Narrative of the Voyages and Services of the Nemesis from 1840 to 1843 / And of the Combined Naval and Military Operations in China: Comprising a Complete Account of the Colony of Hong-Kong and Remarks on the Character & Habits of the Chinese. Second Edition

by Sir W. H. Hall; W. D. Bernard

FOOTNOTE:

[62] There are three religions systems prevailing in China, and tolerated by the government—viz., those of Confucius, of Laoutze, and of Budha. The two former were contemporaries, and flourished about five hundred years before the Christian era. That of Budha was introduced from India, very soon after the beginning of our era, and gained such hold among the common people of China, that it is now the general superstition of all the lower classes, and its showy temples and gilded images abound throughout the land. Confucius, on the other hand, was simply a political and moral philosopher, and in his temples no images are found; but he was a politician, and was employed in the public service, long before he became a moralist.

Laoutze was a contemplative enthusiast, who taught the cultivation of reason, abstraction from the world, self-denial, &c.; and then wandered into the absurdities of magic arts and demoniac possessions. Nevertheless, he is said to have had some glimmerings of a future state. His followers are in the present day called the sect of Taou.

The Budhism of China probably differs little from that of India; the daily prayers are repeated in a language of which the priests do not understand a syllable. In the temple are the three huge Budhas—the Past, the Present, and the Future; with a Goddess of Mercy, a God of War, a God of Wealth, and others. There is, in front of the altar, a large bronze cauldron, for burning gilt paper; and a huge drum and a bell, to awaken the especial attention of the god. Such are the temples of Pooto.

In cases of extreme emergency, as during the prevalence of great drought and threatened famine, the Emperor orders prayers to be offered up in the temples of all the three sects, for a cessation of the evil. But the Confucian is the system of religion to which the Emperor and his court adhere.

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[CHAPTER XXXIII.]

At the commencement of the month of May, 1842, it became generally understood, that a movement was very soon to be made upon Chapoo, which was to be followed by the advance of the whole expedition up the great Yangtze river. Ningpo, however, is deserving of one or two further observations, for it is one of the most important trading cities in China; and, from its position, and its vicinity to several large and wealthy cities, such as Hang-chow-foo, Soo-chow-foo, and others which border upon the Imperial Canal, there is every reason to believe, that an extensive trade will soon be opened there.

Ningpo lies at the distance of only fifty miles from the trading town of Chapoo, which possesses a monopoly of the whole trade with Japan and Corea. Hence there is reason to believe, that our manufactures will soon find their way into these latter countries, (which have hitherto excluded the foreigner, more pertinaciously even than the Chinese,) indirectly by way of Ningpo; and, that, in a few years, many articles expressly adapted for the Japan market, will be ordered to be manufactured in this country, and sent to Chinese merchants at Ningpo. This city is famous for its silks, which are very beautiful of their kind; and the shops are elegant, and well supplied with all kinds of Chinese manufactures. It is a wealthier and much handsomer town than Amoy, and is much superior in commercial importance, to Foo-chow-foo, another of the newly-opened ports. Large junks are even built on the Ningpo river, and the people have always shewn a great disposition to trade with foreigners. Indeed, this is the case in every part of China where the people have not been held back by their mandarins.

Mr. Gutzlaff, in one of his early voyages, obtained a list of all the foreign ships which had formerly visited Ningpo, and found their number to be considerable; and it was stated to him that some of the very old people still retained a faint recollection of the foreigners. The Portuguese traded at this place in the sixteenth century, and the English had a factory there as late as the middle of the last century. It was finally pulled down in 1759, and all foreign trade was then absolutely prohibited, by express orders from Pekin.

The principal objection made by the government at that time to permit trade at Ningpo, was simply "the loss of the imperial revenue, accruing from the overland carriage of tea and other goods, to and from Canton." Add to this, the great extortions of the local officers, who here, as well as at Chusan, demanded such exorbitant fees and bribes, that it was found impossible to carry on trade with any chance of profit.

It was at Ningpo that the Jesuit missionaries first set foot in China; and thence, making their way to Pekin, succeeded, by good policy, scientific acquirements, and conciliatory demeanour, in winning the good-will of the people, and the toleration of the government. This was towards the end of the seventeenth century. For a time they possessed great influence; and sanguine expectations were entertained of the valuable results of their labours, and of the rich fruits which would ripen to maturity, as soon as the tree of Christianity which they planted in China, should spread its roots throughout the land. Various causes conspired to produce their downfal in China, principally connected with the political state of Europe at that time. But it has been well observed by Sir George Staunton, in his preface to the translation of the Penal Code of China, that "the extinction of the order of Jesuits in that country, caused the adoption of a plan of conversion more strict, and probably more orthodox, but in the same proportion, more unaccommodating to the prejudices of the people, and more alarming to the jealousy of the government. Generally speaking, it threw the profession into less able hands, and the cause of Christianity and of Europe lost much of its lustre and influence. The Jesuits were generally artists or men of science, as well as religious teachers."

Ultimately, the teaching of Christianity at Pekin was strictly prohibited, and particular objection was made to the printing or translation of books into the Chinese and Tartar languages; and, in 1805, all books of this kind were ordered to be seized and destroyed, and the Tartar subjects were specially exhorted to attend to the language of their own country, and the admonitions of their own government; and, above all, to practise riding and archery, and to study the works of the learned and virtuous, and particularly to observe all the social duties.

On the 7th of May, 1842, the city of Ningpo was given up, it was impossible to spare a garrison for so large a city. Neither was it any longer necessary to retain possession of it, for the occupation of Chinhae at the river's mouth, would command the whole trade of the city. Some of the principal inhabitants, merchants, and others, were assembled by Sir Hugh Gough, and into their hands the custody of the city was given over, in the absence of all the constituted authorities. As might be expected, our evacuation of Ningpo was represented to the Emperor as a great victory gained. The Chinese looked on in apparent astonishment, but there was no shouting or expression of public feeling, and the gates were given over to the persons selected for the purpose, who took possession of them with a party of their followers, very little differing in appearance from the common rabble. Our troops embarked in perfect order on board the Queen, Sesostris, and Phlegethon, and without any irregularity whatever.

The reinforcements which had already arrived in the Chinese waters had not all yet joined the main body to the northward; in fact, they did not leave Hong-Kong until a month afterwards, but Sir Hugh Gough decided on proceeding to the attack of Chapoo without waiting for them. All the troops, however, which could possibly be spared from Chinhae, Chusan, and Kolingsoo, (Amoy,) small garrisons only being left at each of those places, had been called in, and the transports were, therefore, tolerably crowded. The anchorage close to the small island called Just-in-the-Way, lying nearly midway between Chusan and Chinhae, was the appointed rendezvous for the ships; and owing to various circumstances they were unable to leave it before the 13th (May.)

The whole force which the General had now at his disposal, exclusive of the naval brigade, was about two thousand two hundred men, including the artillery and the gun lascars, and sappers and miners. To this must be added about one hundred and ten officers. The force was divided into three columns: the right, composed of the 18th and 49th regiments, each being from four to five hundred strong, together with a few sappers and miners—in all about nine hundred and twenty men and forty-eight officers—was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Morris. The centre, under Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomerie, (Madras Artillery,) was composed of a small detachment of the Royal Artillery, (twenty-five men only,) with the Madras Artillery and Sappers, and the Madras Rifles, (one hundred men,)—in all about four hundred and sixty men, (including lascars,) and fifteen officers. And the left, composed of the 26th and 55th regiments, (the latter only half the strength of the former,) together with twenty-five sappers, in all eight hundred and twenty men, and two hundred and thirty officers, was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Schoedde.

On the 13th, the ships of war, the Cornwallis, Blonde, Modeste, Columbine, Starling, Algerine, and Plover, with the troop-ship Jupiter, and several transports, got under weigh with a light breeze; they soon passed the hill of Chinhae, (the Pelican being at anchor in the river,) and afterwards neared the Teshan Islands, and then, hauling up to the westward, made the remarkable hills about Chapoo, and anchored in seven and a half fathoms water, seventy-five miles from land. Chapoo itself is in reality situated in what may be called an open roadstead (with a shallow dry harbour close to the town) on the northern side of the large deep bay, into which the river which flows down past Hang-chow-foo, called the Tshen-tang river, empties itself. The tides there are remarkably rapid at all times; and on the following day a strong breeze setting in from the north-east with hazy weather, it was impossible to move from the anchorage. The next day there was still no improvement in the appearance of the weather, and it was not until the 16th that a reconnoissance of Chapoo could be made by the General and Admiral on board the Phlegethon and Nemesis steamers.

No information upon which reliance could be placed had been obtained as to the actual strength of the Chinese force at Chapoo, but the general belief was, either that a very large body of troops would be found there, or that the place would have been abandoned altogether by the enemy, for the purpose of concentrating their forces for the protection of Hang-chow-foo. This question was soon set at rest.

The view of Chapoo and the adjacent hills from the sea, as you approach the coast, is very remarkable. The town and its extensive suburbs are situated near the western extremity of a small promontory, stretching east and west for the distance of between four and five miles. The suburbs, which appear to be the principal resort for merchants and traders, and contain the most wealthy shops, run along the edge of the beach, partly at the foot of the hills which rise up on either side, and partly occupying a low flat between them. The actual walled town stands about half a mile in the rear, and the nature and extent of its defences could not be accurately ascertained.

As the steamers were running in, so as to get near enough to observe the nature of the Chinese defences, and the works thrown up on the adjacent hills, a large fishing boat was brought-to, to get information, and three of the fishermen, being brought on board of the Nemesis, were questioned as to the numbers of Chinese troops, &c., on shore. One of these men stoutly denied that there were any soldiers there at all; but, upon a threat that they would all be hanged if they were found to conceal the truth, the other two men declared that there was a large force assembled for the defence of the place.

On a nearer approach it was observed that there were three principal hills extending along the coast to the eastward of the suburbs, for the distance of full three miles, and two or three small islands lying off a little bay at their eastern extremity, and contributing to shelter it, and to make it a good landing-place for our troops. Upon the heights above, several breastworks were thrown up, particularly along the slopes between the hills. Upon the side of the hill nearest the town were two small batteries, mounting five and seven guns, and upon a low hill in front of the suburbs there was a circular battery of twelve to fourteen guns. Along the shore, a little further westward, a masked battery was commenced, but apparently not yet completed. The steamers ran in close enough to be able, with a glass, to observe the mandarins despatching messengers along the heights, upon which a great number of troops were posted, but they did not fire at the steamers, although they came within range. Indeed, the Chinese seemed disinclined to commence an action, and thus provoke a contest.

The anchorage was completely surveyed by Commanders Kellett and Collinson, who carefully sounded without any interruption along the whole coast at night, thus enabling the Cornwallis, Blonde, Modeste, and the other vessels before named, to take up advantageous positions against the enemy's works, and to cover the landing of the troops, which it was decided should take place in the bay to the eastward, before mentioned. From that point it appeared to the General that the heights could be turned, and the enemy cut off before they could make good their retreat upon the walled city.

At daylight, on the 17th, the whole of the men-of-war and transports got under weigh, and stood in towards Chapoo, with a light breeze from the southward, the Nemesis and Phlegethon leading, and giving the soundings by signal to the Cornwallis, the Algerine having dropped astern, owing to the light wind. At eight, A.M., they came to anchor about four miles off shore, it being nearly calm and high water. The positions had already been assigned to the respective ships, and particularly to the steamers, who were to land the troops. The fleet got under weigh again soon after one o'clock, with a fresh breeze from the south-west, and beat in towards the anchorage of Chapoo, which they reached in the evening, when each ship took up its allotted position without any obstacle. The Nemesis anchored close in shore, in three fathoms water, and from her deck every movement of the Chinese could be seen, even without the aid of a glass. The transports were anchored near the islands, off the little bay to the eastward, where the troops were to land, under cover of the Starling, Columbine, Plover, and Algerine. The Cornwallis and Blonde took up positions against the small batteries upon the hill-side next the suburbs, upon the top of which there was a temple, or joss-house, occupied by a large body of the enemy, and the Modeste was placed nearer the suburbs, to act against the works in front. The Nemesis, Phlegethon, and Queen steamers were in the first instance to land the troops from the transports, assisted by the boats, while the Sesostris steamer was anchored in shore, to shell the Chinese as they retreated before our advancing troops.

The sun set clear and brilliant on that evening, the last which many a brave man on both sides was doomed to look upon. The Chinese were on the alert during the night, and brought down some large ginjals, which they planted upon the hill-side, abreast of the Nemesis, but did not make use of them.

At daylight next morning the Nemesis went alongside the transports, to take in the 18th Royal Irish, under Colonel Tomlinson, and, having landed them in the appointed bay, returned immediately to fetch part of the 55th, together with the rifles; the remainder of the 55th, with the 26th, 49th, and artillery, being landed by the Queen and Phlegethon, assisted by the boats of the squadron, the whole under the direction of Commander Charles Richards, of the Cornwallis. Sir Hugh Gough landed with the first or right column from the Nemesis, and at once occupied a height which commanded the landing-place, without meeting with any opposition. As usual, the Chinese had neglected their flanks, as if an enemy could only think of attacking them where they were most prepared to defend themselves.

As soon as the whole of the troops were formed, Colonel Schoedde was directed to move with the 26th and 55th regiments, forming the left column, and Colonel Montgomerie, with the artillery and rifles, forming the centre, as rapidly as possible round the base of the heights, in the rear of which there was a broken valley, leading up in the direction of the walled town, from which, by this means, the retreat of the Chinese would be cut off. Sir Hugh Gough moved with the left column, composed of the 18th and 49th regiments, under Colonel Morris, along the crest of the heights, driving the enemy before him from one point to another. As soon as the advance was sounded in that quarter, the ships of war opened fire upon the enemy's right flank, near the town, and after a few rounds, the Chinese fled from their field works, and from the joss-house upon the summit of the hill.

The Nemesis, in the meantime, having united her fire to that of the other ships, was signalized to close the Cornwallis, for the purpose of protecting the landing of the battalion of seamen and marines under Captain Bourchier, who was accompanied by the Admiral himself, who never shrunk from fatigue or danger, ashore or afloat. The enemy's right flank was now turned, and their principal works were fortunately carried before the Chinese had time to spring the mines which they had prepared. The enemy was soon in full flight.

The Sesostris threw some shells in upon the Chinese centre, as our troops advanced upon them from their left; but, owing to the rapid movement of the left column round the base of the hills, and the dangerous direction of the line of fire of the steamer, there was at one time more chance of danger to our own men than to the Chinese. The sides of the hills were covered with a great number of tombs, which, together with the broken nature of the ground, afforded shelter and rallying points for the enemy, behind which they occasionally made a stand, and suffered severely in consequence. Many of the Tartars were even seen deliberately cutting their own throats, as our men were advancing upon them.

But the most terrible scene, and the point at which the greatest loss on our side occurred, was a large house partly enclosed with a wall, situated at the end of a little valley, about a mile from the walls of the town. About three hundred resolute Tartar soldiers, finding their retreat cut off, took refuge in this building, determined to sell their lives as dearly as possible, expecting no quarter from their enemy. The defence of this large building was no part of their original design; but as they were driven into it, one after another, without any means of escape, they were forced to defend themselves. The number who might be inside was not at first known; and two small parties of the 18th and 49th, under Lieutenant Murray, of the former corps, and Lieutenant and Adjutant Browne, of the latter, attempted to follow them in, but were unable to effect an entrance. Of the 49th party, Lieutenants Browne and Mitchell were the only two who escaped untouched. One man was killed and the rest wounded.

This little check was now reported to Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens of the 49th, who soon came up. Perceiving that there were a great many of the enemy in the house, and that they were firing from the windows and doors, he ordered our troops to be withdrawn under cover, until the guns were brought up. Colonel Tomlinson, of the 18th, having overheard some injudicious remarks which he thought reflected upon himself, instantly put himself at the head of a few of his own regiment and of the 49th, and rushed in at the door of the joss-house. Scarcely a second had elapsed when he fell a corpse into the arms of his men, having received two balls in his neck. In fact, every man who attempted to enter was either wounded or killed, as he became exposed to the steady aim of the Tartars, in the narrow doorway, the light being full upon him, while the Tartars were themselves concealed from view.

The failure of this second attempt to enter the building, added to the exasperation occasioned by the death of Colonel Tomlinson, rendered it very difficult to restrain the men from recklessly exposing themselves. Just at this time, one 6-pounder gun was brought up by Major Knowles, and some rockets were also thrown into the house, but did not succeed in setting it on fire. The field-piece made very little impression upon the walls; but it was important that the place should be destroyed and the Tartars captured. In the meantime, it was blockaded by two companies of the 18th Royal Irish.

While this was going on, Sir Hugh Gough had marched on towards the city wall, and was joined there by Sir William Parker with the naval brigade. As soon as the Admiral had landed, Captain Hall, with three of his officers (including the surgeon) and sixteen men, (eight seamen, and eight of the Bombay artillery,) also landed as volunteers, and, after clearing a hill in their front of some straggling Chinese soldiers, they advanced directly up the hollow, at the extremity of which stood the large building just mentioned. Already Colonel Tomlinson was killed, and several other officers wounded; both the rockets and the small field-piece had failed to clear the house of its defenders. Captain Pears, the field engineer, had also come up, and proposed to endeavour to blow in a portion of the outer wall by means of a bag of powder.

Seeing a small side-door open, Captain Hall, followed by Lieutenant Fitzjames and one of his own men, got close to it and fired into it, wounding a Tartar mandarin, but it was too hazardous to try to force a passage in; and, as the defenders kept up a smart fire from the windows above, it was necessary to retire under cover. An attempt was then made to set fire to the building, by throwing combustibles in at the principal door; and Captain Hall rushed in towards it, with a bundle of straw in one hand and his sword in the other, followed by several of his men and one or two officers. Scarcely had he reached the doorway, when a smart fire was opened from within, by which two of his men were shot dead close by his side, but he himself escaped as if by a miracle.

The bodies were instantly removed to a place of safety, and this attempt failed, as the others had done. Three or four of the Tartars now made an attempt to escape, by rushing out of the doorway, and ran the gauntlet of ten or a dozen shots directed at them. They ran for their lives and escaped, although, from the traces of blood, it was thought that more than one of them must have been wounded.

