference to recommendation of Theodoric, [viii. 15].
Felix (apparently a native of Milan), appointed Quaestor (527), [viii. 18], [19];
his pedigree, [viii. 19].
Felix, Vir Clarissimus, accused by Venantius of defrauding the minor Plutianus, [i. 7], [8].
Felix, Consul with Secundinus (511), his character and elevation to the Consulship, [ii. 1], [2], [3];
ordered to give largesse to charioteers of Milan, [iii. 39].
Felix, Consul with Taurus (428), [173].
Felix, an assistant (probably Vices Agens), to Cassiodorus in the discharge of his duties as Praetorian Praefect, [450].
Feltria (Feltre), inhabitants of, to assist in erection of new city in district of Tridentum, [v. 9].
Festus, embassy of, to Constantinople (497), [23];
chosen by Agnellus to defend his interests in his absence, [i. 15];
his claims against Paulinus, [i. 23].
Fidei-jussor, guarantor, [i. 37]; [ii. 13]; [xi. 4].
Filagrius, Vir Spectabilis, petition of, as to his nephew's detention in Rome, [i. 39].
'Filius per arma,' adoption of, [iv. 2].
Firminus, complaints of, against Venantius, [iii. 36].
Fiscus Gothorum, rights of, [i. 19];
its claims not to be pressed unduly, [i. 22].
Fiscus, rights of, as to Castrum Lucullanum, [viii. 25];
rights of, to estates of deceased persons (Fiscus Caducus), [ix. 14].
Fishermen, not to be enlisted for the navy, [v. 16];
their nets not to be allowed to hinder navigation of rivers, [v. 17], [20].
Fishes, natural history of:
the echeneis or sucking-fish, [18]; [i. 35];
shell-fish of Indian Ocean, their power of arresting vessels, [18]; [i. 35];
torpedo, its numbing touch, [18]; [i. 35];
dolphins, habits of, [iii. 48];
echinus, 'that honey of flesh, that dainty of the deep,' [iii. 48];
the strange habits of the pike and the wrasse, [xi. 40];
in the fishponds (vivaria) of Scyllacium, [xii. 15];
the anchorage, exormiston, &c., [xii. 4], [14].
Flaminian Way, edict regulating prices upon the, [xi. 12];
to be put in order for the King's passage, [xii. 18].
Flavianus, Virius Nicomachus, Consul Suffectus (394), ancestor of Symmachus, [78];
a leader of the heathen party in the Senate, [78];
author of a Roman History, [78].
Formulae, reasons given by Cassiodorus for composing, [138].
Fornerius, notes of, on Cassiodorus, [116].
Forojulii (Cividale), contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted, [xii. 26].
Forum Livii (Forli), inhabitants of, to transport timber to Alsuanum, [iv. 8].
Franks, the, dispute of with Burgundians (533), [viii. 10];
war between Amalasuentha and, [xi. 1].
Franz, Adolph, author of 'M. Aurel. Cassiodorius Senator,' [119].
Fraudulent shipowners punished, [v. 35].
Frontinus (cir. a.d. 97), author of 'Strategematicon' and 'De Aquaeductibus,' quoted by Lydus, [97].
Frontosus has embezzled a large sum of public money, [v. 34];
his evasions and slippery character, [v. 34].
'Furtivae actiones,' those concerned in, to be punished, [v. 39].
Fuscus, appointed Praetorian Praefect by Domitian, [99].
G.

Garet, F.J., his edition of Cassiodorus, [117];
his ecclesiastical bias, [217].
Garismatium, a place supplying garum, [514 n].
Garum, a kind of sauce, [514 n].
Gaul, summons to the Goths to take up arms for invasion of, [i. 24];
Gemellus appointed Governor of, [iii. 16];
address to Theodoric's subjects in, [iii. 17];
remission of taxation in, [iii. 32], [40]; [iv. 19], [36];
especial desire of Theodoric for good government of, [iii. 38];
famine in, to be relieved from Italy, [iv. 5], [7];
placed under government of Arigern (probably before Gemellus), [iv. 16];
Gepid troops ordered for defence of, [v. 10], [11];
peace of, disturbed by Gesalic, [v. 43];
Athalaric's accession announced to his subjects in, [viii. 6], [7].
Gemellus, Senator, appointed Governor of Gaul, [iii. 16], [17];
instructions to, [iii. 32], [41]; [iv. 12], [19], [21].
Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, directed to reform the sanitary condition of Parma, [viii. 30].
Genoa, Jews living at, [ii. 27].
Gensemund, an example of fidelity to the Amal race, [viii. 9];
his history mysterious, [354 n.]
Gentilis, barbarian, [i. 46]; [ii. 16]; [viii. 22].
Gentilitas, barbarism, misery of, [iii. 17].
Geometry, origin of, [iii. 52].
Gepidae, ordered for defence of Gaul, to march peaceably through Northern Italy, [v. 10], [11];
extraordinarily high rate of pay of (?), [v. 11].
Germanus, his complaint against Bishop Peter, [iii. 37].
Gesalic, natural son of Alaric II, sheltered by Thrasamund, King of the Vandals, [v. 43], [44].
Getae, confusion of, with Goths, [31], [32].
Gibbon, on the 'Variae,' [120];
as to character of accusers of Boethius, [365];
as to Theodoric's participation in murder of Amalasuentha, [433 n].
Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, rebuked for oppression of the Sicilians, [ix. 14]
(see also [ix. 11]).
Godomar, King of the Burgundians (524-534), [456 n].
Gold-mining in Bruttii, [ix. 3].
Gothic History of Cassiodorus, estimate of, by its author, [29], [30], [137]; [ix. 25];
purpose of, [30];
Jordanes' abstract of, [34].
Gothic law for Gothic men (?), [vii. 3]; [viii. 3];
not for Romans, [ix. 14].
Goths, delight of in war, [i. 24];
manner of training young, [i. 38];
disputes between, and Romans, in Samnium, to be settled by Sunhivad, [iii. 13];
Pannonia of old the dwelling of, [iii. 23];
in Picenum and Tuscia evading payment of taxes, [iv. 14];
ancestors of (Guttones), dealers in amber, [266];
in Picenum and Samnium summoned to royal presence, [v. 26], [27];
free Gothic warriors enslaved, [v. 29], [30];
degrading services not to be claimed from, [v. 39];
disputes with Romans, how to be decided, [vii. 3];
relation of Gothic Comes to his Roman staff, [vii. 25];
oath between, and Romans on Athalaric's accession, [viii. 7];
settled at Reate and Nursia, [viii. 26];
indignant at the murder of Amalafrida, [ix. 1];
'Gothorum laus est civilitas custodita,' [ix. 14];
dissensions between Gothic soldiers and Roman populace, [x. 14];
raise Witigis on the shield as King, 'indicamus parentes nostros Gothos inter procinctuales gladios, more majorum, scuto supposito, regalem nobis contulisse, praestante Deo, dignitatem,' [x. 31].
Gout, a living death, [x. 29].
Graius (?), Senatorial rank conferred on, [vi. 14].
Grammarians, twelve eminent, quoted by Cassiodorus, [65];
salaries of, to be increased, [ix. 21].
Granaries in Rome, repair of, [iii. 29].
Gravasiani (?), [iv. 38].
Green party in the Circus, complaint made by, [i. 20];
complaint against Theodoric (the Patrician) and Importunus, [i. 27];
mentioned, [i. 32], [33];
rivalry of with the Blues, [iii. 51].
Gregory of Tours, incompleteness of his history of Clovis, [24].
[Gregory] the Great, Pope (590-604), as to wine called Palmatiana, [500 n].
Griffins dig for gold, and delight in contemplation of that metal, [ix. 3].
Guard at the Gates of a City, Formula respecting, [vii. 29].
Guardianship of orphans delegated by Theodoric, [i. 36];
of the young Hilarius not to be protracted, [i. 38].
Gudelina, wife of Theodahad, letters of, to Theodora, [x. 20], [21], [23];
letter of, to Justinian, [x. 24];
doubtful allusion of, to murder of Amalasuentha, [x. 20].
Gudila accused of enslaving Ocer, a blind Goth, [v. 29].
Guduim, Sajo, [v. 27];
Vir Sublimis and Dux, [v. 30];
accused of imposing servile tasks on Costula and Daila, [v. 30].
[Gundibad] (Gundobad), King of the Burgundians (473-516), Theodoric sends him a water-clock and sundial, [i. 45], [46];
Theodoric asks him to assist in reconciling Clovis and Alaric, [iii. 2];
called 'senex' by Theodoric, [iii. 2].
H.

[Haesti], or Aestii, inhabitants of Esthonia, send present of amber to Theodoric, [v. 2].
Hannibal, death of, [iii. 47].
Hasdingi (Hasdirigi?), or Asdingi, royal family of the Vandals, honoured by alliance with the Amals, [ix. 1].
Heliodorus, a relative of Cassiodorus, Praefect in the Eastern Empire, [i. 4].
Helladius, candidate for office of Pantomimist, [i. 20];
ordered to come forth and amuse the people, [i. 32].
Heracleanus, Presbyter, messenger from Justinian to Theodahad, [x. 25].
Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, married to Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric, [iv. 1].
Heruli, King of, appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war between Clovis and Alaric, [iii. 3];
King of, adopted as Theodoric's son by right of arms, [iv. 2];
to receive provisions at Ticinum on their journey to Ravenna, [iv. 45].
Hilarius, a young Goth, grandson of Baion, [i. 38];
to be allowed to enter on enjoyment of his property, [i. 38].
[Hilderic], King of the Vandals (523-531), murders Amalafrida, widow of his predecessor, [ix. 1].
Histrius (or Historius), [ii. 9].
Homer quoted, as to travels of Ulysses, [i. 39];
as to Priam's request for the body of Hector, [ii. 22].
Homo; Theodosius is addressed by Theodahad as Homo suus; meaning of the term (?), [x. 5].
'Honesta missio' of the Theodosian Code illustrated by, [v. 36].
Honoratus, Vir Illustris, brother of Decoratus, appointed Quaestor; his character, [v. 3], [4].
Hormisdas, Pope (514-523), election of during Consulship of Cassiodorus, [26].
Horses, description of, sent as a present by the King of the Thuringians, [iv. 1].
Hostilia, on the Po, place of rendezvous for the dromonarii, [ii. 31].
Hot-springs of Abano described, [ii. 39].
Hydruntum, or Hydron (Otranto), chief seat of the purple manufacture, [i. 2].
I.

Ibbas, General of Theodoric in Gaul (perhaps the person to whom [iv. 17] is addressed), [253].
Ides of June (June 13th), sailors and ships to meet at Ravenna on, [v. 19], [20];
eighth day before (June 6th), Goths to come to Ravenna for their largesse upon, [v. 26].
Illustratus Vacans, Formula of, [vi. 11].
Illustres, highest class of Ministers; who belonged to it? [86]-90;
was an Illustris once, always an Illustris? [89];
were the Consuls Illustres? [90].
Illyricum, alleged loss of, under Placidia, [xi. 1].
Imperium, used of the Gothic kingdom, [xii. 28].
Importunus, Illustris and Consul (509), accused of assaulting the Green party at the Circus, [i. 27].
Importunus, Vir Illustris and Patrician, Consul (509), descended from the Decii, [iii. 5];
incident of the recitation of Lay of the Decii, [iii. 5].
Indictions, mode of reckoning by, [123]-125;
remission of taxes at, [i. 16].
Indulgentia, an amnesty to prisoners, [xi. 40].
Inquilina persists in harassing Benatus with litigation, [iv. 37].
Interpretium not to be exacted from Apulian corn-merchants, [ii. 26].
Intestate property of widow claimed by the State, [v. 24] (see also [vi. 8]);
property of an African claimed by a fellow-countryman, [xii. 9].
Iron, mines of, in Dalmatia, [iii. 25];
praises of, [iii. 25].
Istria, Province of, large harvests of wine, oil, and corn in, [xii. 22];
extraordinary requisition from, [xii. 22];
plentiful yield of wine in, [xii. 26].
Italy, ought to enjoy her own products, [ii. 12];
western coast of, exports corn to Gaul, [iv. 5].
J.

Januarius, Secretary of Joannes, [iv. 32].
Januarius, Assessor of taxes, [iv. 38].
Jews, of Genoa, permitted to rebuild but not enlarge their synagogue, [ii. 27];
their privileges confirmed, [iv. 33];
synagogue of, at Rome, burned by the mob, [iv. 43];
Christian servants of, punished for murdering their masters, [iv. 43];
of Milan, protected from molestation, [v. 37].
Joanna, widow of Andreas, intestacy of, [v. 24].
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, receives gift of property at Castrum Lucullanum from Tulum, confirmed by Athalaric, [viii. 25].
Joannes, Cancellarius (533-534), [xi. 6];
appointed Praerogativarius, [xi. 27].
Joannes, mortgagee of property of Tupha, [iv. 32].
Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius (perhaps same as preceding), pays off the debt of his father-in-law Thomas, and takes his property in Apulia, [v. 6], [7].
Joannes, Arch-Physician, unjust judgment against, reversed, [iv. 41].
[John II], Pope (Jan. 1, 533—May 27, 535), letter to, against simony at Papal elections, [ix. 15];
report from, as to imprisonment of Roman citizens, [ix. 17];
Cassiodorus sends greeting to, on his promotion, [xi. 2].
John complains that the Bishop of Salona has taken 60 tuns of oil from him, [iii. 7].
John, Spectabilis, ordered to enquire into abuses connected with aqueducts of Rome, [iii. 31].
Jordanes, relation of his book 'De Rebus Geticis' to the Gothic History of Cassiodorus, [34];
his quotations from Symmachus' History, [78];
as to 'Capillati' among the Getae, [260 n];
as to Goths by the Baltic Sea, [266];
as to threatened war between Goths and Franks, [402].
Joseph, the Patriarch, office of Praetorian Praefect derived from, [vi. 3];
alluded to, [x. 27];
precautions of, against Egyptian famine, [xii. 25];
his bargain with the starving Egyptians criticised, [xii. 28].
Jovinus banished to the Lipari Islands for murder of a fellow-curial, [iii. 47].
Judges to visit each town once in the year, and not to claim more than three days' maintenance, [v. 14].
Julianus complains of injuries received from the servants of Bishop Aurigenes, [iii. 14].
Julian, Count and Illustris, Tata is ordered to conduct recruits to, [v. 23].
Justin, Emperor (518-527), Athalaric announces his accession to, [viii. 1].
Justinian, Emperor (527-566), his negotiations with Amalasuentha, [43];
with Theodahad, [46], [47];
Amalasuentha announces her son's death and the association of Theodahad to, [x. 1], [2];
present of marbles from Amalasuentha to, [x. 8], [9];

letters of Theodahad to, [x. 15], [19], [22], [25], [26];
letter of Gudelina to, [x. 24];
letter of Witigis to, [x. 32];
his interference on bt half of a heavily taxed monastery, [x. 26];
on behalf of Veranilda, a Catholic convert, [x. 26];
petition of Senate to, [xi. 13].
L.

Lactarius, Mons (Monte Lettere), description of, [xi. 10];
health-resort for consumptive patients, [xi. 10].
Land surveying among the Romans, [iii. 52].
Lard not to be exported from Italy, [ii. 12].
[Largesse] (Regalia Dona, Donativum), Goths summoned to Court to receive, on the Ides of June, [v. 26], [27];
Starcedius' donative stopped on his retirement from service, [v. 36].
Laurentius, Presbyter, accused of rifling graves, [iv. 18].
Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, ordered to collect in Istria stores of wine, oil, and corn for Ravenna, [xii. 22], [23], [24].
Lawsuits not to be interminable, [i. 5].
Leave of Absence, temporary, Formula Commeatalis ad Tempus, [vii. 36].
Lenormant, his work 'La Grande Grèce' quoted, [7], [8], [71].
Leodifrid, see under [Sajo].
Leontius, Vir Spectabilis, his dispute about boundaries with Paschasius, [iii. 52].
Leontius, Praefecture of, [105].
Letters, origin of, from imitation of flight of cranes, [viii. 12].
Leucothea, Fountain of, its marvellous qualities, [viii. 33].
Liber, derivation of, [xi. 38].
Liberius (1), Praetorian Praefect under Theodoric (493-500), [16]; [ii. 15], [16];
his fidelity to Odovacar, [ii. 16];
conduct in assignment of 'Tertiae,' [ii. 16];
father of Venantius, [ii. 15];
arranged gift from Theodoric to ex-Emperor (?) Romulus, [iii. 35].
Liberius (2), Spectabilis (possibly son of preceding), complains of unjust judgment by Marabad, [iv. 47].
Liberius (3), Senator, sent as ambassador by Theodahad to Justinian, [45].
Liberius (4, probably same as No. 3), Patrician, Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls (526), [viii. 6]; [xi. 1].
Liberius (5), second husband of Aetheria, [iv. 12].
Lictor, apostrophised by Cassiodorus in his 'Indulgentia,' [xi. 40].
Liguria, Province of, ships ordered from Ravenna to, [ii. 20];
the Gepidae on their way to Gaul to march peaceably through, [v. 10], [11];
obscure allusion to troubles in, [viii. 16];
famine in 'Liguria industriosa' to be relieved by corn-distribution, [x. 27];
relief of 'devota Liguria,' [xi. 15], [16];
Consularis of, addressed, [xii. 8];
invaded by the Burgundians, [xii. 28];
plunder-raid of Alamanni into, [xii. 28];
famine in, relieved, [xii. 28].
Lime, the praises of, [vii. 17].
Lime-kilns, President of, Praepositus Calcis, Formula of, [vii. 17].
Lucania, Province of, Eusebius is recommended to take holiday in, [iv. 48];
rustics of, at Feast of St. Cyprian, [viii. 33];
Campanianus, inhabitant of, [ix. 4];
'Montuosa Lucania' abounded in swine, [xi. 39];
measures for relief of, during presence of Gothic army, [xii. 5]. (See also [Bruttii].)
Lucrine Port (?) to furnish tiles for repair of walls of Rome, [i. 25].
Lucullanum, Castrum (Castel dell Ovo, at Naples), property at, given by Theodoric to Tulum, and by Athalaric to Joannes, [viii. 25]
(see note, [p. 374]).
Lydus, Joannes, civil servant in Constantinople under Justinian, author of 'De Dignitatibus;' his account of the dignity of the Praetorian Praefect, [40];
on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, [94]-114;
his disappointment with the emoluments of the Cornicularius, [101];
as to salutation of Praetorian Praefect, [297];
as to Scholares, [302];
jealousy of Magistriani, [303];
as to supply of paper for law courts, [xi. 38].
M.

Maffei, Scipione, author of 'Verona Illustrate,' on situation of Verruca, [224].
Magic, trial of Roman Senators on accusation of practising, [iv. 22], [23];
punishment of, according to Edictum Athalarici, [ix. 18].
Magister Officiorum, Formula of, [vi. 6];
nature of his office, [36], [37];
jealousy between his subordinates and those of the Praefectus Praetorio, [100], [302];
Eugenius promoted to office of, [i. 12], [13];
office of, held by grandfather of Argolicus, [iii. 12];
as to Cursus Publicus, [99]; [iv. 47]; [vi. 6];
letter of Witigis to M.O. at Constantinople, [x. 33].
Magister Scrinii, Formula of, [vi. 13].
Magistriani, officers under Magister Officiorum, jealousy of, felt by members of Praefectoral staff, [303].
Magistri Scriniorum, Spectabiles, [91].
Magnus, a Spectabilis, of Gaul (?), to be reimbursed for losses sustained from the Franks, [iii. 18].
Major Domus, Steward of the Royal House; Theodahad calls Vacco 'majorem domus nostrae,' and orders him to superintend the purchase of provisions for Gothic garrison of Rome, [x. 18].
Mancipes mutationum, servants at posting-stations, [iv. 47].
Maniarius, complaint of, as to abstraction of his slaves by the Breones, [i. 11].
Manso, author of 'Geschichte des Ostgothischen Reiches,' quoted, [333], [336], [401].
Mappa, why used to denote the signal for the races, [iii. 51].
Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes, appointed Governor of Marseilles, [iii. 34];
instructions to, [iv. 12], [46].
Marcellinus Comes, chronicler in the reign of Justinian, as to introduction of Heruli into Italy, [258 n];
as to eruption of Vesuvius, [261 n], [262 n].
Marcellus on water-finding, [iii. 53].
Marcian, Vir Spectabilis, employed to collect grain for Italy in Spain, [v. 35].
Marcilianum (Sala, in Lucania), [viii. 33].
Marinus, his petition about the property of Tupha, [iv. 32].
Mark the Presbyter summoned for arrears of Siliquaticum, [v. 31].
Marriage, Confirmation of, and Legitimation of Offspring, Formula for, [vii. 40].
Marriage, Formula legitimating with First Cousin, [vii. 46].
Marriage law (Edictum Athalarici), [ix. 18].
Martinus, his son Romulus accused of parricide, [ii. 14].
Massa Palentiana, wrested from rightful owners by Theodahad, [v. 12].
Massa, a farm, [viii. 23].
Massilia (Marseilles), inhabitants of, to welcome Count Marabad, [iii. 34];
privileges confirmed to, and exemption from taxation granted to for one year, [iv. 26].
Master of the Horse, office of, abolished by Domitian, [99].
Matasuentha, granddaughter of Theodoric, married to Witigis, [49].
Maurentius, an orphan, taken under the King's guardianship, [iv. 9].
Maximian, Vir Illustris, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and Praetextatus, [iv. 22], [23].
Maximus, Flavius Anicius, Vir Illustris, Consul (523), encouraged to reward handsomely the Venator in the amphitheatre, [v. 42];
appointed Primicerius Domesticorum (535), [x. 11], [12];
married a wife of the Amal race, [x. 11];
discussion as to his subsequent history, [424 n].
Mercury, inventor of letters, [viii. 12].
Milan, Church of, immunities granted to, [ii. 29], [30];
charioteers of, to receive largesse from Felix, [iii. 39];
Bacauda, Tribunus Voluptatum at, [v. 25];
Jews of, protected from molestation, [v. 37];
famine in, to be relieved by Datius, [xii. 27];
sieges and demolition of, [522].
Militia, used of the purely civil service of the staff of the Praetorian Praefect, [92]; [ii. 28];
obligations of the title, [ii. 31];
used of service of Tribunus Voluptatum, [v. 25];
of functions of Count of Sacred Largesses, [vi. 7];
of functions of Comitiacus, [vi. 13].
Militia Litterata, the learned staff, [479].
Millenarius (in Gothic, thusundifaths), captain of a thousand, [v. 27].
Millet (panicum), to be sold to citizens of Milan at 20 modii per solidum, [xii. 27].
Minors, protection of, from fraud, [iv. 35].
Mint (Moneta) Master of, Formula appointing, [vii. 32].
Mommsen, Theodor, severe judgment of, on 'Chronicon' of Cassiodorus, [29], [120].
Monopoly, letters relating to, [ii. 26], [30]; [iii. 19]; [x. 28].
Montanarius, bearer of money to Bishop Severus, [ii. 8].
Mosaic, discription of, [i. 6].
Moscius, Mons, near Scyllacium, [xii. 15].
Mundus, General of Justinian, in Dalmatia, [446 n].
[Munitarius] (Winithar), ancestor of Theodoric, 'aequitate enituit,' [xi. 1].
Music, dissertation on, [ii. 40].
N.

Narbonne, Church of, possessions granted by Alaric, wrested from, [iv. 17].
Navy, Theodoric's directions as to raising, [v. 16], [17].
Neapolis (Naples), territory of, suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, [iv. 50];
Formula of Count of Naples, [vi. 23];
Formula addressed Honoratis Possessoribus, et Curialibus Civitatis Neapolitanae, [vi. 24].
Neotherius, a spendthrift, and brother of Plutianus, [i. 7], [8].
Nero, anecdote of, giving the signal for the chariot-race, [iii. 51].
Nicephorus Phocas, Emperor of the East (963-969), his work of restoration at Squillace, [71].
Nicomachus, see [Cethegus].
Nimfadius, Vir Sublimis, his adventure at the Fountain of Arethusa, [viii. 32].
Nivellius, Sebastianus, his edition of Cassiodorus, [115], [116].
Nobilissimus, title given to nearest relatives of the Emperor, [85], [86].
Nola, territory of, suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, [iv. 50].
Noricum, Provincials of, to exchange their cattle with the Alamanni, [iii. 50].
Notarii, Formula of, [vi. 16].
Notitia Utriusque Imperii, general correspondence of, with the 'Variae,' [85];
on the official staff of the Praetorian Praefect, [94]-114;
illustration of the name, [xii. 23].
Numerarii, cashiers in the Court of Praetorian Praefect, [96], [108];
spoliation of churches of Bruttii alleged to be committed in their name, [xii. 13];
referred to, [xii. 23].
Nursia, the birthplace of St. Benedict, [375];
colony of Goths settled at, [viii. 26].
O.

