FOOTNOTES:

[1] In the possession of J. B. Nichols, Esq. F.S.A.

[2] Cottonian MSS. Vespasianus, F. xvi.

[INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.]

On the 23rd of October, 1529, Henry the Eighth came to his manor of Greenwich;[3] in the November following he went on board the Treasurer's ship;[4] and about the 20th of the same month arrived at York Place,[5] now called Whitehall, where he spent his Christmas.

Anno. 1530.—Early in February, 1530, his Majesty was at Hampton Court,[6] and on the 16th at Battersea, but returned the same day to York Place.[7] On the 21st he was again at Hampton Court,[8] and on the 13th of March, the celebrated Hugh Latimer, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, preached before him and was rewarded with a gratuity of five pounds, from which time he cannot be traced by these Accounts, until the 5th of April, when he was at More Park, in Hertfordshire;[9] and towards the end of that month he was at Windsor.[10] Between April and July, Henry seems to have resided either at York Place or Hampton Court: about the middle of July he was evidently at Oking,[11] or Ockham Park, in Surrey; on the 23rd at Guilford;[12] on the 29th at Windsor;[13] and returned to Hampton Court between the 10th and 13th of August,[14] where he remained until the 16th, on which day he went to Easthampstead,[15] and on the 17th was at Asheridge, in Buckinghamshire.[16] On the 21st he was at Ampthill,[17] where he appears to have remained until about the 4th of September; on the 5th of that month he was at Hertford,[18] having in passing through Hitchin on the preceding day, given forty shillings to the Friars of that place.[19] His Majesty did not quit Hertford Park until the 8th or 9th, when he proceeded to Waltham, at which place we find him on the 12th.[20] He seems to have been again at More Park on the 21st,[21] soon after which he returned to Hampton Court, where, it is particularly stated, he was on the 14th of October.[22] He resided chiefly at that palace, occasionally, however, going to York Place,[23] and perhaps to Greenwich, until the death of Cardinal Wolsey, on the 29th November, in that year; when, Hall says "he removed from Hampton Court to Greenwich, where he with Queen Katherine kept a solempne Christmas; and on the twelfe night he satte in the halle in his estate, where as were divers enterludes, riche maskes and disportes, and after that a great banket."[24] "Certain it is, however, that Henry did not leave Hampton Court until the 8th of December,[25] and it is most probable that he did not go to Greenwich until about the 14th of that month,[26] though it is unquestionable that he was there on the 19th."[27] The only evidence of the festivities[28] mentioned
by Hall, are entries of money delivered to the Princess Mary and
Lady Margaret Douglas, the King's niece,[29] "to disport with all this Christmas;"[30] the large sum of 2615l. 9s. 6¼d. paid for plate, and jewellery, chiefly for the latter, between the 21st of December, 1530, and the 6th of January, 1531; new year's gifts; and money lost at play.

Ao. 1531.—After Christmas, according to Hall "The King came to his Manor of Westminster which before was called Yorke Place;"[31] and we find that on the 17th January, 1531, he is said to have been there,[32] and where it seems he was on the 28th of that month;[33] on the 7th and 27th of February;[34] and on the 9th of March.[35] On the 20th, he appears to have amused himself with shooting at Tothill,[36] near Bridewell; and on the 23rd he was clearly at his palace of Bridewell.[37] The divorce then almost wholly occupied his Majesty's mind, though the only entries which in any way refer to it, are of books sent to him from different abbots and priors, and the removal of boat loads of books from one palace to another.[38] Hall takes no further notice of the king's residence until Whitsuntide, namely, the 28th of May, after which, he informs us, "The Kyng and the Queene removed [apparently from Greenwich] to Windsor, and there continued tyll the xiiij daye of Julye, on which daye the Kyng removed to Woodstocke, and left hire at Wyndsore, where she laye a whyle, and after removed to the More, and afterwarde to Esthamstede: and after this, day, the Kyng and she never saw together."[39] It is evident from these Accounts that Henry again amused himself with shooting at Tothill, about the 29th March;[40] that he was at Greenwich on the 13th of April;[41] that he went from it by water on the same day to York Place;[42] but he returned soon afterwards,[43] and was there on the 28th of May,[44] whilst Hall's statement that he then proceeded to Hampton Court is proved by several entries on the 10th, 11th, and 12th of June; especially by a payment of 14s. 8d. "to the watermen for carying of the King's stuffe from Greenwich to Hampton Court, eleven men for two days:"[45] on the 15th he is expressly said to have been there,[46] and again on the 18th, 22nd, and 24th, when watermen were paid for waiting "the day the King came from Westminster to Putney,"[47] an entry which probably referred to their attendance a short time before. On the 3rd of July, "Henry was at York Place,"[48] and on the 9th at Windsor;[49] but so far from there being any corroboration of Hall's assertion, that on the 14th of July, "the King removed to Woodstock," it may be inferred that he was either at Windsor or Hampton Court until the 28th,[50] with the exception of the 22nd, when he was at Chertseye.[51] It is however unquestionable that he commenced his progress towards the end of July; and the following seems to have been the itinerary of his journey. At Guilford on the 29th of July,[52] at, or near, Farnham, in Surrey, on the 2nd of August;[53] at Odiham on the 4th;[54] at the Vyne in Hampshire, the seat of Lord Sandys, from the 4th to the 5th,[55] during which time he hunted in Wolmer forest;[56] on the 8th he was at Easthampstead,[57] whence he proceeded to Woodstock, where we find him on the 22nd,[58] and probably also on the 13th.[59] His Majesty remained there until the 2nd or 3rd of September,[60] and evidently enjoyed every diversion which the country afforded him, namely, hunting, shooting, hawking, fishing, &c. From Woodstock he went to Grafton in Northamptonshire, where he arrived on the 5th,[61] when the Mayor of Northampton sent him a present of pears,[62] and where it appears he gave an audience to the Hungarian Ambassadors, for whom a house was hired at Stony Stratford.[63] Henry continued at Grafton until about the 10th, when he went to Ampthill,[64] in Bedfordshire, and purchased some silks and jewellery on the 15th;[65] and on the 20th we find him at Waltham Abbey,[66] where he was also on the 9th of October.[67] Hall informs us that about this time the King caused a solemn obsequy to be kept at that place for the Duchess of Angouleme, mother of the King of France, who died on the 22nd of September, at which ceremony he assisted, attended by many of his nobles.[68] On the 23rd of that Month he healed a poor woman at Havering Bower,[69] though he returned to Waltham before the 25th,[70] and on or before the 31st he arrived at his palace of Greenwich,[71] having previously fished at Hunsdon.[72]