Captain Pears at length got a powder-bag fixed to the northern wall of the building, which blew it in; and a small party of the 18th again attempted to enter it, but one of them was killed, and two wounded, and the rest withdrew. In fact, it was so dark inside the building, and the space was so narrow, that it was impossible to make a rush at it.

It was next proposed to set the place on fire, for on one side the upper part of the building appeared to be built of wood. Another powder-bag was fixed to that side of the house, just below the wood-work, in the hope that it would knock it all down together, or else set it on fire. The explosion was so powerful that it not only destroyed part of the wall, but brought down the wood-work above it, and thus many of the Tartars above became exposed, of whom some were shot, and others succeeded in getting down below. But, wherever a Tartar shewed himself at a window in any part of the building, several muskets were levelled at him; and, on the other hand, so well did the Tartars take aim with their matchlocks, that one of the Royal Irish, who would persist in merely peeping round the doorway "just to see if he couldn't pick off a Tartar," received a shot in his knee, before he had himself time to fire.

The fragments of the wood-work, which had tumbled down, were now collected into a heap by the sappers, and set on fire, which soon communicated to the rest of the building. Gradually, as it spread, the matchlocks of the Tartars (probably of the fallen) were heard to go off, and loud cries were uttered. The rest of the defenders must evidently surrender; and, on entering the doorway, the poor fellows could now be seen stripping off their clothes to avoid the flames, and running about in despair from one side to the other. About fifty were taken prisoners, but two or three, who tried to escape, were shot; and so exasperated were the 18th at the loss of their colonel, and some of their comrades, that it was not without difficulty they were prevented from putting several of the prisoners to death. These were now tied together by their tails, in parties of eight or ten, so that they could not well run away all together; and they were marched off, under an escort, to the walled town, which had already been taken possession of.

The walls had been scaled near the east gate, by the grenadiers of the 55th, without opposition; and the other gates of the town were soon occupied by passing round the ramparts. There were few guns, or even ginjals, mounted on them; and the Chinese, having been once driven from the heights, and cut off from the city, were dispersed all over the country, a large body of them taking the direction of Hang-chow-foo.

Between Chapoo and that city there is a good canal communication, supposed to be connected with the grand canal itself; and, in addition to that, the communication by land, along a good causeway, broad enough for artillery, gave many facilities for an immediate advance upon the capital. It was said also, that a curious Chinese map of the road, and of the adjacent country had been obtained; but, with so small a force, it was not thought advisable to march further inland.

If the loss of the Chinese was great on this day, so was it on our side much greater than on any previous occasion. The high spirit of the Tartar soldiers, the descendants of the conquerors of China, and soldiers by birthright, could not brook a total defeat; and, when they were further stimulated by the excitement of opium, their self-devotion and stubbornness tended to increase their loss. When they could no longer fight, they could die; and the instances of mad self-destruction, both within the city and without, were perfectly horrible. Many of the Tartars were with difficulty prevented from cutting their throats, which they attempted to do with apparent indifference. On visiting the large building, or joss-house, which had resisted so long, and had cost so many lives, a number of dead and wounded men were found huddled together in a horrible manner, in one of the out-buildings attached to it. The ruins of the house were still smoking, and our object was to drag out the wounded and put them under cover until they could be properly attended to, for, on all occasions, the Chinese wounded received every attention that could be shewn them from our medical officers. Just as our men began to move aside the dead bodies, a Tartar soldier, who had until now concealed himself among them, literally rising from the dead, stood up suddenly and drew his sword. But, instead of making a dash for his life, or giving himself up as a prisoner, he began deliberately to hack his own throat with the rusty weapon, and inflicted two wounds upon himself before his hand could be stopped. Another man was found concealed in a deep hollow in the earth, where there was a sort of oven, and could not be got out until some men were sent to dig him out, and he was then found to be wounded. Altogether, the scene at this house was quite enough by itself to appal any man with the horrors of war. Many of the wounded were dreadfully mutilated, and the dead bodies were charred and disfigured.

A large building in the city was specially set apart for the Chinese wounded, and the great kindness and attention they received at Chapoo produced important effects afterwards upon the authorities, and induced them to treat our prisoners with kindness, instead of torturing them to death, as had frequently been the case. The veteran Elepoo, who was, in fact, at that time governor of Chapoo, (having been partially restored to favour by the Emperor,) expressly thanked the General and the Admiral for their humanity, in a letter written about a month afterwards. "On inquiry," said he, "I found that you gave the hungry rice to eat, and allowed to the wounded medical attendance, and we feel obliged for your kindness and courtesy." But this was not the only mark of their gratitude, as we shall presently relate.

Too much praise cannot be given to the superintending surgeon, Dr. French, (often mentioned in the despatches,) and the other medical officers, for their constant attention to the Chinese wounded, whenever they had an opportunity. Occasionally, however, the Chinese refused all assistance.

Among the Tartar population, who were here for the first time met with, living entirely separate from the Chinese, and preserving their own habits and privileges, it is admitted by all that the most shocking scenes were witnessed; and the similar barbarities which were afterwards observed at the Tartar city of Chin-keang-foo confirm all that has been said of the cruel and revolting practices of that remarkable people in time of war. All accounts concur in giving their testimony to the fact of the self-destruction of whole Tartar families; the women destroying their children, drowning them in wells, and throwing themselves in afterwards; the husbands hanging and poisoning their wives, and deliberately cutting their own throats.

Every effort was made to put a stop to these barbarities, and every means were used to pacify and soothe the people; but as the greater part of the Tartar population had abandoned the Tartar portion of the city, the Chinese rabble set about plundering it, and frightened the few who remained, even more than our own people.

The Tartar town, which was separated from the other by a wall enclosing about one-fourth of the space within the city, presented its peculiar aspect. The houses were disposed something after the manner of tents in an encampment, one of the last traces of the wandering pastoral habits of the race; to each hut was attached a small bit of open ground, with a bamboo fence round it, and a few trees within; and the vine was not unfrequently seen twining itself among the bamboos. Their scanty furniture was more rude than that of the Chinese; and the bow, with its quiver full of arrows, the spear, the sword, and the matchlock, seemed to be the most cherished ornaments of their abode. They alone are permitted to retain their weapons in their own charge. Indeed, the Tartar here lives as a conqueror, and glories in the emblems of conquest which he still has around him. In other respects, they are all subject to the same laws, and wear the same dress, but differ a good deal in their countenance and expression. Commonly the Tartars are a fairer people than the Chinese, and some of them much resemble Europeans.

It is worthy of remark, that the conquerors imposed upon the conquered the practice of shaving the head, excepting the back part, with its long tail; but they themselves took care never to adopt the absurd Chinese custom of preventing the growth of the female foot, and even deforming it, in such a way as to render it nearly useless to its owner. From the Emperor's court to the lowest soldier's wife, no Tartar woman ever has her foot tortured into deformity. At Chusan, I remember seeing a Tartar woman walking about with her natural undeformed feet, and she was looked at as a curiosity by the Chinese inhabitants, who stared and smiled as if they thought it a strange piece of barbarism.

The attention of children to their parents, for which the Chinese as well as Tartars are remarkable, was shewn in many instances, even amid the trials of war, at Chapoo. The aged and infirm were of course unable to fly from the city, and many of these were found in the Tartar houses, carefully tended by their daughters, who stayed behind and braved the expected horrors of an enemy's approach, rather than abandon an aged parent. There were some touching scenes of this kind, and when they found that they were not treated harshly, their fears, which at first were distressing, gradually disappeared.

The country about Chapoo is perhaps one of the richest and most beautifully cultivated spots in the world. It in some respect resembles the prettiest parts of Devonshire. The low hills immediately adjoining the town—the rich, luxuriant, well-watered plain beyond, interspersed with numerous hamlets and villages, with their curiously-shaped blue-tiled roofs, and intersected by canals and causeways, formed a very attractive panorama, and served to indicate the means by which so dense a population is supported. But even there the horrors of war were still to be traced; dead bodies floating along the canals, (probably of wounded who had been carried away and had died,) parties of Chinese plunderers, hastening across the country, laden with every kind of property, and, perhaps, occasionally, a little, quiet European foraging party, hunting out ducks, and fowls, and pigs, for which, however, the peasants were generally very well paid.

It was not the object of Sir Hugh Gough to occupy the city longer than was necessary for the purpose of destroying the arsenals, and property belonging to the government, including, of course, the iron guns, ginjals, &c. The brass ones, some of which were very good, were sent over to Chusan. Several horses, or rather ponies, which had belonged to mandarins, were captured by our officers, and one of these, a stout grey, was carried up to Calcutta in the Nemesis, after the war was over.

The number of Chinese engaged at Chapoo has been estimated at between seven and eight thousand men, of whom about one-fourth were Tartars. It is difficult to estimate the number of their killed and wounded, but it must have been very great; it has been estimated that nearly one-sixth of them suffered more or less. On our side, two officers, one sergeant, and ten men were killed, including three of the naval brigade, of which two belonged to the Nemesis; six officers, one sergeant, and about forty-five men were wounded, many of them severely. The following were the names of the officers killed and wounded: Killed—Lieutenant-Colonel Tomlinson, 18th Royal Irish, and Captain Colin Campbell, 55th regiment, died two or three days after, from a severe wound in the head. Wounded—Staff, Lieutenant-Colonel Mountain, C.B., Deputy-Adjutant-General, severely, (three balls in his back;) Lieutenant A. E. Jodrell, 18th; Lieutenant A. Murray, 18th; Captain T. S. Reynolds, 49th; Lieutenant and Adjutant W. P. K. Browne, 49th; and Lieutenant J. G. Johnstone, Madras Sappers and Miners.

There were ten brass guns taken, together with eighty-two iron ones, and a number of ginjals, &c.

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[CHAPTER XXXIV.]

The results of the capture of Chapoo, and of the total defeat of the best troops the Chinese had yet brought against us, were very remarkable. On the one hand, the people more than ever dreaded our power, while they also wondered at our forbearance; and, on the other hand, the tone of the government began evidently to change, and overtures were now made (probably with a view to gain time) to induce our military and naval commanders-in-chief to suspend hostilities. Advances of a similar kind had been made at Chinhae, but did not appear to be founded upon sufficient authority to permit them to be entertained. They were renewed at Chapoo, but in an equally unsatisfactory manner, and the agent of the Chinese on both occasions, and also on subsequent ones, was a mandarin of low degree, the very sending of whom was sufficient to point out that their object was merely to sound our disposition, and blind our credulity.

At Hang-chow-foo the people were so much alarmed that they openly expressed their dissatisfaction to the High Imperial Commissioner Yih-king, who was also generalissimo of the forces, a member of the imperial cabinet, and a relation of the Emperor. But above all, the generous treatment of the Chinese prisoners by the orders of Sir Hugh Gough, the attention shewn to their wounded, and their being at last all given up before our forces left Chapoo, each of them receiving a present of money, (about three dollars for each man,) all these humane proceedings together produced a most powerful impression upon all classes of the Chinese.

When the Chinese prisoners were sent back from Chapoo, a letter was at the same time addressed to Elepoo,[63] in reply to the overtures which had been made. It was to the effect, "that hostilities could not be suspended until the Chinese government were disposed to negotiate on the terms offered by the British government, through the medium of her majesty's plenipotentiary, who was then daily expected at Chusan."

Elepoo was determined not to be outdone in courtesy, and before our fleet entered the Yangtze river, he sent a very important and remarkable letter, addressed to our commanders-in-chief, styling them the "Honourable General and Admiral." He talked a great deal about good faith and sincerity, and thanked them for sending back the prisoners, and for the attention and kindness shewn to the wounded. He proceeded to inform them, that he had in return sent back all our prisoners to Chapoo, who had been previously kept at Hang-chow-foo; but that on their arrival there, it was found that the fleet had already sailed, in consequence of which they were obliged to be taken back. He further added, "that he was desirous to negotiate and make arrangements, in order to protect the lives of the people of both countries."

Neither the prisoners nor the letter were, however, received for some time afterwards. By Elepoo's orders, thirty dollars were afterwards paid to every white man, and fifteen dollars to every native of India, or, as they call them, to every "black man;" thereby marking their sense of the distinction between them. Altogether, there were sixteen prisoners restored by the Chinese, two of whom belonged to the Nemesis, one being an English seaman, the other a negro lad, who had been a slave at Macao, but had escaped and came on board the Nemesis, where he turned out a very smart, useful lad. They had been kidnapped at Chusan, and thence carried over to the mainland.

After having been brought back to Hang-chow-foo, from Chapoo, the prisoners remained there five days, and were well fed and taken care of. They were then put into sedan chairs, and carried through the whole Chinese army encamped to the southward of that city. The camp appeared to be of immense extent, and full of soldiers, who crowded round the sedan chairs with eager curiosity, but without attempting to offer any violence. They appeared particularly amused at the appearance of the black men. It was remarked, that about one in ten of the soldiers was armed with a matchlock, the rest having only spears, swords, and bows and arrows, the latter of which they seemed to be most proud of. The danger they ran of having their clothes set on fire by the match, particularly when wounded, or by the ignition of the powder, always made them more or less afraid of arming themselves with the matchlock.

After travelling for several days, partly in sedans and partly along canals, during which they passed a large town, called Chow-king, apparently as large as the capital itself, the prisoners arrived at Yuyow, on the 11th of June, whence they were conveyed to Ningpo, and after a very short halt, proceeded down the river to Chinhai, where they were most joyfully received on board H.M. brig Pelican, by Capt. Napier.

Communications subsequently took place between Elepoo and our military and naval commanders-in-chief. In one of these Elepoo says, that he is surprised to learn that the fleet of our "honourable country had sailed up the Woosung river, firing guns and stirring up a quarrel; and then expresses his regret that the war had already lasted so long, and that many lives had been lost, and unspeakable misery produced. Is it not far better to enjoy the blessings of peace than to fight for successive years, and to fill the land with the bodies of the slain?" This, however, was merely an attempt to lull the activity of our commanders, and to delay their measures by pretence of negotiation.

The reply of Sir Hugh Gough and Sir William Parker was characteristic—namely, "that they were thankful to Elepoo for having sent back the British subjects who were prisoners, and begged to assure him that they gladly recognised in this act the good feeling which should always subsist between civilized nations. In respect to the other letter they added, that with the utmost desire to lessen the calamities of war, it was their duty to proceed with hostilities until they were assured that a functionary, duly authorized by his Imperial Majesty, should be prepared to negotiate a peace, and to meet those just demands which had been repeatedly submitted to his Imperial Majesty. With every respect for his exalted position and acknowledged probity, the high British officers must remind his excellency, that they have not yet been apprized that he is authorized to treat, on the conditions promulgated by the British government."

The high tone of these letters must have rather surprised both the veteran Elepoo and the imperial cabinet. They had been so long accustomed to communicate with foreigners only through inferior agents, that they could hardly bring themselves on a sudden to adopt the practice of conducting negotiations upon a footing of perfect equality. The ingenious expedient was therefore resorted to of sending to Canton to order up some of the Hong merchants to act as mediators. The aged Howqua excused himself on account of his infirmities, but sent his only surviving son in his place, accompanied by Samqua, another Hong merchant of repute, and two linguists.

The journey from Canton to the province of Che-keang, or rather to that part of it in which their services might be required, Hang-chow-foo, or Soo-chow-foo, a distance of upwards of six hundred geographical miles, was no pleasing task in the middle of summer, particularly in a country where the only mode of travelling is in sedan chairs. However, they were compelled to go, but were speedily sent back again without having been permitted to hold any communication whatever with any of our high officers. Indeed, Sir Henry Pottinger had long before so positively refused to receive both the Hong merchants and the Prefect of Canton, that it is surprising how any further expectation could have been formed that their services would be required.

While speaking of the Hong merchants, it is worth mentioning, that about this time notice was sent by the aged Howqua to the foreign residents at Canton, that there was reason to believe that some of the wells had been poisoned, and that there were vendors of poisoned provisions about the streets. If this report was true, the diabolical purpose was thus frustrated, and no bad results followed.

We must now return to the operations of our forces, subsequently to the capture of Chapoo. Fortunately the health of the troops had been good during their ten days' stay on shore, so that nearly the whole force was in a condition to take part in the projected operations in the Yangtze river. Lieutenant-Colonel Tomlinson, whose death was so much lamented by all his brother officers, was buried at sea soon after Chapoo was taken, being carried out in the Phlegethon, as it was feared that if a grave were dug for him on shore, his remains might be taken up by the Chinese, and a great boast made of their having killed one of the high English officers.

On the 27th May, a great part of the troops were embarked on board the different transports, and the remainder on the following morning, when the whole fleet got under weigh. On the 29th, they anchored in a safe and extensive sound, which had been discovered by Captains Kellett and Collinson, at the Rugged Islands, about forty miles to the eastward of Chapoo. Some days were spent at this anchorage, in order that a proper channel into the Yangtze river for large vessels might be carefully examined. During this interval, the Admiral took an opportunity of revisiting Chusan, in the H.C. steamer Pluto, which had just arrived from England, together with the small iron steamer Ariadne, from Bombay.

On the 5th June, the whole fleet stood up towards the entrance of the river, but their progress was much delayed by the great strength of the tides, and also by fogs, so that they did not reach the appointed rendezvous off the Amherst rocks, (a little to the eastward of the mouth of the river,) until the 8th, having always been obliged to anchor at night.

A further delay now occurred, while the Modeste, with the Nemesis and Pluto steamers, were detached to intercept the communications up the river, and to reconnoitre the defences of Woosung. A large fleet of trading junks was soon espied near the latter place, and the Nemesis was ordered to give chase, and bring them to. She very soon got ahead of them, and cut them off, obliging them to anchor immediately. Some, however, persisted in holding their course, until several shots had been fired across their bows. The junkmen appeared terribly frightened, although Mr. Gutzlaff, who was on board the Nemesis, assured them that they would receive no injury, and would be allowed to depart again, as soon as their cargoes had been examined.

