Colonial Expeditions to the Interior of California Central Valley, 1800-1820

by Sherburne Friend Cook

I. EARLY EXPEDITIONS, 1776-1803

During the initial period of settlement and exploration in California, from 1769 to 1776, several important and well-known expeditions entered the area, among them those of Portola, Anza, Fages, and Cañizares. As a result the coastal strip and the vicinity of San Francisco Bay became well known. The interior did not receive so much attention. Following Anza only two recorded expeditions went into the Central Valley, that of Moraga, described by Palóu (Bolton, 1926) and that of Fages, the account of which has been translated by Priestley (1913).

In the meantime, and during the first two decades of Spanish occupation of coastal California, individuals were slowly penetrating the interior. Most of these left no record or trace, except on the health and emotional outlook of the natives. Many of them were deserters from the army, whose enlisted ranks contained many from the lowest strata of Mexican society. Along the coast trouble with desertion began with the Portola expedition itself (see Crespi’s diary) and was commented upon by both military and clerical writers for many years thereafter. Most of the absconding soldiers stayed within the mission area but some reached the interior valley. The earliest clear examples are cited by Garcés in the diary of his famous trip in 1776. In the upper San Joaquin Valley, east of Bakersfield, he was told of two Spanish soldiers who had been killed by the Indians for molesting women (Coues, 1900, p. 288) and found a Spaniard married to an Indian woman (Coues, 1900, p. 295).

EXCERPTS FROM OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE

A number of letters in the official correspondence of the late eighteenth century refer to fugitive deserters. Of these several may be quoted, primarily by way of illustration since a complete presentation of such data would be very difficult. Documents cited are all in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, unless otherwise stated.

It should be noted that the style in a great many of the transcripts is indirect. The copyist made a paraphrase of the original letter and prefaced his statement with the word “that.” Thus in the first letter below the copyist wishes it understood that the original letter said that Sebastian Albitre ran away ... and so on. In some documents the indirection is ignored and the text is translated directly. As a rule, however, it is preferable to retain the circumlocution employed by Bancroft’s transcriber.

Blotter of Governor Fages
November 7, 1785
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., II: 348)

That Sebastian Albitre ran away and with him the soldier of the Presidio, Mariano Yepez; that after a few days the mistress of the latter disappeared from her mission at Santa Clara; that he sent out two parties to chase them as far as the Sierra Nevada; these parties returned because their horses were badly exhausted; the pursuit will be resumed in June.

Governor to Commandant at Santa Barbara
October 9, 1795
(Cal. Arch., Prov. Rec., IV: 302)

He should offer presents, or whatever they like, to the Indians, so that they will catch Avila, who, as is known, is running as a fugitive in the Tulare Valley with several Christians from San Juan Bautista. He should make every effort to catch this man.

Marcos Briones to Hermenegildo Sal
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)

Says that the Father[1] sent some Christian Indians in search of a Gentile woman in order that she might be married to a Christian who had been her husband when they were heathen. That on the return with the Indian woman they passed by a rancheria where an old Gentile, accompanied by his two sons, killed Toribio, one of those who had gone after the Gentile woman. The latter was suspected of having poisoned her Christian daughter who died in this mission. That today he is setting out with three soldiers and some Christian Indians to apprehend the culprits.

Marcos Briones to Sal
San Luis Obispo, January 14, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 238-239)

That on the 8th inst. he set out from this garrison in search of the malefactors, as the governor had ordered him and he could not find them. That in one rancheria, among those which he entered, an old Indian woman told him that the Gentiles of that vicinity had assembled opposite the Nacimiento [River] looking for the [road to the] Tulares. That he turned back on account of lack of provisions but intends to return [to the Tulares] on the 19th in order to pacify that gathering of Gentiles.