Oath, mutual, between Athalaric and his subjects on his accession, [viii. 3];
between Goths and Romans, [viii. 7].
Obsonia (= relishes, anything eaten with bread, especially fish), to be distributed to the Roman people, [xii. 11].
Ocer, a blind Gothic warrior, reduced to slavery by Gudila and Oppas, [v. 29].
Odovacar (Odoacer), King (476-493), faithful service of Liberius to, [ii. 16];
possible allusion to times of, [iii. 12];
buried in a stone chest, [207];
Tupha an officer of, [251];
moderate taxation under, [iv. 38];
Opilio filled a place under (?), [v. 41].
Officium (official staff) of Praetorian Praefect, [93]-114;
otherwise called Praetoriani, [xi. 37];
to be fined if they disobey the King's orders, [ii. 26];
duties of in collection of Bina and Terna, [vii. 21];
promotion of, on Christmas Day, [xi. 17];
their duties and rightful claims, [xi. 37].
Opilio, Count of Sacred Largesses, father of Cyprian, [viii. 16], [17];
chosen for a place in household of Odovacar (?), [v. 41].
Opilio, son of above, Count of Sacred Largesses, [viii. 16], [17];
ambassador from Theodahad to Justinian (535), [45];
evil character of, given by Boethius, [363].
Oppas, accused of enslaving Ocer, a blind Goth, [v. 29].
Orthography, difficulties of Latin, in Sixth Century, [66].
Ostrogotha, ancestor of Theodoric, 'patientiâ enituit,' [xi. 1].
Osuin (or Osum), Vir Illustris and Comes, made Governor of Dalmatia and Suavitt, [ix. 8], [9].
P.

Padus (Po), timber for navy to be collected upon the banks of, [v. 17], [20];
stake-nets to be removed from mouth of, [v. 17], [20].
Palamediaci calculi = draughts, citizens fond of playing at, [viii. 31].
Palmatiana, wine of Bruttii, described, [xii. 12].
Panis, derivation of, from Pan, [vi. 18].
Pannonia Sirmiensis, Colossaeus appointed Governor of, [iii. 23], [24];
an old habitation of the Goths, [iii. 23].
Pantomimist, dispute as to choice of, [i. 20];
his menstruum (monthly allowance), [i. 32], [33].
Papal election, contested between Symmachus and Laurentius (498), [26];
of Felix III (526), [viii. 15].
Paper, praises of, [xi. 38].
Paraveredi, extra horses, [v. 39]. (See [Errata].)
Parhippi, extra horses, [iv. 47].
Parma, sanitary measures in, [viii. 29], [30].
Parricide, the horror of, [ii. 14].
Paschasius, Vir Spectabilas, his dispute about boundaries with Leontius, [iii. 52].
Patriciate, Formula of, [vi. 2].
Patricius, Vir Illustris, appointed Quaestor by Theodahad, [x. 6], [7].
Patzenes, husband of Regina, story of his wife's intrigue with Brandila during his absence on Gaulish campaign, [v. 32], [33].
Paula, an orphan, taken under the King's guardianship, [iv. 9].
Paulinus, Illustris and Patrician, claims of Festus and Symmachus against, [i. 23] [N.B. Compare the following passage from Boethius' 'Philosophiae Consolatio' i. 4: 'Paulinum consularem virum cujus opes palatini canes jam spe atque ambitione devorassent, ab ipsis hiantium faucibus traxi.' Considering the relationship between Boethius and Symmachus, it is impossible that Symmachus could be one of these 'palatini canes,' but perhaps not impossible that Festus may be here aimed at. Paulinus was Consul 498];
Felix is praised for cultivating the friendship of, [ii. 3];
allowed to repair and appropriate public granaries, [iii. 29].
Paulinas (Flavius Theodoras Paulinus Junior), Vir Clarissimus, son of Venantius, grandson of Liberius, chosen Consul for 534, [ix. 22].
Peace, praises of, [i. 1].
Pedatura, length of wall assigned to be built by soldiers, [v. 9].
Pedonensis Civitas (situation unknown), Benedictus a citizen of, [i. 36].
Peraequatores, regulators of prices of provisions (?), [vi. 6].
Perfectissimi, fourth grade in the Imperial service, [92], [320];
not mentioned by Cassiodorus, [92].
Pervasio, forcible appropriation of landed property, condemned by Edict of Athalaric, [ix. 18].
Peter, Consul (516) and rhetorician, ambassador from Justinian to Theodahad, [46], [47]; [x. 19], [22], [23], [24].
Petrus, Vir Spectabilis, illustrious by descent, allowed to enter the Senate, [iv. 25];
his troubles with the Sajo assigned to him as his Defensor, [iv. 27], [28].
Physician, duty of a good, [vi. 19].
Picenum, Province of, Goths resident in, [iv. 14]; [v. 26], [27].
Pietas = pity (very nearly), [iv. 26].
Pignoratio, lawless practice of, described and repressed, [iv. 10].
Pincian Hill, see [Rome].
Pithoeus (Pierre Pithou), editor of Cassiodorus, attributes to him the 'Computus Paschalis,' [11].
Placentia, provision dealers at, [x. 28].
Placidia, unfavourable comparison of with Amalasuentha, [xi. 1].
Planets, periods of, [xi. 36].
Pliny, on amber, [266];
on the elephant, [443].
Plutianus, a minor, Felix accused of defrauding, [i. 7], [8].
Pola, Antonius, Bishop of, [iv. 44].
Pollentia, battle of, represented as Gothic victory by Cassiodorus, [28].
Polyptycha, official registers, [v. 14], [39].
Pompeius Magnus, theatre of, the origin of his epithet, [iv. 51].
Pontonates (?), [iv. 38].
Popes, see [Agapetus], [Felix III], [Gregory the Great], [John II], [Symmachus], [Vigilius].
Porticus Curba (or Curiae), near the Forum, 'fabricae' to be erected above, [iv. 30].
Portus (Porto), quays and warehouses of, under the Praefectus Urbis Romae, [87];
'Portus Curas Agens,' [ii. 12];
Comes Portus, [vii. 9];
Vicarius Portus, [vii. 23].
Possessores, [ii. 25]; [vi. 8];
of Aestunae, [iii. 9];
of Arles, [iii. 44];
of Velia, [iv. 11].
Possessores Honorati, of Catena, [iii. 49];
of Forum Livii, [iv. 8];
of Feltria, [v. 9];
of Suavia, [v. 14], [15];
of neighbourhood of Ravenna (?), [v. 38];
of Sicily, [vi. 22];
of Neapolis, [vi. 24].
Possessores Honorati, et Curiales, Formula addressed to, [vii. 27];
of Parma, [viii. 29];
of Bruttii, exhorted to return to their cities, [viii. 31].
Possessores, Curiales permitted to become, [ix. 4];
complain of abuses in corn-traffic, [ix. 5].
Potteries (figulinae), owners of, safeguarded, [ii. 23].
Praebendae, apparently = stipendia or annonae, [219];
claimed both in money and kind, [v. 39].
[Praefectus Annonae], Formula of, [vi. 18];
office of, held by Paschasius, [xii. 9].
Praefectus Praetorio, Formula of, [vi. 3];
Formula as to Superintendence of Armourers, [vii. 19];
dignity of the office, [39]-41, [134];
quotation from Lydus as to, [40];
his functions described by Bethmann-Hollweg, [41 n];
gradations of rank in his official staff, [93]-114;
fine on, for disobeying King's orders, [ii. 26];
not to be allowed to oppress men in humbler station, [iii. 20], [27];
as to Cursus Publicus, [99]; [iv. 47]; [vi. 3];
Albienus appointed (527), [viii. 20];
was Trigguilla his predecessor? [368].
Praefectus Urbis Romae, Formula of, [vi. 4];
an Illustris, [86];
his functions described, [87], [88];
to punish insults against the Senate, [i. 30], [31];
Artemidorus raised to dignity of, [i. 42];
Argolicus raised to dignity of (510), [iii. 11];
Quinque-viri associated with him for trial of Senators, [iv. 22], [23];
his close companionship with the Praefectus Annonae, [vi. 18];
Honorius ordered to see to preservation of brazen elephants at Rome, [x. 30].
Praefectus Vigilum Urbis Romae, Formula of, [vii. 7].
Praefectus Vigilum Urbis Ravennatis, Formula of, [vii. 8].
Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, an Illustris, [86];
his functions, [88];
to refund to Symmachus expense of restoration of Pompey's Theatre, [iv. 51].
Praepositi (?) have special rights as to the Cursus Publicus, [v. 5].
Praerogativarius (?), Joannes appointed, [xi. 27].
Praeses Provinciae, Formula of, [vii. 2].
Praetextatus, a Roman Senator, accused of magical practices, [iv. 22], [23].
Prescription, title by, [i. 18]; [ii. 27]; [v. 37].
Prices, to be fixed by the Defensor of a city, [vii. 11];
by the Curator, [vii. 12];
tariff of, to be charged at Ravenna, [xi. 11];
regulated along the Flaminian Way, [xi. 12];
fixed in, Bruttii and Lucania, [xii. 5];
tariff of, for Istria, [xii. 22], [23];
of corn sold for relief of Ligurians in time of famine, [x. 27]; [xii. 27].
Primicerius Augustalium, Beatus appointed, [xi. 30] (see [Augustales]).
Primicerius Cubiculariorum, a Spectabilis, [88];
his functions, [88].
Primicerius Deputatorum, Ursua appointed, [xi. 30]; (see [Deputati]).
Primicerius Domesticorum, Maximus appointed, [x. 11], [12].
Primicerius Exceptorum, chief of shorthand writers, Patricius appointed, [xi. 25].
Primicerius Notariorum, [vi. 16];
a Spectabilis, [91];
his office (apparently) joined to that of Count of Sacred Largesses, [vi. 7].
Primicerius Singulariorum, Pierius appointed, in the room of Urbicus, [xi. 31], [32] (see [Singularii]).
Primiscrinii, officers of Court of Praetorian Praefect, [96], [103];
perhaps equivalent to Adjutores, [103];
might be chosen from the ordinary Exceptores, [110];
retiring Primiscrinius receives rank of Spectabilis, [xi. 20];
Andreas obtains rank of, [xi. 21];

retiring Primiscrinius to receive pension, [xi. 37].
Princeps, head of the Officium of the Praefectus Praetorio, nature of his office, [96], [97], [477 n];
ex-Princeps, [ii. 28];
title of, given to Magistriani, [vi. 6];
Formula recommending Principes to Comes, [vii. 25];
Formula announcing Appointment of Comes to Princeps, [vii. 28].
Princeps Augustorum, [96]; [xi. 35].
Princeps Magistrianorum, [97], [99], [100].
Princeps Dalmatiae, Formula of, [vii. 24].
Princeps Urbis Romae, Formula of, [vii. 31].
Prior, a military officer among the Goths, [viii. 26];
perhaps equivalent to 'Hundafath,' [375].
Probinus (or Provinus), Illustris and Patrician (perhaps same as Consul 489), obtains property by undue influence from Agapita, [ii. 11];
the transfer declared to be bonâ fide, [iv. 40].
Probus, Assessor of taxes, [iv. 38].
Proceres per Codicillos Vacantes, Formula of, [vi. 10].
Proceres Chartarum (?), subordinate to Count of Sacred Largesses, [vi. 7].
Procopius, his narrative of events in Italy in 534 and 535, [42]-48;
makes no mention of the name of Cassiodorus, [51];
his statement of Justinian's argument as to the position of Theodoric, [143 n];
his account of family of Venantius, [221];
attributes the death of Amalasuentha to Theodora, [433 n];
quoted, [370 n], [384 n], [390], [397], [431], [434], [518], [522], [527].
Procula, wife of Brandila, her assault on Regina, [v. 32].
Prorogatores, purveyors (?), [x. 28].
Prosecutores frumentorum, petition of, as to loss of cargoes, [iv. 7].
Provincials, compensation to, for damage done by troops on march, [ii. 8].
Publianus, Vir Illustris, messenger from the Senate to Court at Ravenna as to election of Pope (526), [viii. 15].
Public property assigned on condition of improvement, [vii. 44].
Pulveratica (dust-money) not to be paid to a Judge on his journeys, [xii. 15].
Purple dye, history of the discovery of, [i. 2].
Pyctacium (pictacium or pittacium), delegatoris, bond or document of title, [i. 18]; [iii. 35]; [xii. 20].
Pythias, Count, pronounces decree in favour of liberty of Ocer, a blind Goth, [v. 29].
Q.

Quaestor, Formula of, [vi. 5];
duties of the office of, [14], [135]; [v. 4]; [vi. 5];
other Quaestors besides Cassiodorus between 501 and 510, [25 n];
Ambrosius appointed (526), [viii. 13];
Felix appointed (527), [viii. 18];
Patricius appointed (534), [x. 6].
Quidila, son of Sibia, made 'Prior' of the Goths in Reate and Nursia, [viii. 26].
Quinque-viri associated with Praefectus Urbis to try two Senators accused of magical arts, [iv. 22], [23].
R.

Raetia (Grisons and Tyrol), Servatus, Duke of, [i. 11];
Alamannic refugees received in, [ii. 41];
guarded by fortress of Verruca, [iii. 48];
duties of the Duke of, [vii. 4];
derivation of the name from rete, [vii. 4].
Rationales, bailiffs superintending the royal estates under the Comes Rerum Privatarum, [vi. 8].
Rationalii, persons charged with distribution of the annona, [114].
Rations for three days only, to be given to Provincial Governors and others journeying to Scyllacium, [xii. 15].
Ravenna, Basilica of Hercules (?) at, [i. 6];
mosaic ordered for, [i. 6];
ships ordered round from, to Liguria, [ii. 20];
favour bestowed on Church of, [ii. 30];
marbles to be transported to, [iii. 9], [10];
marble chests in which the citizens of Ravenna buried their dead, [iii. 19];
blocks of marble to be forwarded from Faventia to, [v. 8];
fleet to be mustered at, [v. 17], [19];
aqueduct of, to be kept clean, [v. 38];
drinking water of, de-appetising, [v. 38];
police of, [vii. 8];
elevation of Athalaric at, [viii. 2], [5];
provision dealers at, [x. 28];
tariff of prices at, [xi. 11];
siliquatarius of, [xii. 17];
defences of, to be strengthened, [xii. 17];
Deusdedit, a Scribe of, [xii. 21];
wine, oil, and corn to be furnished by Provincials of Istria to, [xii. 22], [23], [24].
Reate (Rieti, in the Sabine territory), Goths settled at, [viii. 26].
Rector Decuriarum, Governor of Guilds, [v. 21], [22];
same as Judex Decuriarum of Theodosian Code, [278].
Rector Provinciae, Formula of, [vi. 21].
Referendi Curiae, Armentarius and his son Superbus appointed, [iii. 33].
Referendarius, Formula of, [vi. 17];
Cyprian's services as, [v. 40], [41]; [viii. 22];
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, holds the post of, [viii. 25].
Regerendarius (or Regendarius), officer charged with regulation of the postal-service, [109];
Cartherius appointed, [xi. 29].
Regina, wife of Patzenes, her intrigue with Brandila, [v. 33];
assaulted by Brandila's wife, [v. 32].
Religious toleration practised by Theodoric, [21], [22];
principle of, stated, [ii. 27]; [v. 37]; [x. 26].
Remission of taxes, [i. 16].
Renatus complains that he is harassed by litigation of Inquilina, [iv. 37].
Reparatus, brother of Pope Vigilius, appointed Praefect of the City, [ix. 7];
his subsequent history, [390].
Restitutio in integrum, [252].
Retentator, a wrongful detainer, [ii. 10].
Rhegium (Reggio) derivation of the name, [xii. 14];
the citizens of, to be exempt from 'coemptio' of wheat and lard, [xii. 14].
Roccella, near Squillace, probable site of Scyllacium, [68].
Roman law only to be administered between Romans, [ix. 14].
Roman citizens, release of, imprisoned on suspicion of sedition, [ix. 17].
[Rome], Theodoric's measures for embellishment of, [i. 21]; [ii. 7];
walls of, to be repaired, [i. 25], [28]; [ii. 34];
the nephews of Filagrius detained at, for their education, [i. 39];
'everyone's country,' [i. 39];
blocks of marble lying about in, to be used, [ii. 7];
sons of Ecdicius detained at, [ii. 22];
marbles on the Pincian Hill to be transported to Ravenna, [iii. 10];
repair of granaries in, [iii. 29];
Cloacae of, [iii. 30];
repair of aqueducts and temples in, [iii. 31]; [vii. 6];
sons of Valerian detained at, [iv. 6];
new buildings overlooking Forum of, [iv. 30];
'turris circi et locus amphitheatri' wrested from sons of Volusianus, [iv. 42];
burning of Jewish synagogue at, [iv. 43];
theatre of Pompey restored by Symmachus, [iv. 51];
to receive supplies of corn from Spain, [v. 35];
brazen elephants in Via Sacra, [x. 30];
police of, [vii. 7];
statues of, [vii. 13], [15];
dissensions between citizens of, and Gothic troops (535), [x. 14];
a Gothic garrison for, [x. 18];
owns the shrines of the Apostles, [xi. 2];
scarcity in, relieved by corn-distributions, [xi. 5];
Roman citizens, and they only, to receive obsonia, [xii. 11];
high character given to the Roman populace, [xii. 11].
Romulus, assured that Theodoric's gift to him through the Patrician Liberius shall not be revoked, [iii. 35];
probably this is the ex-Emperor Romulus Augustulus, [216];
subsequent disposal of his palace, the Lucullanum, [374].
Romulus accused of murder of his father, [ii. 14].
Rufinus, Praetorian Praefect under Arcadius, his usurpation caused some of Praetorian Praefect's powers to be transferred to the Magister, [99].
Rusticiana, farm of, in Bruttii, gold discovered at, [ix. 3].
Rusticus, a priest and a friend of Theodahad, sent on return embassy with Peter to Justinian, [431 n]; [x. 20], [24].
S.

Sabinus, ex-Charioteer, his pension increased, [ii. 9].
Sacrilege, the folly of, [xii. 13].
St. Cyprian's fair (in Lucania) described, [viii. 33].
[Sajo], Saio, or Sajus (henchman), description of his office, [177 n];
to go straight to object of his mission, and not to make pleasure tours at the public expense, [iv. 47];
Nandius, sent to summon Goths to war, [i. 24];
to support Ecdicius in levying Siliquaticum, [ii. 4];
Fruinarith to enquire into conduct of Venantius, [ii. 13];
Grimoda ordered to redress the oppression of Faustus, [iii. 20];
Leodifrid ordered to superintend building of houses near fort Verruca, [iii. 48];
Amabilis (?) ordered to superintend grain traffic from Italy to Gaul, [iv. 5];
Gesila ordered to make Gothic defaulters in Picenum and Tuscia pay their taxes, [iv. 14];
Tezutzat assigned as Defensor to Petrus, [iv. 27];
Amara has wounded Petrus, whose Defensor he nominally was, [iv. 27], [28];
Duda (Vir Spectabilis and Comes), instructions to, [iv. 28], [32], [34];
Gudisal ordered to reform abuses of Cursus Publicus, [iv. 47];
Mannila receives like instructions, [v. 5];
Veranus to see that the Gepidae march peaceably through Liguria, [v. 10];
Gudinand and Avilf ordered to muster sailors and collect timber for navy, [v. 19], [20];
Tata ordered to conduct recruits to Count Julian, [v. 23];
Guduim ordered to summon Gothic captains to Court, [v. 27];
Catellus and Servandus (?), 'Viri Strenui,' to collect fines from fraudulent shipowners, [v. 35];
a Sajo (unnamed) accused of rough treatment of a deacon, [viii. 24];
Dumerit sent to repress robbery at Faventia, [viii. 27];
Quidila sent with Athalaric's orders to Sicily, [ix. 10];
to execute vengeance on Pervasores, [ix. 18];
Bond for proper Use of Sajo's Services, Formula of, [vii. 42];
was he necessarily the instrument by which 'tuitio regii nominis' was given? [341];
Sajones assigned to various Cancellarii, [xii. 3];
their duties and temptations, [xii. 3];
Paulus, Vir Strenuus, perhaps a Sajo, [xii. 26].
Salamander, nature of, [iii. 47].
Salona (in Dalmatia), inhabitants of, to be armed and drilled, [i. 40];
Bishop of, takes 60 tuns of oil from one John, [iii. 7].
Salt-works at Venice, [xii. 24].
Samaritans contest possession of a house in Rome with the Roman Church, [iii. 45].
Samnium, Province of, Sunhivad appointed Governor of, [iii. 13];
practice of pignoratio prevalent in, [iv. 10];
Goths resident in, [v. 26], [27];
Anatholius, Cancellarius of, [xi. 36];
retiring allowance of Cornicularius charged on revenues of, [xi. 36].
Sarsena (?), Curia of, [ii. 18].
Scholares, household troops, under Magister Officiorum, [v. 6].
Scholaris, Sextus (?), Justus appointed, [xi. 26].
Schubert, von, author of 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen,' [120], [524], [527].
Science, list of Greek men of, whose works were translated by Boetius, [i. 45].
Scribe, importance of the office of, [xii. 21].
Scrinia, the four, under the Magister Officiorum, [36], [112];
to provide themselves with paper, [xi. 38].
Scriniarii, [vii. 21], [22].
Scriniarius, [106].
Scriniarius Curae Militaris, [109];
Lucillus appointed, [xi. 24].
Scrinium Memoriae, [102].
Scriniarius Actorum, Catellus obtains rank of, [xi. 22].
Scyllacium (Squillace), birthplace of Cassiodorus, [6];
the Greek colony, Scylletion, [6], [7];
Roman colony, Minerva Scolacium, [7], [8];
appearance of, [8]; [xii. 15];
modern remains at, [9];
Cassiodorus founds his monasteries at, [55];
topography of, [68]-73;
citizens of, not to be called on to contribute to the Cursus Publicus, [xii. 15].
Scythian, vagueness of the term, which was often applied to the Goths, [31], [32].
Senarius, Vir Illustris, appointed Comes Patrimonii, [iv. 3], [4];
instructions to, as Comes Privatarum Rerum, [iv. 7], [11], [13].
Senate of Rome, attitude of Theodoric and Cassiodorus towards, [26], [27];
flattery of, [i. 13], [42]; [iii. 12]; [v. 41];
not to degrade themselves by altercations with the mob in the Circus, [i. 27], [30];
enquiry into character of candidates for admission to, [i. 41]; [iv. 25];
Senators' taxes in arrear, [ii. 24];
Senators with Gothic names, [ii. 29], [35]; [iii. 13];
proceedings on trial of Senators, [iv. 22], [23]; [vi. 21];
addressed on election of Pope Felix III, [viii. 15];
Theodahad's elevation announced to, [x. 4];
chidden by Theodahad for not accepting his invitation to Ravenna, [x. 13];
Theodahad announces arrival of Gothic garrison to, [x. 18];
ordered by Theodahad to communicate with Justinian, [x. 19];
Cassiodorus writes to, on his elevation to the Praetorian Praefecture, [xi. 1];
petition of, to Justinian for peace, [xi. 13].
Senator, Formula conferring the Rank of, [vi. 14].
Severinus (or Severianus), Vir Illustris, appointed a Commissioner for Province of Suavia, to remedy financial abuses, [v. 14], [15];
again sent to Suavia and Dalmatia with Osuin, [ix. 9].
Severus, Vir Spectabilis, apparently Governor of Bruttii and Lucania, [vii. 31]-33.
Sextarius, corn measure, [ii. 26].
Sicily, inhabitants of, suspicious, and with difficulty won over to the rule of Theodoric, [i. 3];
Filagrius, a citizen of Syracuse, asks leave to return to, [i. 39];
possessions of Milanese Church in, [ii. 29];
Valerian, a citizen of Syracuse, allowed to return thither, [iv. 6];
Formula of Count of Syracuse, [vi. 22];
augmentum imposed by Theodoric remitted by Athalaric, [ix. 10], [11], [12];
oppressive acts of Censitores and Count of Syracuse rebuked, [ix. 11], [14].
Sidonius, Apollinaris, possible quotation from, [iii. 16].
Sigismer, Illustris and Count, sent to administer to the Senate the oath of fidelity to Athalaric, [viii. 2].
Signine Channel, near Ravenna (?), shrubs growing in, to be rooted up, [v. 38].
Sila, Mount, in Bruttii, celebrated for its cheese, [xii. 12].
Silentiarii, thirty life-guards, [88].
Siliqua, one-twenty-fourth of solidus, [173].
Siliquaticum, a tax of one-twenty-fourth on sales in open market, collection of, [ii. 4];
exemption from, [ii. 30]; [iv. 19];
collection of arrears of, in Dalmatia, [iii. 25];
collection of arrears of, in Apulia and Calabria, [v. 31].
Siliquatarii, [ii. 12], [26]; [xii. 17].
Simeon, Vir Illustris and Comes, appointed to collect arrears of taxation in Dalmatia, [iii. 25], [26].
Simeonius (an Apulian or Calabrian), summoned for arrears of Siliquaticum, [v. 31].
Simony practised at Papal elections, edict against, [ix. 15], [16].
Simplicius, Pope (468-483), bought a house at Rome claimed by the Samaritans, [iii. 45].
[Singularii], servants charged with conveying the orders of the Praetorian Praefect into the Provinces, [113];
origin of their name, [113]. (See also, [xi. 31], [32].)
Sipontum in Apulia, merchants of, despoiled by Byzantine fleet (?), [ii. 38].
Sirmium, war of (504), Tulum's services in, [viii. 10];
Cyprian's services in, [viii. 22].
Slave of a Senator, murderer of a freeborn citizen, to be surrendered, [i. 30];
as to levy of slaves for the navy, [v. 16];
Gothic soldier made a slave wrongfully, [v. 29];
degrading services (servitia famulatus) not to be claimed of freeborn Goths, [v. 30], [39];
Tanca is accused of unjustly enslaving two rustic neighbours, [viii. 28].
Slaves, runaway, to be restored to their owners, [iii. 43];
did free Italians sell their children as? [viii. 33 n].
Solidus, 'the ancients wished that it should consist of 6,000 denarii' (?), [i. 10].
Sona, Illustris, [iii. 15].
Sontius (Isonzo), River of, Theodoric's crossing of, made an era in lawsuits as to landed property, [i. 18];
the Lucristani (?) on, ordered to attend to the Cursus Publicus, [i. 29].
Sors, land-allotment, [ii. 17].
Sors nascendi of the Curialis, [ii. 18].
Spain, to send corn-supplies to Rome, [v. 35];
abuses in administration of, to be repressed, [v. 39].
Spatarius, sword-bearer, an officer in the royal household, [iii. 43].
Spectabiles, second class of Ministers, who belonged to it? [90], [91];
honour of, conferred on Stephanus, [ii. 28];
Comes Primi Ordinis, highest of, [vi. 12];
Formula conferring Rank of, [vii. 37];
Antianus, ex-Cornicularius, receives rank of, [xi. 18];
retiring Primiscrinius receives rank of, [xi. 20].
Spes, Spectabilis, has a concession for draining land, [ii. 21].
Spoletium (Spoleto), gratuitous admission to baths at, [ii. 37];
rebuilding behind the Baths of Turasius at, [iv. 24];
Honoratus, advocate at, [v. 4].
Staletti, near Squillace, near the site of Vivarian Monastery, [71].
Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, allowed to retire from military service, but without a pension, [v. 36].
Statue, theft of brazen, at Comum, [ii. 35], [36].
Statues, care of, at Como, [ii. 35], [36];
at Rome, [vii. 13], [15].
Ste. Marthe, Denys de, author of 'Vie de Cassiodore,' [118].
Stephanus, killed by his servants and left unburied, [ii. 19].
Stephanus, petition of, against Bishop of Pola, [iv. 44].
Stratonicea, Edict of, by Diocletian, 'de pretiis venalium rerum,' [470].
Style, Cassiodorus on the different kinds of, [139].
Suarii, pork-butchers, subject to Praefectus Annonae, [vi. 18].
S(u)avia (Sclavonia), Fridibad appointed Governor of, [iv. 49];
order to be maintained in, [iv. 49];
grievances of the Possossores of, to be redressed, [v. 14];
Osuin appointed Governor of, [ix. 8], [9].
Subadjuvae, deputy cashiers (?), [109].
Sublimis, epithet used in the 'Variae,' [91 n];
equivalent to Spectabilis (?), [91].
Suevi (perhaps here the same as Alamanni) invade the Venetian Province (536), [xii. 7].
Sulcatoriae (?), some kind of merchant ships, [ii. 20].
Summons, Letters of, to the King's Court, Formulae Evocatoriae, [vii. 34], [35].
Sundial, description of, to be made by Boetius for Gundibad, [i. 45].
Superbus, son of Armentarius, appointed Referendus Curiae, [iii. 33].
Sustineo, technically used of the King's reception of his guests, [iii. 22] (and [28]).
Swords, description of, sent by King of the Vandals to Theodoric, [v. 1].
[Symmachus, Pope] (498-514), contested election with Laurentius, [26].
Symmachus the Elder, orator and leader of the Pagan party in the Senate, [78];
was he also a historian? [78].
Symmachus, Q. Aurelius Memmius, Consul (485), Patrician, father-in-law of Boethius, information as to, in the 'Anecdoton Holderi,' [74], [77]-79;
his speech for the 'Allecticii,' [78];
his Roman History, [78];
his claims against Paulinus, [i. 23];
one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Barilius and Praetextatus, [iv. 22], [23];
commended for his restoration of buildings in Rome, [iv. 51];
a saying of, [xi. 1].
T.