It is uncertain how long Henry continued at Greenwich, but perhaps a few weeks only; for we find the road near Peckham mended, in expectation of his passing it, on the 23rd of November, on which day the watermen were likewise paid for removing his "stuff" to Hampton Court;[73] and on the 4th of December we positively learn that he was at that place.[74] Hall says "the King kepte his Christemas at Greenwyche with great solempnite, but all men sayde that there was no myrthe in that Christemas because the Queene and the ladies were absent;"[75] there is only one entry, namely of the sum of 56l. 13s. 4d. given to the Earl of Angus, on the 15th of December,[76] which tends to shew where Henry was at that time, and which agrees with the Chronicler's statement.

Anno. 1532.—On the 16th of January, 1532, it seems his Majesty was at York Place, and on the 18th, books were sent there to him from the bookbinder;[77] and we find that plate and furniture were conveyed there about the same time from Greenwich[78] He was still at Westminster on the 5th[79] and 22nd of February,[80] and 8th of March;[81] on the 18th of which month, according to Hall, he gave an audience to the Speaker and Members of the House of Commons.[82] No account of Henry's residence occurs after that date until the 8th of April, when Lady Sydney sent him a present of orange pies at Greenwich,[83] and where he continued until the 16th. Early in April "sodeynly began a pestylence in Westmynster,"[84] and the disease evidently extended to Greenwich, for on the 11th of that month several persons were sent out of that town "by reason of the plage."[85] On the 16th of April his Majesty went to Westminster,[86] but returned again to Greenwich before the 26th, upon which day a hawk was brought to him at that palace.[87] He was, however, at Westminster on the 8th of May,[88] though it may be inferred that he was at Greenwich on the 15th.[89] There can be little doubt that from the 8th of April to the end of May he divided his time between those palaces, for as the parliament was then sitting at Westminster, his presence was occasionally indispensable; and we learn from Hall, that on the 16th of May, Sir Thomas More delivered the great seal to the King at that place. On the 1st of June Henry was at Eltham,[90] where he resided until the 3rd of July,[91] the entries during which period are excessively curious, as indicative of the manner in which he passed his time.[92] He arrived at Waltham on or before the 4th of July,[93] and continued there, or at Hunsdon until about the 21st, when he commenced his summer progress into Berkshire, Bedfordshire, Bucks, and Oxfordshire. On the 23rd of July he was at Ampthill,[94] at which place he continued until the 28th or 29th,[95] when he proceeded to Grafton; where, on the 31st, a monk brought him a letter in a purse.[96] He quitted Grafton about the 5th of August, and on the 6th was at Buckingham;[97] on the 10th, he was at Woodstock,[98] where he ordered 56l. 13s. 4d. to be paid to Doctor Chambers for the scholars of Oxford, on the 14th.[99] From Woodstock he went to Langley Park, near Colnbrook, at which place a hundred crowns were given to him to play at dice on the 18th;[100] and on the 25th he was at Abingdon.[101] On the 27th he was both there and at Ewelme, the distance between which does not exceed ten miles: at the former, Sir Simon Harcourt's servant brought him a brace of greyhounds, and at the latter an Italian presented him with a melon.[102] His Majesty appears to have passed through Reading on the 28th,[103] and to have reached Windsor on the 31st of August,[104] where he remained until the 17th of September,[105] when he went to Chertsey;[106] but on the 21st he was at Hampton Court.[107] No notice is to be found of Henry's having been at Ampthill after the 28th of July; whence, Hall asserts, he proceeded to Windsor, where he created Anne Boleyn, Marchioness of Pembroke, on the 1st of September in this year; after which he removed to Greenwich.[108] It is manifest from these Accounts, that the King was at Windsor on the 1st of September, but nothing occurs relative to that ceremony: she is for the first time described in them as Marchioness of Pembroke, on the 19th of that month. His stay at Hampton Court was very short, for on the 28th he was at Greenwich.[109] The period had now arrived which Henry had fixed upon for his interview with Francis, the French monarch; and having visited his fleet at Sheppey on the 30th,[110] he set out for Dover early in October, and on the 6th was at the Mote Park, near Maidstone.[111] Hall says that on the 10th of October the King came to Dover, and very early in the morning of Friday the 11th, embarked for Calais, where he arrived at ten o'clock on the same day.