Marcos Briones to Sal
San Luis Obispo, January 8, 1797
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XVI: 239)

He says that on the 18th he set out to apprehend the Gentile Indians who had killed Toribio, the Christian Indian of this Mission. That he fell upon a rancheria at the edge of the Valley of the Tulares, where he knew was the chief of the malefactors, whom he succeeded in catching. He brought him in company with two others whom he (the malefactor) had forced to burn the corpse of the defunct Toribio. That he arrived at this mission the 23rd and asked the said criminal why he killed Toribio. He [the Indian] replied that it was because a Christian [Indian], one of those who accompanied the deceased, had come close to his house and had said: “Is the old robber[2] here? If he is, why doesn’t he come out?” Whereupon he and his son chased the Christians as far as the place where they killed the said Toribio.

HERMENEGILDO SAL’S EXPEDITION, 1796

The first formally organized exploration, subsequent to Anza and Fages, was apparently carried out by an army officer, Hermenegildo Sal, in 1796. He was a lieutenant in command of the Monterey garrison and conducted a party into the Stockton area. He left no personal diary but did write a letter to the Governor. It is the transcript, or rather paraphrase, of the letter by one of Bancroft’s workers which is here presented.

Report of Hermenegildo Sal
San Francisco, January 31, 1796
(Cal. Arch., Prov. St. Pap., XIV: 14-16)

Report in which Lieutenant Hermenegildo Sal sets forth what he has learned concerning various matters, in order to communicate it to the Governor of the Province.

That leaving the mission of Santa Clara or the town of San José, in a northerly direction, at about 15 leagues, one reaches the Río del Pescadero,[3] which has good water, depth and current, and is so called because fishing is done in it for salmon. That at one-quarter league [farther on] is the Río de San Francisco Jabier, wider than the preceding and with more water, for the latter reaches to the bottom of the saddle pad. That at about two leagues [farther on] is the Río de San Miguel, larger than the two others, and deeper, for the water reaches to the back bow of the saddle. That the three have no trees where they cross the valley of the Tulares. That at about five leagues [farther on][4] is the Río de la Pasión, populated with ash, alder, and other trees, and with a very deep channel.

That between the two last rivers is a fine oak park, in the area toward the Sierra Madre which runs toward the north and is called Sierra Nevada.

That, going through the oak park and leaving on the left hand the tule swamps, there is a region of fresh-water lakes so spaced that there are pockets of solid ground in which are encountered rancherias inhabited by Gentiles. [These are] brave and strong, have small dragnets with stone sinkers, and make bread with flour from tule roots and from acorns like that which they presented to Captain Fernando de Rivera.[5]

That these four rivers run from east to west and discharge into the bay of the port of San Francisco. That when the tide rises salt water is carried into them far upstream.[6]

That the Sierra Madre is distant from the Río de la Pasión a matter of eight leagues. That the natives take two days to cross it. That all the countryside abounds with fresh grass, tule swamps, and lakes where deer breed. That before reaching the rivers, on the right hand lies the territory of San Juan,[7] a short distance from the Sierra Nevada, and visible from the presidio.

That the names of the four rivers were given by Captain Fernando Rivera, commander of these presidios, when he passed by there during the month of December, 1776.

(Under the heading “Information secured ... from the Christian Indians of the Mission of San Francisco,” is the following report.)

That the first Indian told him that his people traded with a “nation of dark Indians” and that the latter have priests.[8]

(What follows is copied verbatim.)

The second [Indian] gave news of the nations Julpones,[9] Quinenseat, Taunantoc, and Quisitoc: the first are on the shore of the estuary. The second are on the other side of the rivers; they are tall and blond. The third trade with glass beads like ours. The last are bald. He says the land is very hot and the Indians stay all day in the lakes, the water of which is boiling, and this is the reason why their hair falls out. The Indian reasserts that those people have heads like their hands, but they are born with hair like everyone else.

An Indian woman named Delfina told the mayor-domo, Diego Olbera, and his wife: “One day, having crossed the rivers and traveled five days, soldiers and priests are encountered who give the Indians pieces of cotton cloth, blankets, axes and knives.” That there are [i.e., they had] wheels and, as she stated, the latter were from carts or wagons, giving the appearance that this was their mode of travel.

That the above is the news which he has been able to secure and which he is transmitting [to the Governor].