Table of the King, provision of delicacies for, [vi. 9]; [xii. 4], [18].
Tabularii, Cashiers of a municipality, a lower class of Numerarii, [108].
Tacitus, on amber, quoted, [v. 2].
Tanca, a Goth (?), accused of unjustly enslaving free rustics, [viii. 28].
Tarvisium (Treviso), corn-warehouse at, to be opened, [x. 27].
Taxation, arrears of, [ii. 24], [25]; [iv. 14]; [v. 31];
immunity from, [ii. 30];
remissness in tax-collectors condemned, [iii. 8]; [xii. 10];
remission of, for citizens of Aries, [iii. 32];
remission of, for all Provincials of Gaul, [iii. 40]; [iv. 19];
remission of, for one year, for citizens of Marseilles, [iv. 26];
weight of, to be lessened, [iv. 38];
regulation of, for Province of Suavia, [v. 14], [15];

abuses of, in Spain, corrected, [v. 39];
collection of Bina and Terna, [vii. 20]-22;
remission of super-assessment for Dalmatia, [ix. 9];
similar remission for Sicily, [ix. 10], [11], [12];
remission of, for a monastery, [x. 26];
proper manner of collecting, [xi. 7];
correction of abuses of, in Liguria, [xi. 16];
commutation of cattle-tax for Lucania and Bruttii, [xi. 39];
taxes to be paid punctually, [xii. 2];
in Lucania and Bruttii in time of war, [xii. 5];
remission of, for Venetia, on account of invasion of the Suevi, [xii. 7];
tax-gatherer allowed to make prepayment of his taxes, [xii. 8];
Trina Illatio to be collected regularly, [xii. 16];
special requisition from Istria, [xii. 22], [23];
contributions from Venetia remitted, [xii. 26];
remission of half of, for Liguria, [xii. 28].
Taxes, Formula for Remission of, where the Taxpayer is too heavily Assessed, [vii. 45].
Teias, King of the Goths (552-663), his battle with Narses on Monte Lettere, [468 n].
Tenues = the poor, [ii. 24], [25].
Terna, a kind of tax (not to be confounded with the Tertiae or the Trina Illatio), [iii. 8];
collection of, [vii. 20], [21], [22].
Terracina, inscription at, as to draining Marsh of Decennonium, [188].
Tertiae, probably either the land assigned to the Goths in Italy or the pecuniary equivalent paid by the Roman possessor for an undivided 'Sors Barbarica,' [152];
(tax), to be collected at same time as ordinary tribute, [i. 14];
(land), demarcation of, by Liberius, [ii. 16];
(tax), immunity from, [ii. 17].
Theodagunda, Illustris Foemina, apparently a Gothic princess, ordered to do justice to Renatus, [iv. 37].
Theodahad, nephew of Theodoric, associated in the sovereignty by Amalasuentha, [44]; [x. 1]-4;
his character, [44];
he dethrones Amalasuentha (April 30, 535), and puts her to death, [45];
his negotiations with Justinian, [47];
his deposition and death, [49];
style of address in the 'Variae,' [86];
ordered to undertake a case of contumacy, [iii. 15];
his avarice condemned, [iv. 39]; [v. 12];
to receive farms which had belonged to his mother, [viii. 23];
declares that his character has changed with his accession, [x. 5];
chides the Senate for their suspicions of him, [x. 13];
thinks himself much superior to Theodoric, [x. 22];
intended journey of, to Rome, [xii. 18], [19];
his questionable generosity in releasing his mortgage on the Church plate to the Pope, [xii. 20].
Theodora, Augusta (married to Justinian 525, died 548), letter of Amalasuentha to, [x. 10];
letters of Gudelina to, [x. 20], [21], [23];
alleged complicity of, in murder of Amalasuentha, [433], [435].
Theodoric, King of the Goths and Romans (493-525), his position in Italy, [16], [19];
story of his inability to write, [15];
relation of Cassiodorus to, [16], [19];
his religious tolerance, [21], [22];
his persecution of the Orthodox, [35];
condemnation of Boethius and Symmachus, [35];
death of (Aug. 30, 526), [37];
may possibly have called himself King of Italy, [62 n]; [455 n];
confusion between him and Theodoric II the Visigoth, [116];
letters written in the name of, [141]-293;
learned in the Roman Republic the art of governing Romans with equity, [i. 1];
relations between him and Anastasius, [i. 1];
allusion to his adoption by Zeno (?), [i. 20];
his intervention in Gaul (508), [i. 24];
his friendship for Artemidoras, [i. 43];
motto for his reign, [ii. 21];
inscription recording his drainage of Decennonial Marsh, [188];
his attempts to prevent war between Alaric and Clovis, [iii. 1]-4;
calls himself 'Romanus Princeps,' [iii. 16];
his high purpose in ruling, [iii. 43];
his alliance with the Thuringians, [iv. 1];
his alliance with the Heruli, [iv. 2];
his rides after the hours of business with Cyprian his Referendarius, [v. 40];
Cassiodorus speaks of his 'oculus imperialis,' [viii. 18];
praises of, by Witigis, [x. 31];
his especial characteristic was patience, [xi. 1].
Theodoric I, King of the Franks (511-534), death of, [xi. 1]; [452 n]; [455 n].
Theodoric, or more probably Theodorus, Patrician, accused of assaulting the Green party in the Circus, [i. 27].
Theodorus, candidate for office of Pantomimist, [i. 20].
Theodoras, report of, as to gold in Bruttii, [ix. 3].
Theodosian Code, perhaps referred to in the words 'Statuta Divalium sanctionum,' [iv. 12];
as to Decuriae Librariorum, &c. [277];
as to Delegatio, [479 n].
Theodosius, man of Theodahad (?), exhorted to abstain from violence, [x. 5].
Thessalonica, Praefect of, entreated by Witigis to speed his ambassadors on their way to Justinian, [x. 35].
Theudimer, father of Theodoric, 'pietate enituit,' [xi. 1].
Thomas, father of Germanus, [iii. 37].
Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, complains that he cannot collect arrears of taxes in Apulia, [v. 31].
Thomas, Vir Honestus, hopelessly in debt for taxes on Apulian farms, [v. 6], [7].
Thomas the Charioteer to receive a monthly allowance, [iii. 51].
Thorbecke, August, author of 'Cassiodorus Senator,' [119].
Thorismuth, predecessor of Theodoric, 'castitate enituit,' [xi. 1].
Thuringians, King of, appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war between Clovis and Alaric, [iii. 3];
Herminafrid, King of, married to Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric, [iv. 1].
Tiber to be crossed by a bridge of boats, [xii. 19].
Ticinum (Pavia), inhabitants of, ordered to provision the Heruli on their journey to King's Comitatus, [iv. 45];
corn warehouse at, to be opened, [x. 27]; [xii. 27];
provision dealers at, [x. 28];
Count Winusiad, Governor of, [x. 29].
Tituli, practice of affixing to property, condemned, [ix. 18].
Totila, words of, as to exceptional favour accorded to Sicily, [397].
Trajan, oath taken by, to the Roman people, [viii. 3];
noble saying of, to an orator, [viii. 13].
[Transmund] (Thrasamund), King of the Vandals (496-523), complained of for sheltering Gesalic, Theodoric's enemy, [v. 43];
the reconciliation, [v. 44].
Transmutation of metals (?), [viii. 3].
Treasure, buried, search for, [iv. 34].
Tribunatus Provinciarum, Formula of, [vii. 30].
Tribuni Maritimorum (in islands of Venetia), [xii. 24].
Tribunus Voluptatum, Minister of Public Amusement, Formula of, [vii. 10];
Bacauda appointed, at Milan, [v. 25];
referred to, [vi. 19].
Tridentum (Trient), proprietors in district of, [ii. 17];
new city to be erected in district of, [v. 9];
corn warehouse at, to be opened, [x. 27].
Trigguilla, 'Regiae Praepositus Domus,' was he the Praetorian Praefect whose misgovernment is denounced, [viii. 20]?
Trina Illatio, three instalments for payment of taxes, [ii. 24]; [x. 27] (?); [xi. 7], [35], [36], [37]; [xii. 2], [16], [27] (?).
Trittheim, John (Trithemius), Abbot of Spanheim, his notice of date of Cassiodorus' birth, [9], [10], [66];
as to office of Abbot held by Cassiodorus, [56 n].
Tuitio Regii Nominis, Formula bestowing, [vii. 39];
promised to owner of potteries, [ii. 23];
to Milanese Church, [ii. 29];
to Maurentius and Paula, [iv. 9];
alluded to in Edictum Athalarici, [ix. 18] (p. [404]).
Tullianus, son of Venantius, [221].
Tulum, Patrician, his early history and character, [viii. 9], [10];
embassy to Constantinople (?), [viii. 9];
share in the war of Sirmium, [viii. 10];
in the Gaulish wars (508 and 523), [viii. 10];
his escape from shipwreck, [viii. 10];
marriage with an Amal princess, [viii. 9];
letter written on his behalf to the Senate, [viii. 11];
declared Patrician, [viii. 9], [10], [11], [12];
receives Castrum Lucullanum from Theodoric and hands it over to Joannes, [viii. 25].
Tupha (Tufa), an officer of Odovacar, who deserted to Theodoric and then betrayed him, [251];
lawsuit about his property, confiscated to the Treasury, [iv. 32].
Tusciae (Thusciae) utraeque, [iv. 14];
Goths resident in, [iv. 14];
Canonicarius of, to buy a fitting quantity of paper, [xi. 38].
U.

Ulpianus, guarantor for Venantius, has lost 400 solidi by his default, [ii. 13].
(As this occurred 'administrationis suae tempore,' Ulpianus must have held some kind of public office.)
Ulysses, reputed founder of Scyllacium, [xii. 15].
[Unalamer] (Walamir), uncle of Theodoric, 'fide enituit,' [xi. 1].
Unimundus (Hunimund), collateral ancestor of Theodoric, 'forma enituit,' [xi. 1].
Uraias, nephew of King Witigis, his capture of Milan (539), [xii. 27].
Usener, Hermann, editor of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' [73]-84, [119].
V.

Vacco, Major Domus to Theodahad, [x. 18];
to superintend purchase of provisions for Gothic garrison, [x. 18].
Valentinian III, Emperor (425-455), quotation from Novellae of, [ix. 18];
Placidia's guardianship of, [xi. 1].
Valerian, a Spectabilis, citizen of Syracuse, sons of, to be detained in Rome, [iv. 6].
Valeriana, Adeodatus condemned for rape of, [iii. 46].
Vandals, King of (Thrasamund), sends presents to Theodoric, [v. 1]. (See also [Transmund] and [Hilderic].)
Vandals, allusion to, [v. 17].
'Variae' of Cassiodorus, their style described, [16]-19;
not arranged in chronological order, [22];
time and manner of their editing, [51], [52];
reason of the name, [138], [139].
Velia (or Volia), dispute between Possessores and Curiales of, [iv. 11].
Venantius (1), guardian of Plutianus, his accusation of Felix, [i. 7], [8].
Venantius (2), by his dishonesty has caused his guarantor Ulpianus to forfeit 400 solidi, [ii. 13].
Venantius (3), son of Liberius, Vir Illustris, praises of, [ii. 15];
made Comes Domesticorum, [ii. 15], [16];
rebuked for remissness in collection of taxes when Corrector of Bruttii and Lucania, [iii. 8];
complaints of Firminus against, [iii. 36];
his alleged unjust judgment of Adeodatus, [iii. 46];
descended from the ancient Decii, [ix. 23];
congratulated on Consulship of his son Paulinus (534), [ix. 23].
Venerius, a farmer, unjustly reduced to slavery by Tanca, [viii. 28].
Venetia, Province of, Gepidae on their way to Gaul to march peaceably through, [v. 10], [11];
famine in 'devotae Venetiae' to be relieved by corn distribution, [x. 27];
Canonicarius of, ordered to collect wine for the King's table, [xii. 4];
taxes of, remitted, on account of invasion of the Suevi, [xii. 7];
'Venetiae praedicabiles,' [xii. 24];
scarcity of crops in, [xii. 26].
Venice, letter containing first historical notice of (537), [xii. 24].
Veranilda, convert from Arianism to Catholic faith, interceded for by Justinian, [x. 26].
Vercelli, grant of freedom from taxation made to Church of, [i. 26].
Veredarii, drivers of the royal mail, [ii. 31].
Veredi, post-horses, not to be overworked, [iv. 47].
Verruca (perhaps Dos Trento), near Trient, description of the fort of, [iii. 48];
meaning of the word, [223, n 1].
Vesuvius, eruption of, [iv. 50].
Vicarius, a Spectabilis and Governor of a Diocese, [90]; [i. 37].
Vicarius Praefectorum (?), title borne by Gemellus as Governor of Gaul, [iii. 16].
Vicarius Portus, Formula of, [vii. 23].
Vicarius Urbis Romae, Formula of, [vi. 15];
limits of his jurisdiction, [88].
Vice-dominus (?), servants of, have oppressed Provincials of Suavia, [v. 14].
Victor Tunnunensis, chronicler (died in 569), as to the death of Amalafrida, [384 n].
Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, severely rebuked for acts of oppression, [ix. 12].
[Vigilus], Pope (537-555), allusion to by Cassiodorus, [6];
brother of Reparatus, [390];
perhaps alluded to by Gudelina, [x. 20] (see p. [433 n]).
Villiciorum Tuitio (?), removed in Spain, as being costly and unpopular, [v. 39].
Virgil quoted, [63 n]; [xii. 14].
Vivarian Monastery, founded by Cassiodorus, near Scyllacium, [55];
site of, [71].
Vivianus, Spectabilis, renouncing the world, foregoes the benefit of an unjust decree which he has obtained against Joannes, [iv. 41].
Volcanoes, nature of, [iii. 47]; [iv. 50].
Volusianus, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and Praetextatus, [iv. 22], [23];
died at Easter, [iv. 42];
his sons robbed of their possessions by a heartless intriguer, [iv. 42].
Vulcanian Islands (Lipari), a murderer banished to, [iii. 47].
W.

Walamir (see [Unalamer]).
Warni (or Guarni), King of, appealed to by Theodoric to prevent war between Clovis and Alaric, [iii. 3].
Water-clock, description of, to be made by Boetius for Gundibad, [i. 45].
Water-finder has come from Africa to Rome, [iii. 53];
description of his art, [iii. 53].
Wine, Acinaticium, [xii. 4];
Palmatiana, [xii. 12];
of Gaza, [xii. 12];
Sabine, [xii. 12].
Winithar (see [Munitarius]).
Winusiad, Comes, Governor of Ticinum, recommended to visit baths of Bormio, [x. 29].
Witigis (or Vitigis), King of the Goths (536-540), proclamation announcing his accession, [49]; [x. 31];
letters written in the name of, [x. 32]-35;
his vengeance on Theodahad, [x. 32];
his marriage with Matasuentha, [x. 32];
his siege of Rome, [506];
possibly alluded to in [xii. 19]; [509];
the Burgundians' fear of him, [xii. 28].
Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, severely rebuked for acts of oppression, [ix. 12].
Z.

Zeno, Emperor (474-491), his concessions to Theodoric, [x. 22].

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Printed at the University Press, Oxford

By Horace Hart, Printer to the University

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[FOOTNOTES]

[1] We get these titles from the Notitia Occidentis I.

[2] [See [previous footnote].]

[3] On the authority of a letter of Pope Gelasius, 'Philippo et Cassiodoro,' Usener fixes this governorship of Bruttii between the years 493 and 496 (p. 76).

[4] De Pontificibus et Sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis, p. 843 of Migne's Second Volume of Alcuin's Works. I owe this quotation to Adolph Franz.

[5] Preface to Getica (Mommsen's Edition, p. 53).

[6] Epist. XIV. ad Rusticum et Sebastianum (Migne, p. 49).

[7] Nearly all the letters in the [XIth] and [XIIth] Books of the Variae are headed 'Senator Praefectus Praetorio.'

[8]

'Adtollit se diva Lacinia contra,
Caulonisque arces, et navifragum Scylaceum.'
(iii. 552-3.)

[9] p. 375: ed. Oxon. 1807.

[10] Pliny (Hist. Nat. iii. 10) says: 'Dein sinus Scylacius et Scyllacium, Scylletium Atheniensibus, cum conderent, dictum: quem locum occurrens Terinaeus sinus peninsulam efficit: et in eâ portus qui vocatur Castra Annibalis, nusquam angustiore Italia XX millia passuum latitudo est.'

[11] I take the two following paragraphs from Lenormant's La Grande Grèce, pp. 342-3.

[12] The reference is given by Köpke (Die Anfänge des Königthums, p. 88) as 'De scr. ecc. 212 Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, ed. Fabricius, p. 58;' by Thorbecke (p. 8) as 'Catalogus seu liber scriptorum ecclesiasticorum, Coloniae 1546, p. 94.' Franz (p. 4) quotes from the same edition as Köpke, 'De script. eccl. c. 212 in Fabricii biblioth. eccl., Hamburgi 1728, iii. p. 58.'

[13] The Anecdoton Holderi.

[14] Cassiodorus the First, born about 390; the Second, about 420; the Third, about 450.

[15] Or possibly 501.

[16] This fact, and also the cause of Senator's promotion to the Quaestorship, we learn from the Anecdoton Holderi described in a following [chapter].

[17] The terms Adsessor, Consiliarius, Παρεδρος, Συμβουλος, seem all to indicate the same office.

[18] Cod. Theod. i. 12. 1.

[19] This seems to be the meaning of Cod. Theod. i. 12. 2. The gains of the 'filii familias Assessores' were to be protected as if they were 'castrense peculium.'

[20] Some points in this description are taken from Bethmann Hollweg, Gerichtsverfassung der sinkenden Römischen Reichs, pp. 153-158.

[21] 'Cassiodorus Senator ... juvenis adeo, dum patris Cassiodori patricii et praefecti praetorii consiliarius fieret et laudes Theodorichi regis Gothorum facundissime recitasset, ab eo quaestor est factus' (Anecdoton Holderi, ap. Usener, p. 4).

[22] He himself says, or rather makes Theodoric's grandson say to him, 'Quem primaevum recipiens ad quaestoris officium, mox reperit [Theodoricus] conscientiâ praeditum, et legum eruditione maturum' (Var. [ix. 24]).

[23] At this time the Illustres actually in office would probably be the Praefectus Praetorio Italiae (Cassiodorus the father), the Praefectus Urbis Romae, the two Magistri Militum in Praesenti, the Praepositus Sacri Cubiculi, the Magister Officiorum, the Quaestor, the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, the Comes Rerum Privatarum, and the two Comites Domesticorum Equitum et Peditum.

[24] 'Sub dispositione viri illustris Quaestoris

Leges dictandae
Preces.

Officium non habet sed adjutores de scriniis quos voluerit.'

[25] Officium non habet.

[26] Var. [i. 35].

[27] Echeneis.

[28] Jordanes, De Rebus Geticis, lvii.

[29] Theodorus Lector (circa 550), Eccl. Hist. ii. 18. Both he and some later writers who borrow from him call the King Θεοδεριχος 'ο Αφρος; why, it is impossible to say.

[30] Var. [ii. 27].

[31] Die [Uterwerfung] der Alamannen: Strassburg, 1884.

[32] Especially Binding, Geschichte des Burgundisch-Romanischen Königreichs, p. 181.

[33] [ix. 24].

[34] Thorbecke has pointed out (pp. 40-41) that we possess letters written by Cassiodorus to four Quaestors before the year 510, and that therefore the fact of others holding the nominal office of Quaestor did not circumscribe his activity as Secretary to Theodoric.

[35] It need hardly be explained that, as a matter of compliment to the reigning Emperor, the first Consulship that fell vacant after his accession to the throne was (I believe invariably) filled by him, and that though he might sometimes have held the office of Consul before his assumption of the diadem, this was not often the case. Certainly, in the instances given above, Probus, Carus, and Diocletian held no Consulships till after they had been saluted as Emperors.

[36] Clinton's date for this battle, 403, differs from that assigned by Cassiodorus, and is, in my judgment, erroneous.

[37] Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, iii. 547-696.

[38] 'Dass die ganze Procedur von der übelsten Art ist und den viel gefeierten gothischen Historiker in jeder weise compromittirt, bedarf keiner Ausaneindersetzung' (l.c. 564).

[39] It could not have been written, at any rate in its present shape, before 516, because Athalaric's birth is mentioned in it. I prefer Jordanes' date for this event, 516 or 517, to that given by Procopius, 518. On the other hand, Usener proves (p. 74), from the reference to it in the Anecdoton Holderi, that it could not have been written after 521.

[40] Var. [ix. 25].

[41] 'Iste Amalos cum generis sui claritate restituit.' Perhaps it is better to take 'sui' as equivalent to 'illorum,' and translate 'their lineage.'

[42] 'Ut sicut fuistis a majoribus vestris semper nobiles aestimati, ita vobis rerum antiqua progenies imperaret.' For 'rerum' we must surely read 'regum.'

[43] My meaning would be better expressed by the useful German word 'voraussetzungslosigkeit,' freedom from a foregone conclusion.

[44] Jordanes, De Reb. Get. xiii.

[45] 'De Rebus Geticis,' or 'De Gothorum Origine,' is the name by which this little treatise is usually known. It seems to be doubtful, however, what title, if any, Jordanes himself prefixed to it. Mommsen calls it simply 'Getica.'

[46] Especially Schirren, 'De Ratione quae inter Jordanem et Cassiodorum intercedat' (Dorpat, 1858); Sybel, 'De Fontibus Libri Jordanis' (Berlin, 1838); and Köpke, 'Die Anfänge des Königthums bei den Gothen' (Berlin, 1859).

[47] Possibly in the end Bishop of Crotona, or a Defensor of the Roman Church, since we find a Jordanes in each of these positions; but this is mere guesswork, and to me neither theory seems probable.

[48] 'Sed ut non mentiar, ad triduanam lectionem dispensatoris ejus beneficio libros ipsos antehac relegi.' Notwithstanding the 'ut non mentiar,' most of those who have enquired into the subject have come to the opinion which is bluntly expressed by Usener (p. 73), 'Die dreitägige Frist die Jordanes zur Benutzung der 12 Bücher gehabt haben will, ist natürlich Schwindel.' Even by an expert précis-writer a loan of three months would be much more probably needed for the purpose indicated by Jordanes than one of three days.

[49] This was probably 521 at latest.

[50] The language of Cassiodorus in Var. [ix. 24] implies that he had held this office for a considerable time before the death of Theodoric. Usener thinks that he was made Magister Officiorum for the first time about the year 518.

[51] They are 'Scutariorum prima, secunda et tertia, armaturarum seniorum et gentilium seniorum' (Notitia Occidentis, cap. ix.).

[52] This is the account of the matter given by Lydus (De Magistratibus ii. 10); but as the Notitia (Or. xi.) puts the 'Curiosus Cursus Publici Praesentalis' under the disposition of the Magister Officiorum, the retransfer had probably not then taken place. It would seem also from the Formula of Cassiodorus (Var. [vi. 6]) that in his time the Magister Officiorum still had the charge of the Cursus Publicus.

[53] Variarum [ix. 25].

[54] The meaning apparently is: 'The experience which he had gained in Theodoric's service was employed for the advantage of his grandson.'

[55] Var. [ix. 24].

[56] 'Diutius quidem differendo pro te cunctorum vota lassavimus, ut benevolentiam in te probaremus generalitatis, et cunctis desiderabilior advenires.'

[57] Var. [vi. 3].

[58] Joannes Lydus, De Dignitatibus ii. 7, 8, 9, 13, 14.

[59] Bethmann Hollweg (pp. 75, 76) enumerates the functions of the Praetorian Praefect thus: '(1) Legislative. He promulgated the Imperial laws, and issued edicts which had almost the force of laws. (2) Financial. The general tax (indictio, delegatio) ordered by the Emperor for the year, was proclaimed by each Praefect for his own Praefecture. Through his officials he took part in the levy of the tax, and had a special State-chest (arca praetoria) for the proceeds. (3) Administrative. The Praefect proposed the names of provincial governors, handed to them their salaries, had a general oversight of them, issued rescripts on the information furnished by them, and could as their ordinary Judge inflict punishments upon them, even depose them from their offices, and temporarily nominate substitutes to act in their places. (4) Judicial, as the highest Judge of Appeal.'

[60] See authorities quoted by Bethmann Hollweg, pp. 79, 80.

[61] 'ορκοις δεινοτατοις.

[62] Variarum [iv. 39] and [v. 12].

[63] The dates of the death of Athalaric and deposition of Amalasuentha are given by Agnellus in his Liber Pontificalis Ecclesiae Ravennatis, p. 322 (in the edition comprised in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica).

[64] We do not seem to have the precise date of the death of Amalasuentha, but apparently it happened about the month of May, 535.

[65] De Bello Gotthico, i. 6.

[66] The situation of this plain is unknown.

[67] Var. [x. 31].

[68] We get this date only from Agnellus (loc. cit. p. 522).

[69] Var. [xii. 20].

[70] Var. [xii. 22], [23], [24], [27], [28].

[71] Var. [xii. 25].

[72] 'Cum jam suscepti operis optato fine gauderem, meque duodecim voluminibus jactatum quietis portus exciperet, ubi etsi non laudatus, certe liberatus adveneram, amicorum me suave collegium in salum rursus cogitationis expressit, postulans ut aliqua quae tam in libris sacris, quam in saecularibus abstrusa compereram de animae substantiâ, vel de ejus virtutibus aperirem, cui datum est tam ingentium rerum secreta reserare: addens nimis ineptum esse si eam per quam plura cognoscimus, quasi a nobis alienam ignorare patiamur, dum ad anima sit utile nosse qua sapimus' (De Animâ, Praefatio).

[73] Fifty-eight, if the retirement was in 538.

[74] 'Nam si vos in monasterio Vivariensi divinâ gratia suffragante coenobiorum consuetudo competenter erudiat, et aliquid sublimius defaecatis animis optare contingat, habetis mentis Castelli secreta suavia, ubi velut anachoritae (praestante Domino) feliciter esse possitis' (De Inst. Div. Litt. xxix.).

[75] 'Invitat vos locus Vivariensis monasterii ... quando habetis hortos irriguos, et piscosi amnis Pellenae fluenta vicina, qui nec magnitudine undarum suspectus habetur, nec exiguitate temnibilis. Influit vobis arte moderatus, ubicunque necessarius judicatur et hortis vestris sufficiens et molendinis.... Maria quoque vobis ita subjacent, ut piscationibus variis pateant; et captus piscis, cum libuerit, vivariis possit includi. Fecimus enim illic (juvante Deo) grata receptacula ubi sub claustro fideli vagetur piscium multitudo; ita consentanea montium speluncis, ut nullatenus se sentiat captum, cui libertas eat escas sumere, et per solitas se cavernas abscondere.'

[76] 'Balnea quoque congruenter aegris praeparata corporibus jussimus aedificari, ubi fontium perspicuitas decenter illabitur, quae et potui gratissima cognoscitur et lavacris.'

[77] But the words of Trithemius (quoted by Migne, Patrologia lxix. 498), 'Hic post aliquot conversionis suae annos abbas electus est, et monasterio multo tempore utiliter praefuit,' may preserve a genuine and accurate tradition. Cassiodorus' mention of the two Abbots, Chalcedonius and Geruntius (De Inst. Div. Litt. cap. xxxii.) shows that at any rate in the infancy of his monasteries he was not Abbot of either of them.

[78] Agapetus was Pope in 535 and 536.

[79] 'Nisus sum ergo cum beatissimo Agapeto papa urbis Romae, ut sicut apud Alexandriam multo tempore fuisse traditur institutum, nunc etiam in Nisibi civitate Syrorum ab Hebraeis sedulo fertur exponi, collatis expensis in urbe Romana professos doctores scholae potius acciperent Christianae, unde et anima susciperet aeternam salutem, et casto atque purissimo eloquio fidelium lingua comeretur' (De Inst. Praefatio).

[80] The 30th of the De Institutione Div. Litt.

[81] For instance, in cap. xv., after cautioning his copyists against rash corrections of apparent faults in the sacred MSS., he says: 'Ubicunque paragrammata in disertis hominibus [i.e. in classical authors] reperta fuerint, intrepidus vitiosa recorrigat.' And the greater part of cap. xxviii. is an argument against 'respuere saecularium litterarum studia.'

[82] Paravimus etiam nocturnis vigiliis mechanicas lucernas, conservatrices illuminantium flammarum, ipsas sibi nutrientes incendium, quae humano ministerio cessante, prolixe custodiant uberrimi luminis abundantissimam claritatem; ubi olei pinguedo non deficit, quamvis flammis ardentibus jugitor torreatur.

[83] 'In Psalterio et Prophetis et Epistolis apostolorum studium maximum laboris impendi.... Quos ego cunctos novem codices auctoritatis divinae (ut senex potui) sub collatione priscorum codicum amicis ante me legentibus, sedula lectione transivi' (De Inst. Praefatio). We should have expected 'tres' rather than 'novem,' as the Psalter, the Prophets, and the Epistles each formed one codex.

[84] I take my account of this treatise chiefly from Franz (pp. 93-100).

[85] Printed hitherto as two works, De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum, and De Artibus ac Disciplinis Liberalium Litterarum. But, as Ebert has shown (i. 477), the Preface to the Orthographiâ makes it probable that these two really formed one book, with a title like that given above.

[86] 'In Italico regno.' These words seem to favour the conjecture that Theodoric may have called himself King of Italy.

[87] As a specimen of this better style of Cassiodorus, I may refer to his praises of the life of the literary monk, and his exhortation to him who is of duller brain to practise gardening: 'Quapropter toto nisu, toto labore, totis desideriis exquiramus ut ad tale tantumque munus, Domino largiente, pervenire mereamur. Hoc enim nobis est salutare, proficuum, gloriosum, perpetuum, quod nulla mors, nulla mobilitas, nulla possit separare oblivio; sed in illa suavitate patriae, cum Domino faciet aeterna exsultatione gaudere. Quod si alicui fratrum, ut meminit Virgilius,

"Frigidus obstiterit circum praecordia sanguis,"

ut nec humanis nec divinis litteris perfecte possit erudiri, aliqua tamen scientiae mediocritate suffultus, eligat certe quod sequitur,

"Rura mihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes."

Quia nec ipsum est a monachis alienum hortos colere, agros exercere, et pomorum fecunditate gratulari; legitur enim in Psalmo centesimo vigesimo septimo, "Labores manuum tuarum manducabis; beatus es et bene tibi erit."'

[88]1. Octateuchus (Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Ruth).

2. Kings (Samuel and Kings, Chronicles).

3. Prophets (Four Major, including Daniel, and Twelve Minor).

4. Psalms.

5. Solomon (Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus).

6. Hagiographa (Tobias, Esther, Judith, Maccabees, Esdras).

7. Gospels.

8. Epistles of the Apostles (including that to the Hebrews).

9. Acts of the Apostles and Apocalypse.

[89] The remarks on Marcellinus Comes and Prosper are worth transcribing: 'Hunc [Eusebium] subsecutus est suprascriptus Marcellinus Illyricianus, qui adhuc patricii Justiniani fertur egisse cancellos; sed meliore conditione devotus, a tempore Theodosii principis usque ad finem imperii triumphalis Augusti Justiniani opus suum, Domino juvante, perduxit; ut qui ante fuit in obsequio suscepto gratus, postea ipsius imperio copiose amantissimus appareret.' [The allusion to 'finem imperii Justiniani' was probably added in a later revision of the Institutiones.] 'Sanctus quoque Prosper Chronica ab Adam ad Genserici tempora et urbis Romae depraedationem usque perduxit.'

[90] They were a compilation from the 'Artes' of Donatus, from a book on Etymologies (perhaps also by Donatus), and from a treatise by Sacerdos on Schemata; and a short Table of Contents of the Books of Scripture, prepared in such a form as to be easily committed to memory.

[91] Ad amantissimos orthographos discutiendos anno aetatis meae nonagesimo tertio (Domino adjuvante) perveni.

[92] They were Donatus, Cn. Cornutus, Velius Longus, Curtius Valerianus, Papirianus, Adamantius Martyrius, Eutiches, Caesellius, Lucius Caecilius, and 'Priscianus grammaticus, qui nostro tempore Constantinopoli doctor fuit.' Two names seem to be omitted by Cassiodorus.

[93] As stated by Ebert (p. 481).

[94] Cap. xv.

[95] In assigning the death of Cassiodorus to the ninety-sixth year of his age I rest upon the authority of Trittheim (as quoted in the earlier part of this chapter), who appears to me to have preserved the chronology which was generally accepted, before the question became entangled by the confusion between Cassiodorus and his father.

[96] See Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament, pp. 133-4.

[97] I have adopted the emendations—most of them the corrections of obvious mistakes—which are suggested by Usener.

[98] In the original, 'Casiodorū.'

[99] In the original, 'ex quibus.'

[100] De Bello Gotthico iii. 13 (p. 328, ed. Bonn).

[101] If Usener be right (and he has worked up this point with great care), we can trace the following links in the pedigree of Cethegus (see pp. 6 and 11):

Rufius Petronius Placidus, Consul 481.
|
Rufius Petronius Anicius Probinus, Consul 489.
|
Rufius Petronius Nicomachus Cethegus, Consul 504, correspondent of Cassiodorus.

Probinus and Cethegus are referred to by Ennodius in his letter to Ambrosius and Beatus, otherwise called his Paraenesis (p. 409, ed. Hartel).

[102] Caput Senati. This, not Caput Senatus, is the form which we find in Anon. Valesii. Usener suggests (p. 32) that Symmachus probably became Caput Senati on the death of Festus, who had held that position from 501 to 506.

[103] See Usener, p. 29. The Consules Ordinarii for that year were Arcadius and Honorius.

[104] Jordanes, Getica xv.: 'Nam, ut dicit Symmachus in quinto suae historiae libro, Maximinus ... ab exercitus effectus est imperator.' 'Occisus Aquileia a Puppione regnum reliquit Philippo; quod nos huic nostro opusculo de Symmachi hystoria [sic] mutuavimus.'

[105] Chiefly derived from the Paraenesis of Ennodius (Opusc. vi.).

[106] In the Paraenesis.

[107] Usener's suggestion (pp. 38, 39) that he obtained this honour in consequence of having filled the place of Comes Sacrarum Largitionum seems to me only to land us in the further difficulty caused by the entire omission of all allusion to this fact both in the Paraenesis and in the Anecdoton Holderi.

[108] See Var. [i. 10] and [45]; [ii. 40].

[109] De l'Origine des Traditions sur le Christianisme de Boèce (Paris, 1861.)

[110] The existence of this title is proved not only by the language of Arcadius in the Theodosian Code x. 25. 1, concerning 'Nobilissimae puellae, filiae meae,' but also by Zosimus (ii. 39), who says that Constantine bestowed the dignity of Nobilissimus on his brother Constantius and his nephew Hannibalianus (της του λεγομενου νωβελισσιμου παρ' αυτου Κωνσταντινου τυχοντες αξιας αιδοι της συγγενειας); and by Marcellinus Comes, s. a. 527, who says: 'Justinus Imperator Justinianum ex sorore suâ nepotem, jamdudum a se Nobilissimum designatum, participem quoque regni ani, successoremque creavit.' It is evident that the title did not come by right of birth, but that some sort of declaration of it was necessary.

[111] Var. [iii. 15].

[112] Var. [viii. 23].

[113] Var. [vi. 4].

[114] Var. [vi. 8].

[115] I think the usual account of the matter is that which I have given elsewhere (Italy and her Invaders, i. 227), that the Comes had military command in the Diocese and the Dux in the Province. But on closer examination I cannot find that the Notitia altogether bears out this view. It gives us for the Western Empire eight Comites and twelve Duces. The former pretty nearly correspond to the Dioceses, but the latter are far too few for the Provinces, which number forty-two, excluding all the Provinces of Italy. Besides, in some cases the jurisdiction appears to be the same. Thus we have both a Dux and a Comes Britanniarum, and the Dux Mauritaniae Caesariensis must, one would think, have held command in a region as large or larger than the Comes Tingitaniae. Again, we have a Comes Argentoratensis and a Dux Moguntiacensis, two officers whose power, one would think, was pretty nearly equal. The same may perhaps be said of the Comes Litoris Saxonici in Britain and the Dux Tractus Armoricani et Nervicani in Gaul. While recognising a general inferiority of the Dux to the Comes, I do not think we can, with the Notitia before us, assert that the Provincial Duces were regularly subordinated to the Diocesan Comes, as the Provincial Consulares were to the Diocesan Vicarius. And the fact that both Comes and Dux were addressed as Spectabilis rather confirms this view.

[116] Probably, from the order in which they are mentioned by the Notitia.

[117] Sublimis occurs in the superscription of the following letters: [i. 2]; [iv. 17]; [v. 25], [30], and [36]; [ix. 11] and [14]; [xii. 5].

[118] See Emil Kühn's Verfassung des Römischen Reichs i. 182, and the passages quoted there.

[119] p. 31.

[120] To illustrate the [Eleventh Book] of the Variae, Letters [18] to [35].

[121] See [Table, p. 94].

[122] To use a modern illustration, we might perhaps say that the Notitia Dignitatum = Whitaker's Almanac + the Army List.

[123] See also Var. [vii. 24] and [28].

[124] De Mag. iii. 3, 4.

[125] Lydus here gives the Formula for the admission of assistants, 'et colloca eum in legione primâ adjutrice nostrâ,' which he proceeds to translate into Greek for the benefit of his readers (και ταξειας αυτον εν τω πρωτω ταγματι τω βοηθουντι 'ημιν).

[126] I have slightly expanded a sentence here, but this is evidently the author's meaning.

[127] Condensed from Lydus, De Mag. iii. 4-7.

[128] Ib. iii. 22-24.

[129] This seems to be the meaning of Lydus, but it is not clearly expressed.

[130] There is something wanting in the text here.

[131] See Cod. Theod. vi. 29. 8, which looks rather like the law alluded to by Lydus, notwithstanding his remark about its omission.

[132] τω κρειττονι.

[133] εκ του βαθμου.

[134] De Mag. iii. 25.

[135] απο των λεγομενων κομπλευσιμων, apparently the same source of revenue as the promotion-money (την εκ του βαθμου προνομιαν).

[136] De Mag. iii. 4.

[137] μετα δε τον κορνικουλαριον πριμισκρινιοι δυο, ους 'Ηλληνες πρωτους της ταξεως καλουσι.

[138] De Mag. iii. 11.

[139] παρηει προς τους πριμισκρινιους ταξαντας εκβιβαστην τοις αποπεφασμενοις. Probably we should read ταξοντας for ταξαντας.

[140] επληρουν δια των βοηθειν αυτοις τεταγμενων (? Adjutores).

[141] επι του νωτου της εντυχιας γραμμασιν αιδους αυτοθεν απασης και εξουσιας ογκω σεσοβημενοις.

[142] κομμενταρισιοι δυο ('ουτω δε τους επι των 'υπομνηματων γραφη ταττομενους 'ο νομος καλει) (iii. 4). I accept the necessary emendation of the text proposed in the Bonn edition.

[143] To avoid confusion I will use the term 'Commentariensis' throughout.

[144] So Bethmann Hollweg (p. 179), 'Diess ist der Gehülfe des Magistrats bei Verwaltung der Criminaljustiz.' I compare him in the following translation of Cassiodorus to a 'magistrate's clerk.'

[145] See iii. 9 (p. 203, ed. Bonn), and combine with iii. 16. The Augustales referred to in the latter passage were a higher class of Exceptores.

[146] Applicitarii, Clavicularii, Lictores.

[147] σιδηρεοις δεσμοις και ποιναιων οργανων και πληκτρων ποικιλια σαλευοντων τω φοβω το δικαστηριον (iii. 16).

[148] και κοινωνησαντος αυτω της βασιλειας.

[149] 'οτε Κωαδης 'ο Περσης εφλεγμαινε. The whole passage is mysterious, but we seem to have here an allusion to the outbreak of the Persian War (a.d. 502).

[150] iii. 17 (p. 210).

[151] Var. [xi. 22].

[152] This seems to be Bethmann Hollweg's view (p. 181).

[153] This we learn from iii. 20. They are not mentioned in iii. 4, where we should have expected to find them.

[154] 'εξ ανδρες εραστοι και νουνεχεστατοι και σφριγωντες ετι (Lydus iii. 20).

[155] 'ρεγεστων η κοττιδιανων (αντι του εφημερων).

[156] Ιταλιστι. Of course the emphasis laid on this point proceeds from the Greek nationality of our present authority.

[157] σαβανον = a towel.

[158] Except, as before stated, those in the office of the Praetorian Praefect for Illyricum. These were four in number, and one of them had charge of 'gold,' another of '[public] works.' Further information is requisite to enable us to explain these entries.

[159] They are alluded to in Var. [xii. 13]. The Canonicarii (Tax-collectors) had plundered the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania in the name of 'sedis nostrae Numerarii;' but the Numerarii with holy horror declared that they had received no part of the spoils.

[160] See Bethmann Hollweg, 184.

[161] Illustres and Spectabiles.

[162] [xi. 24].

[163] This is Bethmann Hollweg's interpretation of the words of Lydus, 'οι τας μεν επι τοις δημοσιοις φοιτωσας ψηφους γραφουσι μονον, το λοιπον καταφρονουμενοι (iii. 21). In another passage (iii. 4, 5) Lydus appears to assign a reason for the fact that the Praefectus Urbis Constantinopolitanae, the Magister Militum, and the Magister Officiorum had no Cura Epistolarum on their staff; but the paragraph is to me hopelessly obscure. Curiously enough, too, while he avers that every department of the State (perhaps every diocese) had, as a rule, its own Curae Epistolarum, he limits the two in the Praetorian Praefect's office to the diocese of Pontica (κουρα επιστολαρουμ Ποντικης δυο).

[164] The first form of the name is found in the Notitia, the second in Lydus and Cassiodorus.

[165] It is not easy to make out exactly what Lydus wishes us to understand about the Cursus Publicus; but I think his statements amount to this, that it was taken by Arcadius from the Praetorian Praefect and given to the Magister Officiorum, was afterwards restored to the Praefect, and finally was in effect destroyed by the corrupt administration of John of Cappadocia. (See ii. 10; iii. 21, 61.)

[166] The ταχυγραφοι of Lydus.

[167] In making this statement I consider the Adjutores to be virtually another class of Exceptores, and I purposely omit the Singularii as not belonging to the Militia Litterata, which alone I am now considering.

[168] iii. 6, 9.

[169] I think this is a fair summary of Lydus iii. 9 and 10, but these paragraphs are very difficult and obscure.

[170] We should certainly have expected that the Augustales would be those writers who were specially appropriated to the Emperor's service, but the other conclusion necessarily follows from the language of Lydus (iii. 10): 'ωστε και πεντεκαιδεκα εξ αυτων των πεπανωτερων πειρα τε και τω χρονω κρειττονων προς 'υπογραφην τοις βασιλευσιν αφορισθηναι, ους ετι και νυν δηπουτατους καλουσιν, 'οι του ταγματος των Αυγουσταλιων πρωτευουσιν.

[171] The form of the word must I think prevent us from applying the Princeps Augustorum of [xi. 35] to the same class of officers.

[172] τους επι ταις λογικαις τεταγμενους λειτουργιαις (Lydus iii. 7). Περας μεν 'οδε των λογικων της ταξεως συστηματων (iii. 21). The 'Learned Service' may be taken as corresponding to 'a post fit for a gentleman,' in modern phraseology. In our present Official Directories the members of the λογικη ταξις appear to be all dignified with the title 'Esq.;' the others have only 'Mr.'

[173] Occidentis ix. 15.

[174] In Var. [xi. 6], which see.

[175] iii. 36, 37.

[176] About twelve shillings.

[177] This derivation from casses is, of course, absurd.

[178] Can this be the meaning of εις πληθος?

[179] Κομποφακελλορρημοσυνη = Pomp-bundle-wordiness, an Aristophanic word.

[180] De Dignitatibus iii. 7.

[181] Var. [xi. 31].

[182] This seems a probable explanation of a rather obscure passage.

[183] See the following sections of the Notitia: Magister Militum Praesentatis (Oriens v. 74, vi. 77; Occidens v. 281, vi. 93); M.M. per Orientem (Or. vii. 67); M.M. per Thracias (Or. viii. 61); M.M. per Illyricum (Or. ix. 56); Magister Equitum per Gallias (Occ. vii. 117). The only civil officer who has Apparitores is the Proconsul Achaiae (Oriens xxi. 14).

[184] This edition is described by Dibdin (Bibliotheca Spenceriana iii. 244-5).

[185] p. 492.

[186] See Usener, p. 32.

[187] Compare Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung ii. 237). He remarks that the Indiction seems to have been first adopted in Egypt, and did not come into universal use all over the Empire till the end of the Fourth Century.

[188] The Twelfth Century, according to Marquardt.

[189] Vol. ii. pp. 214-216. See his remarks, p. 210: 'The Indictions in Marcellinus and in the Tables of Du Fresnoy are compared with the Consulship and the Julian year in which they end. In the following Table they are compared with the year in which they begin, because the years of the Christian era are here made the measure of the rest, and contain the beginnings of all the other epochs.'

[190] Var. [xi. 6].

[191] Var. [xii. 22].

[192] Translated in full.

[193] 'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.

[194] ου χρη παννυχιον ευδειν βουληφορον ανδρα (Il. ii. 24).

[195] 'Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.'

[196] 'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater part of the reign of Theodoric.

[197] 'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magnâ diei parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.'

[198] 'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.

[199] 'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam consciâ facundiâ praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter clause.

[200] 'Tu enim illos assumpsisti verâ laude describere, et quodammodo historico colore depingere.'

[201] 'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari, oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.'

[202] 'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiam defloratis prosperitatibus condidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses 'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.' See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin. Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographiâ, cap. ii (title). I doubt not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratis prosperitatibus,' so naïvely confess the one-sided character of his history.

[203] The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and 'quod est in edito (constitutum).'

[204] 'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other reading, 'suscipiunt.'

[205] 'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.'

[206] 'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase (which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the ambassadors) as above.

[207] 'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.'

[208] 'Pomâ meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.'

[209] For some remarks on the date of this letter, see Introduction, [p. 23]. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or King, or other great personage.

As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured position, but still an equal.

[210] Otranto.

[211] Vernans.

[212] Blatta.

[213] I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).

[214] Father of the Author.

[215] 'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.'

[216] Father of Cassiodorus Senator.

[217] Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.

[218] Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.

[219] 'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.'

[220] 'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem laudabiliter mentiantur.'

[221] 'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis oblitum, bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse.'

[222] 'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.'

[223] If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in the Anecdoton Holderi.

[224] Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et peditum?'

[225] Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var. [viii. 19], and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.

[226] 'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf. Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quam sub rege pio.'

[227] 'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.'

[228] 'Durissimae mansiones.'

[229] 'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.'

[230] 'Illud enim, propitiante Deo, labores nostros asserit quod se otiosam generalitas esse cognoscit.'

[231] 'Quapropter illustris magnitudo vestra praesenti jussione commonita, patrocinium partis Prasini, quod gloriosae recordationis pater noster impendit, dignanter assumat.' This passage probably alludes to Theodoric's adoption by Zeno. But one reading is 'pater vester.'

[232] See for the office of the Sajo, [note] on [ii. 13].

[233] I presume that 'portum Lucini' is an error for the Lucrine harbour; but there is an allusion which I do not understand in the following passage: 'Simul etiam portubus junctis, qui ad illa loca antiquitus pertinebant, et nunc diversorum usurpatione suggeruntur invasi?'

[234] This is evidently the writer's father.

[235] 'Onera indictorum titulorum.'

[236] 'Tributa sunt purpurae, non lacernae.'

[237] See [i. 23], from which it appears that these two men had special jurisdiction in cases affecting Patricians.

[238] See [Letter i. 20].

[239] [Ibid.]

[240] 'Expensae publicae' perhaps = curatores annonae.

[241] For a fuller translation of this marvellous letter, see Introd. [p. 18].

[242] See remarks on this letter in Dahn, Könige der Germanen iv. 147-8. Some MSS. read Coion or Goinon, as the name of the Senator to whom it is addressed.

[243] 'Quae circa referendos curiae priscus ordo designavit.'

[244] Either 509-510 or 524-525; more probably the former.

[245] An unintelligible translation doubtless, but is the original clearer? 'Burgundionum dominus a nobis magnopere postulavit ut horologium quod aquis sub modulo fluentibus temperatur et quod solis immensi comprehensa illuminatione distinguitur ... ei transmittere deberemus.' It is pretty clear that the first request of the Burgundian King was for a clepsydra of some kind. The second must be for some kind of sundial, but the description is very obscure.

[246] Evidently 'sic enim Atheniensium scholas longe positus introisti' does not mean that Boethius actually visited Athens, but that he became thoroughly at home in the works of Athenian philosophers.

[247] 'Portamque dierum tali nomine dicatus annus, tempos introeat.' The figure here used seems borrowed from Claudian, In Primum Cons. Stilichonis ii. 425-476.

[248] 'Cum soli genitalis fortunâ relictâ, velut quodam postliminio in antiquam patriam commeasses.'

[249] 'Ubi praeconium meretur effusio.'

[250] 'Illud Humani generis procreabile Sacramentum.'

[251] 'Foemina spectabilis.'

[252] 'Retentatores.' So the Gepid Prince is called the Retentator of Sirmium (Ennodius, Panegyric. Theod. 178. Ed. Migne).

[253] The Sajo was an officer, not of very high rank, apparently always of Gothic nationality, who was charged with executing the King's mandates. Perhaps our word 'henchman' would be the best translation of his title. His conventional attribute was 'devotio.' See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 181-186, and my 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 282-284.

[254] Quaere if named from the last Emperor.

[255] 'Quam etiam ferocitas gentilis expavit.'

[256] Cf. [iii. 9] for a similar heading.

[257] 'Quod si eos vel ad honores transire jura vetuerunt, quam videtur esse contrarium, Curialem Reipublicae, amissâ turpiter libertate, servire? et usque ad conditionem pervenisse postremam quem vocavit antiquitas Minorem Senatum.'

[258] 'Cum jam in soli faciem paulatim mollities siccata duresceret, celatamque longâ voracitate tellurem sol insuetus afflaret.' I cannot understand these words. I suppose there was a hard cake of clay left when the water was drained off, which was baked by the sun, and that there should have been further digging to work through this stratum and get at the good soil beneath; but the wording is not very clear.

[259] 'Primae transmissionis tempus.'

[260] See Dahn, 'Könige der Germanen' iii. 153 and 112, n. 5.

[261] Here follows a sentence which I am unable to translate: 'Superbia deinde conductorum canonicos solidos non ordine traditos, sed sub iniquo pondere imminentibus fuisse projectos nec universam siliquam quam reddere consueverant solemniter intulisse.' I think the meaning is, that the stewards of the Senators (conductores) arrogantly refused to allow the money paid to the tax-collectors (canonici solidi) to be tested, as in ordinary course it should have been, to see if it was of full weight. The 'imminentes' are, I think, the tax-collectors. I cannot at all understand the clause about 'universam siliquam.'

[262] This appears to have been a tax levied on all traders, otherwise known as the Chrysargyron. See Cod. Theod. xiii. 1. Aurarii is therefore equivalent to Licensed Traders.

[263] Are we to understand by this expression the Officium of the Praetorian Praefect?

[264] Curial obligations.

[265] 'Fixum tenuisti militiae probatae vestigium. Spectabilitatis honorem, quem militiae sudore detersis justa deputavit antiquitas praesenti tibi auctoritate conferimus ut laboris tui tandem finitas excubias ... intelligas ... Tibique utpote militiae munere persoluto.' The term 'militia' is employed here, as in the Codes, of 'service in a bureau.'

[266] 'Quia Regnantes est gloria, subjectorum otiosa tranquillitas.'

[267] For Eustorgius, cf. [Letter i. 9].

[268] Auraria pensio. See [note] on [ii. 26].

[269] 'Ad exhibitionem thermarum supra consuetudinem.'

[270] απονος.

[271] I think this is Cassiodorus' meaning, but his language is obscure.

[272] Cf. Milton:

'To the Dorian mood
Of flutes and soft recorders; such as rais'd
To highth of noblest temper heroes old
Arming to battle, and instead of rage
Deliberate valour breath'd, firm and unmov'd
With dread of death to flight or foul retreat.'

[273] 'Bene quidem arbitrati, si causam celestis beatitudinis non in sonis sed in Creatore possuissent; ubi veraciter sine fine gaudium est, sine aliquo taedio manens semper aeternitas: et inspectio sola Divinitatis efficit, ut beatius esse nil possit. Haec veraciter perennitatem praestat: haec jucunditates accumulat; et sicut praeter ipsam creatura non extat, ita sine ipsâ incommutabilem laetitiam habere non praevalet.'

[274] There are two allusions to the relationship between the Kings: 'vestrae virtutis affinitate' (line 1), and 'ad parentum vestrorum defensionem confugisse' (line 10).

[275] 'Quamvis Attilam potentem reminiscamini Visigothorum viribus inclinatum.'

[276] Compare the state of Europe during the wars of the French Revolution, as expressed by Tennyson:

'Again their ravening eagle rose,
In anger, wheel'd on Europe-shadowing wings,
And barking for the thrones of kings.'

[277] 'Et leges gentium quaerat.' But how was the law of nations to be enforced?

[278] Notice the use of the word modernus here, a post-classical word, which apparently occurs first in Cassiodorus.

[279] 'Origo ipsa jam gloria est: laus nobilitati connascitur. Idem vobis est dignitatis, quod vitae principium. Senatus enim honor amplissimus vobiscum gignitur, ad quem vix maturis aetatibus pervenitur.'

[280] 'Et quot edidit familiae juvenes, tot reddidit curiae consulares.'

[281] iii. 145, n. 4.

[282] Note these three classes; as also in [ii. 17].

[283] I have not been able to identify this place.

[284] 'Moderna sine priorum imminutione desideramus erigere.'

[285] 'Platonias.' This, which is the spelling found in Nivellius' edition, seems to be a more correct form than the 'platomas' of Garet. Ducange, who has a long article on the subject, refers the word to the Greek πλατυνιον.

[286] Possibly the columns in S. Apollinare Deutro may have been some of those here mentioned.

[287] 'Catabulenses,' or 'Catabolenses'—freighters, contractors, who effected the transport of heavy goods by means of draught-horses and mules.

[288] Tillemont understands this of the times of Odovacar, vi. 438.

[289] This is no doubt the nephew of Theodoric.

[290] 'Vicarius Praefectorum.' Vicar of what Praefects? Why the plural number? Had Theodoric a titular Praefect of the Gauls, to whom this Vicarius was theoretically subject while practically obeying the Praefect of Italy? Or, to prevent bickerings, did he give the 'Praefectus Italiae' and the 'Praefectus Urbis' conjoint authority over the new conquests? There is some mystery here which would be worth explaining.

[291] 'Consuetudines abominanter inolitas.' Fornerius thinks this means 'all extortionate taxes.' Compare the English use of the word 'customs.'

[292] 'Cur ad monomachiam recurritis, qui venalem judicem non habetis?'

[293] 'Aut unde pax quaeritur si sub civilitate pugnetur.'

[294] Father of the writer.

[295] There is an obscure sentence in this letter: 'Hinc omnibus factus notior, quia multi te positum in potestate nesciunt.' Possibly the meaning is that the elder Cassiodorus used his power so little for his own private aggrandisement, that many people did not even know that he possessed it.

[296] This letter is well illustrated by an inscription of the time of Severus Alexander, found at Great Chesters in Northumberland, and recording the repair of 'horreum vetustate conlabsum.' The words of Cassiodorus are 'horrea longi temporis vetustate destructa.'

[297] 'Per ingentia ligna decurrere.' Fornerius proposes to read 'stagna.'

[298] 'Si vero aliquid modernâ praesumptione tentatum est.' (Again 'modernus.')

[299] Possibly Referendi is the same as Referendarii. See Var. [vi. 17].

[300] 'Causae sacerdotum a sacerdotibus debent terminari.'

[301] Probably a Gothic officer.

[302] See Letters [iii. 16] and [32].

[303] 'In sacratissimâ urbe.'

[304] The double 'r' seems to be the correct spelling, though the MSS. of the Variarum apparently have the single 'r.'

[305] 'Milites ad Verrucam illum—sic enim M. Cato locum editum asperumque appellat—ire jubeas' (Gell. 3. 7. 6). Verruca therefore means primarily a steep cliff, and only secondarily a wart. See White and Biddell, s.v.

[306] 'Agger sine pugna.'

[307] 'Obsessio secura.'

[308] 'Tenens claustra provinciae.'

[309] 'Nostri sedes delegit fovere Imperii.'

[310] The Ostia are denoted by A and the Hermulae by H in the accompanying plan. (See [page 230].)

[311] 'Ut quadrigis progredientibus, inde certamen oriretur: ne dum semper propere conantur elidere, spectandi voluptatem viderentur populis abrogare.' In fact, to compel the charioteers to start fair.

[312] Each sign of the Zodiac was considered to have three decani, occurring at intervals of ten days.

[313] 'Unde illuc delphini aequorei aquas interfluunt.' The sentence is very obscure, but the allusion must be to the dolphins, the figures of which were placed upon the spina.

[314] 'Obeliscorum quoque prolixitates ad coeli altitudinem sublevantur: sed potior soli, inferior lunae dicatus est: ubi sacra priscorum Chaldaicis signis, quasi litteris indicantur.'

[315] I can extract no other meaning than the above from this extraordinary sentence: 'Circenses, quasi circu-enses: propterea quod apud antiquitatem rudem, quae necdum spectacula in ornatum deduxerat fabricarum, inter enses et flumina locis virentibus agerentur.'

[316] Missibus. In a previous sentence Cassiodorus makes the acc. plural missos.

[317] The number of times that the charioteers had rounded the goal was indicated by large wooden eggs, which were posted up in a conspicuous place on the spina. It seems that in a corresponding place near the other end of the spina figures of dolphins were used for the same purpose. Upon the Cilurnum gem (figured on [page 231]) we can perceive four eggs near one end of the spina, and four creatures which may be dolphins near the other, indicating that four circuits out of the seven which constitute a missus have been accomplished by the quadrigae.

[318] Alluding probably to the story of Castor and Pollux.

[319] 'Et ideo datur intelligi, volitantes atque inconstantissimos inde mores nasci, quos avium matribus aptaverunt.' Ovium would seem to give a better sense than avium.

[320] 'Casarum.' Casa is evidently no longer a cottage; perhaps the estate attached to a villa. There is probably still a flavour of rusticity about it.

[321] 'Votiva inundatione.'

[322] An excellent description of an antiquary walking along a Roman 'Limes Imperii.'

[323] 'Apud Graecos ille.' Cassiodorus has left the name blank, and has either forgotten or been unable to fill it up; like the 'ille et ille' in his State documents.

[324] 'Nunc etiam longius claritate Imperialis sanguinis fulgeatis.'

[325] Notice the strong expression, 'Et ideo more gentium et conditione virili filium te praesenti munere procreamus.'

[326] 'Damus quidem tibi equos, enses clypeos, et reliqua instrumenta bellorum, sed quae sunt omnimodis fortiora, largimur tibi nostra judicia.'

[327] In 512, says Marcellinus Comes, 'Gens Erulorum in terras atque civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.' But what relation that entry of the Heruli into Roman territory may bear to this letter is a very difficult question. See Dahn, Könige der Germanen ii. 8, n. 2.

[328] Same expression as in [preceding letter].

[329] 'Subiisti saepe arduae legationis officium. Restitisti regibus non impar assertor, coactus justitiam nostram et illis ostendere, qui rationem vix poterant cruda obstinatione sentire. Non te terruit contentionibus inflammata regalis auctoritas,' etc.

[330] 'Usus es sub exceptionis officio eloquentis ingenio.' 'Exceptio' is a law term, the defendant's answer to the plaintiff's bill; but is it so used here?

[331] Again we have 'exceptiones' mentioned (see [preceding letter]). 'Nunc ad colloquia dignus, nunc ad exceptiones aptissimus, frequenter etiam in legationis honorem electus.'

[332] Probably this epithet means that Amabilis was a Sajo.

[333] 'Non ergo sibi putet impositum quod debuit esse votivum. Nulli sit ingrata Roma, quae dici non potest aliena. Illa eloquentiae foecunda mater, illa virtutum omnium latissimum templum.'

[334] Cf. the very similar letter, [i. 39].

[335] 'Prosecutores frumentorum.' It would seem that these are not merchants supplying the famine-stricken Provinces of Gaul as a private speculation (according to [iv. 5]), but public officers who have had certain cargoes of corn entrusted to them from the State magazines, and who, but for this letter, would be bound to make good the loss suffered under their management.

[336] Where is this?

[337] 'Omni incivilitate submotâ.'

[338] 'Necessitas moderamen non diligit.'

[339] 'Gothi per Picenum sive Thuscias utrasque residentes.' What are the two Thusciae?

[340] 'Debitas functiones.'

[341] 'Si quis ergo jussa nostra agresti spiritu resupinatus abjecerit, casas ejus appositis titulis fisci nostri juribus vindicabis; ut qui juste noluit parva solvere, rationabiliter videatur maxima perdidisse.'

[342] 'Scelus enim, quod nos pro sacerdotali honore relinquimus impunitum, majori pondere credimus vindicandum.' The words seem to be purposely vague, but I think they allude to the judgment of Heaven on the offender.

[343] Basilius, the patron of Sidonius, was Consul in 463, and another Basilius, perhaps the father of the accused, was Consul in 480. The person here spoken of may be the same as the Basilius, 'olim regio ministerio depulsus,' whom Boethius (Phil. Cons. i. 4) mentions as one of his accusers; but it seems more likely that in that case this imputation of magical practices would also have been referred to by him. The name Basilius was a somewhat common one at this time.

[344] At the beginning of the first letter occurs the remarkable expression 'Abscedat ritus de medio jam profanus; conticescat poenale murmur animarum,' which the commentator interprets of the ventriloquistic sounds produced by soothsayers. Cf. Milton's Christmas Hymn:

'No voice or hideous hum
Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving.'

[345] 'Universis Massiliae constitutis.' A curious expression.

[346] The story of this assault is a typical specimen of the style of Cassiodorus, high-flown yet not really pictorial: 'Ita ut ictum gladii in se demersum, aliquatenus postium retardaret objectio: subjecta est vulneri manus, quae ut in totum truncata non caderet, januarum percussa robora praestiterunt: ubi lassato impetu corusca ferri acies corporis extrema perstrinxit.'

[347] Fabricae.

[348] 'Marini relatione comperimus res Tuphae apud Joannem quondam sub emissione chirographi fuisse depositas.'

[349] 'Privilegia debere servari quae Judaicis institutis legum provida decrevit antiquitas.'

[350] 'Quod nos libenter annuimus qui jura veterum ad nostram cupimus reverentiam custodiri.'

[351] How this was to be done is not quite clear, since it is plain that this letter is really and chiefly an order for rifling sepulchres in search of buried treasure.

[352] 'Amali sanguinis virum nos decet vulgare desiderium: quia genus suum conspicit esse purpuratum.'

[353] 'Si momenti tempora suffragantur.' What is the meaning of this limitation?

[354] Can this be the Amphitheatrum Castrense?

[355] 'Levitates quippe seditionum et ambire propriae civitatis incendium, non est velle Romanum.'

[356] It happens that one of the letters addressed to Count Arigern also refers to a Jewish synagogue. See [iii. 45].

[357] 'Quod in dominorum caede proruperit servilis audacia: in quibus cum fuisset pro districtione publicâ resecatum, statim plebis inflammata contentio synagogam temerario duxerunt incendio concremandam.' The above is Gregorovius' explanation of the somewhat enigmatical language of Cassiodorus.

[358] There are some technical terms in this letter the meaning of which is not clear to me: 'Eam justitiae consideratione momenti jure restituite supplicanti.... Veruntamen si partibus vestris in causa possessionis momentaria vel principali justitiam adesse cognoscitis.'

[359] It is probably to the same transaction that Marcellinus Comes refers when he says, s.a. 512: 'Gens Erulorum in terras atque civitates Romanorum jussu Anastasii Caesaris introducta.' The words 'jussu Anastasii Caesaris' represent this chronicler's tendency to refer everything that is done in Italy to the initiation of Byzantium.

[360] Possibly a son of the Praefect Liberius.

[361] 'Mittendarii.' A 'Scrinium Mittendariorum' formed part of the staff of the Count of Sacred Largesses. See Theodosian Code vi. 30. 7.

[362] 'Catabulensis.' See [iii. 10].

[363] 'Mancipes mutationum.' The 'mutationes' were the places for changing horses; there are generally two of them between each 'mansio' (hostelry). Probably the horses were found by the 'Mancipes mutationum.' It was therefore a sort of corvée.

[364] Capillatis. The only passage which throws a light on this name—and that is a doubtful one—is Jordanes, De Rebus Geticis xi. After describing the pileati, the tiara-wearing priests of the Getae, he says: 'Reliquam vero gentem capillatos dicere jussit [Diceneus] quod nomen Gothi pro magno suscipientes adhuc hodie suis cantionibus reminiscuntur.'

[365] Suavia is nearly equivalent to the modern Sclavonia, between the rivers Drave and Save.

[366] The passage in Marcellinus Comes, s.a. 512, which at first sight seems to describe an eruption taking place in that year, really describes the commemoration of the eruption of 472. See [following note].

[367] In the eruption of 472 (apparently the last great eruption previous to 512), the ashes were carried as far as Byzantium, the inhabitants of which city instituted a yearly religious service in memory of the event: 'Vesuvius mons Campaniae torridus intestinis ignibus aestuans exusta evomuit viscera, nocturnisque in die tenebris incumbentibus, omnem Europae faciem minuto contexit pulvere. Hujus metuendi memoriam cineris Byzantii annue celebrant VIII Idus Novembris.' The eruption was accompanied by widespread earthquake: 'In Asia aliquantae civitates vel oppida terrae motu collapsa sunt' (Marcellinus Comes, sub anno).

[368] The father-in-law of Boethius.

[369] We have here a striking description of the massive strength of the public buildings of Rome: '[Videmus] caveas illas saxis pendentibus apsidatas ita juncturis absconditis in formas pulcherrimas convenisse, ut cryptas magis excelsi montis crederes quam aliquid fabricatum esse judicares.'

[370] No doubt Thrasamund, who married Theodoric's sister. He reigned from 496 to 523.

[371] 'Ut speculum quoddam virorum faciat ferream lucem.'

[372] 'Quarum margines in acutum tali aequalitate descendunt, ut non limis compositae, sed igneis fornacibus credantur effusae.'

[373] 'Harum media pulchris alveis excavata, quibusdam videntur crispari posse vermiculis, ubi tanta varietatis umbra concludit, ut intextum magis credas variis coloribus lucidum metallum.'

[374] Germ. 45: 'Ergo jam dextro Suevici maris litore Aestiorum gentes alluuntur, quibus ritus habitusque Suevorum, lingua Britannicae propior.... Sed et mare scrutantur ac soli omnium sucinum quod ipsi glesum vocant, inter vada atque in ipso littore legunt.' Then follows an account of the nature of amber, and a history of its supposed origin, from which Cassiodorus has borrowed in this letter.

[375] Cassiodorus apparently spells this word with two c's. The more usual spelling is with one.

[376] 'Modo croceo colore rubens, modo flammea claritate pinguescens.'

[377] We have here a remark on unconscious prophecies: 'Loqui datur quod nos sensisse nescimus: sed post casum reminiscimur, quod ignorantes veraciter dixeramus.'

[378] 'Inferior gradu praestabat viris consularibus se patronum et cum honoribus vestris impar haberetur, Patricius ei dictus est in celeberrima cognitione susceptus.' The last part of this sentence is very obscure.

[379] Decoratus is called by Boethius, who was his colleague in some office, 'a wretched buffoon and informer' (nequissimus scurra et delator. Cons. Phil. iii. 4). But Ennodius addresses him in friendly and cordial language (Epist. iv. 17). His epitaph, which mentions his Spoletan origin, is of course laudatory:

'Nam fessis tribuit requiem, miseros que levavit,
Justitiae cultor, largus et hospes erat.'

(Quoted in the notes to Ennodius in Migne's Patrologia.)

[380] 'Primo avulso non deficit alter' (Aen. vi. 143).

[381] Officer of the Court. See [vi. 13].

[382] 'Thomatem domus nostrae certa praedia suscepisse sed eum male administrando suscepta usque ad decem millia solidorum de Indictionibus illa atque illa reliquatorem publicis rationibus extitisse.' It is not quite clear whether the debt is due as what we should call rent or as land-tax. Perhaps the debt had accumulated under both heads.

[383] 'Ut multitudinem Gepidarum quam fecimus ad Gallias custodiae causâ properare, per Venetiam atque Liguriam sub omni facias moderatione transire.'

[384] 'Massa;' cf. the American 'block.'

[385] In the next letter the same official is called Severinus.

[386] Cassiodorus uses the rare nominative form 'assis.'

[387] 'Tabularius a cubiculo nostro.'

[388] 'Antiqui Barbari qui Romanis mulieribus elegerint nuptiali foedere sociari, quolibet titulo praedia quaesiverint, fiscum possessi cespitis persolvere, ac super indictitiis oneribus parere cogantur.'

[389] 'Quando libertatis genus est servire Rectori.'

[390] 'Arrharum nomine.'

[391] 'Linum volatile.'

[392] 'Non habet quod nobis Graecus imputet aut Afer insultet.'

[393] 'Locum primi ordinis.'

[394] 'Quia caduca bona fisco nostro competere legum cauta decreverunt.'

[395] The name is a peculiar one, reminding us of the Bacaudae, who for more than a century waged a sort of servile war in Gaul against the officers of the Empire. It is not probable, however, that there is any real connection between them and the receiver of this letter.

[396] 'Quod est in Reipublicae militiâ novum.' Observe the use of militia for civil service.

[397] 'Nam pene similis est mortuo qui a suo Dominante nescitur.' A motto more suited to the presence-chamber of Byzantium than the camp-fires of a Gothic King.

[398] 'Millenarii.' Cf. the χιλιαρχοι, who, as Procopius tells us, were appointed by Gaiseric over the Vandals; also the thusundifaths of Ulfilas.

[399] 'Servata in omnibus civilitate.'

[400] Into Gaul; see [next letter].

[401] 'Atque ideo decretis te praesentibus admonemus, ut si factum evidenter agnoscis, delatam querimoniam, pudori tuo consulens, maritali districtione redarguas; quatenus ex eâdem causâ ad nos querela justa non redeat.'

[402] 'Et rerum veritate discussâ sicut jura nostra praecipiunt, in adulteros maritorum favore resecetur.'

[403] This is perhaps a specimen of the 'honesta missio' of which we read in the Theodosian Code xii. 1. 43, 45.

[404] 'Nonnullorum vos frequenter causamini praesumptione laceratos et quae ad synagogam vestram pertinent perhibetis jura rescindi.'

[405] 'Tricennalis humano generi patrona praescriptio vobis jure servabitur; nec conventionalia vos irrationabiliter praecipimus sustinere dispendia.' I do not know what is meant by 'conventionalia dispendia.'

[406] 'Sed quid, Judaeo, supplicans temporalem quietem quaeris si aeternam requiem invenire non possis.'

[407] 'Universis Possessoribus.'

[408] Where was this? Signia in Latium is, of course, not to be thought of.

[409] The scarcity of water at Ravenna was proverbial.

[410] Cf. the somewhat similar letter to Severinus, Special Commissioner for Suavia ([v. 14]).

[411] 'Homicidii scelus legum jubemus auctoritate resecari: sed quantum vehementior poena est tanto ejus rei debet inquisitio plus haberi: ne amore vindictae innocentes videantur vitae pericula sustinere.'

[412] 'Libra cubiculi nostri.'

[413] 'Conductores domus Regiae.'

[414] 'Et ne cuiquam labor suus videatur ingratus, salaria eis pro qualitate locatae rei, vestrâ volumus aequitate constitui.'

[415] 'Transmarinorum canon.'

[416] Cf. the [30th letter] of this book.

[417] 'Vir quidem abjectis temporibus ad excubias tamen Palatinas electus.' The time of Odovacar's government is here alluded to (see [viii. 17]). An Opilio, probably father of the one here mentioned, was Consul under Valentinian III in 453.

[418] Anonymus Valesii says: 'Cyprianus, qui tunc Referendarius erat postea Comes Sacrarum et Magister,' § 85.

[419] 'Nam cum oratoribus sit propositum diu tractata unius partis vota dicere, tibi semper necesse fuit repentinum negotium utroque latere declarare.'

[420] 'Talibus igitur institutis edoctus, Eoae sumpsisti legationis officium, missus ad summae quidem peritiae viros: sed nulla inter eos confusus es trepidatione quia nihil tibi post nos potuit esse mirabile. Instructus enim trifariis linguis, non tibi Graecia quod novum ostentaret invenit; nec ipsâ quâ nimium praevalet, te transcendit argutiâ.'

[421] 'Fecimus utrique regalia.'

[422] For the reasons which induced Cassiodorus to compile the two books of Formulae, see his [Preface] (translated, [p. 133]).

[423] 'Palmata vestis.'

[424] 'Pinge vastos humeros vario colore palmatae.'

[425] 'Validam manum victoriali scipione nobilita.'

[426] 'Hic est ambitus qui probatur;' or, 'allowable bribery.'

[427] 'Ipse carpentum reverendus ascendit.' The carpentum was one great mark of the dignity of the Praetorian Praefect, as of his inferior, the Praefectus Urbis.

[428] 'Exhibet enim sine prescriptione longinquos.'

[429] 'Evectiones,' free passes by the Cursus Publicus.

[430] 'Ingressus palatium nostra consuetudine frequenter adoratur.' We know from Lydus (De Mag. ii. 9) that the highest officers of the army knelt at the entrance of the Praetorian Praefect. Perhaps we need not infer from this passage that Oriental prostration was used either towards Theodoric or his Praefect.

[431] 'Et tale officium morem videtur solvere, quod alios potuit accusare.'

[432] 'Vice sacrâ ubique judicat.'

[433] 'Officium plane geniatum, efficax, instructum et totâ animi firmitate praevalidum.'

[434] 'Humanitates quoque judicibus ipsis facit.'

[435] 'Legatos gentium voraces explet ordinationibus suis.' Voraces seems to give a better sense than the other reading, veraces.

[436] 'Quamvis in illa contineantur universa.'

[437] 'Carpento veheris per nobilem plebem.'

[438] i.e. probably, 'that you are not bribed by monopolists.' Perhaps there is a reference to the Annona Publica.

[439] 'Tanta est enim vis gloriosae veritatis, ut etiam in rebus scenicis aequitas desideretur.'

[440] According to Lydus (ii. 10), the Cursus Publicus was transferred from the Praefect to the Master, and afterwards, in part, retransferred to the Praefect.

[441] 'Per eum nominis nostri destinatur evectio.' The above is a conjectural translation.

[442] Are these Superintendents of the Markets, charged with the regulation of prices?

[443] 'Miroque modo inter Praetorianas cohortes et Urbanae Praefecturae milites videantur invenisse primatum, a quibus tibi humile solvebatur obsequium. Sic in favore magni honoris injustitia quaedam a legibus venit, dum alienis excubiis praeponitur, qui alibi militasse declaratur.'

[444] 'Regalibus magna profecti felicitas militare donis.... Laetitia publica militia tua est.' Observe the continued use of military terms for what we call the Civil Service.

[445] 'Caduca bona non sinis esse vacantia.'

[446] 'Alioqui omnes ad quietas possunt currere dignitates, si laborantes minime praeferantur ociosis.'

[447] 'Noblesse oblige.'

[448] 'Cape igitur ... Comitivae Domesticorum Illustratum Vacantem.'

[449] Betokened by the expression 'Ociosum cingulum.'

[450] A conjectural translation of 'Sic nos virtutum jucundissimas laudes incinctum Graium desideramus includere.' Perhaps 'incinctum' means, 'though not girded with the belt of office.' Graium must surely be a proper name, and this document is therefore, strictly speaking, not a 'Formula.'

[451] 'Partes apud te sub Praetorianâ advocatione confligunt' (?).

[452] 'Vice sacrâ sententiam dicis.'

[453] 'Carpentum.'

[454] 'Aula libertatis.'

[455] I think this must be the meaning of the sentence: 'Additur etiam perfuncti laboris aliud munus, ut si quo modo ad Illustratum vel Vacantem meruerit pervenire, omnibus debeat anteponi, qui Codicillis Illustratibus probantur ornari.'

[456] 'Sub nobis enim non licet esse imperitos; quando in vicem cotis ingenia splendida reddimus, quae causarum assiduitate polimus.' Strange words to put into the mouth of a monarch who could not write.

[457] 'Quando in quavis abundantia querela non tollitur, si panis elegantia nulla servetur.'

[458] An attempt to translate 'Honoratis possessoribus et curialibus civitatis Neapolitanae.'

[459] 'Erit nostrum gaudium vestra quies.... Degite moribus compositis, ut vivatis legibus feriatis.'

[460] 'Omnes apparitiones decet habere judices suos. Nam cui praesul adimitur et militia denegatur.'

[461] 'Ut judicibus annuâ successione reparatis, vobis solemnitas non pereat actionis.'

[462] 'Vos non patimur emolumentorum commoda perdere.'

[463] See [p. 92].

[464] 'Nostrum est merentibus tempus augere.' The limit of one year might therefore be exceeded by favour of the Sovereign.

[465] 'Adhibito sibi prudente Romano.'

[466] 'Aequabili ratione.'

[467] 'Qui leges moderatâ voluntate dilexerit.' To translate this literally might give a wrong idea, because with us 'to love the law' means to be litigious.

[468] 'Non amamus aliquid incivile.'

[469] 'Violentos nostra pietas execratur.'

[470] 'Vos autem, Romani, magno studio Gothos diligere debetis, qui et in pace numerosos vobis populos faciunt, et universam Rempublicam per bella defendunt.'

[471] Raetia, from rete, a net.

[472] 'Camerarum rotator.'

[473] 'Trajani Forum vel sub assiduitate videre miraculum est.'

[474] 'Opulentissima siquidem et hinc gratia civium colligitur, si pretia sub moderatione serventur.'

[475] 'Si esset humanis rebus ulla consideratio Romanam pulchritudinem non vigiliae sed sola deberet reverentia custodire.'

[476] 'Quia juste tales persequitur publicus dolor.'

[477] 'Negociatorum operas consuetas nec nimias exigas, nec venalitate derelinquas.' Apparently then a certain amount of forced labour could be claimed from the owners of merchant-vessels by the Count of Ravenna.

[478] 'Pompa osculationis.' Another reading is 'Pompa postulationis.'

[479] 'Tu vitem tenes improbis minantem.' The allusion is to the vine-bough, which was used in scourging. The alternative reading, vitam, does not seem to give so good a sense.

[480] Plural. Apparently, therefore, each Count had more than one Princeps, perhaps one for each large city in his Province.

[481] 'Rationabili debeant antiquitate moderari.' Perhaps we might translate, 'with the Common Law.'

[482] The title runs thus (in Nivellius' Edition): 'Formula Comitivae Honorum Scientiae Ordinis diversarum Civitatum.' I do not know what is meant by 'Honorum Scientiae.' Can 'Scientiae' be a transcriber's blunder for 'secundi?'

[483] Cf. [vi. 24].

[484] This must, I think, be the meaning; but it is hard to extract it from the words 'Formula Principis Militum Comitivae.'

[485] 'Comitem Militiae Vestrae.'

[486] 'Nec istud leve credatis beneficium, ut cum vos scitis obsequium, vobis occurrat electio cognitorum.' For Cognitores, see [vii. 3]. These Cognitores had virtually the decision of all 'issues of fact,' and consequently their nomination was a very important matter. I think the meaning of this passage is: 'I, the King, appoint the Comes (= Judex), and graciously inform you of my decision. But you (the Officium) have the privilege—and it is no small one—of electing the Cognitores.'

[487] 'Principem nostrum cardinalem' (observe this use of the word).

[488] 'Compendium et dispendium' (from pendere, to weigh).

[489] 'Spectandam,' an allusion to the derivation of spectabilis.

[490] 'Tuitio nostri nominis.'

[491] 'Validissimam turrem contra inciviles impetus et conventionalia detrimenta.'

[492] 'Praesentis beneficii jussione adversus Gothis illa, adversus Romanos illa, facile te fides et diligentia custodiet' ('custodivit' is surely an error).

[493] 'Ut in foro competenti ea quae in his causis reverenda legum dictat Antiquitas solenniter actitentur.'

[494] 'Ita ut in alienandis rusticis vel urbanis praediis constitutionum servitus auctoritas.'

[495] 'Sajus' in the original, and so in the next place where it occurs.

[496] Formula de Competitoribus is the somewhat obscure title of this document, which might perhaps be compared to our Commons' Enclosure Acts.

[497] 'Securus etiam ad posteros transmissurus, quod proprio fuerit labore compositum.'

[498] 'Decernimus ut, si ita est, tot solidos tributario supradictae possessionis ... ita faciatis de vasariis publicis diligenter abradi ut hujus rei duplarum vestigium non debeat inveniri.' Cf. what is said by Evagrius (iii. 39) of the proceedings of Anastasius at the time of the abolition of the Chrysargyron.

[499] 'Ne dilationem providam in genus extraneum non haberent.'

[500] 'Quapropter provide vobis permisit antiquitas de illâ causa decernere, cui est utile Curiam custodire. A quibus enim munia petuerunt sustineri, si civitatum nervi passim videantur abscidi.'

[501] The text is evidently corrupt here: 'Genitor meus desiderio quoque concordiae factus est per arma filius, quia unis nobis pene videbatur aequaevus.' The suggested reading, 'quamvis vobis,' does not entirely remove the difficulty.

[502] That is, of course, not from Justin himself but from his predecessors.

[503] 'Ut amicitiam nobis illis pactis, illis conditionibus concedatis, quas cum divae memoriae domino avo nostro inclytos decessores vestros constat habuisse.'

[504] 'Quoniam quaevis claritas generis Amalis cedit.'

[505] 'Justitiam nos et aequabilem clementiam, quae populos nutrit, juvante domino, custodire et Gothis Romanisque apud nos jus esse commune, nec aliud inter vos esse divisum, nisi quod illi labores bellicos pro communi utilitate subeunt, vos autem civitatis Romanae habitatio quieta multiplicat.' I do not consider that the words in Italics, taken with the context, are irreconcilable with Dahn's view that the Goths were still, to a certain extent, under Gothic law.

[506] 'Amalorum regalem prosapiem, Baltheum germen.' I know not how Athalaric had any blood of the Balths in his veins. The other reading, 'blatteum,' gives the same idea as the following clause, 'infantiam purpuratam.'

[507] 'Inter tam prolixum ordinem Regum susceperunt semper augmenta.' Perhaps we should translate 'by such a long line of (Amal) kings obtained advancement for their nation;' but the meaning is not very clear.

[508] Baronius says (vii. 121): 'Cujusnam Ecclesiae Antistes fuerit Victorinus ignoratur.' From the tone of the letter one may conjecture that Victorinus was a Bishop in Gaul.

[509] Probably Tulum had gone on some embassy to Constantinople.

[510] 'Hac igitur honoris remuneratione contentus, pro exteris partibus indefessa devotione laboravit: et praestare com suis parentibus principi dignabatur obsequium, qui tantorum regum fuerat stirpe procreatus.' This sentence is full of difficulties. What can he mean by the labour 'pro exteris partibus?' Who is the 'Princeps' whom Tulum deigns to serve: the Eastern Emperor or Theodoric? Above all, who is 'tantorum regum stirpe procreatus?' I think the turn of the sentence requires that it should be Tulum; but Dahn has evidently not so understood it, for in his Könige der Germanen (iii. 29, 30) he makes Tulum a conspicuous example of a man not of noble birth raised to high dignity, and says that the two long letters about him in the Variae contain no allusion to illustrious descent.

[511] 'Exstat gentis Gothicae hujus probitatis exemplum: Gensemundus ille toto orbe cantabilis, solum armis filius factus, tanta se Amalis devotione conjunxit ut haeredibus eorum curiosum exhibuerit famulatum, quamvis ipse peteretur ad regnum.' Dahn (ii. 61 and iii. 309) and Köpke (p. 142) refer this mysterious affair of Gensemund's renunciation to the interval after the death of Thorismund (a.d. 416). But this is mere conjecture. See Italy and her Invaders iii. 8-10.

[512] 'Primum, quod inter nationes eximium est, Gothorum nobilissima stirpe gloriatur.'

[513] 'Statim rudes annos ad sacri cubiculi secreta portavit.'

[514] We do not hear from the other authorities of Huns being engaged in this war. In 505 Mundo the Hun was in alliance with Theodoric against the Empire.

[515] 'Tales mittunt nostra cunabula bellatores: sic paratae sunt manus, ubi exercetur animus.'

[516] 'Et ministrando consilium regebat ipse Rectorem.'

[517] 'Arelate est civitas supra undas Rhodani constituta, quae in Orientis prospectum tabulatum pontem per nuncupati fluminis dorsa transmittit.'

[518] 'Discrimina dum feliciter cedunt, suavissimae memoriae sensum relinquunt.' Compare Claudian (De Bella Getico 207-8):

'An potius meminisse juvat semperque vicissim
Gaudia praemissi cumulant inopina dolores.'

[519] 'Favete nunc auspiciis candidati, et viris nostris libertatis atria reserate.'

[520] 'Ut aliquid studiose exquisitum dicere videamur.'

[521] 'Juvat repetere pomposam legationem.'

[522] 'Gratiam quoque loci alterius invenisti. Dictationibus enim probaris adhibitus, cum sit offensionibus alter expulsus: et ita suspensum honorem tuum sustinebat ingenium, ut Palatio non sineres decesse Judicem, cujus ad tempus abrogatam cognovimus dignitatem.' I do not think we can say from this what the office temporarily filled by Arator was.

[523] 'Sume dicationem, si bonus fuero, pro Republica et me: si malus, pro Republica in me.'

[524] 'Quando et moderna quae loquimur.' (Notice again moderna.)

[525] So the contemporary poet Maximian, speaking of his own past successes as an orator, and a good-looking one, says:

'Nec minor his aderat sublimis gratia formae
Quae vel si decent cetera, muta placet.'
Elegiae i. 17-18.

[526] 'Qui sapienti deliberatione pertractans quamvis in aliena religione.'

[527] The words of Cassiodorus are, 'crinea sunt ista certamina.' No one seems able to suggest a meaning for crinea. The editors propose to read civica, which however is very flat, and not exactly in Cassiodorus' manner. I suspect some recondite classical allusion, which has been missed by the transcribers, has led to the corruption of the text.

[528] 'Pater his fascibus praefuit sed et frater eadem resplenduit claritate.'

[529] 'Nam cum ... auspicia nostra Liguribus felix portitor nuntiasti, et sapientiae tuae allocutione firmasti, in errorem quem de occasu conceperant, ortum nostri imperii in gaudia commutabant.' Does this obscure passage indicate some revolutionary movements in Liguria after the death of Theodoric, perhaps fomented by the Frankish neighbours of Italy?

[530] 'Quando sub ingrato successore palatinum officium praeconia ejus tacere non potuit.'

[531] 'Adjectis saeculi vitiis, ditatus claris honoribus.' The text is evidently corrupt. 'Abjectis' seems to be required; but some MSS. instead of 'vitiis' read 'Odovacris.' In any case Odovacar's government is evidently alluded to. Cf. the words used of the same man in the letter announcing the elevation of his other son, Cyprian ([v. 41]): 'Nam pater huic, sicut meministis, Opilio fuit, vir quidem abjectis temporibus ad excubias tamen Palatinas electus.'

[532] 'His temporibus habitus est eximius, cum princeps non esset erectus.'

[533] This is probably the Basilius who was concerned in the accusation of Boethius (Phil. Cons. I. iv.); possibly the Consul of 541, who fled to Constantinople when Totila took Rome in 546 (Procop. De Bello Gotthico iii. 20, and Anastasius Lib. Pontif. apud Murator. iii. 132); and perhaps the Basilius whom we find in trouble in Variarum [iv. 22], [23]: scarcely the Basilius of Variarum [ii. 10], [11].

[534] 'Gentiles victu (?), Romanos sibi judiciis obligabat.'

[535] 'Dudum te forensibus negociis insudantem, oculus imperialis aspexit'—an expression which goes very near to styling Theodoric Imperator.

[536] 'Pater ita in Mediolanensi foro resplenduit, ut aeterno fructu e Tulliano cespite pullularet.'

[537] 'Is palmarum Eugenetis linguae ubertate suffecit.' Possibly this is the Magister Officiorum of Var. [i. 12], and the person to whom is addressed a letter of Ennodius (iv. 26). The form Eugenetis, instead of Eugenii, belongs to the debased Latinity of the age.

[538] In Nivellius' edition the title of this office is given as Praepositus.

[539] 'Redeat ad nomen antiquum Praefectura illa Praetorii, toto orbe laudabilis.' Is it possible that there had been some attempt to change the title of the Praefect, which accounts for the Praepositus which in some MSS. we find in the heading of this letter?

[540] 'Vidit te adhuc gentilis' (still under the dominion of the Gepidae) 'Danubius bellatorem: non te terruit Bulgarorum globus, qui etiam nostris erat praesumptione certaminis obstaturus. Peculiare tibi fuit et renitentes Barbaros aggredi, et conversos terrore sectari. Sic victoriam Gothorum non tam numero quam labore juvisti.'

[541] For a description of his services in this function, see Var. [v. 40].

[542] This is evidently the meaning; but something seems to have dropped out of the text.

[543] 'Hoc est laborum tuorum aptissimum munus: quam sic castâ sic moderatâ mente peregisti ut majora tibi deberi faceres, quamvis eam in magna praemia suscepisses.'

[544] 'Relucent etiam gratia gentili, nec cessant armorum imbui fortibus institutis. Pueri stirpis Romanae nostra linguâ loquuntur; eximie indicantes exhibere se nobis futuram fidem, quorum jam videntur affectasse sermonem.... Variis linguis loquuntur egregie, maturis viris communione miscentur.'

[545] 'Atque ideo illustrem magnitudinem tuam praecelso atque amplissimo viro Theodahado massas subter annexas, tot solidos pensitantes, ex patrimonio quondam magnificae foeminae matris ipsius, praecipimus reformari, ejus feliciter dominio plenissime vendicandas, cujus successionis integrum jus in ea qua praecipimus parte largimur.' According to Dahn (Könige der Germanen iv. 60-61), these lands had been given in her lifetime by Theodahad's mother to the King, and are now begged for by Theodahad. But why 'tot solidos pensitantes?' Why should Theodahad receive both land and money? There seems no authority for translating 'pensitantes' receiving. Probably the solidi thus paid to him are mesne rents received by the King and accounted for to Theodahad. On the whole affair cf. Procopius, De Bello Gotthico i. 4.

[546] 'De cujus fide ac synceritate praesumimus, ut sequenti tempore reliqua supra memorati patrimonii cum omni adjecta quantitate mereatur.' This sentence is to me quite unintelligible.

[547] Cf. the formalities connected with Odovacar's deed of gift to Pierius (Marini, Pap. Diplom. 82, 83), quoted in Italy and her Invaders iii. 165.

[548] In the text, 'Sajus.'

[549] 'Praesenti auctoritate moderato ordine definimus.' Dahn interprets 'moderato ordine,' 'not so absolutely as the Roman clergy desires.' Is not this to attribute rather too much force to the conventional language of Cassiodorus?

[550] 'Definimus, ut si quispiam ad Romanum Clerum aliquem pertinentem, in quâlibet causâ probabili crediderit actione pulsandum, ad beatissimi Papae judicium prius conveniat audiendus. Ut aut ipse inter utrosque more suae sanctitatis agnoscat, aut causam deleget aequitatis studio terminandam: et si forte, quod credi nefas est, competens desiderium fuerit petitoris elusum, tuno ad saecularia fora jurgaturus occurrat, quando suas petitiones probaverit a supradictae sedis praesule fuisse contemptas.'

[551] 'Profitemur itaque alterius quidem donum, sed nostrum esse judicium, et modernam principis mentem praevenisse tantum velocissimam largitatem.' Observe again the use of Cassiodorus' favourite word modernam.

[552] Tholuit, or Tholum, in some MSS., but no doubt the same as the Tulum of Letters [9] and [10].

[553] 'Ubi et si quid esset quolibet casu, qualibet inquisitione fortassis ambiguum, hujus auctoritatis nostrae judicio constat explosum.'

[554] 'Florentino viro devoto Comitiaco.'

[555] 'Quoticus ego Conigastum in inbecillis cujusque fortunas impetum facientem obvius excepi!'

[556] 'Cum suo peculio.' If they were not slaves they could not have peculium in the technical sense. I therefore understand 'peculio' to be simply equivalent to cattle, a sense which is confirmed by 'Calabri peculiosi' in [Letter 33].

[557] 'Adjicientes ne rerum suarum repetitionibus imminerent [? imminuerent] liberis sibi conditionem ultimae servitutis imponi.' Cf. Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei v. 8, 9, for a description of similar occurrences in Gaul.

[558] 'Honoratis Possessoribus.'

[559] 'Antiqui operis formam.'

[560] 'Quatenus antiquos cuniculos, sive subterraneos, sive qui junguntur marginibus platearum diligenter emendent.'

[561] 'Coloni sunt qui agros jugiter colunt.'

[562] Cf. what is said ([i. 4]) as to the large present of horses made by the father of Cassiodorus to Theodoric for the use of the Gothic army.

[563] 'Vivunt illic rustici epulis urbanorum, mediocres autem abundantia praepotentium.' 'Mediocres' and 'tenues' are technical words with Cassiodorus for the poor.

[564] Cassiodorus must have felt the weakness of his logic here. He patriotically praises the rural beauty of Bruttii, yet the conclusion which by main force he arrives at is, 'Leave the country and live in towns.'

[565] 'Cui enim minus grata nobilium videatur occursio. Cui non affectuosum sit cum paribus miscere sermonem, forum petere, honestas artes invisere, causas proprias legibus expedire, interdum Palamediacis calculis occupari, ad balneas ire cum sociis, prandia mutuis apparatibus exhibere? Caret profecto omnibus his, qui vitam suam vult semper habere cum famulis.'

[566] 'Datis fidejussoribus jam Possessores quam Curiales, sub aestimatione virium, poenâ interpositâ, promittant anni parte majore se in civitatibus manere, quas habitare delegerint.'

[567] 'In Scyllatino territoris.' Transcribers, thinking of the Arethusa at Syracuse, have tried to alter this into Siciliano; but there can be little doubt that the above reading is right. As to the situation of the Fountain of Arethusa, see Introduction, [p. 72].

[568] 'Spectabilitas vestra praedicto tempore, unâ cum Possessoribus atque Conductoribus diversarum massarum ad quietem convenientium ... reos inveniat,' &c.

[569] 'Inter ipsa initia comprehensus fustuariae subdatur ultioni.'

[570] 'Pompatus mala nota.'

[571] 'Calabri peculiosi.'

[572] 'Praesto sunt pueri ac puellae, diverso sexu atque aetate conspicuo, quos non facit captivitas esse sub pretio sed libertas: hos merito parentes vendunt, quoniam de ipsa famulatione proficiunt. Dubium quippe non est servos posse meliorari qui de labore agrorum ad urbana servitia transferuntur.' With almost any writer but Cassiodorus this would prove that in the Sixth Century free Italians were selling their children into actual slavery. But I doubt whether he really means more than that the children of the country people were for hire as domestic servants in the cities. If so, the scene is not unlike our own 'statute fairs' or 'hirings' in the north of England. It appears from § 94 of the Edictum Theodorici that parents could sell their children, but that the latter did not lose their status ingenuus. Must they then claim it on coming of age? 'Parentes qui cogente necessitate filios suos alimentorum gratia vendiderint ingenuitati eorum non praejudicant. Homo enim liber pretio nullo aestimatur.' Cf. also § 95: 'Operas enim tantum parentes filiorum quos in potestate habuerint, locare possunt.'

[573] Marcilianum is now Sala, in the valley of the Calore (Tanager). Padula is thought by some to mark the site of Cosilinum. The Island of Leucosia, now Licosa, a few miles from Paestum, evidently does not represent the Leucothea of this letter.

[574] With reference to this event Victor Tunnunensis writes: 'Cujus (Trasamundi) uxor Amalafrida fugiens ad barbaros congressione facta Capsae juxta Heremum capitur, et in custodia privata moritur.' Procopius (De B. Vandalico i. 9) says: Και σφισι (τοις Βανδιλοις) ξυνηνεχθη Θευδεριχω τε και Γοτθοις εν Ιταλια εκ τε συμμαχων και φιλων πολεμιοι γενεσθαι την τε γαρ Αμαλαφριδαν εν φυλακη εσχον και τους Γοτθους διεφθειραν 'απαντας επενεγκοντες αυτοις νεωτεριζειν ες τε Βανδιλους και 'Ιλδεριχον. Both Victor and Procopius seem to place the conflict before the death of Theodoric; Victor says a.d. 523. Probably therefore the fighting, the capture of Amalafrida, and the death of her countrymen, took place in that year, the year of her husband's death and Hilderic's accession. Three or four years later (526 or 527), when her brother Theodoric was dead, the imprisoned princess was murdered—a grievous insult to the young Sovereign of the Goths, her great-nephew.

[575] 'Praedia Curialium, unde maximae mediocribus parantur insidiae, nullus illicita emptione pervadat. Quia contractus dici non potest nisi qui de legibus venit.'

[576] 'Non enim incassum vobis Curiam concessit Antiquitas, non inaniter appellavit Minorem Senatum, nervos quoque vocitans ac viscera civitatum.'

[577] Cf. [viii. 23].

[578] Have we any clue to the geographical position of this farm? The only Rusticiana known to the Itineraries is in Spain.

[579] 'Origo quidem nobilis, sed de flamma suscipit vim coloris, ut magis credas inde nasci, cujus similitudine videtur ornari. Sed cum auro tribuat splendidum ruborem, argento confert albissimam lucem. Ut mirum sit, unam substantiam tradere, quod rebus dissimilibus possit aptari.' Have we here a hint of 'the transmutation of metals?' Cassiodorus seems to think that it is only the furnace that makes the difference between the colours of gold and of silver.

[580] 'Neque enim ob aliud Curiales leges sacratissimae ligaverunt, nisi ut cum illos soli principes absolverent, indulgentiae praeconia reperirent.'

[581] 'Formidare delegata incipient, per quae antea timebantur.' To translate by an analogy, 'And will tremble at the rate-summonses, their signatures to which used to make other men tremble.'

[582] 'Episcopis et Honoratis.' Perhaps it is from motives of delicacy that Cassiodorus has not added the name of the Province.

[583] 'In necessitate siquidem penuriae pretii nulla contentio est: dum patitur quis induci ne possit aliquâ tarditate percelli.'

[584] 'Sive in gradu [panis gradilis?] sive in aliis locis.'

[585] A paraphrase, confessedly anachronistic, of 'Ne quis ergo venditionem sibi impositam conqueratur, sciat libertatem in crimine non requiri.'

[586] 'Curiam reparans, pauperibus ablata restituens.'

[587] 'Licet primaevus venias ad honorem.'

[588] Cf. [iii. 26] and [iv. 9]. In the former letter he is called Osun.

[589] We are not told in what capacity Severinus came. Probably it was on account of Osuin's age that Severinus was associated with him.

[590] 'Per quartam Indictionem quod a nobis augmenti nomine quaerebatur illustrem virum Comitem Patrimonii nostri nunc jussimus removere.' As the fourth Indiction began Sept. 525, in the lifetime of Theodoric, it is clear that that date belongs to the imposition, not to the removal of the 'augmentum.'

[591] 'Avus noster de suis beneficiis magna praesumens (quia longa quies et culturam agris praestitit et populos ampliavit) intra Siciliam provinciam sub consueta prudentiae suae moderatione censum statuit subflagitari ut vobis cresceret devotio, quibus se facultas extenderat.'

[592] This most be the meaning of 'quicquid a discursoribus novi census per quintam Indictionem probatur affixum, ad vestram eos fecimus deferre notitiam.'

[593] Tax-collectors. The word is unknown to the Notitia, but Censuales occurs once in it (Not. Occ. iv.).

[594] 'Quos etiam seris praeceptionibus credidit esse admonendos, ut relicto tandem provincialium gravamine ad ejus deberetis justitiam festinare.'

[595] 'Nimis enim absurdum est, spondere munitiones et dare civibus excecrabiles vastitates.'

[596] 'Conventiones.' I think the complaint here is of the expenses of 'executing process.' It is not as Judge but as the functionary who carries the Judge's orders into effect that Gildias is here blamed.

[597] 'Nostra' (the reading of Nivellius) seems evidently a better reading than 'vestra' (which Migne has adopted).

[598] 'Commodum debet esse cum modo.' A derivation or a pun.

[599] 'Duntaxat in illis causis atque personis, ubi te misceri edicta voluerunt.'

[600] 'Quisquis belluinis moribus excitatus munimen tentaverit irrumpere jussionum.'

[601] 'Gothorum laus est civilitas custodita.'

[602] This seems a possible interpretation of a dark sentence: 'Navigiis vecta commercia te suggerunt occupare, et ambitu cupiditatis exosae solum antiqua pretia definire, quod non creditur a suspicione longinquum etiam si non sit actione vicinum.'

[603] Is this a kind of compurgation which is here proposed?

[604] 'Quosdam nefariâ machinatione necessitatem temporis aucupatos, ita facultates pauperum extortis promissionibus ingravasse, ut quod dictu nefas est, etiam sacra vasa emptioni publicae viderentur exposita.'

[605] 'Et quia omnia decet sub ratione moderari, nec possunt dici justa quae nimia sunt, cum de Apostolici consecratione Pontificis intentio fortasse pervenerit, et ad Palatium nostrum producta fuerit altercatio populorum, suggerentes (?) nobis intra tria millia solidorum, cum collectione cartarum censemus accipere.'

[606] 'Nec ulla—quae apud nos est gratissima—nominis sui dignitas subveniret.' I think sui must refer to the recently-mentioned Papa Johannes.

[607] 'Affectare vivere belluinâ saevitiâ.'

[608] 'Praedia urbana vel rustica.'

[609] The punishment consisted in loss of all claim to the property—which was generally seized by someone who had some kind of ostensible claim to it—and a penalty of equal value with that of the property wrongfully seized.

[610] 'Illis quos spes non habet praesentis conjugii vel futuri.' It is not easy to see how the Judge could ascertain whether a man belonged to this claim or not.

[611] 'Quod si ad tale flagitium ancilla pervenerit, excepta poena sanguinis, matronali subjaceat ultioni: ut illam patiatur judicem, quam formidare debuisset absentem.' These provisions are probably of Germanic origin.

[612] 'Quae sunt venerabili deliberatione firmata.' Is it possible that we have here a reference to a theoretical right of the Senate to concur in legislation?

[613] 'Et usualia jura publica.' Dahn expands: 'All other juristic material, all sources of law—Roman leges and jus, and Gothic customary law—the whole inheritance of the State in public and private law.'

[614] 'Necessaria quaedam Romanae quieti edictali programmate duodecim capitibus sicut jus civile legitur institutum in aevum servanda conscripsimus, quae custodita residuum jus non debilitare, sed potius corroborare videantur.'

[615] Evidently aimed at the Goths.

[616] 'Hac non utuntur barbari reges: apud legales dominos manere cognoscitur singularis.'

[617] 'Et, ut reliqua taceamus, hoc quod loquimur inde est.'

[618] 'Et semel Primi Ordinis vestri ac reliqui Senatus amplissimi auctoritate firmatus.' What is the meaning of 'Primi Ordinis vestri?'

[619] The twelfth Indiction began Sept. 1, 533. The Consul would enter office Jan. 1, 534. Was he designated when the great Imperial officers were appointed at the beginning of the Indiction?

[620] Curia, from cura.

[621] 'Primaevum recipiens ad Quaestoris Officium, mox reperit conscientia praeditum, et legum eruditione maturum.'

[622] 'Et quadam gratia praejudiciali vacabat alios laborare, ut te sententiae suae copiosa laude compleret.' One would have expected Cassiodorus to say, 'You had the special privilege of doing other people's work and being praised for it, while they enjoyed their leisure;' but I hardly see how we can get this meaning out of 'vacabat alios laborare.'

[623] 'Egisti rerum domino judicem familiarem et internum procerem.'

[624] 'Nam cum esset publica cura vacuatus, sententias prudentum a tuis fabulis exigebat; ut factis propriis se aequaret antiquis.'

[625] 'Quamvis habeas paternam Praefecturam, Italico orbe praedicatam.' This is one of the many proofs that Senator (now first advanced to the office of Praefectus Praetorio) is the son of the Cassiodorus to whom the letter ([i. 3]) is addressed on his retirement from that office.

[626] 'Tetendit se etiam in antiquam prosapiem nostram, lectione discens, quod vix majorum notitia cana retinebat. Iste Reges Gothorum longa oblivione celatos, latibulo vetustatis eduxit. Iste Amalos cum generis sui claritate restituit, evidenter ostendens in decimam septimam progeniem stirpem nos habere regalem. Originem Gothicam historiam fecit esse Romanam, colligens quasi in unam coronam germen floridum quod per librorum campos passim fuerat ante dispersum.'

[627] Probably from some expected descent of the Vandals, in connection with the affair of Amalafrida.

[628] 'Par suis majoribus ducatum sumpsit intrepidus.'

[629] 'Deputatos.'

[630] A conjectural translation of a difficult sentence: 'Mox autem ut tempus clausit navium commeatum, bellique cura resoluta est, ingenium suum legum potius ductor exercuit: sanans sine damno litigantium quod ante sub pretio comstabat esse laceratum.' I conjecture that by the sudden stoppage of the warlike preparations several of the contractors were in danger of being ruined, and there was a general disposition to repudiate all purchases.

[631] 'Nam licet concordia Principum semper deceat, vestra tamen absolute me nobilitat; quoniam ille redditur amplius excelsus, qui vestrae gloriae fuerit unanimiter conjunctus.'

[632] 'Divae recordationis.'

[633] Is there any authority for the reading of Nivellius, 'Theobaldum?'

[634] 'Veniamus ad illam privatae Ecclesiae (?) largissimam frugalitatem.' 'Ecclesiae,' if it means here 'the Church,' seems to spoil the sense. Can Cassiodorus mean to compare the household of Theodahad to a 'private Ecclesia?'

[635] 'Talem universitas debuit optare, qualem nos probamur elegisse, qui rationabiliter disponens propria, non appetat aliena.' And this of Theodahad!

[636] 'Dominam rerum.'

[637] 'Cujus prius ideo justitiam pertuli ut prius [posterius?] ad ejus provectionis gratiam pervenirem. Causas enim, ut scitis, jure communi nos fecit dicere cum privatis.' We have here, no doubt, an allusion to the punishment which, as we learn from Procopius, Amalasuentha inflicted on her cousin for his various acts of injustice towards his Tuscan neighbours.

[638] 'Et summâ felicitate componitur quod ab aliis sub longâ deliberatione componitur.' 'Ab aliis' probably refers to Cassiodorus himself. The contrast between his elaborate and diffuse rhetoric, and the few, terse, soon-moulded sentences of his mistress is very fairly drawn.

[639] 'Minus fuit ut generalitas sub libertate serviret.'

[640] 'Theodosio homini suo Theodahadus rex.' Does 'homo suus' mean a member of his Comitatus? We seem to have here an anticipation of the 'homagium' of later times.

[641] 'Mutavimus cum dignitate propositum, et si ante justa districte defendimus, nunc clementer omnia mitigamus.' A pretty plain confession of Theodahad's past wrong-doing, and one which was probably insisted upon by Amalasuentha in admitting him to a share in the kingship.

[642] 534-535. As Athalaric died Oct. 2, 534, the appointment of Patricius cannot have taken place on the usual day, Sept. 1.

[643] 'Velle nostrum antiquorum principum est voluntas, quos in tantum desideramus imitari quantum illi justitiam sunt secuti.'

[644] There is something in the tone of this letter which suggests that Theodora was known to be pregnant when it was written.

[645] This Maximus does not appear to be mentioned by Procopius. He may be the same Maximus who took refuge in one of the churches after Totila's capture of Rome in 546 (De Bello Gotthico iii. 20), and who was slain by order of Teias in 552 (Ibid. iv. 34); but that person was grandson of an Emperor, and it seems hardly probable that Cassiodorus would have spared us such a detail in the pedigree of Theodahad's kinsman. We seem also to be entirely without information as to the Amal princess who was the bride of Maximus.

[646] 'Anicios quidem pene principibus pares aetas prisca genuit.'

[647] 535 to 536.

[648] 'Laudati sunt hactenus parentes tui, sed tantâ non sunt conjunctione decorati. Nobilitas tua non est ultra quod crescat. Quicquid praeconialiter egeris, proprio matrimonio dignissimus aestimaris.'

[649] Flavius Anicius Maximus was Consul in 523.

[650] 'Nihil debemus et solvimus.' Have we here an echo of St. Augustine's thought, 'Reddis debita nulli debens?'

[651] 'Qui maximo labore defenditur, cujus per dies singulos civilitas custoditur.'

[652] 'Ut illos diligat super omnia, per quos habere probatur universa.'

[653] 'Salutiferos apices.'

[654] 'Ecce nec sollicitos patimur, quibus infensi esse putabamur.'

[655] 'Postulata siquidem sacramenta vobis, ab Illo atque Illo praestari nostra decrevit auctoritas.'

[656] 'Quâ nos convenit cautelâ Romam defendere, quam constat in mundo simile nihil habere?'

[657] 'Quos tamen locis aptis praecipimus immorari, ut foris sit armata defensio, intus vobis tranquilla civilitas.'

[658] 'Absit enim ut nostris temporibus Urbs illa muris videatur protegi, quam constat gentibus vel sola opinione fuisse terrori.'

[659] 'Ut quae semper fuit libera, nullius inclusionis decoloretur injuria.'

[660] 'Non enim rixas viles per regna requiritis: non vos injusta certamina quae sunt bonis moribus inimica, delectant.' No doubt this was meant to be taken as a hint of the censure which it professes to deny.

[661] 'Pacem quam et iracundis gentibus consuevistis imponere.' An allusion, perhaps, to the peace concluded with Persia.

[662] The name of 'virum illum venerabilem' is not given, but we learn from Procopius (De Bello Gotthico i. 6) that it was Rusticus, a priest, a Roman, and an intimate friend of Theodahad.

[663] Wife of Theodahad.

[664] 'Hortamini enim ut quidquid expetendum a triumphali principe domino jugali nostro (?) credimus vestris ante sensibus ingeramus.' It seems to me that the sense requires vestro instead of nostro, and I have translated accordingly. (Dahn also makes this correction.)

[665] 'Et vestra decet obsequia retinere.' Here 'nostra' seems to give a better sense than 'vestra.'

[666] 'Dubium enim non est illam mores dare cui observatur assidue, dum constat defaecari animum bonis praeceptionibus institutum.' Rather hazardous praise to address to a Theodora.

[667] 'Nam et de illâ personâ, de quâ ad nos aliquid verbo titillante pervenit, hoc ordinatum esse cognoscite, quod vestris credidimus animis convenire.'

[668] These mysterious sentences, according to Gibbon, cap. xli. n. 56 (following Buat), refer to Amalasuentha, and thus lend probability to the story in the Anecdote of Procopius that Theodora, out of jealousy, intrigued with Theodahad to have Amalasuentha put to death. But whatever may be the truth of that story, this sentence can hardly by any possibility refer to it. For (1) it is clear that this letter was written at the same time as Theodahad's, which precedes it, therefore after the arrival of Peter in Italy. But Procopius is clear that Amalasuentha was put to death before Peter had crossed the Hadriatic, whereas this event, whatever it be, is evidently a piece of news which Gudelina has to communicate to Theodora. (2) This letter, though purporting to be from Gudelina, is confessedly written by Cassiodorus, and published by him at the end of his official career. It is hardly conceivable that he would deliberately publish to the world his connection with the murder of Theodoric's daughter and his own friend and benefactress. It is remarkable, on the contrary, how complete (but for this passage) is the silence of the Variae as to Amalasuentha's deposition and death: as if Cassiodorus had said, 'If you do anything to harm her, you may get other apologists for your deeds; I will be no champion of such wickedness.' It is scarcely necessary to remark that there is nothing in the wording of the sentence 'de illa persona,' &c. which makes it more applicable to a woman than to a man. As Peter's embassy was ostensibly connected with ecclesiastical affairs, there is perhaps an allusion in this sentence to some scheme of Theodora's with reference to the Papacy. It is possible that she may have been already working for the election of Vigilius to the chair of St. Peter, and therefore that he is meant by 'illa persona.'

[669] 'Nullam inter Romana regna decet esse discordiam.'

[670] This letter seems as if it was written on precisely the same occasion as [x. 19]. Again Peter is sent back, and with him a 'venerable man' to represent Theodahad. We learn from Procopius (i. 6) that Theodahad, in his fear of war, recalled Peter when he had already got as far as Albano, and gave him another set of propositions for Justinian. It seems possible that these fresh letters ([22] and [23]) from Theodahad and his Queen were given him when he set out the second time.

[671] Zeno (not of course an ancestor in natural relationship, but predecessor in the third degree).

[672] 'Considerate etiam, principes docti, et abavi vestri historica monumenta recolite, quantum decessores vestri studuerint de suo jure relinquere ut eis parentum nostrorum foedera provenirent.'

[673] 'Nunc illi vestram gratiam ultro quaerunt, qui suis parentibus meliores se esse cognoscunt.' Dahn remarks that Theodahad's asserted superiority to Theodoric probably consisted in his philosophical culture.

[674] See [note] on the [preceding letter].

[675] 'Ut per eum disceremus acceptum vobis esse quod in hac republicâ constat evenisse.' At first sight this seems to refer to the death of Amalasuentha or to the accession of Theodahad. Dahn thinks that those events have been disposed of in previous letters. Perhaps it is a general expression for 'the whole course of recent events in Italy.' Though upon the whole rejecting the story of Theodora's complicity in the death of Amalasuentha, I am bound to admit that this passage lends a certain amount of probability to the charge. At the same time, the words in the next sentence, 'per divinam providentiam omni suspicione detersâ,' are susceptible of an honourable meaning, even if the death of Amalasuentha be alluded to. 'You and your husband accused us of that crime. Now by God's providence we have been able to show that we were guiltless of it [that it was done without our privity by the relations of the three Gothic nobles whom she had put to death]. Nothing therefore remains to hinder peace between us.'

[676] Apparently sent at the same time as the two preceding letters.

[677] Negotiations were evidently still going on between the Emperor and the Pope, probably with reference to the election of Anthimus, who, though accused of Monophysitism, had been made Patriarch of Constantinople in 535 by Theodora's influence, and whom the Pope apparently refused to recognise. He was afterwards deposed by Pope Agapetus when he visited Constantinople.

[678] Cassiodorus.

[679] Apparently Veranilda had in the reign of Theodoric become a convert from Arianism to Orthodoxy, and had suffered some pecuniary losses in consequence, which Theodahad now proposes to make up to her. See Dahn, Könige der Germanen iii. 199, n. 4.

[680] Cassiodorus.

[681] 'Quorum dignitas ad hoc legitur instituta, ut de repositis copiis populum saturare possetis.' Probably an allusion to Joseph, whom Cassiodorus celebrates as the first Praefectus Praetorio.

[682] Six bushels for twelve shillings, or sixteen shillings a quarter.

[683] Cassiodorus.

[684] The sentence is so long that Cassiodorus seems to have forgotten its construction, and these important words are in fact omitted.

[685] 'Arcarios.'

[686] 'Prorogatores.'

[687] 'Capitularios horreariorum et tabernariorum.'

[688] 'Cellaritas.'

[689] 'Mansionem Ravennatem.'

[690] 'Ripam Ticinensem vel Placentinam.'

[691] Here follows, 'Ut hi quibus commissum est exercere singulos apparatus de injusto gravamine non querantur,' which I do not venture to translate, as I am not sure whether it relates to buyers or sellers.

[692] £1,200.

[693] 'Limosae podagrae subitâ inundatione complutus.'

[694] The nature-heated springs of Bormio are still resorted to; and some pedestrian travellers, who have crossed the Stelvio from Trafoi, have a grateful remembrance of their soothing waters.

[695] I have not found any other mention of these brazen elephants. Nardini (Roma Antica i. 295) cites this passage, and illustrates it by quotations from Suetonius, Pliny, and the Historia Augusta, showing that it was the custom to erect to Emperors and Empresses statues of elephants drawing triumphal chariots.

[696] Cassiodorus calls it 'promuscis.'

[697] 'A quâ transportaneorum (?) nefanda passio nomen accepit.'

[698] Hist. Nat. xxviii. 8.

[699] Spelt 'Vitigis' by Cassiodorus.

[700] 'Parentes nostros Gothos.'

[701] 'Ut de ejus fama laboraret quamvis de propria virtute praesumeret.' I have translated as if 'laboraret' and 'praesumeret' were in the plural, and even so, find it difficult to get a satisfactory meaning out of these words.

[702] 'Arma Gothorum nullâ promissionum mearum varietate frangenda sunt.' An evident allusion to the treacherous and unpatriotic diplomacy of Theodahad, as described by Procopius.

[703] 'Non in provinciis tantum sed in ipso rerum capite probatur inflictum.'

[704] 'Talis res effecta est quam mundus loquatur.' The commentator Fornerius absurdly understands this of Mundus, the general of Justinian in Dalmatia, who had already fallen in battle before the accession of Witigis.

[705] Matasuentha, now wife of Witigis.

[706] 'Quando non est difficile illum in affectu retinere, qui gratiam constat desideranter expetere.' Very nearly, but not quite, the modern proverb which says that gratitude is 'a lively sense of favours to come.'

[707] 'Salutiferos apices.' See [x. 15].

[708] 'Secretum.'

[709] Here follows a sentence which I do not understand: 'Remanet itaque ad excusandum brevitas insperata librorum, quam nemo purgat diutius, nisi qui bene creditur esse dicturus.'

[710] This can hardly be the Consul of a.d. 511, since he is called in the next sentence 'senilis juvenis.'

[711] 'De Animae substantiâ vel de virtutibus ejus amici me disserere coëgerunt: ut per quam multa diximus, de ipsa quoque dicere videremur.'

[712] This letter, which was not composed immediately after Cassiodorus' accession to office, most have been written after the death of the Frankish King Theodoric, which occurred, according to Clinton, early in 534, and before October 2 of the same year, the date of the death of Athalaric. Notwithstanding the obscurity of many of the allusions in it, this document is one of our best authorities for the history of Amalasuentha's regency, and is therefore translated almost verbatim.

[713] Partly a pun on his name, partly an allusion to his rank.

[714] The letter written by Cassiodorus himself, in the name of Athalaric, to announce his elevation to the Praefecture (Var. [ix. 25]).

[715] 'Et temperamento mirabili dissimulando peragit quod accelerandum esse cognoscit.'

[716] 'Eudoxia.'

[717] 'Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit: factaque est conjunctio Regnantis, divisio dolenda provinciis.' On this alleged loss of Illyricum by the Western Empire, see Gibbon, cap. xxxiii. note 6. One may doubt, however, whether Cassiodorus has been correctly informed concerning it. Noricum and Pannonia at the time of Valentinian's marriage must have been entirely in the possession of the Huns; and on the dissolution of their monarchy Noricum at any rate seems to be connected with the Western rather than the Eastern Empire. As for Dalmatia, or the Province (as distinct from the Praefecture) of Illyricum, the retirement thither of the Emperor Nepos in 475, and the previous history of his uncle Marcellinus, point towards the conclusion that this Province was then considered as belonging de jure to the Caesar of Rome rather than to him of Constantinople.

[718] 'Et singularis illa potentia, ut Italicos Dominos, erigeret, reverentiam Eoi culminis ordinavit.' This somewhat favours the notion that Theodoric and his successors called themselves Kings of Italy.

[719] Theodoric I, son of Clovis, King of the Franks, reigning at Metz, died, as before stated, in 534.

[720] 'Et nobis nec unius ultimi facta subducis (?).'

[721] 'Burgundio quinetiam, ut sua reciperet, devotus effectus est: reddens se totum dum accepisset exiguum. Elegit quippe integer obedire, quam imminutus obsistere: tutius tunc defendit regnum quando arma deposuit. Recuperavit enim prece, quod amisit in acie.' The meaning of these mysterious words, as interpreted by Binding (268-270) and Jahn (ii. 252), is that Godomar, King of the Burgundians, received back from Amalasuentha (probably about 530, or a little later) the territory between the Durance and the Isere, which Theodoric had wrested from his brother in 523. The occasion of this cession was probably some league of mutual defence against the Franks, which Cassiodorus could without dishonesty represent as a kind of vassalage of Burgundy to Ostrogothia. If so, it availed Godomar little, as his territories were overrun by the Frankish Kings in 532, and the conquest of them was apparently completed by 534 (Jahn ii. 68-78).

[722] 'Afflictos statu meliore restituit.' An allusion, probably, to her kindness to the families of Boethius and Symmachus.

[723] No doubt the same Liberius who nobly defended the character of Amalasuentha at the Court of Justinian (Procopius, De Bello Gotthico i. 4). Apparently he was made Consul, but his name does not appear in the Fasti at this time.

[724] Probably to prevent his obtaining the Praefecture.

[725] This and the following names belong to the ancestors of Amalasuentha, and are found with slight variations in the treatise of Jordanes on the History of the Goths, which was founded on a similar treatise by Cassiodorus.

[726] 'Pietate Theudimer.'

[727] 'Specto feliciter virtutis ejus augmenta, qui differo laudare principia.' The annotator says that these words are not to be found in the extant writings of Symmachus [the orator]. It was probably the younger Symmachus, the father-in-law of Boethius, who uttered them. At this time Athalaric was killing himself by his debaucheries.

[728] Pope John II (a Roman, son of Projectus, and originally named Mercurius) succeeded Boniface II Jan. 1, 533. His pontificate lasted till May 26, 535. His successor was Agapetus. This letter appears to have been written at a time of scarcity in Rome.

[729] 'Sum quidem Judex Palatinus, sed vester non desinam esse discipulus.'

[730] 'Confessiones.'

[731] This was written, no doubt, when Athalaric was on his deathbed.

[732] 'Episcopus doceat, ne judex possit invenire quod puniat.'

[733] 'Agenti vices.' Bethmann Hollweg (Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden römischen Reichs, pp. 49-50) remarks: 'The relation of the Vices Magistratuum agentes does not belong to the Jurisdictio mandata. They are lieutenants (Stellvertreter) who are substituted provisionally in the room of an ordinary official of the Empire or of a Province, on account of his being temporarily disqualified or suspended from office by the Emperor or Praetorian Praefect. The municipal magistrates were also represented by vices agentes. But the extant authorities give us no very clear information as to their position.' Unfortunately this letter, relating to a vices agens of the Praetorian Praefect himself, does not add much to our information.

[734] I suggest this with hesitation as the translation of a difficult sentence: 'Si quos etiam fidejussoribus committere necessarium aestimaveris, confidenter assume: quia illud magis relevare potest animum nostrum, si aliquid per vos cognoscimus impletum.' Cassiodorus seems to be urging his deputy not to shrink from the exercise of even the most stringent rights inherent in his office, in order that causes may be terminated without reference to him. But is there authority for such a translation of the words 'fidejussoribus committere?'

[735] 'Curiositas.'

[736] Athalaric and Amalasuentha.

[737] In the last sentence but one, 'Fidem meam promitto: sed cum ipsis Divinitatis dona sustineo, cautelam offero,' I would suggest ipsius for 'ipsis,' making cum = 'when,' not 'with.' There does not seem to be any antecedent plural to which 'ipsis' can refer.

[738] 'Transgressio matriculae actio tua est.'

[739] September 1, 533.

[740] 'Hoc igitur laudabili praejudicium a duodecima Indictione cancellorum tibi decus attribuit.'

[741] 'Respice quo nomine nuncuperis. Latere non potest quod inter cancellos egeris. Tenes quippe lucidas fores, claustra patentia, fenestratas januas; et quamvis studiose claudas, necesse est ut te cunctis aperias.'

[742] 'Dicationis tuae.' A peculiar and untranslatable form of respect.

[743] September 1, 533.

[744] 'Trina illatio' (See Var. [ii. 24]). So called because it was collected three times in the year. See Dahn, Könige der Germanen iii. 140; and Sartorius, Regierung der Ostg. 200. The latter seems however to confuse it with the 'tertiae,' from which Dahn very properly distinguishes it.

[745] 'Nundinationes.'

[746] 'Breves.'

[747] 'Scrinia.'

[748] 'Juvante Deo, rerumque Dominis regnantibus.'

[749] 'Sperari a vobis aliquid sola specierum indigentia faciet, non malitiosa venalitas ... nec ad taxationem trahimus quae necessaria non habentur.'

[750] 'Quemadmodum a rerum Dominis mandata suscepimus.'

[751] 'Dicatio tua.'

[752] 'Circa Dominos felices.'

[753] 'Ita se et illi devotos debent pie regnantibus exhibere.' Compare again Claudian's words:

'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat,
Quam sum rege pio.'

[754] 'Sic agite ut cum justitia probata quaeritur, annus vester brevis esse videatur.'

[755] 'Quando et evectiones publicas accepistis et nobis gratum sit audire de talibus.'

[756] 'Rerum Domini clementia.'

[757] Or David, according to some MSS.

[758] This is no doubt the mountain on whose skirts was fought the decisive battle between Narses and Teias in 553, now known as Monte Lettere. It is a spur of the range reaching from Sorrento to Salerno, which attains its highest elevation in Monte San Angelo (4,690 feet high). It rises opposite to Mount Vesuvius on the south-east, the ruins of Pompeii and the valley of the Sarno (formerly the Draco) lying between the two.

[759] 'Per singulos excessus sex solidorum mulctam a se noverit exigendam et fustuario posse subjacere supplicio.'

[760] This is, I believe, the expression used in some of the Australian colonies for what Cassiodorus calls commoda vestra.

[761] 'Pio Principi.'

[762] Thus called by Cassiodorus; not Comum.

[763] 'Se possessores paraveredorum assiduitate suggerunt esse fatigatos.'

[764] 'Quibus indultu Regali beneficium praecipimus jugiter custodiri.' These words do not make it clear how the inhabitants were relieved by the Royal decree; but it was probably by some gift of money like that which is announced in the next letter.

[765] 'Praetoriorum luminibus decenter ornata.'

[766] So Claudian (De VI Consolata Honorii 196), 'et Addua visu caerulus.'

[767] 'Ut nomen retinens et colorem in Septentrionem obesiore alvei ventre generetur.'

[768] 'Sed ut beneficia Dominorum subtractis exactionum, incommodis augeantur, celerius relatio vestra nos instruat, quid unicuique de hac summâ relaxandum esse judicetis, ut tantum de primâ illatione faciamus suspendi quantum ad nos notitia directa vulgaverit.' The meaning of Cassiodorus seems quite clear, though it is not easy to understand how far the actual gift of money was supplemented by, or independent of, remission of land-tax.

[769] 'Exactores atque susceptores.' For the latter office, see Cod. Theod. xii. 6.

[770] This letter was probably addressed to the Princeps, the highest person in the whole Officium, as it contains the words 'unus quisque ... tuâ designatione vulgetur.'

[771] 'Juxta matriculae seriem.'

[772] 'Inter Tribunos et Notarios ad adorandos aspectus properet Principales.'

[773] 'Qui Praetorianis fascibus inculpabiliter noscitur obsecutus.'

[774] 'Quem matriculae series fecit accedere.'

[775] I am unable to suggest any explanation of this title.

[776] I have not found any explanation of this title, which is apparently unknown to the Notitia, to Lydus, and to the Theodosian Code.

[777] Note the corrupt form of the name Heliodorus.

[778] We get this sense of Delegatio in Cod. Theod. vii. 4. 35: 'Annonas omnes, quae universis officiis atque Sacri Palatii Ministeriis et Sacris Scriniis ceterisque cunctarum adminiculis dignitatum adsolent delegari.'

[779] In this letter occurs a sentence of tantalising obscurity: 'Sola nos Alpha complectitur ubi ea littera non timetur.'

[780] It is not clear to whom the letter is addressed.

[781] 'Ex illatione tertiâ.'

[782] The marginal note says: 'i.e. Agentium in Rebus.'

[783] As might be expected from an observer who did not understand the earth's motion in its orbit, the periods assigned to the inferior planets in this paragraph are all wrong, while those assigned to the superior planets are pretty nearly right.

Periods according to Cassiodorus.					True Periods.
Saturn	30	years			29	years	174	days.
Jupiter	12	"			11	"	317	"
Mars	1	year	182	days	1	year	321	"
Venus	1	"	91	"			224	"
Mercury	1	"	30	"			88	"

[784] 'Per illam Indictionem de Samnii provinciâ ex illatione tertiâ sine ambiguitate contrade.'

[785] 'Praefuit enim Cornibus Secretarii Praetoriani, unde ei nomen est derivatum.'

[786] 'Eo ministrante caliculum scripsimus inempti quod magnis pretiis optabatur impleri.'

[787] 'Quod egimus cohortes noverunt.' Observe the military character of the service, 'cohortes.'

[788] 'Eorum est etiam sudoribus applicandum, quod victuales expensae longe quidem positae, sed tamquam in urbe Regiâ natae [I do not quite understand this antithesis] sine querelâ Provincialium congregantur.'

[789] 'Labores, violenti magistri, solliciti paedagogi, per quos cautior quis efficitur dum incurri pericula formidantur.'

[790] 'Ex canone provinciae Campaniae tertiae illationis tot solidos solenniter te dare censemus.'

[791] Tax-collector.

[792] Lydus (De Magistratibus iii. 14) makes a similar remark, but says that in his time the copying clerks (Exceptarii, or Exceptores) supplied disgracefully bad paper made of grass, and charged a fee for doing so.

[793] Sept. 1, 534. The reading 'de tertiae decimae Indictionis rationibus' seems required by the sense, instead of 'tertiam de decimae Indictionis rationibus.' It is quite clear that Cassiodorus was not Praetorian Praefect at the tenth Indiction.

[794] 'Ambos titulos.'

[795] This sum seems ridiculously small for the Province of Bruttii. Can it be the sum assessed on each district?

[796] 'Indulgentia.'

[797] 'Scarus.'

[798] 'Per milites suos judex intelligitur.'

[799] 'Possessor mihi publicas pecunias libens inferat: ego illi in conventus justitiae tributa persolvam.'

[800]'Haec nos annuo sermone convenit loqui: quia bonarum rerum nulla satietas est.'

[801] 'Trina Illatio.'

[802] Sept. 1, 534, to Sept. 1, 535.

[803] 'Expensarum fidelem notitiam quaternis mensibus comprehensam.' As the receipts of the Trina Illatio had to be gathered in every four months, the account of Provincial expenditure covered the same period.

[804] 'Ad scrinia nostra dirigere maturabis.'

[805] 'Devotio tua' was the technical way of addressing the fortis Sajo.

[806] 'In executore illud est pessimum, si judicis relinquat arbitrium.'

[807] 'Rerum Dominus.'

[808] Revenue-officer.

[809] 'Perhaps a kind of lamprey' (White and Riddle's Latin-English Dictionary).

[810] Apparently a kind of raisin wine; from acina, a grape or berry.

[811] What are we to make of 'Stipsis nescio quâ firmitate roboratur?'

[812] 'Tactus ejus densitate pinguescit: ut dicas esse aut carneum liquorem aut edibilem potionem.' Questionable praise, according to the ideas of a modern wine-grower.

[813] We might have expected to find wine-bottles rather than wine-glasses thus requisitioned; but I think the words of Cassiodorus, 'quod lacteo poculo relucescit,' oblige us to adopt the latter translation.

[814] 'Pretia quae antiquus ordo constituit ex jussione rerum Domini cognoscite temperata, ut multo arctius quam vendere solebatis in assem publicum praebita debeant imputari.'

[815] 'Sed quo facilius instrueretur vestra notitia, imputationum summas infra scriptis brevibus credidimus exprimendas.' Apparently the ordinary taxes for the two Provinces are remitted, but a certain quantity of provisions has to be furnished to the army, perhaps by each township; and besides this, the commissariat officers have a right of pre-emption at prices considerably below the market rate.

[816] 'Continete ergo possessorum intemperantes motus.'

[817] 'Ex Regiâ jussione singulos conductores massarum et possessores validos admonete, ut nullam contrahant in concertatione barbariem: ne non tantum festinent bellis prodesse quantum quiete confundere.' Evidently the rustics are dissuaded from taking up arms lest they should use them on the side of Belisarius.

[818] 'Universis Praefecturae titulos administrantibus.'

[819] 'Canonicario Venetiarum.'

[820] Sept. 1, 536, to Sept. 1, 537.

[821] 'Validas contra te apochas invenerunt.'

[822] 'Chlamydes non pavescant, qui arma timuerunt.'

[823] 'Arcarii.'

[824] 'Apochae.'

[825] 'Praefectus Annonae.'

[826] 'Felix illi contigit et praedicanda captivitas.' A little before, we read, 'Resumat facultatem quam se suspiraverat amississe.' These sentences suggest the idea that the petitioner had been brought over in the train of the lately deceased person as a slave. This a little lessens the difficulty of his being admitted to the inheritance. Compare Gen. xv. 3, where Abraham, before the birth of a son, says, 'And one born in my house' (i.e. a slave) 'is mine heir.'

[827] 'Arcarius.'

[828] 'Degeniatus.'

[829] 'Erogatori obsoniorum.'

[830] 'Obsonia.'

[831] 'Cum apud rerum Dominum solemni more pranderemus.'

[832] 'Silanum.' Mount Sila is a range of hills in Calabria immediately to the north of Squillace, forty miles from north to south, and twenty miles from east to west, and occupying the whole of the projecting portion of the south-east side of Italy between the Gulf of Squillace and the Bay of Taranto. The highest peaks, which are about 5,700 feet high, are covered with snow during half the year. It is said that from the beginning of June till far on into October, 15,000 head of cattle and 150,000 sheep, besides horses and mules, graze in these uplands. (See Gael-Fells: Unter Italien, p. 721.)

[833] From the description of Cassiodorus, it seems to have been a kind of cream cheese.

[834] 'Non stipsi asperum sed gratum suavitate perquire.' The same peculiar word, stipsis, which we had in Letter [xii. 4]. What meaning are we to assign to the word?

[835] 'Magnis odoribus singulare:—quod ita redolet ore ructatum ut merito illi a palma nomen videatur impositum.'

[836] Baronius (Ad Ann. 591) quotes this letter of Cassiodorus to explain an allusion in the life of Pope Gregory the Great, who refused to receive a present of 'Palmatiana' from the Bishop of Messina, and insisted on paying for it.

[837] 'Facientes laicum commodum substantiam clericorum.'

[838] 'Edictali programmate definimus, ut qui in hac fuerit ulterius fraude versatus et militiâ careat et compendium propriae facultatis amittat.' The last clause is perhaps purposely vague. We should have expected to hear something about restitution, but the words will not bear that meaning.

[839] I do not understand the following sentences: 'In hortis autem rusticorum agmen habetur operosum: quia olus illic omne saporum est marinâ irroratione respersum. Quod humanâ industriâ fieri consuevit, hoc cum nutriretur accepit.' Can they have watered any herbs with salt water?

[840]

'Nec tamen, haec quum sint hominumque boumque labores
Versando terram experti, nihil improbus anser,
Strymoniaeque grues, et amaris intuba fibris
Officiunt.'—Georgic i. 118-121.

[841] I must renounce the attempt to translate the rest of the sentence: 'Unde in morem nitri aliquid decerptum frangitur, dum a fecundo cespite segregatur.' There is an alternative reading, vitri for nitri; but I am still unable to understand the author's meaning.

[842] Apparently a kind of lamprey. See the fourth letter of this book.

[843] Perhaps Cassiodorus means to say this makes it more easy of capture, but he does not say so.

[844] The praises of the exormiston are not only foreign to the main subject of the letter, but to a certain extent weaken the writer's argument on behalf of his countrymen; but, as a good Bruttian, he cannot help vaunting the products of his country.

[845] The passage to and fro of travellers no doubt brought with it burdensome duties for the inhabitants in connection with the Cursus Publicus. It was therefore a reason for mitigating other taxes.

[846] This letter, being the description by Cassiodorus of his native place, is translated entire.

[847] 'Irrationabiliter dicitur praesumentium nimietate vexari.'

[848] 'Decenter.'

[849] Dust-money.

[850] 'Canonicario.'

[851] 'Dum res nobis etiam asperas captatâ semper opinione conciliat.' Apparently a veiled allusion to the disasters of the Goths.

[852] 'Nec iterum remissione lentatâ quisquam se dicat esse praeteritum.'

[853] This mention of the just weight of course suits a tax paid in kind, not in money.

[854] 'Expensarum quoque fidelem notitiam per quaternos menses ad scrinia nostra solemniter destinabis.'

[855] 'Illum atque illum sedis nostrae milites, tibi officioque tuo periculorum suorum memores praecipimus imminere.'

[856] Collector of the Siliquaticum, or tax of one twenty-fourth on sales. See [ii. 30], [iii. 35], [iv. 19].

[857] No doubt the walls of Ravenna. I cannot identify the Mons Caprarius. The name Caprera is a common one in Italy.

[858] One may conjecture that this letter was written in 535, when war with the Empire was imminent, but before it was actually declared.

[859] 'Videre judicia diligentia.' I leave this clause untranslated, as I cannot understand it.

[860] 'In pontibus contrabium non tremere.'

[861] 'Illum sedis nostrae militem.'

[862] He was sent by Theodahad; entered Constantinople February 20, 536, and died there 21st April of the same year.

[863] 'Facto pictacio.'

[864] 'Vasa sanctorum.' One would think this must refer to the vessels used in celebrating mass; but I do not quite see how the meaning is to be got out of the words.

[865] 'Actoribus.'

[866] Baronius not unfairly argues that if the Roman See was so poor that the Church plate had to be pawned to provide for the Pope's journey to Constantinople, the wealth of the Pope cannot have largely contributed to that great increase of his influence which marked the early years of the Sixth Century.

[867] 'Armarium ipsius fortuna cunctorum est.'

[868] 'Translator esto, non conditor antiquorum gestorum.'

[869] Compare Cassiodorus' treatise De Animâ, chapters x. and xi., in which he enumerates the various points in which the faces of good men and bad men differ from one another.

[870] The first Indiction was from September 1, 537, to September 1, 538.

[871] Here follows this sentence: 'Haec loca garismatia plura nutriunt.' Garum seems to have been a sauce something like our anchovy-sauce. Garismatium is evidently a garum-supplying place.

[872] We have a special allusion in Martial (iv. 25) to the villas of Altinum, and he too compares them to those of Baiae.

[873] Evidently 'the annexed letter' referred to in [No. 22].

[874] 'Ut in tot solidos vini, olei, vel tritici species de tributario solido debeas procurare.'

[875] 'Sicut te a Numerariis instruxit porrecta Notitia.' Note this use of the word 'Notitia,' as illustrating the title of the celebrated document bearing that name.

[876] Corn, wine, and oil.

[877] Written shortly after Sept. 1, 537. This is the celebrated letter to which Venetian historians point as evidence of the existence of their city (or at least of the group of settlements out of which their city sprang) in the Sixth Century. We may set side by side with it the words of the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna (in the Seventh Century), 'In patria vero Venetiae sunt aliquantae insulae, quae hominibus habitantur.'

The address, Tribunis Maritimorum, looks as if there were something like a municipal government established in these islands. Tribunus was at this time generally, but not exclusively, a military title. Compare the Tribunus Fori Suarii and Tribunus Rerum Nitentium of the Notitia (Occidens iv. 10 and iv. 17). But there can be no doubt, from the tone of this letter, that the islanders were subjects of the Ostrogothic King.

[878] An obscure sentence: 'Per hospitia quodammodo vestra discurritis qui per patriam navigatis.' The idea seems to be: 'You have to sail about from one room to another of your own house, and therefore Ravenna will seem like a neighbouring inn.'

[879] The next four sentences describe the movement of the ships when towed along the channels of the streams (Brenta, Piave, Tagliamento, &c.) the deposits from which have made the lagunes.

[880] 'Venetiae praedicabiles.' An allusion, no doubt, as other commentators have suggested, to the reputed derivation of Venetia from Αινετοι, 'the laudable.'

[881] Alluding probably to the story of the floating island of Delos.

[882] 'Earum similitudine.' Does Cassiodorus mean 'like the water-fowl,' or 'like the Cyclades?'

[883] The reading of Nivellius (followed by Migne), 'Domicilia videntur sparsa, quae Natura non protulit sed hominum cura fundavit,' seems to give a better sense than that of Garet, who omits the 'non.'

[884] 'Inde vobis fructus omnis enascitur, quando in ipsis, et quae non facitis possidetis.'

[885] 'Moneta illic quodammodo percutitur victualis.' Some have supposed that these words point to a currency in salt; but I think they are only a Cassiodorian way of saying 'By this craft ye have your wealth.'

[886] This is the only translation I can suggest of 'quatenus expensas necessarias nulla difficultate tardetis, qui pro qualitate aeris compendium vobis eligere potestis itineris.'

[887] 'Agenti vices.' See [note] on [xi. 4].

[888] 'Vestros (?) veraciter pandit aspectus.'

[889] Joseph, Praetorian Praefect of Egypt under Pharaoh.

[890] Paulas was probably a Sajo.

[891] Now Cividale in Friuli. Notice the terminations of these names: 'ex Concordiense, Aquileiense, et Forojuliense civitatibus' ('e,' not 'i').

[892] The letter here alluded to does not appear to be preserved.

[893] Cassiodorus, like Procopius, spells this name with a 't.' Some of the ecclesiastical writers spell it with a 'c.'

[894] Pavia.

[895] Tortona.

[896] Twelve shillings for twenty pecks, or about nineteen shillings and twopence a quarter; not a very low price, one would think, for such a grain as millet.

Datius is ordered to sell tertiam portionem of this millet. Probably this expression has the same meaning as the 'tertia illatio' of [xi. 37].

In the similar letter, [x. 27], 'tertia portio' (whether of wheat or millet is not stated) is to be sold at 25 modii per solidum.

[897] 'Arcarius.'

[898] Literally, 'of the present Empire:' 'subito praesentis Imperii tanquam solis ortus fama radiavit.' I avoid the word 'present,' because of its ambiguity. Observe the use of 'Imperii' applied to the Gothic Kingdom.

[899] 'Quando illum cognovit nominatae (?) gentis esse Rectorem, quem sub militis nomine probaverat esse singularem.' This evident allusion to Witigis obliges us to place the date of this Burgundian invasion not much earlier than the summer of 536, when Witigis was raised to the throne. Apparently the Burgundians were already in Italy when they heard the news of that event.

[900] 'Ut Gothi ad belli studium geminâ se fortitudine contulerunt.' These words perhaps allude to the necessity of fighting two enemies at once, Belisarius and the Burgundians; or perhaps to the existence of two Gothic armies, whose combined operations are indicated by the following words, 'prospera concertatione.'

[901] 'Quasi inde nudos hinc stare contigisset armatos.' 'Hinc' and 'inde' refer to geographical position, not to the order of the words in the sentence.

[902] See von Schubert's 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen,' pp. 57-59, for a careful analysis of the following paragraph.

[903] 'Pace tanti patris dixerim.'

[904] Probably one solidus: making the largesse price 15s. 4d. a quarter (about four shillings less than the price named in the preceding letter for millet); while the market price was 38s. 4d. a quarter. I read these sentences thus: 'Vendit itaque largitas publica vicenos quinque modios, dum possessor invenire non possit, ad denos. Ordinem rerum saeculi mutavit humanitas.' The construction is harsh and elliptical, but this makes sense, which the ordinary punctuation, throwing 'ad denos' into the following sentence, does not.