[112] From these Accounts it is evident that Henry went from the Mote to Sheppey by water, thence to Canterbury, where he slept, and then proceeded to Dover. The payments mentioned "to the waits of Canterbury;" to the "keeper of the house where the King lodged" in that city; to the master of the barge and watermen for rowing him to Sheppey;[113] as well the reward to a man who brought bills to Dover,[114] occurred after his Majesty had quitted those places; as the first three were paid on the 11th, and the fourth on the day, when, from the next item, it is certain the King was at Calais, namely, on the 12th; and which agrees with Hall's statement. The proceedings of the royal party whilst in France; the particulars of the interview between the Monarchs; and of the feastings on the occasion, are minutely related by that Chronicler, but it is not necessary to allude more fully to them, than to observe, that the Accounts about that time are extremely interesting. Among the entries most worthy of notice, are the present of grapes and pears from the Great Master of France to Anne Boleyn; the money lost by the King to the Cardinal of Lorrain, the Duke de Guise, and others, at tennis and dice at Boulogne, and which amounted in one day to 163l. 6s. 8d.; the purchase of a hat and feather for Henry at that place; a gratuity to the singers of the French monarch, and to those of the Cardinal of Lorrain; payment of the doublets given to the guard to wrestle in before the two kings at Calais; the sum of 700l. paid to Cromwell without any reason being mentioned; the purchase of masking geer, or masquerade dresses; the large sums paid for jewels, and which amounted during his stay in France to 3592l. 12s.; the charges of the fool's lodgings and expenses; Henry's offering to the image of our lady of Boulogne, and which is especially mentioned by Hall;[115] the presents of hawks from Francis to Henry; the charges for boats for carrying the King from the ship to the shore, and again from Calais to his vessel on his return, &c. The whole amount paid by the person who kept these Accounts from the time the King left Dover until he again landed there, namely, thirty-three days, was 4033l. 10s. 11d. Of that sum, as has just been shewn, all excepting about a ninth, was for jewellery, great part of which was evidently given as presents to persons in the King of France's suite. According to Hall, Henry embarked at Calais on the 13th of November at midnight, and arrived at Dover at five in the morning of the 14th,[116] which agrees with the entry on the 13th of a payment of 4s. 8d. "for a boat to bring the King aboarde his ship at Calys;"[117] and of the same sum "paied to the King's own hands for his offering to our Lady in the Rock at Dover," on the 14th.[118] It is certain that Henry remained at Dover until the 16th, when he went to Sandwich, and seems to have rested there that night, to the friars of which place he gave 3l. 10s. "by way of rewarde;"[119] and crossed the river Stour on the next day[120] on his way to Canterbury, where he apparently stopped at the house of Sir John Feneux.[121] The waits of that city again played to the king, and were rewarded with 18s. 8d. on the 19th,[122] on which day his Majesty arrived at Sittingbourne; and the "wife of the Lion," or in other words, the wife of the man who kept the Lion Inn there, received a gratuity of 4s. 8d.[123] On the 20th, Henry was at Stone Castle, near Dartford, where it may be inferred he remained that night, as 9l. 6s. 8d. was given him, which he lost at play to Anne Boleyn, Sir Francis Bryan, and Sir Francis Weston.[124]

Thence the King removed to Eltham at which place he was on the 24th,[125] and on the 28th he was at Greenwich, where he remained until the 30th, on which day he went by water to Westminster.[126] On the 1st of December he was at the Tower of London,[127] but on the 9th his Majesty was again at Greenwich[128] before the 18th of which month, he had been twice in his barge to the Tower.[129] On the 21st he seems to have gone to York Place,[130] but if so he returned the same day to Greenwich,[131] where Hall says he spent his Christmas,[132] and which is corroborated by the last entry in these Accounts; "Item the same, [i. e. the last] day delivered to the King's grace at night at Grenewich, ij c. corons, 46l. 13s. 4d." evidently for play.[133] It would be superfluous to point out all which occurs relative to Henry's progresses; but it must be observed that he was always attended by a smith with locks and bolts for his chamber-doors;[134] that money was given to a footman to be distributed in charity by the way;[135] that in the hunting season his hounds were sent from one palace to another, the expenses of removing which are minutely stated;[136] that he was generally followed by his fools, jester, minions, and other favourites;[137] and that the celebrated Anne Boleyn frequently accompanied him.[138] Wherever he went gratuities or rewards were given to the keepers of the parks or forests through which he passed, or hunted, not merely to those belonging to the Crown, but to the keepers of the parks of private persons; and if he went on board one of his ships, a sum was distributed amongst the crew.