A great number of junks were found laden with the most beautiful fish, very carefully packed in ice, probably destined for Nankin, and for places along the imperial canal; but it is remarkable that none of these cargoes were fallen in with afterwards, higher up the river; which tended to prove that there were innumerable canals by which they could convey their produce into the interior, without proceeding up the main river beyond a certain point, thereby avoiding the delays occasioned by the currents, and the dangers of the navigation. This excellent opportunity of getting well supplied with fish and ice was not allowed to pass unheeded, but none of the junks were detained beyond a few hours. One junk, however, was always kept back, until another made its appearance; but, as it was impossible for strangers to distinguish at a distance the kind of junks which were loaded with such a welcome cargo, every captain was made to understand that he would have to supply fish and ice for the use of the steamer, until he could point out another junk coming up the river with a similar cargo, which was then to take his place, and he was to be liberated. In this way, one continued to succeed the other. This hint was quite sufficient to put the fellows in excellent humour. It was curious to observe what a sharp look-out they kept, frequently climbing up to the mast-head to see if their longed-for substitute was approaching. The one who last arrived soon reconciled himself to this fate very good-naturedly, when informed by his predecessor that no great harm would be done to him. They all, however, seemed very glad to get away, the moment permission was given to them, and refused all kind of payment when offered. Fresh fish of the best quality, and plenty of ice to cool the wine and beer, were unexpected luxuries.

At Woosung, Captain Watson, with the Modeste, which was anchored just out of range of the batteries, was occupied for several days in sounding the channel, and was assisted in this duty by the Pluto, under Lieutenant Tudor. They were ordered to reconnoitre the mouth of the Woosung river, (which empties itself into the Yangtze, about twenty-five miles up its southern branch,) preparatory to the grand attack upon the batteries.

The night of the 11th of June was particularly dark and rainy, and the opportunity appeared singularly favourable for making a close reconnoissance of the batteries. The Modeste lay some way off shore, and the tide was running so strong that it was impossible for Captain Hall, who had anchored the Nemesis much nearer in, to communicate with his senior officer, Captain Watson, concerning the plan which he proposed for reconnoitring the batteries. About two hours before midnight, the cutter of the Nemesis was ordered away, manned and armed, to make a close examination of the batteries, and of the channel leading into the Woosung river, which the former were principally designed to protect.

Having carefully sounded the channel, Captain Hall boldly pushed in as quietly as possible, towards the front of the batteries; and being favoured by the boisterous weather, he landed on the beach without being discovered. He could now distinguish the Chinese sentry quite near him; and on looking through one of the embrasures he could see one of the military mandarins on duty, going his rounds along the battery, attended by two armed soldiers, one of whom carried a large paper lantern before him, which threw a strong light in his face, and prevented him of course from seeing objects, even at a very short distance from him. It was evident, therefore, that the Chinese were upon the alert; though it would have been very easy, with the help of the boat's crew, to have made prisoners both of the mandarin and two soldiers, before the alarm could have been given.

After three hours' examination, and a heavy pull against the rapid current which prevails there, the boat of the Nemesis got back to the vessel; and on the following day she rejoined the Admiral off the Amherst rocks. It was about this time that the little Ariadne steamer, having been sent to ascertain the exact position of a rock lying off the mouth of the Yangtze, unfortunately ran directly upon it, and was bilged. A sail was immediately passed under her bottom, to cover the leak, and she was towed by the Sesostris into Chusan harbour, where, owing to some unforeseen accident, she afterwards went down in deep water, and all attempts to get her up again failed.

On the 13th, Sir William Parker, in the Cornwallis, accompanied by the Blonde, Columbine, Jupiter troop-ship, and the Phlegethon, Tenasserim, and Medusa steamers, together with twelve transports, got under weigh from the anchorage off Amherst rocks, and succeeded in reaching the mouth of the Woosung river, without any accident whatever. The Clio, Bentinck, (since called Plover,) Starling, and two transports, had been stationed as beacon-vessels, to mark the proper channel, which, however, was so shallow, that for a part of the distance there was little more water (only a few feet) than the actual draught of the Cornwallis.

On the following day, the Admiral and the General proceeded in the Medusa steamer, the smallest which was under his command since the loss of the Ariadne, and jocularly christened the Pilot Fish, to make a close reconnoissance of the whole line of defences extending along both sides of the Woosung river.

It is here necessary to bear in mind the relative position of the Woosung river in respect to the Yangtze, in order to avoid confusion in reading the account of the operations. The former empties itself into the latter on its right bank, and the village or small town of Woosung, which contains nearly five hundred houses, stands at its mouth. This place was visited by Mr. Medhurst, during his missionary tour up the coast of China in 1835, and the people were there found to be remarkably civil and well disposed.

The breadth of the river at its entrance may be about a mile, but the channel for vessels of moderate burden is somewhat intricate, and scarcely more than three hundred yards wide. The course of the river runs nearly north and south, and, as it joins the great Yangtze, its banks gradually widen out, until they are soon lost in the banks of the larger river. The principal line of defence was situated along its western bank, running from the upper end of the village of Woosung for a distance of full three miles along the river's mouth, and curving gradually round towards the banks of Yangtze river.

The town of Paoushan is situated nearly two miles in the rear of the batteries at that end. This long line of embrasures mounted not less than one hundred and thirty-four guns; but they were generally a great deal too wide, and the battery was constructed of earth, very much like the works already described at Chusan. Stakes were driven in along the front to protect it from the sudden landing of troops, and probably to secure the banks from the effects of inundations.

Just above the village of Woosung, and skirting it on its southern side, was a large creek or canal, communicating with the river, and protected by a strong semicircular stone battery, regularly built, and mounting ten brass 24-pounder guns. From its position it served to defend the river itself, for it commanded the whole reach, as well as the mouth of the creek.

On the eastern side of the river, opposite Woosung, stood a strong fort, principally built of brick, nearly of a circular form, and from its elevation calculated to have a long range. It was flanked by a line of embankments, with embrasures not yet completed, but mounting altogether twenty-one guns. There were one hundred and seventy-five guns mounted for the defence of Woosung. But it was not the number of guns which constituted the strength of its defences. The choicest Tartar troops had been collected at this point, who were prepared to defend it obstinately. They worked their guns with great spirit, and kept up a better sustained fire than they had done on any previous occasion; and when their principal line of battery was turned by the movement of a body of seamen and marines upon their flank, they defended themselves with remarkable obstinacy and courage, and did not hesitate to measure the sword with the cutlass, or to cross the spear with the bayonet.

There was some difficulty in finding a spot where troops could be disembarked with a view to turn the position, for the water shoaled to three feet, within two hundred yards of the banks, and the disembarkation could only be effected under cover of the guns of our ships.

On the morning of the 16th, both the tide and the state of the weather being favourable, the Admiral determined that the attack should be made without further delay, and ordered that the ships should be towed into action by the steamers, so that they would be enabled to take up the precise positions allotted to them. There were five steamers ready for the service, besides the little Medusa, which was reserved to meet any unforeseen contingency. It was the first action in which the ships of war were all towed into their appointed stations. The little Algerine was the only exception, as she was directed to get in as near as possible under sail. Even the North Star, Captain Sir E. Home, which only came in sight just as the action had already commenced, was towed in by the Tenasserim, which, after placing the Blonde in her proper position, was sent out on purpose to fetch her.

The Cornwallis and Blonde, being the two heaviest ships, were to take up their positions in front of the batteries, just below the village of Woosung, and the light squadron was then to pass them and proceed up the river to attack the village, and the battery at the mouth of the creek above it, and also the circular battery on the opposite or east side of the river. The light squadron consisted of the Modeste, Columbine, and Clio, towed respectively by the Nemesis, Phlegethon, and Pluto.

The channel had been buoyed off the previous night, and two junks had been moored so as to mark the entrance, on the eastern side of which there ran out a long sand-bank.

At the dawn of day on the 16th all the ships of war got under weigh, and by six o'clock they were in tow of their respective steamers. In this instance, and indeed throughout all the operations in the north of China, under Sir William Parker, the steamers were always lashed alongside the vessels they had to tow, instead of going ahead. This plan was found to answer remarkably well in the intricate navigation of the Yangtze river, as the movements of both vessels were more easily managed. The Blonde, towed by the Tenasserim, led in towards the batteries; the Cornwallis followed, bearing the Admiral's flag, and lashed alongside of the Sesostris. This post of honour was assigned to the Blonde, because, as soon as the light squadron had passed up the Woosung, she would have been nearer at hand to support them, if necessary.

The Blonde and Cornwallis received the fire of the Chinese, which was opened with great spirit, without returning a shot, until they had anchored by the stern in excellent positions. The light squadron then passed them, except the little Algerine, which could not follow the rest under sail, and therefore brought up a little astern of the Admiral's ship.

The Modeste, under Captain Watson, who commanded the light squadron, was towed by the Nemesis up the river in gallant style, boldly dashing in towards the creek above the village of Woosung, and receiving a severe and well-directed fire from the whole line of batteries, but more particularly from the battery of ten brass guns situated at the corner of the creek, the approach to which, as before described, it commanded. Both of these vessels suffered a good deal in executing this bold manœuvre; and in order to shelter the men, they were all ordered by Captain Hall to lie down at quarters, on board the Nemesis, until the Modeste had been placed in a good position. The fire of the Chinese was severe and well directed, and the Nemesis suffered a good deed as well as the Modeste.

Some way further up the river, fourteen war-junks were in sight, and also five large newly-built wheel-boats, each moved by four wooden paddle-wheels. These vessels also opened fire, but at such a distance that their shot fell short. The Columbine, towed by the Phlegethon, and the Clio by the Pluto, followed their gallant leader up the river towards the creek.

In the meantime, the North Star was observed just coming up towards the mouth of the river, and the Tenasserim steamer, which had just cast off the Blonde, was now sent out to tow her into action, and she was placed just ahead of the Blonde.

The Nemesis cast off the Modeste as soon as she had carried her up to the mouth of the creek, and within musket-shot of the ten gun-battery, and then opened fire with her foremost gun upon the war-junks, and with her after-gun upon the battery itself. The junks returned the fire as the Nemesis advanced towards them, but the moment she came within range of grape and canister, the Chinese Commodore, or Admiral, set the example of running away, which all the rest were glad enough to follow. They now made for the shore the best way they could, each trying which could reach it the quickest, but the wheel-boats had a decided advantage, and were moved through the water at the rate of about three and a half knots an hour. Grape and canister were now poured into them as fast as the guns could be loaded. The confusion among the Chinese sailors was great: some took to their boats or sampans, others jumped overboard, and tried to swim ashore, and a few of these must have been drowned.

The wheel-boats were, as a matter of curiosity, the first boarded, and it was afterwards ascertained that they were each commanded by a mandarin of high rank: which marks the importance they gave to them. These wheel-junks were fitted with two paddle-wheels on either side, strongly constructed of wood. The shaft, which was also of wood, had a number of strong wooden cogs upon it, and was turned by means of a capstan, fitted also with cogs, and worked round by men. The machinery was all below, between decks, so that the men were under cover. They were all quite newly-built, and carried some two, some three, newly-cast brass guns, besides a number of large ginjals. A quantity of matchlocks, spears, swords, &c., were also found on board.

Battle of Woosung.
From an Original Drawing by Capt. Watson. R.N. C.B.
London, Henry Colburn, 1845.

In pursuing two of the largest junks too close in shore, the Nemesis took the ground when the tide was falling. The Phlegethon came up at this time, and tried to tow her off, but without success, and she, therefore, stuck fast for some hours. But the boats were sent away manned and armed under Mr. Galbraith, with orders to capture and destroy the rest of the junks which were floating about the river, deserted by their crews. Other boats were sent to destroy those which had been run ashore, but it was seen from the mast-head that the Chinese were lying in wait to cut them off among the scattered trees and buildings by the river side; and they were, therefore, ordered not to go out of gun-shot from the steamer.

The Phlegethon, under Lieutenant M'Cleverty, took part in the destruction of the junks, and out of the whole fleet only two war-junks escaped. Three wheel-boats and one junk were afterwards towed down the river to the fleet, but the rest were set on fire and destroyed.

To return to the advanced squadron. As soon as the Modeste was cast off from the Nemesis, sail was made, and she was carried alongside a wharf or small jetty within the creek, close to the village of Woosung. The ten-gun battery opposite kept up its fire upon her, but, under cover of a broadside, the Modeste was made fast to the jetty. In this position she soon silenced the fort with her larboard-guns and small arms, and received little damage from the fire of the enemy, because they could not depress their guns enough to bear upon her with effect, so close was she.

The pinnace was now sent ashore, manned and armed, to take possession of the fort, and there was some skirmishing with the rear-guard of the Chinese who were retreating. Mr. Birch, with a party of seamen, was at the same time ordered to spike the guns; and at this moment the Columbine, followed by the Pluto steamer, came up, and poured in a well-directed fire upon the column of the retreating enemy.

During all this time, the Cornwallis, Blonde, and North Star were hotly engaged with the batteries, abreast of which they were anchored, and soon made the Chinese slacken their fire. Perceiving this, Captain Watson boldly determined to land, with the marines and small-arm men of the Modeste, Columbine, and Clio, within the creek, in the hope of being able to turn the enemy's flank next the village, and also cut off their retreat. A body of the Chinese were observed lying down under cover of the embankment, apparently in readiness to meet their enemy. Captain Watson now formed his men, and gallantly dashed on towards the Chinese, but had to cross a deep canal, over which there were several small wooden bridges, in the rear of the works.

The Chinese received them with a heavy fire of matchlocks and ginjals, but gradually retreated as Captain Watson advanced, and fell back upon their main body, who now shewed a most determined front, and deliberately planted their ginjals directly in the only path by which they could be approached. Captain Watson had already ten of his men wounded; and, finding his party getting a little straggled, he drew them outside of the line of embankment, in order to form them again. The Chinese now came boldly out, brandishing their spears in defiance; and threw a volley of hand grenades, which went over their heads.

At this moment, Captain Bourchier, seeing Captain Watson's party hotly engaged with the Chinese, who were much their superiors in numbers, dashed on shore from the Blonde, directly in front of the battery; and at the same moment Captain Watson's party made a rush at the enemy, who stood their ground so firmly, that for the second time the spear and the bayonet were crossed, and no one who witnessed the obstinacy and determination with which the Chinese defended themselves could refuse them full credit for personal bravery. They were now driven back under cover of some houses, where they rallied.

By this time the marines and seamen of the Blonde and Cornwallis were landed nearly opposite those vessels, under Captain Bourchier, Captain Peter Richards, and Sir Everard Home, and joined Captain Watson. Sir William Parker also landed; and, as soon as the men were all formed, they succeeded in driving the enemy out of the whole line of batteries. A small party from the Algerine, under Lieutenant Maitland, boldly landed before they could be well supported, and were a little cut up.

The Sesostris in the meantime had been closely engaged with the strong fort on the eastern side of the entrance of the river, where she took the ground in such a position that she was able to bring her guns to bear, so as soon to silence the enemy, when Captain Ormsby landed at the head of a body of small-arm men from the Sesostris and Tenasserim, and took possession of the fort.

The troops were not landed in time to take any part in the engagement, for most of the steamers had taken the ground, and it was not until past twelve o'clock that there were any means of putting the troops ashore. Sir Hugh Gough then landed just opposite the Cornwallis, and determined to advance immediately upon the town of Paoushan in the rear, towards which it was understood a large body of the Chinese had fled, together with the governor of the provinces. Major-General Schoedde was now ordered to move forward, so as to get in the rear of the town, in hopes of cutting off the enemy who might be retreating in that direction; while Sir Hugh Gough, with the rest of the force, reinforced by the naval brigade, moved along the river batteries.

On reaching Paoushan, it was found already in the possession of Major-General Schoedde's brigade, which had entered it without opposition; the soldiers and a great part of the inhabitants flying out of it in great consternation. The walls of the town were not found to be in very good repair, but they mounted about fifty guns, of which seventeen were brass. The main body of the Chinese were ascertained to have fled in the direction of Soo-chow-foo.

The number of killed and wounded, on the Chinese side, was less than might have been expected, probably not exceeding altogether a couple of hundred; but among them was the commander-in-chief of the Chinese troops. On our side, one officer (Lieutenant Hewitt, R.M.) and one seaman, were killed; and among the wounded were Mr. Purvis, midshipman of the Blonde; Mr. A. J. Smith, mate, and Mr. Roberts, master of the Sesostris; together with fifteen seamen, one corporal, and five royal marines, and one Bombay artilleryman, most of them severely, and several dangerously.

Many large and well-made guns were captured, particularly some newly-cast brass guns, of great length. Some of the best and heaviest guns were mounted upon the ten-gun fort, at the point of the creek where the Modeste was so hotly engaged. But the greater part of the guns were of small calibre, and about one-half of the whole number captured were 6-pounders, or under. The largest were 24-pounders, and there were a good many varying from 10 to 18-pounders. About two hundred and fifty guns were captured altogether, including those taken at Paoushan; of these, forty-two were brass.

There was one very curious iron gun, of a peculiar shape, being very small at the muzzle, and very large from the middle to the breach. It was of Chinese casting, and had an inscription on it, which shewed that it was upwards of three hundred years old. There was also another curious old gun, with the arms of Spain upon it. Besides the above, a number of large ginjals and matchlocks, together with military stores of all kinds, were discovered and destroyed; and to these must also be added the guns destroyed in the war-junks.[64]

The Chinese were not prepared to expect the complete defeat they sustained at Woosung. The great extent of their preparations for defence, the determined resistance they offered, and the improvements they had adopted in the form and casting of their guns, and in the construction of their junks, sufficiently indicate the importance which they attached to the defence of this position. Precisely in proportion to their previous expectations were the disappointment and panic produced by their defeat.

Information was obtained, through Mr. Gutzlaff, that the Chinese were removing their property and families from the important commercial town of Shanghai, situated about fourteen miles up the Woosung river; from which place it was known that there was very extensive water-communication with some of the most important districts and cities of China.

No time was to be lost in taking advantage of the prevailing panic; and, accordingly, on the day after the capture of Woosung, the Nemesis and Medusa steamers were sent up, with Captain Kellett on board, for the purpose of sounding the channel, and to ascertain what defences the Chinese had constructed higher up. The deepest channel was found to run along the left bank for about two miles, and then to cross over towards the right bank, by keeping which on board there was water enough for a frigate at half-flood.

About seven miles up, they came in sight of two forts, one on either side of the river. One of these fired off all its guns at the two steamers, but the shot fell far short. Soon afterwards a blaze was seen to burst out in each of the forts, and, on inquiry, it was found that the Chinese had set the buildings on fire, and then abandoned the works. Being ordered not to proceed further than this point, the two steamers rejoined the Admiral, in order to report the result of the reconnoissance.

The same afternoon, the Modeste, Columbine, and Clio, towed as before by the Nemesis, Phlegethon, and Pluto, were sent up the river, under the command of Captain Watson, with orders to place them near the two batteries, but out of their range, and then to land and destroy the guns, if the Chinese were found to have abandoned them.

On the morning of the 18th, these orders were skilfully executed; but the Clio unfortunately grounded, and, as the tide was falling, could not be towed off. Captain Watson landed with the marines and small-arm men of the Modeste and Columbine, and took possession of the forts which had been abandoned. In the larger fort on the right bank were found forty-one guns, eight of which were brass, and, in the opposite fort, fourteen guns, of which likewise eight were brass, or, more properly speaking, of copper. Many of these were found dismounted, and the carriages taken away. The tents and buildings had been already destroyed. Higher up the river eight war-junks were discovered, which were set on fire and destroyed, except one, in which the copper guns, captured in the forts, were put on board and sent down the river.

Reinforcements had now arrived to join both arms of the expedition, but were just too late to take part in the action at Woosung. H.M.S. Dido, Honourable Captain Keppell, arrived the very evening after the engagement; and, on the next day, the 2nd regiment Madras Native Infantry, and detachments of Artillery, with Sappers and Miners, also joined the forces under Sir Hugh Gough.

The 19th was the day fixed for the capture of Shanghai, for which purpose one column of our troops was to march by land, under Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomerie, M.A., consisting of about one thousand men, including the 18th and 49th regiments, with detachments of the Madras horse artillery and the royal artillery, with Sappers and Miners. The rest of the troops were embarked in the Tenasserim, Nemesis, Phlegethon, and Pluto steamers, which took in tow respectively the North Star, Modeste, Columbine, and Clio. The marines of the squadron were also taken up in the little Medusa; and Sir William Parker and Sir Hugh Gough, with their staff, accompanied by Captains Bourchier, Richards, Keppel, and other officers, proceeded up the river in that vessel.

They passed the deserted batteries, and met with no opposition until they came within sight of the city, where a long, well-constructed battery, situated below the town on the same or the left bank of the river, opened fire on the North Star and the other vessels, as they approached, but at such a distance as to do no damage. A couple of broadsides from the North Star and Modeste, with a few shot from the Tenasserim and Nemesis, sufficed to drive the Chinese out of the works. Captain Bourchier, with the seamen and marines, immediately landed and took possession of the battery, upon which no less than forty-nine guns were found mounted, seventeen of which were of copper.

The steamers conveying the troops soon reached the city of Shanghai, where the 55th regiment was landed from the Nemesis, upon a small jetty, without the necessity of using boats; another instance of the great utility of flat-bottomed, iron steamers. The city had been already taken possession of by the column under Colonel Montgomerie, without resistance, and many of the respectable inhabitants were hurrying off in great consternation, while the low rabble had, as usual, commenced their work of robbery and destruction the moment the authorities left the place.

Colonel Montgomerie's column had met with no opposition during its advance, and but little difficulty, except occasionally in crossing the guns over the narrow water-courses. They passed close in the rear of the fort which had opened on the ships, without seeing it; but, upon hearing the firing, they hastened on to the city, in the belief that the sound of the firing came from that direction. A large body of the Chinese however, was observed in full retreat, and a few rockets were thrown among them to hasten their flight; but, owing to the many water-courses, and the swampy nature of the rice grounds, it was impossible to come to close quarters with them.

On reaching the north-gate of the city, there appeared to be no preparations made for resistance, and the only two guns which could be seen mounted at the gateway looked harmless enough. In fact, there was no one at the gate; and two or three of our men, having contrived to get over the wall, soon opened the gate, and admitted the rest. It was now discovered that the place had been abandoned by the authorities the previous evening. The people generally shewed no ill feeling towards the foreigners, but rather an inclination to conciliate their good offices.

The city, which, though wealthy, and of more agreeable aspect than most other Chinese towns which had been visited, was not given up to plunder; indeed, Sir Hugh Gough used every means in his power to prevent the commission of any excesses whatever. Very little plunder, or, as it was called, "loot," was obtained, and was almost entirely limited to curiosities. There was no wanton aggression. Many of the houses were found deserted, and these were the only ones which suffered, except where downright robbery was committed by the gangs of Chinese plunderers.

Every effort was made to put a stop to these abominable proceedings, and some of the most respectable inhabitants were called upon to take charge of a few of the large deserted establishments, particularly the pawnbrokers' shops, which, in all Chinese towns, are establishments of enormous extent.[65]

As soon as the city was taken possession of, and guards placed at the gates, the Columbine and Medusa were sent a little way up the river, to endeavour to check the depopulation of the city, for the inhabitants at that time were hastening away in crowds, so that the river was actually covered with boats of all descriptions, laden with furniture and goods. The Nemesis was also sent up in search of war-junks, and to reconnoitre the country. No further hostile preparations, however, were discovered. Quiet was maintained within the city, and the vessels of war and steamers were all anchored directly opposite the town.

The vast number of large trading-junks, which were lying there, surprised every one. Many of these were laden with valuable cargoes; both banks of the river were completely lined with them; and there were also numerous large stone warehouses, filled with merchandize, some of which contained large quantities of sugar, salt, and provisions; there were also extensive timber-yards, and several large junks upon the stocks.[66]

Shanghai must be a place of immense commercial importance, not only as regards the internal traffic of the country, but also in respect to its foreign commerce, or at least its trade with the remoter parts of China, and even with Siam and Cochin-China. It is said to rank second only to Canton in commercial importance, particularly as the junks belonging to the southern provinces are prohibited from trading further north than this city, which therefore, in a certain degree, enjoys a monopoly. During Mr. Medhurst's visit to it, he reckoned that there were a thousand large junks in the river; and on visiting it, not long after it was taken, and when the trade was almost entirely stopped, I was myself much struck with the large size of the junks, which crowded both sides of the river.

Mr. Gutzlaff states that the imports of Shanghai already far exceed the exports; and, therefore, the difficulty again arises as to the mode of payment for the additional imports, which will soon find their way to Shanghai since the opening of the port. The Americans look forward to getting a large supply of green tea at Shanghai in exchange for their cotton, green tea being in extensive use among them.

Shanghai has immense internal communication with all the central parts of China; it is situated in the richest and most productive part of the country, and the adjacent district has been called the Chinese Arcadia. The country is one fertile flat, occasionally subject to ravages by inundations, but generally drained and cultivated with great care. In some parts, the land, lying below the level of the rivers, is only maintained by strong and extensive embankments. The whole country is covered with hamlets and villages, and cotton is cultivated in great quantities.

The inhabitants of Shanghai have, on all occasions, shewn a friendly disposition towards foreigners; and where the latter have been treated with rudeness, it has been solely by the orders of the mandarins, or at their instigation. Both Mr. Medhurst and Mr. Gutzlaff bear testimony to this fact, during their early visits; on which occasions the people eagerly asked to receive books, of which several thousand copies were distributed. So important is the trade of this place, that the appointments in the public service are anxiously sought for, and the office of superintendent of customs is considered extremely lucrative.

Mr. Gutzlaff's testimony respecting this place is curious. Speaking of his visit, in 1832, he says, "the mandarins never directly interfered with my distributing books or conversing with the people; and after issuing the severest edicts against us, they gave us full permission to do what we liked. They afterwards praised our conduct, but gave the people their paternal advice to have nothing to do with us. An imperial edict arrived, ordering us to be treated with compassion, but not to be supplied with rice or water. But they sent us quantities of live stock and flour, upon the sole condition that we would not pay for them." It is, in fact, a curious thing to observe how easily the Chinese evade all regulations when their interest leads them to do so, and how readily they adopt every subterfuge.

I chanced to pay a visit to Shanghai the very day after the conclusion of peace was first made known in the town. We landed from our boat, at a little stone jetty in front of a deserted temple, before which there was an open paved court, or square, crowded with people. Nothing could surpass the good order which prevailed; not a noise or groan was heard, or inconvenience of any kind experienced. Curiosity seemed to be the sole absorbing feeling, and one could hardly imagine that this was only the first week of peace, and that a hostile force had a short time before occupied the city. A Chinese crowd is the most orderly in the world; and, if we may judge of civilization by the quiet, sober, deferential bearing of a large body of people crowded together in narrow streets, certainly the Chinese deserve to bear the palm. A few soldiers were appointed to attend us through the town, who, instead of arms, carried a fan-case, tied round their waist, and a whip in their hand, with which they cleared the way with apparent good will, as we proceeded along the streets of the suburbs.

It was a curious sight to look down the long, narrow, paved street, on each side of which were crowds of shaved heads, each trying to raise itself an inch or two higher, to catch a glimpse of the passing strangers. The steps and doorways were crowded, and also a few of the windows; but most of the shops being shut, and the houses having generally only one story, there were none of those groups of figures, men, women, and children, rising in stages, one above the other, such as are seen in Europe from the bottom of the house to the top, when anything remarkable is to be seen.

The greatest contrast, next to the immense collection of bald heads, and brown, roundish, ugly-looking features, consisted in the total absence of women, which, in any part of Europe, would have formed perhaps the most numerous and noisy part of the assemblage. There was no appearance whatever of rudeness or hostility; and when the people were warned out of the way, or pushed aside, and reminded, by a gentle touch of the whip, that they must move out of the way, they did so in apparent good humour.

The inner town appeared to be only separated from the suburb by the actual wall, there being little difference in the houses on one side or the other. Two or three additional soldiers turned out of the guard-house as we passed, and joined our escort, certainly a shabby-looking set.

Much was said of the so-called tea-gardens of Shanghai; but, on reaching them, great was our astonishment to find that they ought rather to be called tea-ponds. According to our notions, land and grass, and plants and flowers, are supposed to belong to gardens—even to tea-gardens; but, at Shanghai, it is quite the reverse, for water predominates.

Ornamental gardening in China, properly so called, is extremely uncommon. At Canton there is a very good garden belonging to a Hong merchant; but, generally speaking, the land is too precious, for the purpose of producing food, to permit the Chinese to devote much space even to fruits.

At the entrance to the tea-gardens our approach was greeted by the plaintive voice of an old woman, who professed to sing songs to the accompaniment of an instrument of a peculiar kind, covered with snakeskin. It had three strings fastened to a long handle, with a small drum at the end of it, and was played with a bow.

The gardens were more remarkable from their novelty than their beauty. The place consisted in reality of a sheet of nearly stagnant water, with paths or platforms, or little islands, intersecting it in various directions, upon which were built summer-houses, or pavilions of various shapes, in Chinese style, in which the good citizens of Shanghai assemble to drink tea (at any hour of the day), and smoke the pipe, which is a Chinaman's invariable companion, for recreation. There were also a few walks among heaps of stones, called artificial rocks, with seats scattered here and there; but in most respects the whole place greatly disappointed our expectations.

Among the most remarkable objects at Shanghai were the enormous ice-houses, both within and without the city, in which ice is stored for public use. This was a perfect luxury to our soldiers and sailors when the place was taken.

We spent the night in a deserted joss-house, close to the landing-place; and, during the evening and the following day, crowds of curious visitors came to look at us, and made themselves agreeable as well as they could. They seemed to be particularly pleased with the Company's new rupees with the queen's head upon them, and willingly gave half a dollar each for them;—being rather more than their value. Glass bottles were in great request, and the brandy was pronounced excellent.

One of the principal mandarins came down to pay us a visit, preceded by criers and runners; then came whippers-in, and a couple of executioners, with chains in their hands, as a sign of their calling; then came the great man, seated in a very gay sedan-chair; next followed a couple of dirty-looking fellows with gigantic fans; and two or three men mounted on ponies closed the procession. The people stood on either side the street, and gazed in silence. They had little curiosity about the movements of the great man, but a vast deal concerning every step or look of the strange-looking foreigners. The mandarin was extremely courteous and well-bred towards us, and we observed that he was treated with great deference, and no one except ourselves dared to sit in his presence.

An interesting incident occurred at Shanghai, not long after the peace. Sir Henry Pottinger, on his return from Nankin, went up in a steamer to Shanghai, to make arrangements about the future place of residence for our consul, and also to settle about the ransom-money of the city. One morning, a boat came alongside the steamer, having on board a very respectable-looking man, in Chinese costume, who sent up his card as "M. l'Evêque de Nankin," at the same time requesting an interview with the plenipotentiary.[67] This was readily acceded to. It now appeared that this gentleman was the head of the Roman-catholic missionaries of the province or district of Nankin; that he had been many years in China, suffering great tribulation, and in continual danger of his life; that the missionaries had suffered great hardships, and many of them had lost their lives. For a great length of time he had not been able to hold any communication with his fellow-labourers in any other part of China, and had been deprived of all tidings from any other country. He had lived in fear and trembling, but had personally escaped persecution by leading a very retired and unobtrusive life, and particularly by avoiding all interference in public matters. He had been afraid to make himself known, or to have any communication with Europeans, as long as the war lasted, as it would probably have caused him trouble. His flock was numerous, but scattered. He had supported himself entirely by his missionary labours, and had now joyfully seized the opportunity to request that letters might be conveyed for him to Macao. He had removed from Nankin, on the approach of our forces; and altogether there was much interest attached to his history.

There is a great abundance of game to be found in the neighbourhood of Shanghai, principally pheasants, and various kinds of wild fowl. But it greatly astonishes the Chinese that any man should take the trouble to shoot birds, or find any amusement in the sport, when he could easily get people to shoot them for him upon very slight payment.

The sum agreed to be paid for the ransom of Shanghai was said to be three hundred thousand dollars, which was considered in the light of a contribution, similar to the ransom-money of Canton. Whatever the amount may have been, it was reckoned as part of the money stipulated for by the treaty of Nankin.

A quantity of guns, arms, and military stores, were, as usual, found in the arsenal within the city, and also large stores of rice. Sixty-eight guns (exclusive of those in the batteries below the town) were captured at Shanghai. Seventeen of these were of copper, newly-cast, and very heavy, and, consequently, valuable for the prize fund. In a battery facing the river, fifty-six guns were found, of which seventeen were brass 6-pounders. Altogether at Shanghai one hundred and seventy-one guns were captured. But, reckoning the whole number of guns taken in these operations, both at Woosung and at Shanghai, and in the various batteries on the river's banks, they will be found to amount to the amazing number of three hundred and sixty pieces, exclusive of those destroyed in the junks. Of these seventy-six were of copper, some of them of great length and weight of metal, but of proportionably small bore. They looked very well outside, but the casting of many of them was defective, and not a few were made with a coating, or rather tube, of iron, about one and a half to two inches thick, along the bore, over which the copper was cast. At Shanghai also full nine tons of gunpowder were found, contained in three hundred and thirty tubs and jars. All the military stores were destroyed.

It was evident that great preparations had been made for the hoped-for defence of this important place; but, when the hour of trial came, and the news of the action at Woosung reached the city, the principal mandarins quitted it in despair, and all hope of defence was given up.

On the morning of the 20th (the day after the city was taken), Captain Bourchier and Commander Kellett were ordered to proceed in the Phlegethon, accompanied by the Medusa, together with the barge of the Cornwallis, carrying a few marines, and also a boat from the Columbine, to reconnoitre the river for a distance of thirty miles above the town. Two small field-works of five guns each were discovered upon the right bank of the river, and a considerable body of soldiers were discovered at some distance in the rear. Lieutenant Wise was sent, with the boats and marines of the Cornwallis, for the purpose of destroying the works, which was effected without any resistance.

The report of what had been seen and done this day was considered so important and interesting, that Sir William Parker determined to continue the examination in person next day, still further up the river. About fifty marines and seamen were embarked in the Nemesis, and the Admiral hoisted his flag in her, accompanied by Captain Bourchier, Honourable Captain Keppel, Captain Lock, and other officers; and about noon, on the 21st, they proceeded up the river, followed by the Phlegethon and Medusa.

The river gradually became narrower, but still carried from four to six fathoms water, and appeared to have an immense number of canals and water-courses connected with it. Many of these led directly towards the towns and villages, some of which could be just seen at a distance, others not far from the banks. The country looked rich, and was carefully laid out in rice-grounds, and otherwise well cultivated. It was not so picturesque as about Ningpo, but there was all the appearance of a thriving and industrious population. A heavy storm of thunder and lightning came on in the afternoon, and the three steamers were brought to anchor for the night a little above the two forts destroyed the day before.

On the following morning they again pursued their course up the river, and soon found that it divided itself into two branches of equal size, one flowing down from the eastward, and the other coming from the westward. They followed the latter, which gradually took a more northerly direction, but the water shoaled as they proceeded, until, at the distance of a few miles from where they started, there was only one fathom; and, as the Nemesis and Phlegethon could not safely ascend higher, the Admiral, with the other officers, removed on board the Medusa, which being smaller, drew a foot to eighteen inches less water. But they were not able to go up more than eight or nine miles further; for they were stopped by the increasing shallowness of the water at the entrance of a large lagoon. It was ascertained, however, from some boatmen, who stated that they had left Soo-chow-foo only the previous day, that there was a direct communication by water with that city, which could not be a great many miles distant. It could not be doubted, therefore, that this important city was easily accessible to our forces, should it be thought advisable to advance upon it.

Several large boats were coming down the river, laden with coal, said to be brought from the neighbourhood of Soo-chow-foo, where iron also is believed to abound. Indeed, coal of very fair quality is found in many parts of this province, and the Nemesis was using it for steam purposes at that very time.

The whole distance ascended above Shanghai was about forty-five miles, and it was matter of regret that time could not be spared to explore the other, or eastern branch of the river. Several large pagodas were seen at a distance, one in particular to the northward, probably pointing out the neighbourhood of a large town.

The same evening the three iron steamers returned to Shanghai, and anchored abreast of the town, where his Excellency, Sir Henry Pottinger, had just arrived from Hong-Kong, having touched at Amoy and at Chusan on his way up. It was also announced that strong reinforcements had arrived at Chusan, and might be expected to join our forces in the Yangtze-Kiang in a few days. The names of ships and regiments will be given together, in the order in which they moved up the river leading to Nankin. It will be sufficient here to mention, that no less than seventy-three vessels of war and transports set sail from Woosung together; besides which two others were left at that anchorage, in order to blockade the river leading to Shanghai. Several other vessels joined the expedition on its way up to Nankin, and afterwards.