The Natural History of Pliny, Volume 2 (of 6)

by the Elder Pliny

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Or the “Hospitable” Sea, now the Black Sea.

[2] Or the “Inhospitable.”

[3] The streams which discharge their waters into the Palus Mæotis, or Sea of Azof.

[4] Straits of the Dardanelles or of Gallipoli, spoken of in B. iv. c. 18, as seven stadia in width.

[5] The Thracian Bosporus, now the Channel or Straits of Constantinople, and the Cimmerian Bosporus or Straits of Kaffa, or Yeni Kale.

[6] From βοῦς, an ox, and πορός, “a passage.” According to the legend, it was at the Thracian Bosporus that the cow Io made her passage from one continent to the other, and hence the name, in all probability, celebrated alike in the fables and the history of antiquity. The Cimmerian Bosporus not improbably borrowed its name from the Thracian. See Æsch. Prom. Vinc. l. 733.

[7] This sentence seems to bear reference to the one that follows, and not, as punctuated in the Latin, to the one immediately preceding it.

[8] It is not probable that this is the case at the Straits of Kaffa, which are nearly four miles in width at the narrowest part.

[9] Now the Riva, a river of Bithynia, in Asia Minor, falling into the Euxine north-east of Chalcedon.

[10] Probably an obscure town.

[11] On the river Calpas or Calpe, in Bithynia. Xenophon, in the Anabasis, describes it as about half way between Byzantium and Heraclea. The spot is identified in some of the maps as Kirpeh Limán, and the promontory as Cape Kirpeh.

[12] Still known as the Sakaria.

[13] Now called the Sursak, according to Parisot.

[14] Now the Lef-ke. See the end of c. 42 of the last Book.

[15] The modern Gulf of Sakaria. Of the Mariandyni, who gave the ancient name to it, little or nothing is known.

[16] Its site is now known as Harakli or Eregli. By Strabo it is erroneously called a colony of Miletus. It was situate a few miles to the north of the river Lycus.

[17] Now called the Kilij.

[18] Stephanus Byzantinus speaks of this place as producing whetstones, or ἀκοναὶ, as well as the plant aconite.

[19] This name was given to the cavern in common with several other lakes or caverns in various parts of the world, which, like the various rivers of the name of Acheron, were at some time supposed to be connected with the lower world.

[20] Now called Falios (or more properly Filiyos), according to D’Anville, from the river of that name in its vicinity, supposed by him and other geographers to be the same as the ancient Billis, here mentioned by Pliny. By others of the ancient writers it is called Billæus.

[21] Paphlagonia was bounded by Bithynia on the west, and by Pontus on the east, being separated from the last by the river Halys; on the south it was divided by the chain of Mount Olympus from Phrygia in the earlier times, from Galatia at a later period; and on the north it bordered on the Euxine.

[22] In the Homeric catalogue we find Pylæmenes leading the Paphlagonians as allies of the Trojans; from this Pylæmenes the later princes of Paphlagonia claimed their descent, and the country was sometimes from them called Pylæmenia.

[23] Suspected by Hardouin to have been the same as the Moson or Moston mentioned by Ptolemy as in Galatia.

[24] It is mentioned by Homer, Il. ii. 855, as situate on the coast of Paphlagonia.

[25] Strabo also, in B. xii., says that these people afterwards established themselves in Thrace, and that gradually moving to the west, they finally settled in the Italian Venetia, which from them took its name. But in his Fourth Book he says that the Veneti of Italy owe their origin to the Gallic Veneti, who came from the neighbourhood known as the modern Vannes.

[26] This city, ninety stadia east of the river Parthenius, occupied a peninsula, and on each side of the isthmus was a harbour. The original city, as here mentioned, seems to have had the name of Sesamus or Sesamum, and it is spoken of by that name in Homer, Il. ii. 853, in conjunction with Cytorus. The territory of Amastris was famous for its growth of the best box-wood, which grew on Mount Cytorus. The present Amasra or Hanasserah occupies its site.

[27] See the last [Note.]

[28] Otherwise called “Cinolis.” There is a place called Kinla or Kinoglu in the maps, about half-way between Kerempeh and Sinope, which is the Kinuli of Abulfeda, and probably the Cirolis or Cimolis of the Greek geographers.

[29] The modern Estefan or Stefanos.

[30] Now known by the name of Bartin, a corruption of its ancient appellation.

[31] It still retains its ancient appellation in its name of Cape Kerempeh: of the ancient town nothing is known.

[32] Now called Sinope, or Sinoub. Some ruins of it are still to be seen. The modern town is but a poor place, and has probably greatly declined since the recent attack upon it by the Russian fleet. Diogenes, the Cynic philosopher, was a native of ancient Sinope.

[33] The boundary, according to Stephanus Byzantinus, also of the nations of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. As Parisot remarks, this is an error, arising from the circumstance of a small tribe bearing the name of Cappadocians, having settled on its banks, between whom and the Paphlagonians it served as a limit.

[34] On the river Iris. It was the ancient residence of the kings of Pontus, but in Strabo’s time it was deserted. It has been suggested that the modern Azurnis occupies its site.

[35] In the north-west of Pontus, in a fertile plain between the rivers Halys and Amisus. It is also called Gadilon by Strabo. D’Anville makes it the modern Aladgiam; while he calls Gaziura by the name of Guedes.

[36] Now called the Kisil Irmak, or Red River. It has been remarked that Pliny, in making this river to come down from Mount Taurus and flow at once from south to north, appears to confound the Halys with one of its tributaries, now known as the Izchel Irmak.

[37] Its site is now called Kiengareh, Kangreh, or Changeri. This was a town of Paphlagonia, to the south of Mount Olgasys, at a distance of thirty-five miles from Pompeiopolis.

[38] A commercial place to the south of Sinope. Its site is the modern Gherseh on the coast.

[39] Now called Eski Samsun; on the west side of the bay or gulf, anciently called Sinus Amisenus. According to Strabo, it was only 900 stadia from Sinope, or 112½ Roman miles. The walls of the ancient city are to be seen on a promontory about a mile and a half from the modern town.

[40] He means the numerous indentations which run southward into the coast, from the headland of Sinope to a distance of about one degree to the south.

[41] On examining the map, we shall find that the distance is at least 300 miles across to the gulf of Issus or Iskenderoon.

[42] Not speaking the Greek language.

[43] A part of it only was added to Eupatoria; and it was separated from the rest by a wall, and probably contained a different population from that of Amisus. This new quarter contained the residence of the king, Mithridates Eupator, who built Eupatoria.

[44] The boundaries of Cappadocia varied under the dominion of the Persians, after the Macedonian conquest, and as a Roman province under the emperors.

[45] Founded by Archelaüs, the last king of Cappadocia. In Hamilton’s Researches, the site has been assumed to be the modern Ak-serai, but that place is not on the river Halys, as Leake supposes. It is, however, considered that Ak-serai agrees very well with the position of Archelais as laid down in the Itineraries, and that Pliny may have been misled in supposing that the stream on which it stood was the Halys.

[46] Also called by the name of Chryse, or “Golden,” to distinguish it from another place of the same name in Pontus. It is generally supposed that the town of Al-Bostan, on the Sihoon or Sarus, is on or near the site of this Comana.

[47] Now called Niksar, according to D’Anville, though Hardouin says that it is Tocat. Parisot remarks, that this place belonged rather to Pontus than to Cappadocia.

[48] A small tributary of the Iris, or Yeshil-Irmak, mentioned in the next Chapter.

[49] Still called Amasia, or Amasiyeh, and situate on the river Iris, or Yeshil Ermak. It was at one time the residence of the princes of Pontus, and the birth-place of the geographer Strabo. The remains of antiquity here are very considerable, and extremely interesting.

[50] Both to the west of Neo-Cæsarea. According to Tavernier, as quoted by Hardouin, the modern name of Sebastia is Sivas.

[51] Which gave name to the district of Melitene, mentioned in c. 20 of the last Book.

[52] Near Nazianzus, in Cappadocia, the birth-place of Gregory Nazianzen. The traveller Ainsworth, on his road from Ak-Serai to Kara Hissar, came to a place called Kaisar Koi, and he has remarked that by its name and position it might be identified with Diocæsarea. Some geographers, indeed, look upon Diocæsarea and Nazianzus as the same place.

[53] Its ruins are still to be seen at Kiz Hisar. It stood in the south of Cappadocia, at the northern foot of Mount Taurus. Tyana was the native place of Apollonius, the supposed worker of miracles, whom the enemies of Christianity have not scrupled to place on a par with Jesus Christ.

[54] Some ruins, nineteen geographical miles from Ayas, are supposed to denote the site of ancient Castabala or Castabulum.

[55] This place was first called Eupatoria, but not the same which Mithridates united with a part of Amisus. D’Anville supposes that the modern town of Tchenikeb occupies its site.

[56] Or Ziela, now known as Zillah, not far south of Amasia. It was here that Julius Cæsar conquered Pharnaces, on the occasion on which he wrote his dispatch to Rome, “Veni, vidi, vici.”

[57] Still known by the name of Ardgeh-Dagh.

[58] Its site is still called Kaisiriyeh. It was a city of the district Cilicia, in Cappadocia, at the base of the mountain Argæus. It was first called Mazaca, and after that, Eusebeia. There are considerable remains of the ancient city.

[59] Hardouin remarks, that the district of Sargarausene was not situate in front of Phrygia, but lay between Morimene and Colopenene, in the vicinity of Pontus.

[60] Now known as the Konax, a tributary of the Halys, rising in Mount Littarus, in the chain of Paryadres.

[61] Or “White Syrians.” Strabo says that in his time both the Cappadocian peoples, those situate above the Taurus and those on the Euxine, were called Leucosyri, or White Syrians, as there were some Syrians who were black, and who dwelt to the east of the Amanus.

[62] It is doubtful whether this is the name of a river or a town. Notwithstanding its alleged celebrity, nothing is known of it.

[63] Hecatæus, as quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus, speaks of Chadisia as a city of the Leucosyri, or Cappadocians. Neither the river nor the town appears to have been identified.

[64] Probably on the river of that name, which has been identified with the Mers Imak, a river two or three miles east of the Acropolis of Amisus.

[65] The extensive plain on the coast of Pontus, extending east of the river Iris beyond the Thermodon, and celebrated as the country of the Amazons. At the mouth of the Thermodon was a city of the same name, which had been destroyed by the time of Augustus. It is doubtful whether the modern Thermeh occupies its site.

[66] The same place apparently as is mentioned in the last Chapter under the name of Zela.

[67] Valerius Triarius, one of the legates of Lucullus, in the war against Mithridates. Plutarch tells us that Lucullus was obliged to conceal Triarius from the fury of his troops.

[68] Over Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates.

[69] Now called the Thermea.

[70] Still called Mason-Dagh.

[71] He alludes to Comana, in Pontus, the site of which is now called Gumenek, near to which, on the Tocat-su, the modern name of the Iris, Hamilton found some remains of a Roman town, and part of a bridge apparently of Roman construction. The language of Pliny seems to imply that it had become in his day nothing beyond a manteium or seat of an oracle.

[72] Strabo speaks of a promontory called Genetes; and Stephanus Byzantinus mentions a river and port of the same name.

[73] Strabo places the Chaldei, who, he says, were originally called Chalybes, in that part of the country which lies above Pharnacia (the modern Kerasunt).

[74] Or Cotyora. According to Xenophon, this was a colony of Sinope which furnished supplies for the Ten Thousand in their retreat. The place was on a bay called after the town. Hamilton, in his Researches, &c., Vol. i., is of opinion that Cotyorum may have stood on the site of Ordou, where some remains of an ancient port, cut out of the solid rock are still visible. He remarks, however, that some writers suppose that Cotyora was the modern bay of Pershembah, which is more sheltered than Ordou. Cotyora was the place of embarkation of the Ten Thousand.

[75] Similar to what we call tatooing. Parisot suggests that these people may have been the ancestors of the Mongol tribes who still dwell in tents similar to those mentioned by Mela as used by the Mossyni.

[76] Or the “long-headed people.”

[77] Its site is not improbably that of the modern Kheresoun, on the coast of Asia Minor, and west of Trebizond. Lucullus is said to have brought thence the first cherry-trees planted in Europe.

[78] It has been remarked, that Pliny’s enumeration of names often rather confuses than helps, and that it is difficult to say where he intends to place the Bechires. We may perhaps infer from Mela that they were west of Trapezus and east of the Thermodon.

[79] Now the Kara Su, or Black River, still retaining its ancient appellation. It rises in Cappadocia, in the chain of Mount Argæus.

[80] Still called by the same name, according to Parisot, though sometimes it is called the river of Vatisa. More recent authorities, however, call it Poleman Chai.

[81] On the coast of Pontus, built by king Polemon, perhaps the Second, on the site of the older city of Side, at the mouth of the Sidenus.

[82] Probably near the promontory of Jasonium, 130 stadia to the north-east of Polemonium. It was believed to have received its name from Jason the Argonaut having landed there. It still bears the name of Jasoon, though more commonly called Bona or Vona.

[83] Sixty stadia, according to Arrian, from the town of Cotyora.

[84] Supposed to have stood on almost the same site as the modern Kheresoun or Kerasunda. It was built near, or, as some think, on the site of Cerasus.

[85] Still known by the name of Tireboli, on a river of the same name, the Tireboli Su.

[86] Now called Tarabosan, Trabezun, or Trebizond. This place was originally a colony of Sinope, after the loss of whose independence Trapezus belonged, first to Lesser Armenia, and afterwards to the kingdom of Pontus. In the middle ages it was the seat of the so-called empire of Trebizond. It is now the second commercial port of the Black Sea, ranking next after Odessa.

[87] The “Chalybes of Armenia.” See p. [21.]

[88] Theodoret says that the Sanni, and the Lazi, subsequently mentioned, although subdued by the Roman arms, were never obedient to the Roman laws. The Heniochi were probably of Grecian origin, as they were said to have been descended from the charioteers of the Argonauts, who had been wrecked upon these coasts.

[89] Or Apsarus, or Absarum. Several geographers have placed the site of this town near the modern one known as Gonieh. Its name was connected with the myth of Medea and her brother Absyrtus. It is not improbable that the names Acampsis and Absarus have been given to the same river by different writers, and that they both apply to the modern Joruk.

[90] It is suggested by Hardouin that these are the same as the Zydretæ mentioned in the Periplus of Arrian, and by him placed between the Heniochi and the Lazi.

[91] See note [89.]

[92] Supposed to be the same as the modern Tshorok.

[93] Or “Deep” River. This stream may possibly be identified by observing that Pliny places only one river between it and the Phasis.

[94] Probably the Madia of Ptolemy, who places it in the interior.

[95] At the present day called Eraklia, according to Parisot.

[96] Now called the Faz or Rhioni.

[97] Still called El Faz or Poti.

[98] This place was in reality thirty-seven miles and a half from the sea. It was said to have been the native place of the enchantresses Circe and Medea.

[99] The rivers Hippos and Cyaneos do not appear to have been identified.

[100] In the previous page.

[101] Now called the Tchorocsu.

[102] It is doubtful whether this is the same river as that mentioned by Strabo under the name of Chares. D’Anville says that its modern name is Enguri.

[103] Or “Feeders on Lice;” so called, according to Strabo, from the extreme filthiness of their habits.

[104] There is a nation in this vicinity still called by a similar name. Professor Pallas, who visited them, says that nothing can equal their dishonesty, rapacity, and voracity. Parisot suggests that they are probably the descendants of the Phthirophagi of Pliny.

[105] Now called the Khalira, according to D’Anville.

[106] Now called the Hati-Scari, according to D’Anville.

[107] Now the Okhum, according to D’Anville.

[108] Now the Mosti-Skari, according to D’Anville.

[109] Still called Savastopoli, according to Hardouin.

[110] This must not be confounded with the other place of the same name mentioned in the present Chapter. See p. [10].

[111] Hermoläus suggests Pityus as the correct reading.

[112] The Sanni Heniochi; one of these nations has been already mentioned in the last page.

[113] Inhabited anciently by the Coli, and constituting the northern portion of ancient Colchis.

[114] In B. v. c. 27.

[115] Or nation “with the black cloaks,” from some peculiarity in their dress.

[116] This was the great trading-place of the wild tribes in the interior; and so numerous were they, that the Greeks asserted that there were seventy different languages spoken in the market of Dioscurias.

[117] Whence the appellation Heniochi, from the Greek ἡνιοχὸς.

[118] There were two places called Heracleium on this coast, one north and the other south of the river Achæus: probably the latter is here meant.

[119] Said to have been descended from the Achæans or Greeks who accompanied Jason in the Argonautic Expedition, or, according to Ammianus, who resorted thither after the conclusion of the Trojan war.

[120] Probably meaning the “martial people,” or the “people of Mars.” This was the title, not of a single nation, but of a number of peoples distinguished for their predatory habits.

[121] This people occupied the N.E. shore of the Euxine, between the Cimmerian Bosporus and the frontier of Colchis. Their name is still in existence, and is applied to the whole western district of the Caucasus, in the forms of Tcherkas, as applied to the people, and Tcherkeskaia or Circassia, to the country.

[122] Hardouin suggests that these ought to be read as forming one name, the “Cerri Cephalatomi,” and suggests that they were so called from their habit of cutting off the heads of their slain enemies.

[123] Meaning, nearly in the extreme corner of Pontus.

[124] In the time of Strabo this was a considerable sea-port, and after its destruction by the Heniochi, it was restored, and served as an important frontier fortress of the Roman empire against the Scythians.

[125] This was Mithridates, king of Bosporus, which sovereignty he obtained by the favour of the emperor Claudius, in A.D. 41. The circumstances are unknown which led to his subsequent expulsion by the Romans, who placed his younger brother Cotys on the throne in his stead.

[126] Hardouin thinks that the Thalli inhabited the present country of Astrakan.

[127] It was the ancient opinion, to which we shall find frequent reference made in the present Book, that the northern portion of the Caspian communicated with the Scythian or Septentrional ocean.

[128] Mentioned only by Pliny. It is supposed to answer to the present Ukrash river; and the town and river of Hierus are probably identical with the Hieros Portus of Arrian, which has been identified with the modern Sunjuk-Kala.

[129] Inhabited by the Sindi, a people of Asiatic Sarmatia. They probably dwelt in and about the modern peninsula of Taman, between the Sea of Azof and the Black Sea, to the south of the river Hypanis, the modern Kouban. The site of their capital, Sindos, or Sinda, is supposed to have been the modern Anapa. Parisot conjectures that this place was one of the ancient settlements of the Zigeunes, the modern Bohemians or Gypsies. He seems to found his opinion upon some observations of Malte Brun (Précis de Geographie, vol. vi.) upon the origin of the Gypsy race, which will amply repay the perusal.

[130] The peninsula on which Taman or Timoutarakan is situate.

[131] The jugerum was 100 Grecian or 104 Roman feet in length.

[132] Signifying in Greek the “sea-shore.”

[133] Lying between Singa and Phanagoria. Rennell fixes it at the opening of the lake into which the Kouban flows.

[134] Or the “gardens,” from the Greek κῆποι. A town of the Cimmerian Bosporus, founded by the Milesians. Dr. Clarke identifies the modern Sienna with it, and the curious Milesian sculptures found there confirm the supposition.

[135] Its ruins are supposed to be those near Taman, on the eastern side of the Straits of Kaffa. It was the great emporium for all the traffic between the coasts of the Palus Mæotis and the countries on the south of the Caucasus, and was chosen by the kings of Bosporus as their capital in Asia.

[136] A town of the Sindæ; it possessed, like Phanagoria, a celebrated temple of Aphrodite Apaturos, or Venus “the Deceiver,” whence probably its name.

[137] Clarke identifies it with the modern Temruk, but Forbiger with Eskikrimm.

[138] See B. iv. c. 24.

[139] That lying on the east of the Sea of Azof. It seems impossible to identify the spot inhabited by each of these savage tribes. Hardouin says that the modern name of that inhabited by the Mæotici is Coumania.

[140] Parisot suggests that this tribe afterwards emigrated to the west, and after establishing themselves in Macedonia, finally gave its name to modern Servia. He remarks, that most of these names appear to have been greatly mutilated, through the ignorance or carelessness of the transcribers, no two of the manuscripts agreeing as to the mode in which they should be spelt.

[141] Or Don. It flows into the Sea of Azof by two larger mouths and several smaller ones. Strabo says that the distance between the two larger mouths is sixty stadia.

[142] From the Greek γυναικοκρατουμενοὶ, “ruled over by women.” It is not improbable that this name was given by some geographer to these Sarmatian tribes on finding them, at the period of his visit, in subjection to the rule of a queen. Parisot remarks, that this passage affords an instance of the little care bestowed by Pliny upon procuring the best and most correct information, for that the Roman writers had long repudiated the use of the term “Sauromatæ.” He also takes Pliny to task for his allusion to these tribes as coupling with the Amazons, the existence of such a people being in his time generally disbelieved.

[143] Hardouin suggests from εὐάζω, “to celebrate the orgies of Bacchus.”

[144] Perhaps from κοίτη, a “den” or “cavern,” their habitation.

[145] Parisot suggests that they may have been a Caucasian or Circassian tribe, because in the Circassian language the word zig has the meaning of “man.” He also suggests that they were probably a distinct race from the Zingi previously mentioned, whom he identifies with the ancestors of the Zingari or Bohemians, the modern Gypsies.

[146] The more common reading is “Turcæ,” a tribe also mentioned by Mela, and which gave name to modern Turkistan.

[147] The Argippæi of Herodotus and other ancient authors. These people were bald, flat-nosed, and long-chinned. They are again mentioned by Pliny in C. 14, who calls them a race not unlike the Hyperborei, and then, like Mela, abridges the description given by Herodotus. By different writers these people have been identified with the Chinese, the Brahmins or Lamas, and the Calmucks. The last is thought to be the most probable opinion, or else that the description of Herodotus, borrowed by other writers, may be applied to the Mongols in general. The mountains, at the foot of which they have been placed, are identified with either the Ural, the western extremity of the Altaï chain, or the eastern part of the Altaï.

[148] Generally regarded as the western branch of the Ural Mountains.

[149] The former editions mostly have “there was,” implying that in the time of Pliny it no longer existed. The name of this place was Tanais; its ruins are still to be seen in the vicinity of Kassatchei. It was founded by a colony from Miletus, and became a flourishing seat of trade. The modern town of Azof is supposed to occupy nearly its site.

[150] The people of Panticapæum, on the opposite side of the Palus Mæotis, occupying the site of the present Kertch. It was founded by the Milesians B.C. 541, and took its name from the neighbouring river Panticapes.

[151] The Ceraunian mountains were a range belonging to the Caucasian chain, and situate at its eastern extremity; the relation of this range to the chain has been variously stated by the different writers.

[152] He may possibly allude to a range of mountains in the Punjaub and the vicinity of the modern Lahore, by his reference to the Cathæi, who are supposed to have been the ancient inhabitants of that district. The localities of the various races here mentioned are involved in great obscurity.

[153] Or Mediterranean.

[154] See Vol. i. p. 497.

[155] He includes under the term “Cappadocia,” the northern part originally called “Cappadocia ad Pontum,” and in later times simply Pontus, and the southern part, originally called “Cappadocia ad Taurum,” and more recently simply Cappadocia.

[156] Running from the shores of the Euxine to the borders of Syria.

[157] I. e. on the eastern side.

[158] Meaning that part of Asia which we now call Asia Minor.

[159] This ill agrees with what he has said in c. 2, that the distance across from Sinope to the Gulf of Issus is but 200 miles.

[160] Greater Armenia, now known as Erzeroum, Kars, Van, and Erivan, was bounded on the north-east and north by the river Cyrus, or Kur of the present day; on the north-west and west by the Moschian mountains, the prolongation of the chain of the Anti-Taurus, and the Euphrates, or Frat of the present day; and on the south and south-east by the mountains called Masius, Niphates, and Gordiæi (the prolongation of the Taurus), and the lower course of the Araxes. On the east the country comes to a point at the confluence of the Syrus and Araxes.

[161] Now known as the Kara-bel-Dagh, or Kut-Tagh, a mountain chain running south-west and north-east from the east of Asia Minor into the centre of Armenia, and forming the chief connecting link between the Taurus and the mountains of Armenia.

[162] In B. v. c. 20.

[163] He means, where the river Euphrates runs the farthest to the west.

[164] Littré suggests that the reading should be “Aroei.”

[165] The modern Eraskh or Aras.

[166] The modern Kur.

[167] This district was bounded on the east by the Euphrates, on the north and north-west by the mountains Scodises, Paryadres, and Anti-Taurus, and on the south by the Taurus.

[168] This river is said by Ammianus to have taken its name from Cyrus. It appears, however, to have been a not uncommon name of the rivers of Persia.

[169] It is probable that these rivers take their rise near each other, but it is not improbable that the intervening distance mentioned in the present passage is much too small.

[170] Hardouin thinks that this is Neo-Cæsarea, mentioned as having been built on the banks of the Euphrates.

[171] Now called Ezaz, according to D’Anville. Parisot suggests that it ought to be Gaza or Gazaca, probably a colony of Median Gaza, now Tauris.

[172] Originally called Tephrice. It stood on the river Lycus, and not far from the sources of the Halys, having been founded by Pompey, where he gained his first victory over Mithridates, whence its name, the “City of Victory.” The modern Enderez or Devrigni, probably marks its site.

[173] Ritter places it in Sophene, the modern Kharpat, and considers that it may be represented by the modern Sert, the Tigranocerta of D’Anville.

[174] The capital of Sophene, one of the districts of Armenia. St. Martin thinks that this was the ancient heathen name of the city of Martyropolis, but Ritter shows that such cannot be the case. It was called by the Syrians Kortbest; its present name is Kharput.

[175] Generally supposed, by D’Anville and other modern geographers, to be represented by the ruins seen at Sert. It was the later capital of Armenia, built by Tigranes.

[176] The ancient capital of Armenia. Hannibal, who took refuge at the court of Artaxias when Antiochus was no longer able to afford him protection, superintended the building of it. Some ruins, called Takt Tiridate, or Throne of Tiridates, near the junction of the Aras and the Zengue, were formerly supposed to represent Artaxata, but Colonel Monteith has fixed the site at a bend in the river lower down, at the bottom of which were the ruins of a bridge of Greek or Roman architecture.

[177] A fortress in Lesser Armenia, upon the Euphrates, seventy-five miles from Zimara, as mentioned in B. v. c. 20. It has been identified with the modern ferry and lead mines of Kebban Ma’den, the points where the Kara Su is joined by the Murad Chaï, 270 miles from its source.

[178] Justin makes it only 1100, and that estimate appears to be several hundreds too much.

[179] A country lying to the north of Armenia.

[180] We find in Strabo the names of some of them mentioned, such as Sophene, Acilisene, Gorgodylene, Sacassene, Gorgarene, Phanene, Comisene Orchestene, Chorsene, Cambysene, Odomantis, &c.

[181] The Ceraunian Mountains. Parisot remarks that in this description, Pliny, notwithstanding his previous professions, does not appear to have made any very great use of the list drawn up by Corbulo.

[182] That is, looking towards the south.

[183] The Septentrional Ocean, with which the ancients imagined that the northern part of the Caspian Sea is connected. See c. [15].

[184] According to Strabo, Albania was bounded on the east by the Caspian, and on the north by the Caucasus. On the west it joined Iberia, while on the south it was divided from the Greater Armenia by the river Cyrus. By later writers, the northern and western boundaries are differently given. It was found to be the fact that the Albani occupied the country on both sides of the Caucasus, and accordingly Pliny, in c. 15, carries the country further north, as far as the river Casius, while in this Chapter he makes the river Alazon, the modern Alasan, the western boundary towards Iberia.

[185] To the west of Albania.

[186] Iberia lay south of the great chain of the Caucasus, forming an extensive tract bounded on the west by Colchis, on the east by Albania, and on the south by Armenia, and watered by the river Cyrus. It corresponded very nearly with modern Georgia.

[187] The modern Alasan.

[188] Now called Kablas-Var, according to Parisot.

[189] Parisot says that this can be no other than Harmoza on the river Cyrus, in the vicinity of the modern Akhalzik.

[190] Probably meaning “of the same name.”

[191] To the west.

[192] “The Armenian workers in iron,” or “Chalybes of Armenia.” See p. [9].

[193] There are two chief passes over the chain of the Caucasus, both of which were known to the ancients. The first is between the eastern extremity of its chief north-eastern spur and the Caspian sea, near the modern Derbend. This was called “Albaniæ,” and sometimes, “Caspiæ Pylæ,” the “Albanian” or “Caspian Gates.” The other, which was nearly in the centre of the Caspian range, was called “Caucasiæ” or “Sarmaticæ Pylæ,” being the same as the modern pass of Dariyel, and probably the one here referred to.

[194] Probably the same as the present fortress of Dariyel.

[195] The first instance was that of the narrow isthmus to which the continent of Asia is reduced from Sinope across to the Gulf of Issus, as mentioned in c. 2.

[196] The shortest distance across, in a straight line, is in reality little less than 600 miles.

[197] The ancestor of the Seleucidæ, kings of Syria, treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, brother of Ptolemy Philadelphus.

[198] Already mentioned in B. iv. c. 27.

[199] Mentioned in c. 44 of the last Book.

[200] The one lying at the mouth of the Danube, and mentioned in B. iv. c. 27.

[201] Mentioned in c. 4 of the present Book. See p. [9].

[202] Or “Mars’ Island,” also called Aretias; at this island, in the south of the Euxine, the two queens of the Amazons, Otrere and Antiope, built a temple in honour of Ares or Mars. It is thought to be the rocky islet called by the Turks Kerasunt Ada, between three and four miles from Kerasunt, the ancient Pharnacea.

[203] It is difficult to say what chain of mountains, if indeed any in particular, he would designate by this name. Parisot remarks that these mountains would seem to belong rather to the region of poetry and fable than of fact, and states that it is pretty clear that the Balkan chain, the districts in which the Danube takes its rise, the Alps, the Pyrenees, the Hercynian mountains, and even the chain of Taurus and Caucasus, have at different times been described or mentioned under the name of Riphæan Mountains. It was evidently Pliny’s belief that the great Northern or Scythian Ocean skirted the northern shores of Asia, a little above the latitude perhaps of the northern extremity of the Caspian. In B. iv. c. 26, we find him crossing these, perhaps imaginary, mountains, and then proceeding to the left, along, as he supposes, the extreme northern shores of Europe; here he seems to start from the same point, but turns to the right, and proceeds along the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Asia.

[204] North-east.

[205] I. e. more to the west.

[206] See B. iv. c. 26.

[207] The extremity of the supposed shores of the Hyperborei.

[208] D’Anville supposes that he means the headland called Cande-Noss or Kanin-Noss, in the White Sea. Parisot, who thinks that Pliny had no idea of the regions which lie in those high latitudes, supposes that he refers to Domnes-Ness in the Baltic, and that by the Carambucis he means the river Niemen.

[209] Ansart thinks that he means the Dwina, which falls into the Gulf of Archangel.

[210] Previously mentioned in c. [7].

[211] For a full description of them, see B. iv. c. 26.

[212] See the Note to c. [7], p. 15. This description is borrowed from that given by Herodotus. Their sacred character has been explained as referring to the class or caste of priests among this Eastern people, whoever they may have been.

[213] Ansart thinks that the Cicianthi, the Georgi, and the Amazons, inhabited the modern governments of Archangel and Vologda. It seems almost akin to rashness to hazard a conjecture.

[214] It has been already stated that the Caspian Sea was, in one portion of it, so called, and in another the Hyrcanian Sea.

[215] His meaning is, that the Scythian ocean communicates on the northern shores of Asia with the Caspian Sea. Hardouin remarks, that Patrocles, the commander of the Macedonian fleet, was the first to promulgate this notion, he having taken the mouth of the river Volga for a narrow passage, by means of which the Scythian or Northern Ocean made its way into the Caspian Sea.

[216] The country of the Cadusii, in the mountainous district of Media Atropatene, on the south-west shores of the Caspian Sea, between the parallels of 390 and 370 north latitude. This district probably corresponds with the modern district of Gilan.

[217] Now the Syr-Daria or Yellow River, and watering the barren steppes of the Kirghiz-Cossacks. It really discharges itself into the Sea of Aral, and not the Caspian.

[218] The supposed Eastern Ocean of the ancients.

[219] The imaginary passage by which it was supposed to communicate with the Scythian Ocean.

[220] This being in reality the mouth of the Rha or Volga, as mentioned in Note 18, p. 24.

[221] On the eastern side.

[222] Across the mouths of the Volga.

[223] On a promontory, on the right or eastern side of the mouth of the river Volga.

[224] He here means the western shores of the Caspian, after leaving the mouth of the Volga.

[225] In c. 11.

[226] See the end of c. [14].

[227] The Cæsius of Ptolemy, and the Koisou of modern times.

[228] Probably the modern river Samour.

[229] It is difficult to determine the exact locality of this river, but it would seem to have been near the Amardus, the modern Sefid-Rúd.

[230] In c. [10].

[231] See the beginning of c. [12], and the Note, p. [21].

[232] See c. [10.]

[233] He alludes to the town of Arbela, where, as it is generally said, the army of Darius was defeated by Alexander the Great; by which engagement the conflict was terminated. It was the fact, however, that Darius left his baggage and treasures at Arbela, while the battle really took place near the village of Gaugamela, about twenty miles to the north-west of Arbela. This place still retains its name of Arbil.

[234] A district in the east of Macedonia, bordering on the Thermaic gulf and the Chalcidic peninsula.

[235] Nothing is known of this place. Hardouin suggests that it may have been built on the spot where Alexander defeated Darius.

[236] Also known as Antiochia Mygdoniæ, the capital of Mygdonia. Its ruins are still to be seen near a place called Nisibin. It stood on the river Mygdonius, now the Nahral Huali.

[237] Or Nineveh, the capital of the great Assyrian monarchy, destroyed by the Medes and Babylonians about B.C. 606.

[238] There is great difficulty in ascertaining, from the accounts given by the ancient writers, the exact limits of this district, but it is supposed to have included a considerable portion of the province now known by the name of Azerbaijan. It derived its name from Atropates or Atropes, who was governor of this district under the last Darius.

[239] Most probably the place now known as Gazæa, the royal residence of the Parthian kings, and, as its name would imply, their treasure city. Colonel Rawlinson thinks that this place underwent many changes of name according to the rulers who successively occupied it; among other names, it appears to have borne that of Ecbatana.

[240] A city of great magnitude, pleasantly situate near the foot of Mount Orontes, in the northern part of Greater Media. Its original foundation was attributed by Diodorus Siculus to Semiramis, and by Herodotus to Deioces. It was the capital of the Median kingdom, and afterwards the summer residence of the Persian and Parthian kings. The genuine orthography of the name seems to be Agbatana. The ruins seen at the modern Hamadan are generally supposed to represent those of the ancient Ecbatana; but it is most probable that at different times, if not contemporaneously, there were several cities of this name in Media.

[241] Pliny in this statement, as also in the distances which he here assigns to Ecbatana, is supposed to have confounded Ecbatana with Europus, now Veramin, rebuilt by Seleucus Nicator.

[242] This was a city in the vicinity of Rhagæ, which was distant about 500 stadia from the Caspian Gates. It was built by the Greeks after the Macedonian conquest of Asia. The other places here mentioned do not appear to have been identified.

[243] See the beginning of c. [12], p. 21.

[244] This was the name of the wild tribes which occupied the high mountainous district between the great upland of Persia and the low plains of Mesopotamia. In addition to the name mentioned by Pliny, they were called Gordyæ, Cardaces, and Curtii. The present Kurds, inhabiting Kurdistan, are supposed to be descended from them.

[245] The Greek παρ’ ὁδὸν, “on the road”—meaning, probably, to the Caspian Gates. Hardouin says that the Pratitæ were so called from the Greek πρατῖται, “merchants.”

[246] Although dwelling at a considerable distance, the custody of these gates was delivered to them, Hardouin says, by the kings of Media.

[247] To the south-east of them.

[248] Mentioned in c. 29 of the present Book.

[249] Or Choarene.

[250] Its site is unknown; but it is mentioned by Appian as one of the many towns erected by Seleucus.

[251] By the use of the word “quondam,” he implies that in his time it was in ruins.

[252] A place of considerable importance, which seems to have derived its name from its “hundred gates.” It was one of the capitals of the Arsacidan princes; but, extensive though it may have been, there is great doubt where it was situate, the distance recorded by ancient writers not corresponding with any known ruins.

[253] In a northern direction, along the western shores of the Caspian.

[254] According to Hardouin, Eratosthenes, as quoted by Strabo, makes the distance 5060 stadia, or about 633 miles. He has, however, mis-translated the passage, which gives 5600 stadia, or 700 miles exactly, as stated by Pliny.

[255] Or 1960 miles.

[256] Bactra, Bactrum, or Bactrium, was one of the chief cities, if not the capital, of the province of Bactriana. It was one of the most ancient cities in the world, and the modern Balkh is generally supposed to occupy its site. Strabo, as well as Pliny, evidently considers that Bactra and Zareispa were the same place, while Appian distinguishes between the two, though he does not clearly state their relative positions.

[257] The modern Syr-Daria, mentioned in c. 15. See p. [25].

[258] By some writers called Apavareticene, in the south-eastern part of Parthia. Ansart says that it is now known as Asterabad and Ghilan.

[259] Or Dara. A strongly fortified place, built by Arsaces I., and situate on the mountains of the Zapaorteni.

[260] According to Ansart, the district now known as Tabaristan, or Mazanderan, derives the first of those names from the Tapyri.

[261] D’Anville remarks that this river still retains its “starry” name, being the modern Aster or Ester, on which Asterabad is situate.

[262] This district occupied the southern part of modern Khiva, the south-western part of Bokhara, and the north-eastern part of Khorassan. This province of the ancient Persian empire received its name from the river Margus, now the Moorghab. It first became known to the Greeks by the expeditions of Alexander and Antiochus I.

[263] Antiochus Soter, the son of Seleucus Nicator.

[264] The meaning of this, which has caused great diversity of opinion among the Commentators, seems to be, that on rebuilding it, he preferred giving it a name borne by several cities in Syria, and given to them in honour of kings of that country. To this he appears to have been prompted by a supposed resemblance which its site on the Margus bore to that of Antiochia on the Orontes.

[265] The modern Moorghab; it loses itself in the sands of Khiva.

[266] Its remains are supposed to be those of an ancient city, still to be seen at a spot called Merv, on the river Moorghab.

[267] The people of modern Bokhara.

[268] This appears to mean the nations of “Chariot horse-breeders.”

[269] In former editions, called the ‘Gridinus.’ It is impossible to identify many of these nations and rivers, as the spelling varies considerably in the respective MSS.

[270] An extensive tribe of Sogdiana, now represented by the district of Khawarezm, in the desert country of Khiva.

[271] A tribe in the north-western part of Sogdiana. They appear to have been situate to the east of the district of Khawarezm. It has been suggested that they derived their name from the Sanscrit Gandharas, a tribe beyond the Indus.

[272] The chief seat of the Aorsi, who appear to have been a numerous and powerful people both of Europe and Asia, was in the country between the Tanais, the Euxine, the Caspian, and the Caucasus. It seems doubtful, however, whether it is these people who are alluded to in the present passage.

[273] These would almost seem to be a different people from those mentioned in c. 15 of the present Book, as dwelling in Atropatene. The present appears to have been a tribe of Sogdiana.

[274] Strabo mentions a town of this name, which he places, together with Apamea, in the direction of Rhagæ. If Pliny has observed anything like order in his recital of nations and places, the Heraclea here mentioned cannot be that spoken of by Strabo, but must have been distant nearly 1000 miles from it.

[275] This was a tribe, apparently of Scythian origin, settled in Margiana, on the left bank of the Oxus. Strabo says that they worshipped the earth, and forbore to sacrifice or slay any female; but that they put to death their fellow-creatures as soon as they had passed their seventieth year, it being the privilege of the next of kin to eat the flesh of the deceased person. The aged women, however, they used to strangle, and then consign them to the earth.

[276] The modern Jihoun or Amou. It now flows into the Sea of Aral, but the ancients universally speak of it as running into the Caspian; and there are still existing distinct traces of a channel extending in a south-westerly direction from the sea of Aral to the Caspian, by which at least a portion, and probably the whole of the waters of the Oxus found their way into the Caspian; and not improbably the Sea of Aral itself was connected with the Caspian by this channel.

[277] Most probably under this name he means the Sea of Aral.

[278] The Bactrus. This river is supposed to be represented by the modern Dakash. Hardouin says that Ptolemy, B. vi. c. 11, calls this river the Zariaspis, or Zariaspes. See the Note at the end of c. [17], p. 30.

[279] Now known as the Hindoo-Koosh; a part of the great mountain-chain which runs from west to east through the centre of the southern portion of the highlands of Central Asia, and so divides the part of the continent which slopes down to the Indian ocean from the great central table-land of Tartary and Thibet. The native term, Hindoo-Koosh, is only a form of the ancient name “Indicus Caucasus,” which was sometimes given to this chain. The ancient name was derived probably from the Persian word paru, a “mountain.”

[280] Flowing from the north side of the Paropanisus. According to Pliny and Ptolemy, this river flowed through Bactria into the Oxus; but according to Strabo, through Hyrcania into the Caspian Sea. Some suppose it to have been only another name for the Oxus. Ansart suggests that it may have been the river now known as the Bash.

[281] D’Anville says that there is still the valley of Al Sogd, in Tartary, beyond the Oxus. The district called Sogdiana was probably composed of parts of modern Turkistan and Bokhara. The site of Panda does not appear to be known.

[282] It was built on the Jaxartes, to mark the furthest point reached by Alexander in his Scythian expedition. It has been suggested that the modern Kokend may possibly occupy its site.

[283] The “twin,” of the same birth with Diana.

[284] The Sacæ probably formed one of the most numerous and most powerful of the Scythian Nomad tribes, and dwelt to the east and north-east of the Massagetæ, as far as Servia, in the steppes of Central Asia, which are now peopled by the Kirghiz Cossacks, in whose name that of their ancestors, the Sacæ, is traced by some geographers.

[285] Meaning the “Great Getæ.” They dwelt beyond the Jaxartes and the Sea of Aral, and their country corresponds to that of the Khirghiz Tartars in the north of Independent Tartary.

[286] The Dahæ were a numerous and warlike Nomad tribe, who wandered over the vast steppes lying to the east of the Caspian Sea. Strabo has grouped them with the Sacæ and Massagetæ, as the great Scythian tribes of Inner Asia, to the north of Bactriana.

[287] See also B. iv. c. 20, and B. vi. c. 7. The position of the Essedones, or perhaps more correctly, the Issedones, may probably be assigned to the east of Ichim, in the steppes of the central border of the Kirghiz, in the immediate vicinity of the Arimaspi, who dwelt on the northern declivity of the Altaï chain. A communication is supposed to have been carried on between these two peoples for the exchange of the gold that was the produce of those mountain districts.

[288] They dwelt, according to Ptolemy, along the southern banks of the Jaxartes.

[289] Or the Mardi, a warlike Asiatic tribe. Stephanus Byzantinus, following Strabo, places the Amardi near the Hyrcani, and adds, “There are also Persian Mardi, without the a;” and, speaking of the Mardi, he mentions them as an Hyrcanian tribe, of predatory habits, and skilled in archery.

[290] D’Anville supposes that the Euchatæ may have dwelt at the modern Koten, in Little Bukharia. It is suggested, however, by Parisot, that they may have possibly occupied a valley of the Himalaya, in the midst of a country known as “Cathai,” or the “desert.”

[291] The first extant notice of them is in Herodotus; but before him there was the poem of Aristeas of Proconnesus, of which the title was ‘Arimaspea;’ and it is mainly upon the statements in it that the stories told relative to this people rest—such as their being one-eyed, and as to their stealing the gold from the Gryphes, or Griffins, under whose custody it was placed. Their locality is by some supposed to have been on the left bank of the Middle Volga, in the governments of Kasan, Simbirsk, and Saratov: a locality which is sufficiently near the gold districts of the Uralian chain to account for the legends connecting them with the Gryphes, or guardians of the gold.

[292] The former reading was, “The Napæi are said to have perished as well as the Apellæi.” Sillig has, however, in all probability, restored the correct one. “Finding,” he says, “in the work of Diodorus Siculus, that two peoples of Scythia were called, from their two kings, who were brothers, the Napi and the Pali, we have followed close upon the footsteps of certain MSS. of Pliny, and have come to the conclusion that some disputes arose between these peoples, which ultimately led to the destruction of one of them”.

[293] Of the Caspian Sea.

[294] Said on the supposition that it is a bay or gulf of the Scythian or Septentrional Ocean.

[295] Ansart suggests that this is the modern Rocsha.

[296] From the Oxus.

[297] Ansart suggests that this island is that now called Idak, one of the Ogurtchinski group.

[298] This would apply to the north-eastern coasts of Siberia, if Pliny had had any idea of land situate in such high latitudes; but, on the contrary, as already remarked, he appears to have supposed that the continent of Asia terminated a little above the northern extremity of the Caspian. It would be a loss of time to guess what locality is meant by the Scythian Promontory.

[299] Or “man-eaters.”

[300] This, it would appear, he looks upon as the extreme north-eastern point of Asia. Parisot suggests that the word Tabis is allied to the Mongol Daba, which signifies “mountain;” or else that it may have some affinity with “Thibet.”

[301] The people of Serica, which country with Ptolemy corresponds to the north-western part of China, and the adjacent portions of Thibet and Chinese Tartary. The capital, Sera, is by most supposed to be Singan, on the Hoang-ho, but by some Peking. Pliny evidently refers to the same people, and has some notion of the locality of their country.

[302] This is generally supposed to bear reference to the cloths exported by the Seres, as Serica, and corresponding to our silks. On examination, however, it will appear that he rather refers to some textures of cotton, such as calicos or muslins; it being not unknown to Pliny that silks or bombycina were the produce of the bombyx or silk-worm; see B. xi. c. 22. The use of the word “canities” points strongly to cotton as being the substance meant.

[303] Whether it is silk or cotton that is here referred to, Pliny seems in this passage to allude to some peculiarity in the texture, which was perhaps so close, that when brought to the Western world it was the custom to draw out a portion of the threads. In such case it perhaps strongly resembled the Chinese crapes of the present day. Speaking of Cleopatra in B. x. 141, of the Pharsalia, Lucan says, “Her white breasts are resplendent through the Sidonian fabric, which, wrought in close texture by the sley of the Seres, the needle of the workman of the Nile has separated, and has loosened the warp by stretching out the web.”

[304] He either refers to dresses consisting of nothing but open work, or what we may call fine lace, and made from the closely woven material imported from China, or else to the ‘Coan vestments’ which were so much worn by the Roman women, especially those of light character, in the Augustan age. This Coan tissue was remarkable for its extreme transparency. It has been supposed that these dresses were made of silk, as in the island of Cos silk was spun and woven at an early period, so much so as to obtain a high celebrity for the manufactures of that island. Seneca, B. vii. De Benef. severely censures the practice of wearing these thin garments. For further information on this subject, see B. xi. c. 26, 27, and B. xii. c. 22.

[305] Meaning that they do not actively seek intercourse with the rest of the world, but do not refuse to trade with those who will take the trouble of resorting to them. This coincides wonderfully with the character of the Chinese even at the present day.

[306] Ptolemy speaks of it as the Œchordas.

[307] The headland of Malacca, in the Aurea Chersonnesus, was also called by this name, but it is hardly probable that that is the place here meant.

[308] See B. iv. c. 18.

[309] The Emodi Montes (so called probably from the Indian hemâdri, or the “golden”) are supposed to have formed that portion of the great lateral branch of the Indian Caucasus, the range of the Himalaya, which extends along Nepaul, and probably as far as Bhotan.

[310] In c. 14 of the present Book.

[311] The whole of this passage seems very intricate, and it is difficult to make sense of it. His meaning, however, is probably this: that the coast of India, running from extreme north-east to south-east, relatively to Greece, the country of Eratosthenes, is exactly opposite to the coast of Gaul, running from extreme north-west to south-west—India thus lying due west of Gaul, without any intervening land. This, it will be remembered, was the notion of Columbus, when contemplating the possibility of a western passage to India.

[312] This appears also to be somewhat obscure. It is clear that if India lies to the west of Gaul, it cannot be Pliny’s meaning that it is refreshed by the west wind blowing to it from Gaul. He may possibly mean that the west wind, which is so refreshing to the west of Europe, and Gaul in particular, first sweeps over India, and thus becomes productive of that salubrity which Posidonius seems to have discovered in India, but for which we look in vain at the present day. Amid, however, such multiplied chances of a corrupt text, it is impossible to assume any very definite position as to his probable meaning. The French translators offer no assistance in solving the difficulty, and Holland renders it, “This west wind which from behind Gaul bloweth upon India, is very healthsome,” &c.

[313] As to the Etesian winds, see B. ii. c. 48.

[314] In the geographical work which Patrocles seems to have published, he is supposed to have given some account of the countries bordering on the Caspian Sea, and there is little doubt that, like other writers of that period, he regarded that sea as a gulf or inlet of the Septentrional Ocean, and probably maintained the possibility of sailing thither by sea from the Indian Ocean. This statement, however, seems to have been strangely misinterpreted by Pliny in his present assertion, that Patrocles had himself accomplished this circumnavigation.

[315] Sec B. v. c. 36.

[316] Or Bacchus.

[317] Or seventy-five miles.

[318] This is the statement of Arrian.

[319] Among the lost works of that philosopher.

[320] In c. 17 of the present Book.

[321] See c. [25] of the present Book.

[322] See c. [25] of the present Book.

[323] See c. [25] of the present Book.

[324] A town placed by Strabo on the confines of Bactriana, and by Ptolemy in the county of the Paropanisidæ.

[325] See c. [25] of the present Book.

[326] See c. [24] of the present Book.

[327] The present Attok, according to D’Anville.

[328] One of the principal rivers of that part of India known as the Punjaub. It rises in the north-western Himalayah mountains in Kashmere, and after flowing nearly south, falls into the Acesines or Chenab. Its present most usual name is the Jhelum.

[329] The most eastern, and most important of the five rivers which water the country of the Punjaub. Rising in the western Himalaya, it flows in two principal branches, in a course nearly south-west (under the names respectively of Vipasa and Satadru), which it retains till it falls into the Indus at Mittimkote. It is best known, however, by its modern name of Sutlej, probably a corrupt form of the Sanscrit Satadru.

[330] See c. [18] of the present Book. The altars there spoken of, as consecrated by Alexander the Great, appear to have been erected in Sogdiana, whereas those here mentioned were dedicated in the Indian territory.

[331] It does not appear that this river has been identified. In most of the editions it is called Hesidrus; but, as Sillig observes, there was a town of India, near the Indus, called Sydros, which probably received its name from this river.

[332] It has been suggested that this place is the modern Kanouge, on the Ganges.

[333] The modern Jumna. It must be borne in mind by the reader, that the numbers given in this Chapter vary considerably in the different MSS.

[334] See the next [Chapter].

[335] The Sanscrit for “snowy” is “himarat.” The name of Emodus, combined with Imaüs, seems here to be a description of the knot of mountains formed by the intersections of the Himalaya, the Hindoo Koosh, and the Bolor range; the latter having been for many ages the boundary between the empires of China and Turkistan. It is pretty clear, that, like Ptolemy, Pliny imagined that the Imaüs ran from south to north; but it seems hardly necessary, in this instance at least, to give to the word “promontorium” the meaning attached to our word “promontory,” and to suppose that he implies that the range of the Imaüs runs down to the verge of the eastern ocean.

[336] A name evidently given to numerous tribes of India, from the circumstance that Alexander and his followers found it borne by the Brahmins or priestly caste of the Hindoos.

[337] Still called the Cane, a navigable river of India within the Ganges, falling into the Ganges, according to Arrian as well as Pliny, though in reality it falls into the Jumna.

[338] The Calingæ, who are further mentioned in the next Chapter, probably dwelt in the vicinity of the promontory of Calingon, upon which was the town of Dandaguda, mentioned in c. 23 of the present Book. This promontory and city are usually identified with those of Calinapatnam, about half-way between the rivers Mahanuddy and Godavery; and the territory of the Calingæ seems to correspond pretty nearly to the district of Circars, lying along the coast of Orissa.

[339] By the Malli, Parisot is of opinion that the people of Moultan are meant.

[340] So much so, indeed, that its sources were unknown to the learned world till the beginning of the present century, although the Chinese emperor Tang-Hi on one occasion sent a body of Llamas for the purpose of inquiring into the subject. It is now ascertained that the river Ganges is the result of the confluence of three separate streams, which bear the respective names of the Gannavi, the Bhagirathi, and the Alakananda. The second is of the most sacred character, and is the one to which the largest concourse of pilgrims resort. The ancients held various opinions as to the sources of the river.

[341] The Cainas and the Jomanes, mentioned in the last Chapter.

[342] The modern Gandaki or Gundûk is generally supposed to be represented by the Condochates.

[343] Represented as flowing into the Ganges at Palimbothra, the modern Patna. There has been considerable discussion among the learned as to what river is indicated by this name. It has, however, been considered most probable that it is the same as the Sonus of Pliny, the modern Soane, though both that author, as well as Arrian, speaks of two rivers, which they call respectively Erannoboas and Sonus. The name was probably derived from the Sanscrit Hyranyavahas, the poetical name of the Sonus.

[344] Supposed to be the same as the river Cosi or Coravaha.

[345] The wide diffusion of the Calingæ, and their close connection with the Gangaridæ, are shown by the fact that Pliny here calls them “Calingæ Gangarides,” and mentions the Modogalingæ on a large island in the Ganges, and the Maccocalingæ on the upper course of that river. See note [338], p. 42.

[346] Called Parthalis in most of the editions.

[347] Or castes, as we call them. These institutions prevail equally at the present day, and the divisions of the duties of the respective castes are pretty much as Pliny states them to be, except that the husbandmen and merchants form one class, called the Vaisya, the Brahmins being the ministers of religion, the Kshatriya forming the warlike class, the Sudra constituting the menial or servant class. Pliny here represents the rulers and councillors as forming a distinct class. Such, however, does not appear to be the fact; for we find that the sovereign is chosen from the Kshatriya or military class, while from the Brahmins are selected the royal councillors, judges, and magistrates of the country.

[348] He alludes to the Brahmins, who seem to have been called by the Greek writers “Gymnosophists,” or “naked wise men.” The Brahmin Calanus is a memorable example of this kind of self-immolation.

[349] It is extremely doubtful if, even in his own day, Pliny was correct in venturing upon so sweeping an assertion.

[350] The Sudra or menial caste.

[351] He is incorrect here; these duties devolve on the Vaisya class.

[352] Inhabited, probably, by a branch of the Calingæ previously mentioned.

[353] Ansart suggests that this may be the modern kingdom of Pegu. He thinks also that the preceding kingdom may be that now called Arracan.

[354] These may possibly be the Daradræ of Ptolemy, but it seems impossible to guess their locality.

[355] Probably the present Patna. D’Anville, however, identifies it with Allahabad, while Welford and Wahl are inclined to think it the same as Radjeurah, formerly called Balipoutra or Bengala. The Prasii are probably the race of people mentioned in the ancient Sanscrit books under the name of the “Pragi” or the Eastern Empire, while the Gangarides are mentioned in the same works under the name of “Gandaressa” or Kingdom of the Ganges.

[356] Hardouin is of opinion that these nations dwelt in the localities occupied by the districts of Gwalior and Agra.

[357] The Septentriones or “Seven Trions,” in the original. Parisot is of opinion that under this name of Mount Maleus he alludes to the Western Ghauts, and that the name still survives in the word Malabar. He also remarks that this statement of Pliny is not greatly exaggerated.

[358] Ansart says that this is the same as the modern town of Muttra or Matra upon the Jumna, and to the north of Agra.

[359] Or Clisobora, according to Hardouin. It does not appear to have been identified.

[360] In the Indian Peninsula, constituting more especially the presidency of Madras.

[361] It is clear that he looks upon the countries of the Indus as lying to the south of the Ganges.

[362] Or Hindoo Koosh. In this statement he is supported by Arrian, Strabo, Mela, and Quintus Curtius. It rises, however, a considerable distance on the north-east side of the Himalaya.

[363] The modern Jhelum.

[364] Some writers suppose that this must be the same as the Hydraotes, or modern Ravi, because the latter is not otherwise found mentioned in the list given by Pliny. The name, however, leaves but little doubt that Pliny had heard of the Acesines under its Indian name of Chandabragha, and out of it has made another river.

[365] The modern Sutlej.

[366] Probably in the vicinity of the modern Calingapatam; none of the other places seem to be identified.

[367] Ansart suggests that the Cesi may be the same race as the modern Sikhs.

[368] Perhaps the people of modern Ajmere.

[369] These peoples are supposed by Hardouin to have occupied the southern parts of the peninsula now known as Bisnagar, Calicut, and the Deccan, with the Malabar and Coromandel coasts.

[370] Hardouin suggests that this people dwelt on the present peninsula of Guzerat.

[371] None of these appear to have been identified; indeed, it appears to be next to impossible, owing to the corrupt state in which they have come down to us.

[372] Built on the Hydaspes by Alexander after his victory over Porus, B.C. 326, at the spot where he had crossed the river before the battle, and in memory of his celebrated charger Bucephalus, who had expired during the battle from fatigue and old age, or from wounds. The exact site of this place is not known, but the probabilities appear in favour of Jhelum, at which place is the usual passage of the river, or else of Jellapoor, about sixteen miles lower down.

[373] Probably the same that is mentioned in c. 21 of the present Book.

[374] Parisot supposes that these were the inhabitants of the district which now bears the name of Pekheli.

[375] Gedrosia comprehended probably the same district as is now known by the name of Mekran, or, according to some, the whole of modern Beloochistan.

[376] The people of the city and district of Arachotus, the capital of Arachosia. M. Court has identified some ruins on the Argasan river, near Kandahar, on the road to Shikarpur, with those of Arachotus; but Professor Wilson considers them to be too much to the south-east. Colonel Rawlinson thinks they are those to be seen at a place called Ulan Robat. He states that the most ancient name of the city, Cophen, (mentioned by Pliny in c. 25 of the present Book), has given rise to the territorial designation. See p. [57].

[377] The people of Aria, consisting of the eastern part of Khorassan, and the western and north-western part of Afghanistan. This was one of the most important of the eastern provinces or satrapies of the Persian empire.

[378] This was the collective name of several peoples dwelling on the southern slopes of the Hindoo Koosh, and of the country which they inhabited, which was not known by any other name. It corresponded to the eastern part of modern Afghanistan and the portion of the Punjaub lying to the west of the Indus.

[379] It is supposed that the Cophes is represented by the modern river of Kabul.

[380] The place here alluded to was in the district of Goryæa, at the north-western corner of the Punjaub, near the confluence of the rivers Cophen and Choaspes, being probably the same place as Nagara or Dionysopolis, the modern Nagar or Naggar.

[381] The word μήρος, in Greek, signifying a “thigh.”

[382] Supposed by some to have been Lower Scinde, and the vicinity of Kurrachee, with its capital Potala.

[383] Ansart suggests that these may be the Laccadives. Their name means the “gold” and “silver” islands.

[384] Probably an island near the mouths of the Indus.

[385] Probably the same as the Bibacta of Arrian. The present name of it is Chilney Isle.

[386] Although Poinsinet will not admit its identity, it is now universally agreed among the learned that the island of Taprobana is the modern Ceylon. As Gosselin observes, in the accounts said to have been given of Ceylon by the ambassadors to Claudius, great allowance must be made for the wrong interpretation which, owing to their ignorance of the language, the Romans must have given to much of their narrative.

[387] From ἀντὶ, “opposite,” and χθών, “the earth.” Its people being supposed to be the antipodes of those of Europe.

[388] “The ancient race.” As Ansart observes, the island contains a mountain, the name of which is “Adam’s” Peak.

[389] Ælian makes the villages to be 750 in number.

[390] A general term probably, as already stated, for the great peninsula of India, below the Ganges.

[391] This expression has been relied upon by those who do not admit that Ceylon is identical with the ancient Taprobana. But it is not improbable that the passage here referred to is from Cape Comorin to Ceylon, and not from Cape Ramanan Cor, the nearest part of the continent. In such case, the distance would be sixty-five or sixty-six leagues, and we can easily conceive that Greek vessels, sailing from nine to ten leagues per day, might occupy seven days in making the passage from Cape Comorin, past Ramanan Cor, to the coasts of Ceylon.

[392] The amphora, as a measure, contained eight congii, or forty-eight sextarii.

[393] Or “Septentrio;” “the Seven Trions,” which was more especially employed by the nations of Europe for the purposes of navigation.

[394] Parisot suggests that the word “Radijah,” or “Rajah,” denoting the rank which he held, may have been here taken by Pliny for his name.

[395] Ptolemy says that the ancient name of the island was Simundi, or Palæsimundi, but speaks of no such city as the one here mentioned, nor indeed of any other of the localities described by Pliny.

[396] It is difficult to say whether by this name is meant the modern Cape Comorin, or that known as Ramanan Cor, which is in reality the nearest point to the coast of Ceylon. Perhaps the latter is meant; in which case it is not improbable that the Island of the Sun will be represented by the islet called Rameserum in the maps, or else the one adjoining called Manaar. It must not be confounded with the Island of the Sun, mentioned in c. [26]. See p. 60.

[397] It is not improbable that he alludes to coral reefs.

[398] This assertion Gosselin would either reject as a fabulous falsehood, or as having originated in some misconception on the part of the Romans; for, as he remarks, it is quite impossible that the Pleiades should be a constellation unknown at that time to the people of Ceylon; but, on the other hand, it would be equally true that the Greater Bear was concealed from them.

[399] This was also a fable, or else originated in misapprehension of their language on the part of the Romans.

[400] Gosselin remarks that their story may have been that for about seven months in the year the shadows fell to the north, and during the remaining five to the south, which would not have been inconsistent with the truth.

[401] This also is classed by Gosselin under the head either of fabulous stories or misapprehensions.

[402] “Seras—ab ipsis aspici.” It is difficult to say whether this does not mean that they were in sight of the coast of the Seræ. Under any circumstances, the Seræ here spoken of must not be taken for the Seres or supposed Chinese. Gosselin remarks that under this name the people of a district called Sera are probably referred to, and that in fact such is the name of a city and a whole province at the present day, situate on the opposite coast, beyond the mountains which terminate the plains of the Carnatic. It is equally impossible that under the name of “Emodi” Pliny can allude to the Himalaya chain, distant more than 2000 miles. The mountains, on the verge of the plains of the Carnatic, are not improbably those here referred to, and it is not impossible that they may be discerned from the shores of Ceylon. Gosselin is of opinion that the name of the ancient Seræ may still be traced in that of Seringapatam, and of the city of Seringham, situate on the river Godavery.

[403] Relative to the Seræ, or inhabitants of the opposite shores.

[404] Or “Bacchus.” This means that he wears a long robe with a train; much like the dress, in fact, which was worn on the stage by tragic actors.

[405] “Festa venatione absumi, gratissimam eam tigribus elephantisque constare.” Holland gives this sentence quite a different meaning, fancying that it bears reference to the mode in which the guilty king comes to his end, which, indeed, otherwise does not appear to be stated. “But to doe him to death in the end, they appoint a solemne day of hunting, right pleasant and agreable unto tigres and elephants, before which beasts they expose their king, and so he is presently by them devoured.” It is difficult to say, however, where he finds all this.

[406] It is much more probable that they used the shells for the purpose of making roofs for their habitations.

[407] Mentioned already, towards the conclusion of c. [23] of the present Book. See p. 51.

[408] This place was included in the district of the Paropanisus or Hindoo Koosh. It is doubtful whether Pliny is correct in saying that it was destroyed by Cyrus, as we have no reason for supposing that he ever advanced so far to the north-east. It is supposed by some that Capisene represents the valley of the Kabul river, and Capisa the town on the Indus, now known as Peshawar. Lassen, in his researches, has found in the Chinese annals a kingdom called Kiapiche, in the valley of Ghurbend, to the east of Bamian. It is not improbable that Capisa and Kiapiche were different forms of the same name.

[409] See the Notes in p. [50].

[410] The principal river of Drangiana, which rises in the lower range of the Paropanisus or Hindoo Koosh, and enters Lake Zarah. Its present name is Ilmend or Helmend. Burnouf has supposed it to be the same as the Arachotus; but Professor Wilson is of opinion that the Arachotus was one of the tributaries of the Erymanthus or Erymandrus, and probably the modern Arkand-Ab.

[411] Parisot takes the meaning of this word to be “valley,” and is of opinion that it is the modern Chabul; not to be confounded, however, with the country of Cabul, to the east of which it is situate.

[412] Now called Birusen, according to Parisot, and not the city of Cabul, as supposed by Hardouin.

[413] Or the “four-cornered city.”

[414] This place has not been identified. It has been suggested that it is the same as the modern city of Candahar; but that was really Alexandria of the Paropanisadæ, quite a different place.

[415] Inhabiting the district now called Arassen, according to Parisot.

[416] Inhabiting the modern Danra, according to Parisot.

[417] Inhabitants of the modern Parasan, according to Parisot.

[418] The modern Candahar is generally supposed to occupy its site.

[419] Pliny is thought to have here confounded the extensive district of Ariana with the smaller province of Aria, which only formed a portion of it. Ariana comprehended nearly the whole of what had been previously ancient Persia.

[420] The river known in modern times as the Ilincut, according to Parisot.

[421] This is supposed by Forbiger to be the modern Arghasan, one of the tributaries of the Helmend. Parisot says that it was the same as the modern Sat.

[422] Supposed to be the same as the “Aria civitas,” or “city of Aria” of other authors, which, however, is most probably represented by Alexandria, the modern Herat, situate on the small stream now called the Heri-Rud. At all events, Artacoana (proved by M. Court to be a word of Persian origin—Arde Koun) was, if not the same place, at a very small distance from it. M. Barbie de Bocage is of opinion that it occupied the site of Fushing, a town on the Heri river, one stage from Herat; and by M. Court it is thought to have been at Obeh, near the same place.

[423] Now called the Heri-Rud, which runs to the west of Herat.

[424] It is said that, judging from a traditional verse still current among the people of Herat, that town is believed to unite the claims of the ancient capital built by Alexander the Great, or indeed, more properly, repaired by him, as he was but a short time in Aria. The distance also from the Caspian Gates to Alexandria favours its identification with the modern Herat.

[425] This place does not appear to have been identified.

[426] Ansart suggests that the river Pharnacotis is the same as the modern Ferrichround, and the Ophradus probably the Kouchround.

[427] Ansart suggests that the modern name is Zarang. Parisot says that it is Corcharistan.

[428] The inhabitants of Drangiana, a district at the eastern end of the modern kingdom of Persia, and comprehending part of the present Sejestan or Seistan.

[429] They gave its name to the modern Eudras, according to Parisot.

[430] It is doubtful whether these are the same as the Gedrosi, mentioned by Pliny in c. 23, 24. Parisot censures Hardouin for confounding them, and says that these inhabited the modern Bassar. In Dr. Smith’s Dictionary, they are looked upon as the same people.

[431] Parisot says that this is the desert region now known as Eremaier, to the east of Mount Maugracot.

[432] As Parisot remarks, our author is now approaching the sea-shore; these places, however, do not appear to have been identified.

[433] Not the same as the river Cophen or Cophes mentioned in c. 24, the modern Kabul. Hardouin takes it to be the same as the Arbis or Arabius of Ptolemy, the modern Hilmend or Ilmend.

[434] Parisot seems to think that the modern names of these rivers are the Sal, the Ghir, and the Ilmentel, which, according to him, flow into the Ilmend.

[435] Situate, according to Ptolemy, in the eastern parts of Media.

[436] For this measurement see c. [21].

[437] Meaning the “Fish-eating Mountaineers.” According to Parisot they occupied the site of the modern Dulcidan, and Goadel, which are bounded by mountains, whence the name.

[438] Not only the Oritæ, but all those mentioned in the following Chapter. For further particulars as to the Ichthyophagi, see B. vii. c. [2].

[439] See the [Notes] at the end of this Book.

[440] By descending the Indus, and going up the Persian Gulf.

[441] Near the mouth of the Indus, Hardouin says.

[442] One of Alexander’s most distinguished officers, and a native of Pella. He commanded the division of cavalry and light-armed troops which accompanied the fleet of Alexander down the Indus, along the right bank of the river. The Alexandria here mentioned does not appear to have been identified. It is not to be confounded with Alexandria in Arachosia, nor yet with a place of the same name in Carmania, the modern Kerman.

[443] A river Tomerus is spoken of by Arrian as lying between the Indus and the river Arabis or Arbis.

[444] They seem to have dwelt along the shores of the modern Mukran, south of Beloochistan, and probably part of Kerman.

[445] Called Nosala by Arrian. Ansart suggests that it is the island now known by the name of Sengadip. It lay probably off the promontory or headland of the Sun, on the eastern coast of Arabia.

[446] Mela suggests the reason, but gives to the island a different locality—“over against the mouth of the Indus.” He says that the air of the island is of such a nature as to take away life instantaneously, and appears to imply that the heat is the cause.

[447] Possibly that now known as the Rud Shur.

[448] Properly the “Seven Trions.”

[449] The Persian kings, descendants of Achæmenes. He was said to have been reared by an eagle.

[450] Called the Promontory of Harmozon by Strabo, Hardouin says that the modern name is Cape Jash, but recent writers suggest that it is represented by the modern Cape Bombaruk, nearly opposite Cape Mussendom.

[451] Perhaps the modern Kishon, at the entrance of the Persian Gulf; or that may be one of the four islands next mentioned.

[452] The story of Pontoppidan’s Kraken or Korven, the serpent of the Norwegian Seas, is as old as Pliny, we find, and he derived his information from older works.

[453] Forbiger has suggested that this may be the same as the modern Djayrah.

[454] Mentioned again in c. 29 of the present Book. Its modern name is Pasa or Fasa-Kuri, according to Parisot.

[455] Supposed to be the stream called by D’Anville and Thevenot the Boschavir, the river of Abushir or Busheer.

[456] A river of ancient Susiana, the present name of which is Karun. Pliny states, in c. 31 of the present Book, that the Eulæus flowed round the citadel of Susa; he mistakes it, however, for the Coprates, or, more strictly speaking, for a small stream now called the Shapúr river, the ancient name of which has not been preserved. He is also in error, most probably, in making the river Eulæus flow through Messabatene, it being most likely the present Mah-Sabaden, in Laristan, which is drained by the Kerkbah, the ancient Choaspes, and not by the Eulæus.

[457] Called, for the sake of distinction, Charax Spasinu, originally founded by Alexander the Great. It was afterwards destroyed by a flood, and rebuilt by Antiochus Epiphanes, under the name of Antiochia. It is mentioned in c. 31.

[458] The Shushan of Scripture, now called Shu. It was the winter residence of the kings of Persia, and stood in the district Cersia of the province Susiana, on the eastern bank of the river Choaspes. The site of Susa is now marked by extensive mounds.

[459] The island of Patala or Patale, previously mentioned in c. 23.

[460] Most probably the Cape Ras-el-Bad, the most easterly peninsula of Arabia.

[461] 35,000,000 francs, according to Ansart, which would amount to £1,400,000 of our money.

[462] Pliny is the only writer that mentions this place among the towns of Lower Egypt. Some suppose it to have been Nicopolis, or the City of Victory, founded by Augustus B.C. 29, partly to commemorate the reduction of Egypt to a Roman province, and partly to punish the Alexandrians for their adhesion to the cause of Antony and Cleopatra. Mannert, however, looks upon it as having been merely that suburb of Alexandria which Strabo (B. xvii.) calls Eleusis.

[463] From the Greek ὕδρευμα, a “watering-place.”

[464] From Coptos, the modern Kouft or Keft. Ptolemy Philadelphus, when he constructed the port of Berenice, erected several caravansaries or watering-places between the new city and Coptos. Coptos was greatly enriched by the commerce between Lybia and Egypt on the one hand, and Arabia and India on the other.

[465] Belzoni found traces of several of the stations here mentioned. The site of Berenice, as ascertained by Moresby and Carless, 1830-3, was nearly at the bottom of the inlet known as the Sinus Immundus, or Foul Bay. Its ruins still exist.

[466] Now called Gehla, a harbour and emporium at the south-western point of Arabia Felix.

[467] An emporium or promontory on the southern coast of Arabia, in the country of the Adramitæ, and, as Arrian says, the chief port of the incense-bearing country. It has been identified by D’Anville with Cava Canim Bay, near a mountain called Hissan Ghorab, at the base of which there are ruins to be seen.

[468] Probably the modern Mosch, north of Mokha, near the southern extremity of Arabia Felix.

[469] Its ruins are now known as Dhafar. It was one of the chief cities of Arabia, standing near the southern coast of Arabia Felix, opposite the modern Cape Guardafui.

[470] Or Favonius, the west wind, previously mentioned in the present Chapter.

[471] The modern Mangalore, according to Du Bocage.

[472] Or canoes.

[473] The Cottiara of Ptolemy, who makes it the chief city of the Æi, a tribe who occupied the lower part of the peninsula of Hindostan. It has been supposed to be represented by the modern Calicut or Travancore. Cochin, however, appears to be the most likely.

[474] Marcus observes that we may conclude that either Pliny or the author from whom he transcribed, wrote this between the years of the Christian era 48 and 51; for that the coincidence of the 6th of the month Mechir with the Ides of January, could not have taken place in any other year than those on which the first day of Thoth or the beginning of the year fell on the 11th of August, which happened in the years 48, 49, 50, and 51 of the Christian era.

[475] An extensive province of Asia, along the northern shores of the Persian Gulf, supposed to have comprehended the coast-line of the modern Laristan, Kirman, and Moghostan.

[476] Ptolemy mentions an inland town of Carmania of the same name.

[477] Supposed to be that known now as the Ibrahim Rud, which falls into the Persian Gulf.

[478] These sites are unknown.

[479] Forms two bays or gulfs in succession.

[480] He gives this name to the whole expanse of sea that lies between Arabia and Africa on the west, and India on the east, including the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

[481] Or Erythrus. In all probability entirely a mythical personage. The sea having been called in Greek ἐρυθραῖα, or “red”—the legend most probably thence took its rise. No very satisfactory reason has yet been given for its being so called. The Hebrew name of it signifies the “Sedgy Sea.”

[482] From Azania in Æthiopia, mentioned again in c. 34 of the present Book.

[483] The maps appear to make it considerably more.

[484] The only feature of resemblance appears to be its comparative narrowness at the neck.

[485] Or “turtle-eaters.”

[486] Different probably from the Cophis mentioned in c. 25, which was also called Arabius or Arbis, and probably represented by the modern Purali.

[487] Of Harmozon, probably the modern Bombareek.

[488] Their district is supposed to denote the vicinity of the modern Ormuz, an island off this coast, which is now known as Moghostan.

[489] Taking their name probably from the river Arbis, previously mentioned.

[490] The “Port of the Macedonians.”

[491] Now the Tab, falling into the Persian Gulf.

[492] A district of Susiana, extending from the river Eulæus on the west, to the Oratis on the east, deriving its name perhaps from the Elymæi, or Elymi, a warlike people found in the mountains of Greater Media. In the Old Testament this country is called Elam.

[493] Ptolemy says that this last bore the name of “Alexander’s Island.”

[494] Persis was more properly a portion only or province of the ancient kingdom of Persia. It gave name to the extensive Medo-Persian kingdom under Cyrus, the founder of the Persian empire, B.C. 559.

[495] The Parthi originally inhabited the country south-east of the Caspian, now Khorassan. Under Arsaces and his descendants, Persis and the other provinces of ancient Persia became absorbed in the great Parthian empire. Parthia, with the Chorasmii, Sogdii, and Arii, formed the sixteenth satrapy under the Persian empire. See c. [16] of this Book.

[496] The provinces of Parthia have been already mentioned in detail in the preceding Chapters, except Susiana and Elymais, which are mentioned in c. 31.

[497] The original Parthia, the modern Khorassan.

[498] The so-called Caucasian chain. See c. [16] of the present Book.

[499] Or “Wandering Parthians,” lying far to the east.

[500] In c. 17 of the present Book.

[501] Not to be confounded with the place in Atropatene, mentioned in c. 21 of the present Book.

[502] It has been supposed that the modern Damgham corresponds with this place, but that is too near the Portæ Caspiæ. It is considered most probable that the remains of Hecatompylos ought to be sought in the neighbourhood of a place now known as Jah Jirm. It is mentioned in c. 17 and 21 of the present Book.

[503] Media occupied the extreme west of the great table-land of the modern Iran. It corresponded very nearly to the modern province of Irak-Ajemi.

[504] The Upper and the Lower, as already mentioned.

[505] Hardouin suggests that this should be Syrtibolos. His reasons for so thinking will be found alluded to in a note to c. 31. See p. 80, Note [593].

[506] Or the “Great Ladder.” The Baron de Bode states, in his Travels in Luristan and Arabistan, that he discovered the remains of a gigantic causeway, in which he had no difficulty in recognizing one of the most ancient and most mysterious monuments of the East. This causeway, which at the present day bears the name of Jaddehi-Atabeg, or the “road of the Atabegs,” was looked upon by several historians as one of the wonders of the world, who gave it the name of the Climax Megale or “Great Ladder.” At the time even of Alexander the Great the name of its constructor was unknown.

[507] Which was rebuilt after it was burnt by Alexander, and in the middle ages had the name of Istakhar; it is now called Takhti Jemsheed, the throne of Jemsheed, or Chil-Minar, the Forty Pillars. Its foundation is sometimes ascribed to Cyrus the Great, but more generally to his son, Cambyses. The ruins of this place are very extensive.

[508] Its site is unknown; but Dupinet translates it the “city of Lor.”

[509] The older of the two capitals of Persia, Persepolis being the later one. It was said to have been founded by Cyrus the Great, on the spot where he gained his victory over Astyages. Its exact site is doubtful, but most modern geographers identify it with Murghab, to the north-east of Persepolis, where there are the remains of a great sepulchral monument of the ancient Persians, probably the tomb of Cyrus. Others place it at Farsa or at Dorab-Gherd, both to the south-east of Persepolis, the direction mentioned by Strabo, but not in other respects answering his description so well as Murghab.

[510] It is most probable that he does not allude here to the Ecbatana, mentioned in c. 17 of this Book.

[511] There were several mountainous districts called Parætacene in the Persian empire, that being the Greek form of a Persian word signifying “mountainous.”

[512] In B. v. c. 21. He returns to the description of Susiana, Elymaïs, and Characene in c. 31 of the present Book.

[513] The great seat of empire of the Babylonio-Chaldæan kingdom. It either occupied the site, it is supposed, or stood in the immediate vicinity of the tower of Babel. In the reign of Labynedus, Nabonnetus, or Belshazzar, it was taken by Cyrus. In the reign of Augustus, a small part only of Babylon was still inhabited, the remainder of the space within the walls being under cultivation. The ruins of Babylon are found to commence a little south of the village of Mohawill, eight miles north of Hillah.

[514] Nineveh. See c. [16] of the present Book.

[515] On the left bank of the Euphrates, opposite to the ford of Zeugma; a fortress of considerable importance.

[516] Its site is unknown. Dupinet confounds it with the place of this name mentioned in the last Chapter, calling them by the name of Lor.

[517] Pliny is wrong in placing Artemita in Mesopotamia. It was a city of Babylonia, in the district of Apolloniatis. The modern Sherbán is supposed to occupy its site.

[518] Burnouf, having found the name of these people, as he supposes, in a cuneiform inscription, written “Ayura,” would have them to be called Aroei. The Orei are also mentioned in B. v. c. 20.

[519] This Antioch does not appear to have been identified.

[520] The mountains of the Gordyæi are mentioned in c. 12.

[521] This, as previously mentioned in a Note to c. 16, was the scene of the last great battle between Alexander and Darius, and known as the battle of Arbela. It has been suggested that it may perhaps be represented by a place now called Karnelis. See p. [27].

[522] According to Ansart, now called the Lesser Zab, and by the inhabitants the Altun-su, meaning the “Golden river.”

[523] According to Parisot, the modern name is Calicala.

[524] Strabo speaks of the Aborras, or modern Khabur, as flowing in the vicinity of Anthemusia, the district probably in which the town of Anthermis was situate. According to Isidorus of Charax, it lay between Edessa and the Euphrates. Its site does not appear to have been any further identified. It is called Anthemusia in B. v. c. 21.

[525] In B. v. c. 21.

[526] In B. v. c. 21.

[527] In B. v. c. 21.

[528] This canal, leading from the Euphrates to the Tigris, is by some thought, according to Hardouin, to have been the river Chobar, mentioned in Ezekiel, c. i. v. 3.

[529] For Arar-Melik, meaning the “River King,” according to Parisot.

[530] As to the identity of this, see a Note at the beginning of this Chapter.

[531] Meaning Jupiter Uranius, or “Heavenly Jupiter,” according to Parisot, who observes that Eusebius interprets baal, or bel, “heaven.” According to one account, he was the father of king Ninus and son of Nimrod. The Greeks in later times attached to his name many of their legendary fables.

[532] The city of Seleucia ad Tigrin, long the capital of Western Asia, until it was eclipsed by Ctesiphon. Its site has been a matter of considerable discussion, but the most probable opinion is, that it stood on the western bank of the Tigris, to the north of its junction with the royal canal (probably the river Chobar above mentioned), opposite to the mouth of the river Delas or Silla (now Diala), and to the spot where Ctesiphon was afterwards built by the Parthians. It stood a little to the south of the modern city of Baghdad; thus commanding the navigation of the Tigris and Euphrates, and the whole plain formed by those two rivers.

[533] Ammianus, like Pliny, has ascribed its foundation to the Parthians under Varanes, or Vardanes, of whom, however, nothing is known. It stood in the south of Assyria, on the eastern or left bank of the Tigris. Strabo speaks of it as being the winter residence of the Parthian kings, who lived there at that season, owing to the mildness of the climate. In modern times the site of this place has been identified with that called by the Arabs Al Madain, or the “two cities.”

[534] Or Vologeses. This was the name of five kings of Parthia, of the race of the Arsacidæ, Arsaces XXIII., XXVII., XXVIII., XXIX., XXX. It was the first of these monarchs who founded the place here mentioned by Pliny.

[535] Or the “City of Vologesus;” certa being the Armenian for “city.”

[536] Nothing appears to be known of this place; but Hardouin thinks that it is the same with one called Maarsares by Ptolemy, and situate on the same river Narraga.

[537] Parisot says that this river is the one set down in the maps as falling into the Tigris below its junction with the Euphrates, and near the mouths of the two rivers. He says that near the banks of it is marked the town of Nabrahan, the Narraga of Pliny.

[538] There is great doubt as to the correct spelling of these names.

[539] Against the attacks of robbers dwelling on the opposite side; the Attali, for instance.

[540] Or “dwellers in tents,” Bedouins, as we call them.

[541] B. v. c. 20 and 21.

[542] Towards Mahamedieh.

[543] Near Antioch and the Orontes: now Seleukeh, or Kepse, near Suadeiah.

[544] See B. v. c. 13.

[545] The Mediterranean and the Red Sea; the latter including the modern Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

[546] Forbiger is of opinion that this is the same as the Didigua or Didugua of Ptolemy. It was situate below Alpamea. D’Anville takes it to be the modern Corna.

[547] The modern Turcomania.

[548] Now known as the Plain of Chelat, according to Parisot, extending between Chelat, a city situate on a great lake and the river Rosso, falling into the Caspian Sea.

[549] Called Diglith by Josephus. Hardouin states that in his time the name given to the river by the natives was Daghela. This name is also supposed to be another form of the Hiddekel of Scripture. See Genesis ii. 14.

[550] According to Bochart, this was a corruption of the Eastern name Deghel, from which were derived the forms Deger, Teger, and ultimately Tigris.

[551] Ritter has identified this with the modern lake Nazuk, in Armenia, about thirteen miles in length and five in breadth. The water at the present day is said to be sweet and wholesome.

[552] Seneca, however, in his Quæst. Nat. B. vi., represents the Tigris here as gradually drying up and becoming gradually smaller, till it disappears.

[553] This spot is considered by Parisot to be the modern city of Betlis.

[554] A spot where liquid bitumen or naphtha was found.

[555] Or probably Arzarene, a province of the south of Armenia, situate on the left bank of the Tigris. It derived its name from the lake Arsene, or the town Arzen, situate on this lake. It is comprehended in the modern Pashalik of Dyár Bekr.

[556] Now called the Myrád-chaï. See B. v. c. 24. Ritter considers it to be the southern arm of the Euphrates.

[557] Or Aroei, as Littré suggests. See Note to c. 30 in p. [71].

[558] See c. [17] of the present Book.

[559] The site of this place seems to be unknown. It has been remarked that it is difficult to explain the meaning of this passage of Pliny, or to determine the probable site of Apamea.

[560] Hardouin remarks that this is the right arm of the Tigris, by Stephanus Byzantinus called Delas, and by Eustathius Sylax, which last he prefers.

[561] According to Ammianus, one of the names of Seleucia on the Tigris was Coche.

[562] A river of Susiana, which, after passing Susa, flowed into the Tigris, below its junction with the Euphrates. The indistinctness of the ancient accounts has caused it to be confused with the Eulæus, which flows nearly parallel with it into the Tigris. It is pretty clear that they were not identical. Pliny here states that they were different rivers, but makes the mistake below, of saying that Susa was situate upon the Eulæus, instead of the Choaspes. These errors may be accounted for, it has been suggested, by the fact that there are two considerable rivers which unite at Bund-i-Kir, a little above Ahwaz, and form the ancient Pasitigris or modern Karun. It is supposed that the Karun represents the ancient Eulæus, and the Kerkhah the Choaspes.

[563] In c. 26 of the present Book. The custom of the Persian kings drinking only of the waters of the Eulæus and Choaspes, is mentioned in B. xxxi. c. 21.

[564] Or the country “by the river.”

[565] Pliny is the only writer who makes mention of this place. Parisot is of opinion that it is represented by the modern Digil-Ab, on the Tigris, and suggests that Digilath may be the correct reading.

[566] Mentioned in the last Chapter.

[567] Now called the Mountains of Luristan.

[568] The name of the district of Chalonitis is supposed to be still preserved in that of the river of Holwan. Pliny is thought, however, to have been mistaken in placing the district on the river Tigris, as it lay to the east of it, and close to the mountains.

[569] From Arbela, in Assyria, which bordered on it.

[570] A great and populous city of Babylonia, near the Tigris, but not on it, and eight parasangs within the Median wall. The site is that probably now called Eski Baghdad, and marked by a ruin called the Tower of Nimrod. Parisot cautions against confounding it with a place of a similar name, mentioned by Pliny in B. xii. c. 17, a mistake into which, he says, Hardouin has fallen.

[571] Now called Felongia, according to Parisot. Hardouin considers it the same as the Sambana of Diodorus Siculus, which Parisot looks upon as the same as Ambar, to the north of Felongia.

[572] Of this Antiochia nothing appears to be known. By some it has been supposed to be the same with Apollonia, the chief town of the district of Apolloniatis, to the south of the district of Arbela.

[573] Also called the Physcus, the modern Ordoneh, an eastern tributary of the Tigris in Lower Assyria. The town of Opis stood at its junction with the Tigris.

[574] D’Anville supposes that this Apamea was at the point where the Dijeil, now dry, branched off from the Tigris, which bifurcation he places near Samurrah. Lynch, however, has shown that the Dijeil branched off near Jibbarah, a little north of 34° North lat., and thinks that the Dijeil once swept the end of the Median wall, and flowed between it and Jebbarah. Possibly this is the Apamea mentioned by Pliny in c. 27.

[575] The son of Seleucus Nicator.

[576] More to the south, and nearer the sea.

[577] Previously mentioned in c. 26.

[578] A part of Mount Zagrus, previously mentioned, according to Hardouin.

[579] Its site appears to be unknown. According to Stephanus, it was a city of Persia. Forbiger conjectures that it is the same place as Badaca, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, B. xix. c. 19; but that was probably nearer to Susa.

[580] The buryer excepted, perhaps.

[581] In c. 28 of the present Book.

[582] As mentioned in c. 26 of the present Book.

[583] A warlike tribe on the borders of Susiana and the Greater Media. In character they are thought to have resembled the Bakhtiara tribes, who now roam over the mountains which they formerly inhabited. It has been suggested that their name may possibly be connected with the modern Khuzistan.

[584] Supposed to be the same as the modern Kirmánshah mountains.

[585] As mentioned in a previous Note, (67 in p. 77), Pliny mistakes the Eulæus for the Choaspes. In c. 26 he says that Susa is on the river Tigris.

[586] Pliny says this in B. xxxi. c. 21 of both the Eulæus and the Choaspes.

[587] Most probably the Hedyphon of Strabo, supposed to be the same as that now called the Djerrabi.

[588] Parisot thinks that this is the modern Jessed, in the vicinity of the desert of Bealbanet.

[589] Previously mentioned in c. 28.

[590] The modern Tab.

[591] Now called Camata, according to Parisot.

[592] The modern Saurac, according to Parisot. The more general reading is “Sosirate.”

[593] Our author has nowhere made any such statement as this, for which reason Hardouin thinks that he here refers to the maritime region mentioned in c. 29 of the present Book (p. 69), the name of which Sillig reads as Ciribo. Hardouin would read it as Syrtibolos, and would give it the meaning of the “muddy district of the Syrtes.” It is more likely, however, that Pliny has made a slip, and refers to something which, by inadvertence, he has omitted to mention.

[594] Charax Spasinu, or Pasinu, previously mentioned in c. 26 (see p. [62]). The name Charax applied to a town, seems to have meant a fortified place.

[595] Called “Eudæmon” by Pliny.

[596] The Great, the father of Antiochus Epiphanes.

[597] Though this passage is probably corrupt, the reading employed by Sillig is inadmissible, as it makes nothing but nonsense. “Et jam Vipsanda porticus habet;” “and even now, Vipsanda has its porticos.”

[598] Dionysius of Charax. No particulars of him are known beyond those mentioned by Pliny.

[599] Caius, the son of Marcus Agrippa and Julia, the daughter of Augustus. He was the adopted son of Augustus.

[600] See B. iii. c. 1, p. 151, in vol. 1.

[601] In B. v. c. 21 and 22.

[602] Who called himself the King of kings, and was finally conquered by Pompey.

[603] The Mediterranean.

[604] See B. v. c. 12.

[605] Salmasius thinks that this should be written “Nombei;” but Hardouin remarks that the Nombæi were not of Arabian but Jewish extraction, and far distant from Mount Libanus.

[606] The only resemblance between them is, that each is a peninsula; that of Arabia being of far greater extent than Italy. It will be remarked that here, contrary to his ordinary practice, Pliny makes a distinction between the Red Sea and the Persian Sea or Gulf.

[607] “In eandem etiam cœli partem nulla differentia spectat.” A glance at the map will at once show the fallacy of this assertion.

[608] In B. v. c. 12 and 21.

[609] In c. 30 of the present Book.

[610] Mentioned in B. v. c. 21, if, indeed, that is the same Petra.

[611] Omana or Omanum was their chief place, a port on the north-east coast of Arabia Felix, a little above the promontory of Syagros, now Ras el Had, on a large gulf of the same name. The name is still preserved in the modern name Oman.

[612] In Sitacene, mentioned in the preceding Chapter.

[613] Or rather, as Hardouin says, the shore opposite to Charax, and on the western bank of the river.

[614] Called Core Boobian, a narrow salt-water channel, laid down for the first time in the East India Company’s chart, and separating a large low island, off the mouth of the old bed of the Euphrates, from the mainland.

[615] The great headland on the coast of Arabia, at the entrance of the bay of Doat-al-Kusma from the south, opposite to Pheleche Island.

[616] This is the line of coast extending from the great headland last mentioned to the river Khadema, the ancient Achenus.

[617] So called from the city of Arabia Felix, built on its shores. Strabo says of this city, “The city of Gerra lies in a deep gulf, where Chaldæan exiles from Babylon inhabit a salt country, having houses built of salt, the walls of which, when they are wasted by the heat of the sun, are repaired by copious applications of sea-water.” D’Anville first identified this place with the modern El Khatiff. Niebuhr finds its site on the modern Koneit of the Arabs, called “Gran” by the Persians; but Foster is of opinion that he discovered its ruins in the East India Company’s Chart, situate where all the ancient authorities had placed it, at the end of the deep and narrow bay at the mouth of which are situated the islands of Bahrein. The gulf mentioned by Pliny is identified by Foster with that of Bahrein.

[618] The modern island of Bahrein, according to Brotier, still famous for its pearl-fishery.

[619] Now Samaki, according to Ansart. Its ancient name was Aradus.

[620] Hardouin takes this to be that which by the Arabians is called by the name of Falg.

[621] On the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf.

[622] Considered by modern geographers to be identical in situation with the Black Mountains and the Cape of Asabi, and still marked by a town and district named Sabee, close to Cape Mussendom.

[623] In the modern district still called Oman.

[624] On the opposite coast.

[625] He calls it Canis, evidently thinking that “Cynos” was its Greek appellation only: as meaning the “Dogs’” river.

[626] Or the mountain “with the Three Peaks.”

[627] Stephanus mentions this as an island of the Erythræan Sea. Hardly any of these places appear to have been identified; and there is great uncertainty as to the orthography of the names.

[628] From which came the myrrh mentioned by Pliny in B. xii. c. 36.

[629] Or the Tent-Dwellers, the modern Bedouins.

[630] By some geographers identified with the Ocelis or Ocila, mentioned in c. 26, the present Zee Hill or Ghela, a short distance to the south of Mocha, and to the north of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. Hardouin says, however, that it was a different place, Acila being in the vicinity of the Persian Gulf, in which he appears to be correct.

[631] Nothing relative to Numenius beyond this fact has been recorded.

[632] Hardouin and Ansart think that under this name is meant the island called in modern times Mazira or Maceira.

[633] There seem to have been three mythical personages of this name; but it appears impossible to distinguish the one from the other.

[634] Or “Dioscoridis Insula,” an island of the Indian Ocean, of considerable importance as an emporium or mart, in ancient times. It lay between the Syagrus Promontorium, in Arabia, and Aromata Promontorium, now Cape Guardafui, on the opposite coast of Africa, somewhat nearer to the former, according to Arrian, which cannot be the case if it is rightly identified with Socotorra, 200 miles distant from the Arabian coast, and 110 from the north-east promontory of Africa.

[635] So called from Azania, or Barbaria, now Ajan, south of Somauli, on the mainland of Africa.

[636] Now Cape Fartash, in Arabia.

[637] Their country is supposed to have been the Sheba of Scripture, the queen of which visited king Solomon. It was situate in the south-western corner of Arabia Felix, the north and centre of the province of Yemen, though the geographers before Ptolemy seem to give it a still wider extent, quite to the south of Yemen. The Sabæi most probably spread originally on both sides of the southern part of the Red Sea, the shores of Arabia and Africa. Their capital was Saba, in which, according to their usage, their king was confined a close prisoner.

[638] The Persian Gulf to the Red Sea.

[639] The modern district of Hadramaut derives its name from this people, who were situate on the coast of the Red Sea to the east of Aden. Sabota, their capital, was a great emporium for their drugs and spices.

[640] Still known as Mareb, according to Ansart.

[641] Hardouin is doubtful as to this name, and thinks that it ought to be Elaïtæ, or else Læanitæ, the people again mentioned below.

[642] A name which looks very much like “fraud,” or “cheating,” as Hardouin observes, from the Greek ἀπάτη.

[643] Off the Promontory of Ras-el-Had.

[644] Probably in the district now known as Akra. It was situate on the eastern coast of the Red Sea, at the foot of Mount Hippus.

[645] See B. v. c. 12, where this town is mentioned.

[646] Whose chief city was Petra, previously mentioned.

[647] Supposed by some writers to have been the ancestors of the Saracens, so famous in the earlier part of the middle ages. Some of the MSS., indeed, read “Sarraceni.”

[648] Their town is called Arra by Ptolemy.

[649] Their district is still called Thamud, according to Ansart.

[650] Still called Cariatain, according to Ansart.

[651] A ridiculous fancy, probably founded solely on the similarity of the name.

[652] A story as probable, Hardouin observes, as that about the descendants of Minos.

[653] The Arabs of Yemen, known in Oriental history by the name of Himyari, were called by the Greeks Homeritæ.

[654] An inland city, called Masthala by Ptolemy.

[655] Agatharchides speaks of a town on the sea coast, which was so called from the multitude of ducks found there. The one here spoken of was in the interior, and cannot be the same.

[656] Hardouin observes, that neither this word, nor the name Riphearma, above mentioned, has either a Hebrew or an Arabian origin.

[657] Probably the same place as we find spoken of by Herodotus as Ampe, and at which Darius settled a colony of Miletians after the capture of Miletus, B.C. 494.

[658] Hardouin remarks that Mariaba, the name found in former editions, has no such meaning in the modern Arabic.

[659] Mentioned by Ovid in the Metamorphoses, B. v. l. 165, et seq. Sillig, however, reads “Ciani.”

[660] An intimate friend of the geographer Strabo. He was prefect of Egypt during part of the reign of Augustus, and in the years B.C. 24 and 25. Many particulars have been given by Strabo of his expedition against Arabia, in which he completely failed. The heat of the sun, the badness of the water, and the want of the necessaries of life, destroyed the greater part of his army.

[661] By adoption, as previously stated.

[662] The town of the Calingii, mentioned above.

[663] Or wandering tribes.

[664] Its uses in medicine are stated at length in the last Chapter of B. xxi.

[665] Another form of the name of Atramitæ previously mentioned, the ancient inhabitants of the part of Arabia known as Hadramant, and settled, as is supposed, by the descendants of the Joctanite patriarch Hazarmaveth.

[666] Arabia at the present day yields no gold, and very little silver. The queen of Sheba is mentioned as bringing gold to Solomon, 1 Kings, x. 2, 2 Chron. ix. i. Artemidorus and Diodorus Siculus make mention, on the Arabian Gulf, of the Debæ, the Alilæi, and the Gasandi, in whose territories native gold was found. These last people, who did not know its value, were in the habit of bringing it to their neighbours, the Sabæi, and exchanging it for articles of iron and copper.

[667] B. xii.

[668] The “mitra,” which was a head-dress especially used by the Phrygians, was probably of varied shape, and may have been the early form of the eastern turban.

[669] The Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

[670] Or Heroöpolis, a city east of the Delta, in Egypt, and situate near the mouth of the royal canal which connected the Nile with the Red Sea. It was of considerable consequence as a trading station upon the arm of the Red Sea, which runs up as far as Arsinoë, the modern Suez, and was called the “Gulf” or “Bay of the Heroes.” The ruins of Heroöpolis are still visible at Abu-Keyscheid.

[671] This place, as here implied, took its name from Cambyses, the son of Cyrus.

[672] In c. 9 of the preceding Book. “Dictum,” however, may only mean, “called” the Delta.

[673] Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Tzetzes, mention this, not with reference to Sesostris, but Necho, the grandson of Sesostris.

[674] Ptolemy Philadelphus, son of Ptolemy Soter, or Lagides.

[675] Now known by the name of Scheib. They derived their name from the saline flavour and deposition of their waters. These springs were strongly impregnated with alkaline salts, and with muriate of lime washed from the rocks which separated the Delta from the Red Sea. The salt which they produced being greatly valued, they were on that account regarded as the private property of the kings.

[676] The “not thirsty” route, so called by way of antiphrasis.

[677] See B. v. c. 9.

[678] In c. 26 of the present Book.

[679] Or “narrow necks,” apparently, from the Greek στηναὶ δειραὶ. If this be the correct reading, they were probably so called from the narrow strait which ran between them.

[680] An island called Halonnesus has been already mentioned in B. iv. c. 23. None of these islands appear to have been identified.

[681] See B. xxxvii. c. 32.

[682] This seems to be the meaning, though, literally translated, it would be, “These were the prefects of kings.”

[683] It obtained this title of πάγχρυσος, or “all golden,” from its vicinity to the gold mines of Jebel Allaki, or Ollaki, from which the ancient Egyptians drew their principal supply of that metal, and in the working of which they employed criminals and prisoners of war.

[684] Or ἐπὶ δειρῆς, “upon the neck.” It was situate on the western side of the Red Sea, near the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

[685] Ansart suggests that the modern island of Mehun is here meant. Gosselin is of opinion that Pliny is in error in mentioning two islands in the Red Sea as producing the topaz.

[686] Called Theron, as well as Epitheras. It was an emporium on the coast of the Red Sea for the trade with India and Arabia. It was chiefly remarkable for its position in mathematical geography, as, the sun having been observed to be directly over it forty-five days before and after the summer solstice, the place was taken as one of the points for determining the length of a degree of a great circle on the earth’s surface.

[687] From the Greek ἐπὶ θήρας, “for hunting.”

[688] In B. ii. c. 75.

[689] In the same Chapter.

[690] So called from Azania, the adjoining coast of Africa, now known as that of Ajan. It was inhabited by a race of Æthiopians, who were engaged in catching and taming elephants, and supplying the markets of the Red Sea coast with hides and ivory.

[691] Now called Seyrman, according to Gosselin.

[692] Its name was Adule, being the chief haven of the Adulitæ, of mixed origin, in the Troglodytic region, situate on a bay of the Red Sea, called Aduliticus Sinus. It is generally supposed that the modern Thulla or Zulla, still pronounced Azoole, occupies its site, being situate in lat. 15° 35′ N. Ruins are said to exist there. D’Anville, however, in his map of the Red Sea, places Adule at Arkeeko, on the same coast, and considerably to the north of Thulla. According to Cosmas, Adule was about two miles in the interior.

[693] Pliny gives a further description of this ape in B. viii. c. 21., and B. x. c. 72. They were much valued by the Roman ladies for pets, and very high prices were given for them.

[694] Now called Dahal-Alley, according to Gosselin.

[695] Hardouin, from Strabo, suggests that the reading ought to be Coracios.

[696] The “False Gates.”

[697] The “Gates.”

[698] D’Anville and Gosselin think that this is the island known as the French Island.

[699] Ansart thinks that this promontory is that known as Cape de Meta, and that the port is at the mouth of the little river called Soul or Soal.

[700] In his Æthiopian expedition. According to Strabo, he had altars and pillars erected there to record it.

[701] Under the impression entertained by the ancients, that the southern progress of the coast of Africa stopped short here, and that it began at this point to trend away gradually to the north-west.

[702] Coro. Salmasius seems with justice, notwithstanding the censures of Hardouin, to have found considerable difficulty in this passage. If it is Pliny’s meaning that by sea round the south of the Promontory of Mossylum there is a passage to the extreme north-western point of Africa, it is pretty clear that it is not by the aid of a north-west wind that it could be reached. “Euro,” “with a south-east wind,” has been very properly suggested.

[703] By this name he means the Æthiopian Troglodytæ. Of course it would be absurd to attempt any identification of the places here named, as they must clearly have existed only in the imagination of the African geographer.

[704] The supposed commencement of the Atlantic, to the west of the Promontory of Mossylum.

[705] From the Greek ἀσκὸς, a “bladder,” or “inflated skin.” It is not improbable that the story as to their mode of navigation is derived only from the fancied origin of their name.

[706] Apparently meaning in the Greek the “jackal-hunters,” θηροθῶες. For an account of this animal, see B. viii. c. [52], and B. xv. c. 95.

[707] Heliopolis, described in B. v. c. 4.

[708] Considering it as part of Asia.

[709] Conformably with the usage of modern geographers, and, one would almost think, with that of common sense.

[710] Of the river Nile.

[711] As to Syene and the Catadupi, see B. v. c. 10.

[712] This place was also called in later times Contrapselcis. It was situate in the Dodecaschœnus, the part of Æthiopia immediately above Egypt, on an island near the eastern bank of the river, a little above Pselcis, which stood on the opposite bank. It has been suggested that this may have been the modern island of Derar. The other places do not appear to have been identified, and, in fact, in no two of the MSS. do the names appear to agree.

[713] Or the “Great Wall.”

[714] Meaning, “the people who live in seventy villages.”

[715] Or western side of the Nile, between Syene and Meroë.

[716] Ὕπατον, the “supreme,” or perhaps the “last.”

[717] Dion Cassius also mentions this expedition. From Seneca we learn that Nero dispatched two centurions to make inquiry into the sources of the Nile.

[718] Dion Cassius calls him Caius Petronius. He carried on the war in B.C. 22 against the Æthiopians, who had invaded Egypt under their queen Candace. He took many of their towns.

[719] Du Bocage is of opinion that this place stood not far from the present Ibrim.

[720] Supposed by Du Bocage to have stood in the vicinity of the modern Dongola.

[721] He was clearly a mythical personage, and nothing certain is known with respect to him. Tombs of Memnon were shown in several places, as at Ptolemais in Syria, on the Hellespont, on a hill near the mouth of the river Æsepus, near Palton in Syria, in Æthiopia, and elsewhere.

[722] Her story has been alluded to in the account of Joppa, B. v. c. 34. Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, though possessing the coasts of Syria, was fabled to have been king of Æthiopia.

[723] See B. v. c. 10, where Meroë is also mentioned.

[724] Or the sacred “sycamore tree.”

[725] Situate beyond the Great Cataract, and on the western bank.

[726] See the Notes to the preceding Chapter, in p. [95].

[727] Or dog’s-headed ape, described in B. viii. c. 80. It is supposed to be the baboon.

[728] Hesychius says that it was also called Aëria, probably from the time of its king Ægyptus, who was called Aërius.

[729] “Ubi desiimus.” This appears to be a preferable reading to “ubi desinit,” adopted by Sillig, and apparently referring to the river Nile. It is not improbable that our author here alludes, as Hardouin says, to his words in the preceding Chapter, “Hinc in ora Æthiopiæ,” &c. See p. [96].

[730] Ansart thinks that the country of this people was the modern Kordofan. This, however, could not be the case, if the Macrobii, opposite to them, dwelt on the African side of the river.

[731] Or “long-livers.”

[732] Mentioned again in c. 2 of the next Book.

[733] Who is mentioned again in B. xxxvi. c. 19.

[734] Ptolemy, however, speaks of Esar and Daron as the names of towns situate on the island of Meroë.

[735] On the eastern side of the Nile, and bearing no reference, as Hardouin remarks, to the people of modern Nubia.

[736] There is considerable doubt as to the correctness of these names, as they are differently spelt in the MSS.

[737] Marcus thinks that these mountains are those which lie to the west of the Nile, in Darfour, and Dar-Sale, or Dizzela, mentioned by Salt, in his Travels in Abyssinia.

[738] From this it would appear that Pliny, with Dalion, supposed that the Nile ran down to the southern ocean, and then took a turn along the coast in a westerly direction; the shore being skirted by Syrtes, or quicksands, similar to those in the north of Africa.

[739] So called from the Greek—“Eaters of wild beasts.”

[740] The “all-eaters.”

[741] Or the “livers on the milk of the dog.”

[742] In c. 8 of the preceding Book.

[743] They were thence called by the Greeks “Acridophagi.” According to Agatharchides, these people dwelt in what is modern Nubia, where Burkhardt found the people subsisting on lizards.

[744] Hardouin remarks, that the length is measured from south-east to south-west; and the breadth from south to north.

[745] The supposed Southern Ocean, which joins the Atlantic on the west.

[746] Or the “Chariot of the gods,” mentioned also in Book ii. c. 110, and B. v. c. 1. It is supposed to have been some portion of the Atlas chain; but the subject is involved in the greatest obscurity.

[747] Or the “Western Horn.” It is not known whether this was Cape de Verde, or Cape Roxo. Ansart thinks that it is the same as Cape Non. It is mentioned in c. 1 of B. v. as the “promontorium Hesperium.”

[748] See notes to B. v. c. 1, in vol. i. p. 378.

[749] Marcus says that these islands are those called the “Two Sisters,” situate to the west of the Isle of Socotra, on the coast of Africa. They are called by Ptolemy, Cocionati.

[750] The position of this island has been much discussed by geographers, as being intimately connected with the subject of Hanno’s voyage to the south of Africa. Gosselin, who carries that voyage no further south than Cape Non, in about 28° north lat., identifies Cerne with Fedallah, on the coast of Fez, which, however, is probably much too far to the north. Major Rennell places it as far south as Arguin, a little to the south of the southern Cape Blanco, in about 20° 5′ North latitude. Heeren, Mannert, and others, adopt the intermediate portion of Agadir, or Souta Cruz, on the coast of Morocco, just below Cape Ghir, the termination of the main chain of the Atlas. If we are to trust to Pliny’s statement, it is pretty clear that nothing certain was known about it in his day.

[751] The “Pillars.” Marcus thinks that these were some small islands near the Isle of Socotra.

[752] Hardouin says that this is not the Atlantis rendered so famous by Plato, whose story is distantly referred to in B. ii. c. 92 of this work. It is difficult to say whether the Atlantis of Plato had any existence at all, except in the imagination.

[753] Medusa and her sisters, the daughters of Phorcys and Ceto. The identity of their supposed islands seems not to have been ascertained. For the poetical aspect of their story, see Ovid’s Met., B. iv.

[754] It is not improbable that these were the skins of a species of uran-outang, or large monkey.

[755] The Purpurariæ, or “Purple Islands,” probably the Madeira group.

[756] Or Islands of the Blessed—the modern Canaries.

[757] Supposed to be the modern island of Fuerteventura.

[758] Supposed to be that now called Ferro.

[759] Probably the modern Gomera. In B. iv. c. 36, Pliny mentions them as six in number, there being actually seven.

[760] He does not appear on this occasion to reckon those already mentioned as belonging to the group of the Fortunatæ Insulæ.

[761] The present Isle of Teneriffe.

[762] Supposed to be that now called Gran Canaria.

[763] The smoothness of its surface.

[764] It is impossible to see clearly what he means. Littré says that it has been explained by some to mean, that from the Purpurariæ, or Madeira Islands, it is a course of 250 miles to the west to the Fortunatæ or Canary Islands; but that to return from the Fortunatæ to the Purpurariæ, required a more circuitous route in an easterly direction.

[765] Or Pluvialia, the Rainy Island, previously mentioned.

[766] Salmasius thinks that the sugar-cane is here alluded to. Hardouin says that in Ferro there still grows a tree of this nature, known as the “holy tree.”

[767] Or the Lesser Junonia; supposed to be the same as the modern Lanzarote.

[768] Or “Snow Island,” the same as that previously called Invallis, the modern Teneriffe, with its snow-capped peak.

[769] So called from its canine inhabitants.

[770] As to the silurus, see B. ix. c. [17].

[771] Hardouin takes this to mean, both as to the continent, with the places there situate, and the seas, with the islands there found; the continent being the interior, and the seas the exterior part. It is much more likely, however, that his description of the interior of the earth is that given in the 2nd Book, while the account of the exterior is set forth in the geographical notices contained in the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th.

[772] The Straits of Gades or Cadiz.

[773] The Straits of Gades.

[774] Littré has the following remark: “Is it possible that Pliny can have imagined that the extent of a surface could be ascertained by adding the length to the breadth?” It is just possible that such may not have been his meaning; but it seems quite impossible to divine what it was.

[775] He means to say that the interior is not inhabited beyond a distance of 250 miles from the sea-coast.

[776] See B. v. c. 9.

[777] He is probably speaking only of that part of Asia which included Egypt, on the eastern side of the river Nile, according to ancient geography. His mode, however, of reckoning the breadth of Asia, i. e. from south to north, is singular. See p. [104].

[778] On a rough calculation, these aliquot parts in all would make 42643/42900 parts of the unit. It is not improbable that the figures given above as the dimensions are incorrect, as they do not agree with the fractional results here given by Pliny.

[779] B. iv. c. 26.

[780] In p. 111.

[781] See end of B. iii.

[782] See end of B. ii.

[783] See end of B. iii.

[784] See end of B. ii.

[785] See end of B. iii.

[786] See end of B. iii.

[787] See end of B. iii.

[788] See end of B. v.

[789] See end of B. ii.

[790] See end of B. v.

[791] See end of B. iii.

[792] See end of B. ii.

[793] See end of B. iii.

[794] The famous Roman historian, a native of Padua. He died at his native town, in the year A.D. 17, aged 76. Of his Annals, composed in 142, only 35 Books have come down to us.

[795] L. Annæus Seneca, the Roman philosopher and millionnaire. He was put to death by Nero.

[796] P. Nigidius Figulus, a Roman senator, and Pythagorean philosopher, skilled in astrology and other sciences. He was so celebrated for his knowledge, that Aulus Gellius pronounces him, next to Varro, the most learned of the Romans. He was an active partisan of Pompey, and was compelled by Cæsar to live at a distance from Rome. He died in exile, B.C. 44. There is a letter of consolation addressed to him by Cicero in his Epistles “ad Familiares,” which contains a warm tribute to his worth and learning.

[797] See end of B. v.

[798] For Hecatæus of Miletus, see end of B. iv. Hecatæus of Abdera was a contemporary of Alexander the Great and Ptolemy Lagides. He is thought to have accompanied the former in his Asiatic expedition as far as Syria. He was a pupil of the sceptic Pyrrho, and is called a philosopher, critic, and grammarian. He was the author of a History of Egypt, a work on the Hyperborei, and a History of the Jews.

[799] See end of B. iv.

[800] See end of B. iv.

[801] For Eudoxus of Cnidos, see end of B. ii. Eudoxus of Cyzicus was a geographer and a native of Egypt, who was employed by Ptolemy Euergetes and his wife Cleopatra in voyages to India. He made attempts to circumnavigate Africa by sailing to the south, but without success. He is supposed to have lived about B.C. 130. See B. ii. c. 67 of the present work.

[802] See end of B. ii.

[803] See end of B. v.

[804] See end of B. iv.

[805] He commanded the fleets of Ptolemy Philadelphia, and of Seleucus Nicator, by whose orders he paid a visit to the coasts of India. Strabo speaks of his account of India as the best guide to the geography of that country.

[806] A native of Miletus—see the [tenth] Chapter of this Book. He appears to have written a geographical work on Asia, from which Pliny derived considerable assistance.

[807] Son of Deinon, the historian; he accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and wrote a history of it. Quintus Curtius censures him for his inaccuracy. Cicero, Quintilian, and Longinus, also speak in slighting terms of his performance.

[808] See end of B. ii.

[809] He alludes to the letters of that monarch, and the journals which were kept on the occasion of his expeditions. In the middle ages several forged works were current under his name.

[810] See end of B. iv.

[811] See end of B. ii.

[812] See end of B. v.

[813] See end of B. iv.

[814] See end of B. ii.

[815] See end of B. iv.

[816] See end of B. iv.

[817] See end of B. iv.

[818] See end of B. iv.

[819] See end of B. iv.

[820] See end of B. iii.

[821] See end of B. ii.

[822] A Greek writer of uncertain date, who wrote, as Pliny tells us, (c. 20 of the present Book), a work on the people called Attaci or Attacori. He also wrote another, describing a voyage, commenced at Memphis in Egypt.

[823] See end of B. iii.

[824] See end of B. ii.

[825] See end of B. ii.

[826] The admiral of Alexander, who sailed down the river Indus, and up the Persian Gulf. It is not known when or where he died. After the death of Alexander, he supported the cause of Antigonus. He left a history or journal of his famous voyage.

[827] See end of B. v.

[828] Mentioned by Pliny in c. 21. He measured the distances of the marches of Alexander the Great, and wrote a book on the subject.

[829] See end of B. v.

[830] A native of Soli. He is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, as the author of a work on Æthiopia, of which some few fragments are preserved. Varro and Pliny mention him, also, as a writer on agriculture.

[831] A writer on geography and botany, again mentioned by Pliny in B. xx. c. 73. He is supposed to have lived in the first century after Christ. See also c. [35].

[832] Said to have been a native of Meroë, and to have written a History of Æthiopia; nothing else seems to be known of him.

[833] The author of a work on India, of which the second Book is quoted by Athenæus. From what Pliny says, in c. 35, he seems to have also written on Æthiopia. He is mentioned by Agatharchides as one of the writers on the East: but nothing more seems to be known of him.

[834] See end of B. iii.

[835] We here enter upon the third division of Pliny’s Natural History, which treats of Zoology, from the 7th to the 11th inclusive. Cuvier has illustrated this part by many valuable notes, which originally appeared in Lemaire’s Bibliotheque Classique, 1827, and were afterwards incorporated, with some additions, by Ajasson, in his translation of Pliny, published in 1829; Ajasson is the editor of this portion of Pliny’s Natural History, in Lemaire’s Edition.—B.

[836] This remark refers to the five preceding books, in which these subjects have been treated in detail.—B.

[837] We have a similar remark in Cicero, De. Nat. Deor, ii. 47.—B.

[838] Ajasson remarks, that trees have two barks, an outer, and an inner and thinner one; but seems to think that by the word “gemino” here, Pliny only means that the bark of trees is sometimes double its ordinary thickness.

[839] It seems to have been the custom among the ancients to place the newborn child upon the ground immediately after its birth.

[840] Pliny appears to have followed Lucretius in this gloomy view of the commencement of human existence. See B. v. l. 223, et seq.

[841] This term of forty days is mentioned by Aristotle, in his Natural History, as also by some modern physiologists.—B.

[842] We may hence conclude, that the practice of swathing young infants in tight bandages prevailed at Rome, in the time of Pliny, as it still does in France, and many parts of the continent; although it has, for some years, been generally discontinued in this country. Buffon warmly condemned this injurious system, eighty years ago, but without effect.—B.

[843] “Feliciter natus;” this appears so inconsistent with what is stated in the text, that it has been proposed to alter it into infeliciter, although against the authority of all the MSS.; but it may be supposed, that Pliny, as is not unusual with him, employs the term ironically.—B.

[844] This reminds us of the terms of the riddle proposed to Œdipus by the Sphinx: “What being is that, which, with four feet, has two feet and three feet, and only one voice; but its feet vary, and where it has most it is weakest?” to which he answered, That it is man, who is a quadruped (going on feet and hands) in childhood, two-footed in manhood, and moving with the aid of a staff in old age.

[845] He alludes to the gradual induration of the bones of the head which takes place in the young of the human species, and imparts strength to it. Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim., states the general opinion of the ancients, that this takes place with the young of no other class of animated beings.

[846] There is little doubt that new forms and features of disease are continually making their appearance among mankind, and even the same peoples, and have been from the earliest period; it was so at Rome, in the days of the Republic and of the Emperors. It is not improbable that these new forms of disease depend greatly upon changes in the temperature and diet. The plagues of 1348, 1666, and the Asiatic cholera of the present day, are not improbably various features of what may be radically the same disease. At the first period the beverage of the English was beer, or rather sweet-wort, as the hop does not appear to have been used till a later period. At the present day, tea and coffee, supported by ardent spirits, form the almost universal beverage.

[847] Pliny forgets, however, that infants do not require to be taught how to suck.

[848] According to Cicero, this opinion was more particularly expressed by Silenus and Euripides. Seneca also, in his Consolation to Marcia, expresses a very similar opinion. It was a very common saying, that “Those whom the gods love, die young.” It will be observed that Pliny here uses the significant word “aboleri,” implying utter annihilation after death. It will be seen towards the end of this Book, that he laughed to scorn the notion of the immortality of the soul.

[849] By the use of the word “luctus” he may probably mean “tears;” but there is little doubt that all animals have their full share of sorrows, brought upon them either by the tyranny and cruelty of man, or their own unrestrained passions.

[850] This is said hyperbolically by Pliny. The brutes of the field have as strong a love of life as man, although they may not be in fear of death, not knowing what it is. That they know what pain is, is evident from their instinctive attempts to avoid it.

[851] Under this name he evidently intends to include all systems of religion, which he held in equal contempt.

[852] Ajasson seems to think that he alludes to man’s craving desire for posthumous fame; but it is pretty clear that he has in view the then prevalent notions of the life of the soul after the death of the body.

[853] Pascal has a similar thought; he says that “Man is a reed, and the weakest reed of nature.” The machinery of his body is minute and complex in the extreme, but it can hardly be said that his life is exposed to as many dangers dependent on the volition of, or on accidents arising from, other animated beings, as that of minute insects.

[854] Ajasson refers to various classical authors for a similar statement. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that it is contrary to many well-known facts.—B. The cravings of hunger and of the sexual appetite, are quite sufficient to preclude the possibility of such a happy state of things among the brutes as Pliny here describes.

[855] It was this feeling that prompted the common saying among the ancients, “Homo homini lupus”—“Man to man is a wolf;” and most true it is, that

“Man’s inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn.”

[856] He alludes to the description already given in his geographical Books, of man taken in the aggregate, and grouped into nations.

[857] These are less known, as being less easy of access to travellers, and it is accordingly in connection with these, that we always meet with the most wonderful tales.—B.

[858] This feeling is well expressed in the old and hackneyed adage, “Omne ignotum pro mirifico”—“Everything that is unknown is taken for marvellous.”

[859] Cuvier remarks, that Pliny generally employs this kind of oratorical language when he is entering upon a part of his work in which he betrays a peculiar degree of credulity, and a total want of correct judgment on physical topics.—B.

[860] Being debarred from holding converse, the first great tie of sociality.

[861] Ajasson does not hesitate to style this remark, “ridiculum sane;” as every one knows that the Greeks were more noted for their lively imagination, than for the correctness of their observations.—B. Surely Ajasson must have forgotten the existence of such men as Aristotle and Theophrastus!

[862] Pliny has previously denominated the Scythians “Anthropophagi;” and in B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 20, he employs the word as the proper name of one of the Scythian tribes.—B.

[863] See B. iii. c. 9.

[864] See B. xxxvi. c. 5.

[865] There can be no doubt, that cannibalism has existed at all times, and that it now exists in some of the Asiatic and Polynesian islands; but we must differ from Pliny in his opinion respecting the near connection between human sacrifices and cannibalism; the first was strictly a religious rite, the other was the result of very different causes; perhaps, in some cases, the want of food; but, in most instances, a much less pardonable motive.—B. Still, however, if nations go so far as to sacrifice human beings, there is an equal chance that a religious impulse may prompt them to taste the flesh; and when once this has been done, there is no telling how soon it may be repeated, and that too for the gratification of the palate. According to Macrobius, human sacrifices were offered at Rome, down to the time of Brutus, who, on the establishment of the Republic, abolished them. We read, however, in other authorities, that in 116, B.C., two Gauls, a male and a female, were sacrificed by the priests in one of the streets of Rome, shortly after which such practices were forbidden by the senate, except in those cases in which they had been ordered by the Sibylline books. Still we read, in the time of Augustus, of one hundred knights being sacrificed by his orders, at Perusia, and of a similar immolation in the time of the emperor Aurelian, A.D. 270. These, however, were all exceptional cases, and do not imply a custom of offering human sacrifices.

[866] Pliny, in describing the Riphæan mountains, B. iv. c. 26, calls them “gelida Aquilonis conceptacula,” “the cold asylum of the northern blasts;” but we do not find the cavern mentioned in this or any other passage. The name here employed has been supposed to be derived from the Greek words, γης κλειθρον, signifying the limit or boundary of the earth.—B. “Specuque ejus dicto,” most probably means “the place called its cave,” and not the “cave which I have described,” as Dr. B. seems to have thought.

[867] They are merely enumerated among other tribes of Scythians, inhabiting the country beyond the Palus Mæotis. See B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 19.—B.

[868] The figures of the Gryphons or Griffins are found not uncommonly on the friezes and walls at Pompeii. In the East, where there were no safe places of deposit for money, it was the custom to bury it in the earth; hence, for the purpose of scaring depredators, the story was carefully circulated that hidden treasures were guarded by serpents and dragons. There can be little doubt that these stories, on arriving in the western world, combined with the knowledge of the existence of gold in the Uralian chain and other mountains of the East, gave rise to the stories of the Griffins and the Arimaspi. It has been suggested that the Arimaspi were no other than the modern Tsheremis, who dwelt on the left bank of the Middle Volga, in the governments of Kasan, Simbirsk, and Saratov, not far from the gold districts of the Uralian range.

[869] It has been conjectured, that these fabulous tales of the combats of the Arimaspi with the Griffins, were invented by the neighbouring tribes of the Issedonæ or Essedones, who were anxious to throw a mystery over the origin of the gold, that they might preserve the traffic in their own hands. The Altai Mountains, in the north of Asia, contain many gold mines, which are still worked, as well as traces of former workings. The representation of an animal, somewhat similar to the Griffin, has been found among the sculptures of Persepolis, and is conceived to have had some allegorical allusion to the religion of the ancient inhabitants of the place. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 27, gives an account of the Griffin, and its contests with the Indians, for the gold, similar to that here given.—B.

[870] We have an account of the Arimaspi, and of Aristeas, in Herodotus, B. iv. cc. 13, 15, and 27. Most of the wonderful tales related in this Chapter may be found in Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4. We have an account, also, of the Arimaspi in Solinus, very nearly in the words of Pliny. We have some valuable remarks by Cuvier, on the account given by Pliny of the Arimaspi and the Griffins, and on the source from which it appears to have originated, in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 16, and Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 164, 165.—B.

[871] The modern Himalaya range.

[872] Aulus Gellius relates this, among other wonderful tales, which are contained in his Chapter “On the Miraculous Wonders of Barbarous Nations,” B. ix. c. 4. He cites, among his authorities, Aristeas and Isigonus, whom he designates as “writers of no mean authority.”—B.

[873] In B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 29.

[874] One of the pleasures promised to the Gothic warriors, in the paradise of Odin, was to drink out of the skulls of their enemies.—B.

[875] The variety of the human species to which the term Albino has been applied, from the whiteness of their hair and skin, is supposed by Cuvier to be more frequently found in the close valleys of mountainous districts, and may therefore have been very often met with in Albania, which is composed of valleys in the Caucasian range.—B.

[876] “Tertio die;” literally, “on the third day.” In reckoning the time between two periods, the Romans included both of those periods in the computation, whereas we include but one of them.

[877] In countries where serpents abound, there have been, at all times, jugglers, who profess to have a supernatural power, by which they are rendered insensible to the poison of these animals. This is the case with the Egyptians, and some of the oriental nations. They remove the poison-fang from the serpent, and in this way render it perfectly harmless. Some of the feats which were performed by the magicians in the court of Pharaoh, seem still to be practised in Egypt; by pressing upon the upper part of the spine, the animal is rendered rigid, while on removing the pressure, the animal is restored to its original state. These jugglers were also in the habit, much to the surprise of the ignorant spectators, of sucking the poison from the wounds produced by the bite of the serpent, which they accompanied by various ceremonies and incantations: but it is a well-known fact, that this may be done with perfect safety, in reference to poisons of all kinds, provided there be no breach in the cuticle of the mouth or lips.—B.

[878] See B. xxviii. c. 7. The best account, probably, of the Psylli, is that found in Lucan’s Pharsalia, B. ix. c. 890, et seq.

[879] This custom is referred to by Lucan, in his account of the Psylli, B. ix. l. 890, et seq.; and by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 57, and B. xvi. c. 27, 28.—B.

[880] Herodotus, B. iv. c. 173, gives a somewhat different account; see also Aulus Gellius, B. xvi. c. 11, who follows the narrative of Herodotus. Gellius also gives an account of the Marsi, which is similar to that of Pliny.—B.

[881] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that this alleged effect of the human saliva is without foundation. The saliva of a person who has fasted for some time, is still, in this country, a popular remedy for ophthalmia. It contains a greater proportion of saline matter than saliva under ordinary circumstances.—B.

[882] The Nasamones have been enumerated among the inhabitants of the northern part of Africa, near the Greater Syrtis, v. 5. See also Herodotus, B. ii. c. 32, and B. vi. c. 172 and 190.—B.

[883] Certain individuals are occasionally met with, whose generative organs exhibit an unusual formation, so as to give the idea of their uniting both sexes in the same person; and there are instances, where parts peculiar to both sexes actually appear to exist, but always in an imperfect or rudimentary state; all beyond this is undoubtedly fabulous. See Todd’s Cyclop. of Anat. in loco.—B.

[884] There are, at the present day, individuals among the negroes, who profess to have the power of enchantment, which, however, appears to consist in their possessing the knowledge of various poisons, which they not unfrequently administer, and by these means obtain great influence over the minds of the people.—B.

[885] This power of the eye is referred to by Virgil, Ecl. iii. l. 103:

“What eye is it that has fascinated my tender lambs?”

The evil eye is still an article of belief in Egypt and in some parts of the East. Witchcraft, in various forms, was greatly credited in the most enlightened parts of Europe, not more than two centuries ago, and is not yet excluded from the vulgar creed.—B.

[886] It is well known that nothing of this kind was ever observed in any human eye, nor have we any method of accounting for the origin of this singular notion.—B. Brand, in his Popular Antiquities, says that he has no doubt whatever that the common expression “no one can say ‘black is my eye’” [or rather “black is the white of my eye”]—meaning that no one can justly speak ill of me, was derived from the notion of the enchanting, or bewitching, eye. He quotes from Reginald Scott’s “Discovery of Witchcraft:” “Many writers agree with Virgil and Theocritus in the effect of bewitching eyes, affirming ‘that in Scythia there are women called the Bythiæ, having two balls, or rather blacks, in the apples of their eyes.’ These, forsooth, with their angry looks, do bewitch and hurt, not only young lambs, but young children.” See Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. iii. pp. 44-46. See also Ennemoser’s Hist. of Magic, vol. ii. pp. 160, 161. Bohn’s Editions.

[887] Some of the commentators have supposed, that Pliny, or Phylarchus, from whom he borrows, was misled by the ambiguity of the Greek term ἵππος, which signifies either a horse, or a tremulous motion of the eye. But, even admitting this to be the case, the wonder is scarcely diminished; for we have the double pupil in one eye, while this supposed tremulous motion is confined to the other.—B.

[888] In all ages, it has been a prevalent superstition, that those endowed with magical qualities will not sink in water, encouraged, no doubt, by the cunning of those who might wish to make the charge a means of wreaking their vengeance. If they sank, they were to be deemed innocent, but were drowned; if, on the other hand they floated, they were deemed guilty, and handed over to the strong arm of the law. In reference to this usage, Brand says (“Popular Antiquities,” vol. iii.), “Swimming a witch was another kind of popular ordeal. By this method she was handled not less indecently than cruelly: for she was stripped naked and cross bound, the right thumb to the left toe, and the left thumb to the right toe. In this state she was cast into a pond or river, in which, if guilty, it was thought impossible for her to sink.”

[889] This is probably the meaning of the word “tabem” here; though it may possibly signify “rottenness,” or “putrefaction.”

[890] This remark is not contained in any of the works of Cicero now extant.—B.

[891] Cuvier observes, that these people probably exercise some deception, analogous to that practised by a Spaniard, who exhibited himself in Paris, and professed to be incombustible, but who, eventually, was the dupe of his own quackery, and paid the penalty with his life. It would appear, that the Hirpi were not confined to one district, but dispersed over different parts of Italy. See the note of Heyne, on the prayer of Aruns, Æn. B. xi. l. 785, et seq.—B.

[892] Plutarch relates these supposed facts in his life of Pyrrhus; this statement may be considered analogous to what has been recorded in modern times, respecting the efficacy of the royal touch in curing certain diseases, especially what has been termed the “King’s evil.”—B.

[893] Horace, Odes, B. i. O. 22, characterises the Hydaspes, a river of India, by the title of “fabulosus.”—B.

[894] See B. viii. c. [40].

[895] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 11, and B. xvii. c. 26, refers to the large size of many of the animals of India; and in B. iv. c. 19, he especially describes the size and fierceness of the Indian dog.—B.

[896] The Ficus religiosa of Linnæus, the branches of which have the property of taking root when they are bent down to the ground, and of forming new stems, which again produce other branches, that may be bent down in the same way, so as to cover an indefinite space.—B. More popularly known as the “banyan tree.” See B. xii. c. 11.

[897] The bambos arundinacea, or bamboo cane, is a reed or plant of the gramineous kind, which frequently grows to the height of the tallest trees. The stem is hollow, and the parts of it between the joints are used by the natives to form their canoes. We have an account of them in Herodotus, B. iii. c. 98.—B. See also B. xvi. c. 65 of this work.

[898] It does not appear that the stature of the Indians exceeds that of the inhabitants of the temperate zones.—B.

[899] Some practices very similar to these exist in certain parts of India, by the Fakirs, a peculiar class of devotees, and are regarded either in the light of religious ceremonies, or of modes of performing penance.—B.

[900] Henderson states, in his “Biblical Researches,” that there is a race of people found in the Caucasus, and known as the Ingusch, and that it is their belief that a race of dæmons exists, which assume the appearance of armed men, and have the feet inverted.

[901] Cuvier remarks, that these wonderful tales are generally related of the inhabitants of mountainous districts, as being less known and less accessible to travellers.—B.

[902] This account probably originated in a species of monkey, with a projecting muzzle, called, from this circumstance, “cynocephalus,” or the “Dog’s head.” This account of the cynocephali is repeated by Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. The cynocephalus is generally considered to be the baboon.

[903] So called, ἀπὸ τοῦ μονοῦ κώλου, “from having but one leg.” It is not improbable that these stories were first told of these nations from the resemblance of their names to the Greek words having these significations.

[904] We have no method of explaining the origin of this story. It is to be regretted, that Pliny should have adopted so many ridiculous fables, on the doubtful authority of Ctesias.—B.

[905] From Σκιαποῦς, “making a shadow with his foot.”—B.

[906] Or “dwellers in caves.”

[907] It has been conjectured, that this account may have originated in the dwarfish stature and short necks of the northern tribes, according to the usual exaggerated statements of the ancient travellers. