ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE [Fort Ticonderoga] Inside Front Cover [Flint and Tinder Box] 2 [Major Robert Rogers and an Indian Chief] 4 [Airview of Fort Ticonderoga and Surrounding Country] 6 [Indian Costumes] 8 [Champlain and the Iroquois, Near Ticonderoga] 10 [Marquis de Lotbiniere] 14 [Marquis de Vaudreuil] 18 [Part of the Original Instructions to de Lotbiniere] 20 [Major Robert Rogers] 22 [Wounding of Baron Dieskau] 24 [Abercromby’s Expedition, Embarking at Head of Lake George] 26 [The Marquis de Montcalm] 28 [Brig. General Lord Howe] 30 [Duc de Levis] 32 [Plan of Town and Fort (Insert)] 32-33 [Major General Israel Putnam] 34 [Replica of the Cross Erected by General Montcalm] 44 [Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops] 45 [Major Robert Rogers’ Battle on Snowshoes in 1757] 46 [Sir Jeffrey Amherst] 48 [General Amherst and the Burning Fort] 50 [Ethan Allen] 54 [Catamount Tavern, Where Plans Were Laid to Capture Fort] 57 [Ethan Allen and Captain Delaplace] 59 [Letter from Ethan Allen] 60-61 [Allen Needs You at Ti] 63 [Ethan Allen’s Blunderbuss] 65 [Benedict Arnold] 66 [Major General Richard Montgomery] 68 [General Knox] 70 [General Knox Moving Cannon from Ticonderoga to Cambridge] 72 [Rig of Fleet at Valcour Island] 74 [Map of the Attack and Defeat of the American Fleet] 76 [General Schuyler] 78 [Major-General Arthur St. Clair] 79 [Major-General Horatio Gates] 80 [Ticonderoga and Its Dependencies, 1776] 81 [The Massacre of Jane McCrea] 82 [General John Burgoyne] 84 [The Battle of Saratoga] 86 [Surrender of Burgoyne] 88 [George Washington at Halfway Brook] 90 [Stephen H. P. Pell] 92 [The Pavilion] 94 [Fort Ticonderoga and the Pavilion, 1827] 96 [The Silver Bullet] 98 [Restoration Model of Fort Ticonderoga] 100 [Thomas Cole Painting of Fort, Early 1820’s] 101 [Entrance to Place D’Armes] 103 [The Place D’Armes] 105 [Fort Ticonderoga in 1959] 107 [The Ethan Allen Door] 109 [George Washington in Uniform of American General] 112 [Powder Horn Map Made at Mount Independence 1776] 114 [Flag Bastion] 118 [Fort Ticonderoga: South Barracks] Inside Back Cover
Airview of Fort Ticonderoga Showing Strategic Location of Mount Defiance, Beyond Which Is Lake George
Indian Costumes, From Lafitau. 1, Iroquois; 2, Algonquin
CHAPTER ONE
The Aborigines
When Columbus was landing in the West Indies, and discovering America, the Champlain Valley was thickly populated. There are signs of Indian village sites all along the shores and the thousands of stone implements, arrow and spear points, scrapers, hatchets, pestles and mortars that are turned up each year indicate an occupation of hundreds, probably thousands, of years. But when the first white man arrived all was silence and desolation. The fierce Iroquois from the south had not long before slaughtered the peaceful Algonquin Indians and driven the survivors back into the mountains, where they were living a hand to mouth existence. In fact so degenerate had they become that the Iroquois referred to them as “Adirondacks” or “Bark-eaters,” because of their necessity of depending on the bark of trees during the winter when game was scarce. Remains of these people are so many that for a hundred years arrow heads and other stone implements have been found on the shore of the lake under the walls of the Fort and yet each rain and wind storm discloses new ones. These Indians were a partly agricultural people as shown by the many bits of pottery and hoes that are found, but little is definitely known of them or their habits.
Champlain and the Iroquois Near Ticonderoga, July 30, 1609 From “Champlain’s Life and Travels, 1613”
CHAPTER TWO
Champlain
In May, 1609, the same year that Hendrick Hudson discovered and named Hudson’s River, Samuel de Champlain with a contingent of eleven Frenchmen, a small body of Montagnais Indians and between two and three hundred Hurons left Quebec on an exploring expedition to the south.
At the rapids of the Richelieu, Champlain quarreled with his Indians, who had assured him that there was smooth water from the St. Lawrence to the great lake to the south. Three-quarters of them went home and with them he sent all but two of his white companions. His force now consisted of three Frenchmen and sixty Montagnais and Hurons.
They traveled in twenty-four canoes and soon entered Lake Champlain, and, as they now were approaching the Iroquois country, they traveled by night and hid in the woods by day.
Champlain’s own description of his discovery and the battle at Ticonderoga from his “Voyages and Discoveries” published in Paris, 1613 ... reads as follows:
“We left next day, continuing our route along the river as far as the mouth of the Lake. Here are a number of beautiful, but low islands filled with very fine woods and prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such as stags, deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears and other sorts of animals that come from the main land to the said islands. We caught a quantity of them. There is also quite a number of beavers, as well in the river as in several other streams which fall into it. These parts, though agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians, in consequence of their wars. They retire from the rivers as far as possible, deep into the country, in order not to be so soon discovered.
“Next day we entered the lake, which is of considerable extent; some 50 or 60 leagues in length, where I saw 4 beautiful islands, 10, 12 and 15 leagues in length formerly inhabited, as well as the Iroquois river, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been at war the one with the other.
“Several rivers, also, discharge into the lake, surrounded by a number of fine trees similar to those we have in France, with a quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw; a great many chestnuts, and I have not yet seen except the margin of the lake, where there is a large abundance of fish of divers species. Among the rest there is one called by the Indians of the country Chaousarou, the divers lengths. The largest I was informed by the people, are of eight to ten feet. I saw one of 5, as thick as a thigh, with a head as big as two fists, with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the body resembles that of the pike, and it is armed with scales that a thrust of a poniard cannot pierce; and is of a silver grey colour. The point of the snout is like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others in the lakes and rivers and possesses, as those people assure me, a wonderful instinct; which is, that when it wants to catch any birds, it goes among the rushes or reeds, bordering the lake in many places, keeping the beak out of the water without budging, so that when the birds perch on his beak, imagining it a limb of a tree, it is so subtle that closing the jaws which it keeps half open, it draws the birds under water by the feet. The Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, saying, when they have a headache they let blood with the teeth of this fish at the seat of the pain which immediately goes away.
“Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, contemplating the country, I saw on the east side very high mountains capped with snow. I asked the Indians if those parts were inhabited? They answered me, Yes, and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in those parts beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn as good as I had ever eaten in the country, with an infinitude of other fruits, and that the lake extended close to the mountains, which were, according to my judgment, 15 leagues from us. I saw others, to the South, not less high than the former; only, that they were without snow. The Indians told me it was there we were to go to meet their enemies, and that they were thickly inhabited, and that we must pass by a waterfall which I afterwards saw, and thence enter another lake three or four leagues, long, and having arrived at its head, there were 4 leagues overland to be traveled to pass to a river which flows toward the coast of the Almouchiquois, tending towards that of the Almouchiquois, and that they were only two days going there in their canoes, as I understood since from some prisoners we took, who, by means of some Algonquin interpreters, who were acquainted with the Iroquois language, conversed freely with me about all they had noticed.
“Now, on coming within about two or three days journey of the enemy’s quarters, we traveled only by night and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never omitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had dreamed and seen their enemies. I answered no; and encouraged them and gave them good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey until morning when we withdrew into the picket fort to pass the remainder of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock I lay down after having walked some time around our quarters, and falling asleep, I thought I beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within sight of us in the Lake near a mountain; and being desirous to save them, that our savage allies told me that I must let them all perish as they were good for nothing. On awakening, they did not omit, as usual to ask me, if I had any dream, I did tell them, in fact, what I had dreamed. It gained such credit among them that they no longer doubted but they should meet with success.
Marquis de Lotbiniere
“At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and as we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a war party of Iroquois, on the twenty-ninth of the month, about ten o’clock, at night, at the point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew towards the water and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the one beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villainous axes, which they sometimes got in war, and others of stone, and fortified themselves very securely.
“Our party, likewise, kept their canoes arranged the one alongside the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together should need be. We were on the water about an arrow-shot from their barricades.
“When they were armed and in order, they sent two canoes from the fleet to know if their enemies wished to fight, who answered they desired nothing else; but that just then, there was not much light, and that we must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give us battle at sun rise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spent in dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts, such as the little courage we had; how powerless our resistance against their arms, and that when day would break we should experience this to our ruin. Ours, likewise, did not fail in repartee; telling them they should witness the effects of arms they had never seen before; and a multitude of other speeches, as is usual at a siege of a town. After the one and the other had sung, danced and parliamented enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear the enemy should see us preparing our arms the best we could, being however separated, each in one of the canoes belonging to the savage Montagnais. After being equipped with light armour we took each an arquebus and went ashore. I saw the enemy leave their barricade; they were about 200 men, of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly towards us, with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led on by three Chiefs. Our’s were marching in similar order, and told me that those who bore three lofty plumes were the Chiefs, and that there were but these three and they were to be recognized by those plumes, and that I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and that I was very sorry they could not clearly understand me, so as to give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should indubitably defeat them all; but there was no help for that; that I was very glad to encourage them and to manifest to them my good will when we should be engaged.
“The moment we landed they began to run about two hundred paces toward their enemies who stood firm, and had not yet perceived my companions, who went into the bush with some savages. Our’s commenced calling me in a loud voice, and making way for me, opened in two parts, and placed me at their head, marching about 20 paces in advance, until I was within 30 paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me, they halted, gazing at me and I at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at us, I raised my arquebus, and aiming directly at one of the three Chiefs, two of them fell to the ground by this shot and one of their companions received a wound of which he died afterwards. I had put 4 balls in my arquebus. Our’s on witnessing a shot so favorable for them, set up such tremendous shouts that thunder could not have been heard; and yet, there was no lack of arrows on one side and the other. The Iroquois were greatly astonished seeing two men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow-proof armour woven of cotton-thread and wood; this frightened them very much. Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, seeing their Chiefs slain, that they lost courage, took flight and abandoned the field and their fort, hiding themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing them, I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them and took ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen of ours were wounded by arrows; they were promptly cured.
“After having gained the victory, they amused themselves plundering Indian corn and meal from the enemy; also their arms which they had thrown away in order to run the better. And having feasted, danced and sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the prisoners.
“The place where this battle was fought is in 43 degrees some minutes latitude, and I named it Lake Champlain.”
Historians agree that this fight took place on the low ground, northeast of the Fort at Ticonderoga. It was the Iroquois’ first introduction to firearms and forever alienated that great fighting confederation from the French.
Marquis de Vaudreuil
CHAPTER THREE
The Building of the Fort
From 1609 to 1755 nothing of great interest happened at Ticonderoga. War parties, explorers and traders passed up and down the lake in a steady stream, but few left records. The English pushed north as far as the south end of Lake George and built Fort William Henry; the French, as far south as Crown Point and built Fort St. Frederic. All between was a wild country, claimed by both France and Great Britain.
In 1755 Michel Chartier, afterwards Marquis de Lotbiniere, under instruction from the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor-General of New France, came down from Crown Point to select a site for a new fort. His aide-memoire from de Vaudreuil is in the Fort Library. In October he started cutting the great trees and leveling the ground to build the stone fortress which he first called Fort Vaudreuil, but which was afterwards given the name of Carillon, “A Chime of Bells,” named from the sound of the falls where the water from Lake George runs into Lake Champlain. He employed the garrison from Crown Point and at one time as many as 2,000 men were at work and made extraordinary progress, considering that he was erecting a fort in the wilderness.
Robert Rogers, the famous ranger, several times during the building of the Fort reconnoitered and reported on the progress of the work. September 9, 1756, he says:
“I was within a mile of Ticonderoga fort where I endeavored to reconnoitre the enemy’s works and strength. They were engaged in raising the walls of the fort and erecting a large blockhouse near the southeast corner of the fort with ports in it for cannon. East from the blockhouse was a battery which I imagined commanded the lake.”
Part of the Original Instructions for de Lotbiniere to Start Construction of Fort Ticonderoga
(This manuscript is in the Fort Library)
He also reports the French to be building a sawmill at the lower end of the falls. On Christmas Eve, 1757, Rogers got close enough to kill about seventeen head of cattle and set fire to the wood piles of the garrison. To the horns of one of the cattle, he attached a note to the commander of the fort:
“I am obliged to you, sir, for the repose you have allowed me to take. I thank you for the fresh meat you have sent me. I will take care of my prisoners. I request you to present my compliments to the Marquis de Montcalm.
(Signed) “Rogers, Commander of the Independent Companies.”
In 1755, Baron de Dieskau had gone from Crown Point to attack Sir William Johnson at Lake George. Dieskau was wounded, and his defeated army fought their way back to Ticonderoga.
In March, 1758, Rogers’ famous battle on snowshoes was fought a few miles from Ticonderoga when the French under Captain Durentaye, commanding a party of Indians and Canadians, captured and destroyed most of his force.
The guns which De Lotbiniere mounted on the Fort were mostly from Crown Point and Montreal but some were brought from Fort William Henry in 1757 when Montcalm captured that fort from Lieut. Col. Munro. It was after Munro’s surrender that the famous massacre of Fort William Henry occurred. The British garrison was marching unarmed to Fort Edward when it was attacked by Montcalm’s Indians. The French officers did their best to protect the garrison but many were slain.
De Lotbiniere wrote to the Minister from Carillon on the 31st October, 1756:
Major Robert Rogers
“My Lord:—
“I was so much occupied last year at the departure of the last ships that it was not possible for me to render you an account of the St. Frederic campaign, which M. de Vaudreuil ordered me to begin immediately after M. de Dieskau’s affair. I left with orders to examine the Carillon Point ... where the waters of the Grande Baye and of Lake St. Sacrement meet. At this point is the head of the navigation of Lake Champlain. M. de Vaudreuil feared with reason that, the enemy gaining possession of it, it would be very difficult for us to dislodge him, and that being solidly established there, [and we] would be exposed to see him appear in the midst of our settlements at the moment we least expected, it being possible for him to make during winter all necessary preparations to operate in the spring.
“I found on my arrival at St. Frederic an intrenchment begun on wrong principles which I felt obliged to continue to be agreeable to the Commandant of the Army who feared the enemy might at any moment attack the Fort. At last, on the 12th October, on the order of M. le Marquis de Vaudreuil, these works ceased and we moved the camp from St. Frederic to Carillon to begin a Fort at the location which I should find to be most suitable for such purpose.
“I decided to establish it on the ridge of rock which runs from the point to the falls of Lake St. Sacrement. As the season did not permit of our hoping to accomplish much work before winter I was obliged to restrict my efforts more than I would have liked so as to at least place the garrison under cover until the spring.
“I contented myself with reserving sufficient ground in the front for a camp of 2,000 to 3,000 men, if need be, covered by the Fort, and although I was obliged to operate in the midst of a wood without being able to see while surveying more than thirty yards ahead of me, I think I was fortunate enough to have made the best use of the ground I was ordered to fortify. We were not prepared to build in stone, having neither the material assembled nor the workmen. We were therefore obliged to line the works in oak which fortunately was plentiful on the spot. I began the parapet of the whole work which I formed in a double row of timbers distant ten feet from one another and bound together by two cross-pieces dovetailed at their extremities, to retain the timbers. This had reached the height of seven feet by the 28th November, date of the departure of the army, which could not remain longer owing to the ice beginning to form.
Wounding of Baron Dieskau. From a Painting in the Museum
“I remained until February hoping to be able to use the garrison to advance the works; but finding that it was not possible to make the garrison work, I decided to return to Montreal after the barracks had been finished, to recuperate from the fatigues of the campaign and the unwholesome food I had taken.
“I left [Montreal] this year [1756] at the end of April and arrived at the Fort the first days of May, when I resumed work which dragged on for nearly a month not having the required workmen. During this campaign we raised all the Fort to the height of the cordon. The earth ramparts were made,—the platforms of the bastions completed, a cover built for each bastion bomb-proof, two stone barracks built, the ditches of the place dug to the rock everywhere, part of the rock even removed on two fronts, the ditches of the two demi-lunes also excavated to the rock, a store-house established outside the Fort as well as a hospital. The parapet was raised on the two fronts exposed to the enemy’s batteries if he undertook to besiege this place, the exterior part of the Fort supported by masonry resting on the solid rock. The next campaign will be devoted to overhauling the main body of the place and building the two demi-lunes proposed, as well as the redoubt at the extreme of the Carillon Point. We will also work at the covered way and the glacis. There will be two barracks to build in stone in the interior of the Fort. As there is but one bastion exposed to attack I think it would be well to protect it by a counter guard. This would constitute an additional obstruction which might discourage the enemy from any attack on that side and, should he do so, I would hope that the place, once completed, he would not succeed. I would be flattered, My Lord, if you gave me your orders to work with more latitude and, if you approve the counter guard which would not be very expensive, I would beg of you to order it by the first ships coming from France in order to embrace at the same time the whole works. M. le Comte de la Galissoniere to whom I communicated the information which I have acquired on this district will not let you ignore how advantageous it is and of what consequence it is to France. I presume to flatter myself, My Lord, that you will consider me for the position occupied heretofore by M. de Lery. I think I have worked in a manner to deserve it.”
It was during the summer of 1757 that De Lotbiniere started to substitute stone for most of the timbers he had used on the outer walls of the Fort.
Abercromby’s Expedition Against Fort Ticonderoga Embarking at Head of Lake George
Courtesy Glens Falls Insurance Company
CHAPTER FOUR
Abercromby’s Defeat
In 1758 the Fort was almost completed. General James Abercromby had gathered at the head of Lake George the greatest army ever seen on the American continent, almost 15,000 men, of which 6,000 were British regulars and the rest provincials from New England, New York and New Jersey.
In July, 1758, this great army, great for its day and place, left Fort William Henry in hundreds of batteaux and whale boats to attack Fort Carillon. It must have been an extraordinarily beautiful sight, that vast fleet of little boats filled with the Red Coats and the plaids of Highlanders. Early in the morning of July 6th the army landed on what is now known as Howe’s Cove at the northern end of Lake George. The army immediately advanced in three columns but was soon lost in the dense forest which then covered the whole country. An advance party of French under the Sieur de Trepezec had been watching the landing from what the French called Mount Pelee, but which is now called Roger’s Rock. In trying to return to the Fort they had also lost their way and met one of the advancing columns, commanded by George Augustus, Viscount Howe, a grandson of George the First of England. At the first fire Lord Howe was killed and with his death the heart went out of the army. He was the real leader of the expedition. Captain Monypenny, his aide, reported his death in the following letter:
The Marquis de Montcalm
(From a Pastel in the Museum.)
To Mr. Calcraft, dated Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758:
“Sir:
“It is with the utmost concern, I write you of the death of Lord Howe. On the 6th the whole army landed without opposition, at the carrying place, about seven miles from Ticonderoga. About two o’clock, they march’d in four columns, to invest the breast work, where the enemy was encamp’d, near the Fort. The Rangers were before the army and the light infantry and marksmen at the heads of the columns. We expected, and met with some opposition near a small river, which we had to cross. When the firing began on the part of the left column, Lord Howe thinking it would be of the greatest consequence, to beat the enemy with the light troops, so as not to stop the march of the main body, went up with them, and had just gained the top of the hill, where the firing was, when he was killed. Never ball had a more deadly direction. It entered his breast on the left side, and (as the surgeans say) pierced his lungs, and heart, and shattered his back bone. I was about six yards from him, he fell on his back and never moved, only his hands quivered an instant.
“The French party was about 400 men, ’tis computed 200 of them were killed, 160, whereof five are officers, are prisoners; their commanding officer, and the partizan who conducted them were killed, by the prisoner’s account, in short, very few, if any, got back.
“The loss our country has sustained in His Lordship is inexpressible, and I’m afraid irreparable. The spirit he inspired in the troops, indefatigable pains he took in forwarding the publick service, the pattern he show’d of every military virtue, can only be believed by those, who were eye witnesses of it. The confidence the army, both regular and provincial, had in his abilities as a general officer, the readiness with which every order of his, or ev’n intimation of what would be agreeable to him, was comply’d with, is almost incredible. When his body was brought into camp scarce an eye was free from tears.
“As his Lordship had chose me to act as an aide de camp to him, when he was to have commanded on the winter expedition, which did not take place, and afterwards on his being made a brigadier general, had got me appointed Brigade Major, and I had constantly lived with him since that time....”
“(Signed) Al. Monypenny.”
Brig. General Lord Howe
The three columns returned to the landing place on the 6th, and on the 7th the army again advanced, this time by way of the bridge over the small stream connecting Lake George with Lake Champlain. The French had destroyed the bridge in retreating but it was soon repaired. On the night of the 7th the whole army lay on their arms, in what is now the Village of Ticonderoga, and on the morning of the 8th advanced again in three columns to attack the Fort. In the meantime Montcalm had elected not to wait until the Fort was invested but to fight in the woods. With almost superhuman energy he threw an earthwork across the whole peninsula of Ticonderoga, about three-quarters of a mile from the Fort. It consisted of a great wall of logs, and an abatis of trees with their branches sharpened, a hundred feet or so from the trenches. He, himself, commanded the center, the Chevalier de Lévis the right, and the Colonel de Bourlamaque the left. Early in the morning the British columns attacked. All through that hot, sultry July day the fight went on. Abercromby had established his headquarters at the French sawmill but had been deceived as to the strength of Montcalm’s defenses. In this fight the 42nd Highlanders, the famous Black Watch, suffered enormously. Many of the Highlanders fought their way through the abatis and some even reached the great log wall, only to be killed by bayonet or bullet. The Royal American, a regiment still in the British army as the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, had losses second only to the Black Watch. And at the end of the day Abercromby’s army was forced to retreat, leaving the French in command of the field. The British and Colonial losses in this fight were almost as great as the whole French defending force.