Upon the personal character of Henry the Eighth, it has been remarked in the preface, these Accounts throw much light; and as whatever relates to the private conduct of eminent persons, is by far the most pleasing, and perhaps most useful part of antiquarian inquiries, the information here presented on that of Henry, is both valuable and interesting.[139]

His Majesty's principal amusement was gambling in its most extensive and diversified shapes, and all his relaxations from the duties of his station in a greater or less degree partook of it. The philosopher will be at no loss to account for the fact; for it is the frequent attendant upon that satiety which unlimited power is sure to produce, though it is often equally the passion of those who want even the necessaries of life. That Henry, tired of more rational enjoyment, and incapable of finding a permanent relief from the ennui of greatness, should have indulged to excess in games of chance is not surprising; and to shew the extent to which that passion was carried, it is sufficient to state that the whole amount paid for his losses at cards, dice, tennis, and other games, together with those lost in wagers amounted in three years to 3243l. 5s. 10d. It is not a little singular that though passionately addicted to gambling himself he was sufficiently careful of the morals of his subjects to issue a proclamation in the 18th year of his reign, forbidding them to play at cards and bowls.

Of his "out-of-door" amusements, shooting at the rounds, hunting, hawking, fishing, horse-racing, bowls, and tennis, were the chief; and in his palaces many hours were daily passed at "the tables" or back-gammon, shovel-board, dice, and cards: wagers on races run against dogs, or at shooting or hunting; payments to people for making dogs perform tricks; gratuities to persons for different feats, as eating a buck, riding two horses at once; and others of a similar description are continually mentioned. Music and literature also occasionally lent their aids to his enjoyments; and that he encouraged the latter is manifest from the exhibitions he founded at the Universities, his occasional gratuities to scholars, and his support of boys at St. Paul's, and other schools, both in this country and Paris. His love of architecture is shewn by the money he expended in building, at his different residences, and we find that he spent on York Place, from April, 1530 to July, 1532, 2400li., besides 10l. 19s. 2d. for glazing it, and 20l. 0s. 8½d. for iron work, on the house at More Park, 60l. in April, and 50l. in June, 1530; and on his buildings at Hunsdon 1533l. 6s. 8d. between May, 1530, and April, 1532; forming a total, exclusive of repairs and alterations, of 4064li. 5s. 10d. within three years. Nor was he indifferent to painting, as several entries occur of money given to painters for their works; but as they have been commented upon by Horace Walpole in his "Anecdotes of Painting," they afford no new information on that interesting subject. That writer also gives several entries relative to Hans Holbein from the "Book of Quarterly Payments" in the library of the Royal Society; and as they are intimately connected with the allusion here made to Henry's taste for the arts, accurate copies have been made of them from that manuscript.

After the death of Jane Seymour, the King was not a little perplexed in his choice of her successor: the Duchess Dowager of Milan was first thought of, but she is said to have declined that honor, because nature had not prepared her for it, by endowing her with two heads! Walpole informs us, that the first of these entries refers to Holbein's having been sent to paint her portrait in December, 1538:

December, Ao. 30 Henry VIII. 1538. "Item, Payde to Hans Holbyn, one of the kingis paynters, by the kingis commaundement, certefyed by my lord pryviseales lettre xli. for his costs and chargs at this tyme sent abowte certeyn his gracs affares into the parties of High Burgony, by way of his gracs rewarde, xli."

That the painter was abroad at Christmas, in that year, is evident from the entries of payments then made to the royal establishment;

"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, nihil."

A letter from Nicholas Wotton, who with the Richard Bearde there mentioned, were deputed to negociate the marriage between Henry and Ann of Cleves, illustrates the next entry; for it proves that "his Grace's affairs" meant to paint the portrait of that lady, and of her sister, Amelia. Wotton's letter, which has been printed by Mr. Ellis,[140] is dated at Duren, the 11th of August, 1539: after describing Ann, he says, "your Grace's servante, Hanze Albein, hath taken the effigies of my Ladye Anne and the Lady Amelye, and hathe expressyd theyr imaiges verye lyvelye."

July, 31 Henry VIII. Ao. 1539. "Item, to Mr. Richard Bearde, one of the gromes of the kingis privichamber, and Hans Holbyn, paynter, by like lettre sent into the parties of High Almayne, upon certain his Gracis affaires for the costes and chardgis of them both, xlli.; And to Hans Holben for the prepairacion of such things as he is appoynted to carie with him, xiijli. vjs. viijd., in all, the somme of liijli. vjs. viijd."

The history of that portrait, which, however "lyvelye," was not faithful, though such the ambassadors obviously meant to describe it, has been told by Walpole and Granger, and is repeated by Mr. Ellis.

After that time several entries occur of the payment of Holbein's quarterly wages, of some of which the annexed are copies:

"Item, to Hans Holbyn, vijli. xs."

In 1539 he was paid half a year's wages in advance;

"Item, payde to Hans Holbyn, the kyngis paynter, in advauncement of his wages, for one half yere beforehand, the same half yere accompted and reconnyd from Michaelmas last past, the somme of xvli."

At Michaelmas, 32 Hen. VIII. Ao. 1540, he is thus mentioned;

"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, iili. qr p̃us ꝑ warr."

At Christmas, in that year;

"Item, for Hans Holbyn, paynter, iili. qr p̃us manibus."

At Midsummer, 1541, after his name "nihil qr p̃us" occurs.

On another occasion his wages were also paid in advance;

"Item, Paide by the kyngis highnes commaundement certefied by my lorde Pryviseales lettres to Hans Holbenne paynter, in the advauncement of his hole yeres wagis before hande, aftre the rate of xxxli. by yere, which yeres advauncement is to be accompted from this present Mich', And shall ende ultimo Septembris next commynge, the somme of xxxli."

Among other curious entries in that MS. are, a new year's gift of a skreen to Henry, from Luke Hornebaund, painter, who is mentioned by Walpole, and whose wages were lvs. vjd. per quarter; and the following:

The costs of the scaffold erected in Westminster Hall for the trial of the persons involved in Anne Boleyn's fate.;

December 30, Hen. VIII. Ao. 1538, "Item, payde to Jamys Nedeham by the kyngis commaundement certefyed by my lorde prvyseall for the costs and chargs of the Scaffold made in the kingꝭ halle at Westm̑ at the condempnacion of the late malefactors and traytours there, the some of xxviijli. xixd. ob. for the makinge and stuf of the saide Scaffolde, as apperith by rekenyng therof made more at large doth appere, xxviijli. xixd. ob."

January, 31 Hen. VIII. 1540, "To the Quenes pleyers for playing before the kinge, iiijli.;" also, "to the kingis pleyers for pleyng before the king, vjl. xiijs. iiijd.;" "to the princis pleyers for playnge before the king, iiijli.;" and a grant for life of 2l. 2s. 4d. per annum to "Richard Parrowe, one of the King's interlude players," in February, 1540.

The expences of preparing beds at Dartford and Rochester, for the king and Anne of Cleves;

January, 31 Hen. VIII Ao. 1540.—"Item, to Edward Lloid yoman of the Warderobe of Beddes and John Askowe grome of the same, for themself and a Smythe that was with them to set up twoo bedds of the kingis, one at Dertford and an other at Rochestre, and for making redy there for the Quenes Grace, by the space of xxx days, the yoman at ijs the dey, the grome at xxd. and the Smythe at xijd. the day, as apperith by a bill, signed with the Lorde Chamberlains hande, vijli."

In January, 32 Hen. VIII. Ao. 1541.—"To the Ducke of Suffolkis pleyers for pleyinge in the kingis hawle on twelf even, the somme of xxs.;" and we learn from another entry that the names of three of the King's players were Robert Histow, George Birche, and Richard Parrowe, and that the quarterly wages of the three were 1l. 13s. 4d.

Henry's fondness for jewellery was profusely gratified; and in the period embraced by these accounts the enormous sum of 10,801l. 8s. 9d. was expended in precious stones, gold chains, &c. besides 1517li. to his goldsmith for plate. A considerable share of his attention was, it is well known, directed to his navy, and the few entries relating to it are of much interest. Horses or geldings, particularly racing horses, and horses "that did run," as well as "riding boys," clothes bought for the boys "that ride the running horses," and riding caps for them, are constantly spoken of; and dogs for the chace were a frequent, and doubtlessly, acceptable present. At the christenings of the children of some of the chief noblemen, and of those of his favourites, Henry was sometimes a sponsor; and the sums paid to the nurse and midwife on such occasions are carefully noticed. The inferior attendants of the Court, as huntsmen, falconers, and those of the king's guard, received small presents on their marriages, which varied from two to five pounds, according to their situations, or the degree of favor which they enjoyed: on the marriage of the son of "Master Nevill", however, the king gave him ten pounds. Gifts to minstrels, to the astronomer, to physicians, to the keepers of the clocks at the different palaces, to posts and servants for bringing letters, to copyists, to the master of his barge, and the keepers of his Majesty's dogs, bears, hawks, &c. are very numerous. His fools, jester, and minions are prominent characters in these Accounts, and the information afforded respecting them tends to illustrate the manners of the age.

Although it would be preposterous to follow a recent example of attempting to remove the stains on Henry the Eighth's character—stains which throw all common crimes into the shade—it would be no less absurd to deny him the common merit of having a few redeeming traits in his disposition. Besides the instances which have been alluded to of his taste for architecture, music, painting, and literature, we frequently find payments which must have originated in the best feelings of the human heart; and of which it will be sufficient to cite, gifts "to an old poor man by the king's charitable alms that laboured to obtain a bill to be signed;" to a footman, "to relieve him in his sickness;" to a French fletcher, "towards his surgery;" to the almoner, "for two sick men at Waltham;" to a "sick priest at Hampton Court;" to "a poor man that had thirteen children, for their relief;" to "little Guilliam, in way of reward, because he was sick in London;" to "three sick women at Greenwich;" to "a poor woman in Chertsey, to purchase out the great seal;" to "a blind woman, being a harper;" "to a poor woman for to redeem her husband out of prison;" to "a poor woman, to obtain her husbands freedom, and hers in London;" to "a frantick man;" to "Great William, for his surgery, when he was sick at London," &c. These could only have emanated from momentary emotions of benevolence; and they prove that, like even greater monsters, Henry's heart was not entirely shut to the wants and sufferings of his fellow creatures. It is true that pity was a stranger to his breast when either his pride, or safety, or lust, or revenge was in question; but he was undoubtedly compassionate upon less selfish occasions.

Independently of gifts in charity, and to persons supposed to be healed by the King's touching them, payments of 10l. per month were regularly made to Dr. Baugh for his Majesty's private alms. Henry's principal associates, besides his fool, jester, Thomas Smith, Mark Smeton, the two Williamses, Domingo, and one or two other minions, all of whom appear to have been wholly supported and clothed at his expence, were his favorites, Sir Francis Bryan, Sir Henry Norris, Lord Rochford, Sir Francis Weston, Sir Edward Seymour, the Serjeant of the Cellar, and a few others; and on perusing the evidence here afforded of the favor which they enjoyed, and the intimacy to which they were admitted, the mind is impressed with horror at the reflection of how few of them escaped falling victims to his suspicion, jealousy, or revenge. But when the partners of his bed and throne met a similar fate, it would have been a subject of surprise had the companions of his hours of revelry and enjoyment, or the sharers of his sports and amusements been spared. Of Anne Boleyn and her family, numerous curious particulars will be found, many of which tend to show the manner in which she was treated at court from November, 1529, until her elevation to the throne; and as every thing which relates to her is of great interest, the following abstract of them may be acceptable.

The precise time when Henry's attachment to her commenced is uncertain, but three years before her marriage, the Master of the Robes paid for some purple velvet for her; and on the 28th, for stuff prepared for her use. In December following, 180l. were given to her by the King's order: in April, 1530, her servant was paid for finding a hare;[141] and in May, the taylor and skinner were paid for her dresses; and bows, arrows, and other articles for shooting were bought for her.[142] The large share of the king's affection which she then possessed, and which was perhaps deemed to be the harbinger of her subsequent honors, is evident from the fact of the Mayor of London having sent her a present of cherries on the 5th of June; and the servant who brought them was rewarded with 6s. out of the privy purse. More bows were purchased for her on the 10th of that month; and in an entry in July as well as in the December preceding a person called George Taylor, is expressly styled, "my Lady Anne's servant." Linen cloth for her was paid for in September, in which month ten shillings were given for a cow that one of her greyhounds had killed. A remarkable entry occurs in November, in that year, from which it appears that Anne Boleyn had pawned one of her jewels to her sister Mary, and that Henry ordered 20l. to be given to redeem it; a few days afterwards, about twenty yards of crimson satin were purchased for her use. In December, eight guineas were given for budge skins or furs for her; on the 21st of that month she received twenty shillings in silver: the next day linen cloth for her shirts was paid for, and she was repaid 5l., which she had given to Henry Webb by the King's command. On the 23rd, the same sum was given to her for playing money, in groats, and on the 30th, Henry gave her 100l. as a New Years' gift. In February, 1531, her mercer's bill was again paid, and on the 17th, her servant Taylor, received 11l. 6s. 8d. to be "employed about my Lady Anne Rochford's business;" before the end of which month a farm was purchased for her at Greenwich, and for which 86l. 13s. 4d. were given. Her desk was garnished with laten and gold in April following; when her embroiderer was paid for work done for her. Early in May, 40l. were given her "to play;" on the 22nd, having lost 12l. 7s. 6d. at bowls to the Sergeant of the Cellar, that sum was paid to him out of the Privy Purse by his Majesty's commands; and on the 10th, eight yards of crimson cloth of gold were bought for her. From that time nothing more is said of Anne Boleyn until December, when her taylor's bill amounting to 28l. 6s. 4d. for her clothes was discharged; shortly after which her skinner's bill of 40l. 15s. 8d. was likewise paid. On the 29th of May, 1532, the King's watermen were remunerated for conveying her to Durham House. In June a splendid cloak and night-gown were purchased, and the price of all the materials, is detailed with the minuteness of a milliner's bill of the present day, from which it seems that both were made of black satin; that the former was edged, and the latter lined with velvet of the same colour; and that the cloak cost altogether 9l. 4s. 8d.; whilst the night-gown was lined with black taffeta, and cost 10l. 15s. 8d.: at the same time sixteen yards of green damask were also purchased for her.

In August in this year, her future elevation became so certain that the wife of one of the most distinguished courtiers of the time, in imitation of the example set nearly two years before by the Mayor of London, endeavoured to propitiate her favour by a present; as on the 17th of that month, Lady Russell, afterwards Countess of Bedford sent her a stag and a greyhound, which she gave to the King, who ordered 40s. to be paid to the servant who brought them. On the 1st of September, Anne Boleyn was created Marchioness of Pembroke, and on the 19th of that month, the Master of the Robes was paid for stuff which was delivered to her servant, probably for the costume in which she appeared at the ceremony; and about a fortnight afterwards certain silks were provided by him for her apparel, the costs of which were 56l. She accompanied Henry to Calais in October, 1532; and her reception by Francis the First as well as the prominent part which she performed in the festivities that attended the interview between the two Monarchs, are fully described by Hall. From these Accounts we learn that the Great Master sent her a present of grapes and pears at Calais on the 14th of October; that on the 11th of November, fifteen shillings were paid to her which she had won of Henry at cards at that place; that on the 20th a few days after her return from France, she, Sir Francis Bryan and Sir Francis Weston, formed a party with the King at Pope Julius' game at Stone Castle in Kent; and again on the 25th, 26th and 31st at Greenwich, on which occasions his Majesty was as usual unsuccessful; that on the 28th she won 11l. 13s. 4d. of Henry at Cards; and on the 25th of December more stuff was bought for her clothes. It is to be observed, that according to some authorities, Anne Boleyn was privately married to Henry, early in November, 1532, immediately after their arrival at Dover from Calais; but nothing is to be found in these accounts either corroborative of, or contradictory to, the assertion. During the three years the whole sum expended for her clothes, &c. was 468l. 6s. 1d., and within the same time she received in money 218l. These sums are not, it is true, remarkable for their amount, but they are sufficient to shew the manner in which she was treated by Henry, and the place which she occupied in his affections. Before concluding these observations relative to this celebrated woman, the singular manner in which her sister and herself are described must be pointed out. Until December, 1530, she is merely spoken of as "my Lady Anne," but from February to May, 1531, with one exception, she is called "Lady Ann Rochford," though from that time until her creation to the Marquisate of Pembroke, she is again styled "Lady Ann," after which event she is mentioned either as "my Lady Marquess," or "my Lady Marquess of Pembroke." Her sister Mary too, though married, is called Lady Mary Rochford. Rochford was the title of their father when elevated to the Earldom of Wiltshire, and was then borne by their brother George, who having become involved in his royal sister's supposed crime, died, like her, upon a scaffold.

Before these proofs of the esteem in which Anne Boleyn was held by Henry are contrasted with her subsequent fate, it is impossible to avoid reflecting on the little regard which was then paid to the virtuous Katherine. That her name should be but twice mentioned speaks volumes on her secluded situation; and whilst all that wealth and power could command were lavished on the new favourite, the magnanimous wife was equally neglected by her husband, his satellites, and the world. Remorse seems, however, at length to have touched Henry's heart, for a few years after her death, namely, in November, 1539, the following entry occurs in the "Book of Quarterly Payments," in the Library of the Royal Society.

"Item, to Mrs. Blanch Twyford, by the Lord Privy Seal's letter, for her long and painful service done unto the Princess Dowager, by way of the King's reward—66l. 13s. 4d."

Mrs. Twyford was bequeathed 10l. by Katherine's will.

The Princess, afterwards Queen, Mary, is frequently noticed, but all which we learn is, that she was ill in June or July, 1531, and apparently again in March, 1532; and that from 10l. to 20l. were occasionally given to her for pocket-money, or to be distributed in charity. The Duke of Richmond, Henry's natural son, is also spoken of; as well as his niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus, but she is here called Lady Margaret Anguishe.

A few entries are strongly indicative of the superstition of the age; the most striking of which are the King's offerings to the images of our Lady at Calais, Boulogne, Dover, Walsingham and of the Pue; and of persons being "touched for the evil," to whom 22l. 2s. 6d. were paid in three years, each having received 7s. 6d., and which proves the number "touched" in that period to have been fifty-nine. They came wherever his Majesty was, whether in town, or on his progresses, and even at Calais.

A few entries require to be separately noticed, as well as being referred to in the index; namely, the PRESENTS brought to the King, the PRICES OF LABOUR, SERVANTS' WAGES and LIVERIES, the VALUE OF LAND, HOUSE RENT, and the different kinds of MONEY which are mentioned.

Upon the presents brought, few remarks are required, for it will at once be seen that they chiefly consisted of articles of food of every description, including fish, poultry, game, baked lampreys, swans, pies, fruit, meat, puddings, brawn, cranes, birds; of dogs, horses, foxes, hawks, deer, mules, wild boars, and on one occasion, a lion; of fishing-rods, whistles, wood-knives, &c. and indeed whatever was then in common use.

Nor were these offerings sent only by the higher classes of society; even the poorest of Henry's subjects presented him with something which they fancied would be acceptable to his palate. The bringer uniformly received a gratuity "in reward" proportionate to the value of the gift; thus, the German who brought a lion was paid 6l. 13s. 4d.; he who brought a stag, 20s.; Lady Sidney's servant for bringing quince pies, 6s. 8d.; and Dyrick's wife of Greenwich received the same sum for a capon and chickens. Similar gratuities were given to the gardeners of the king's different seats for bringing fruit and herbs; and as no gift was too contemptible to be accepted, the money thus paid "in reward" sometimes exceeded the value of the donation. In most cases these offerings were doubtlessly tendered as testimonies of respect, but in many the "reward" was, perhaps, the real motive. As the index contains a reference to every thing presented to Henry, it is needless to enlarge on the subject.

Of the PRICE OF LABOUR the best evidence, besides the wages of servants, which will be more particularly noticed, are the sums paid for different articles purchased. We learn, also, that two men in July, 1530, were paid 13s. 4d.. for ten days' work in mowing, i. e., 8d. a-day each. In February, 1532, the hire of seven horses, and the expences of the same number of men for sixteen days, sent into Wales, and other places, at 1s. 8d. per day for each man, amounted to 9l. 6s. 8d., and in July in the same year 1l. was paid for the hire of ten men for three days, in drawing the fishponds at Ampthill, at 8d. a day each.

The WAGES OF SERVANTS differed of course according to their situations; those of a Falconer were generally a groat a day, and he was allowed one penny a day for the food of each hawk intrusted to his care; but those of Nicholas Clamp, one of the principal falconers, were 10l. per annum. A Huntsman received 35s. 5d. a quarter, and as well as most of the other servants, he had 4d. per day for his board wages. The allowance for the board of the boys of the stable was 1s. 8d. per week each; and of the boys that "run the King's geldings," or as they are sometimes called, "the King's riding boys," 2s. a week each, whilst on one occasion we find six days' meals for them paid for at the rate for each of them five pence a day. The keeper of the Barbary horse was allowed 1s. 8d. per week for his board, his wages being 4l. a year; the Hen-taker was however better paid, as he received 45s. 7d. a quarter. The regular wages of the King's watermen were 10s. a quarter; but it would appear that they were paid extra upon every occasion when they were employed. Sexton the Fool's, servant's wages, were 15s. a quarter. The gardeners of York Place and of Beaulie, or New Hall, in Suffolk, received about 12l. per annum; the gardener of Greenwich 20l. a year; and the gardeners of Windsor and Wanstead 41. a year.

Of the VALUE OF LAND, only one entry affords positive information. It relates to land bought to enlarge the little Park of Windsor, for which purpose 4l. were paid for two acres of meadow; but some idea may be formed on the subject from the following items: a farm at Greenwich, purchased for Anne Boleyn in February, 1531, cost 66l. 13s. 4d. but unfortunately we have no idea of its extent; in November, 1530, fourteen loads of Hay, and six loads of Oats cost, with the carriage to Greenwich Park, probably from the immediate neighbourhood, 6l. 2s. 8d.; and in January, 1532, is an entry of 7l. 4s. 4d. for the same quantity of hay at 5s. 6d. the load, and of six loads of oats at 9s. the load, including the carriage to the same place: hence we find that the carriage cost 13s. 4d.; but in May following oats were 6s. 6d. the load.

Of the Rent of Houses we have the subjoined particulars; that of a House for the Henchmen, or to use the words of the MS. "of the house where the Henchmen lie," was 2l. per annum, whilst that "of the one hired for Lord Rochford at Greenwich was 10l. a year." When some ambassadors proposed going to Waltham, a house was hired for them, and the owner was paid 20s.; and it appears from "the Book of Quarterly Payments" before mentioned, that "the rent of a house in London for the standing of the great standards with the rich coats of the guards for half a year" was 17s. 4d.

Liveries. Independently of the falconers, huntsmen, watermen, and other servants, the King's painters regularly received liveries, the cost of which was generally 22s. 6d.: this sum included 2s., the allowance for the badges which were affixed to them; but we find Patch the Fool's man, allowed 23s. 4d. for his livery coat, and to others 26s. 8d. were sometimes given for that purpose.

The following are the sums accounted for monthly, from November 1529 to December 1532:

£s.d.
1529 November1910159
December144996
1530January4120136[143]
February475043[144]
March256167
April881180
May667119
June421124
July418129
August13049
September309911
October1025134
November64260
December4464169[145]
1531January94387
February52882½
March500103¾
April516176½
May63278
June39366
July399199
August1554180
September592169
October347120
November525164
December620199
1532January304395[146]
February32326
March318165
April846177
May273199
June736129
July8007911[147]
August645151
September52541
October253931[148]
November395479[149]
December961106
Total amount accounted for,53,48854¾

Besides pounds, shillings, pence, &c. the following coins are frequently mentioned, an account of the value of which between 1529 and 1532, may be acceptable:—

Angels.[150]—A gold coin of the value of 7s. 6d.

Angellots,[151] or Angelet, is described to have been a half-angel, current for 3s. 9d.; but in the only place where it is mentioned in these Accounts, it must have been inserted by a mistake of the writer for Angel, as eighteen Angellotes are said to have amounted to 6li. 15s. i.e. 7s. 6d. each.

Crowns.[152]—A silver coin generally worth 5s.; but all the entries in which it is mentioned prove that its value was then but 4s. 8d.

Crowns of the Rose.[153]—Gold pieces coined by Henry the Eighth in 1526: they were current for 4s. 6d.

Crowns of the Sun.[154]—French gold coins, so called from the Mint mark. They were current in this country for 4s. 6d.

Rials, or Royals.[155]—A gold coin then worth 11s. 3d. a half and quarter real or royal were of proportionate value.

Sovereigns.[156]—A gold coin of the value of 22s. 6d. from 1518 to 1534; after which they were current for 20s. The only entry in which they are mentioned is of a person having in 1531 borrowed 11li. 5s. in "Souferayns," i. e. ten sovereigns, for the King.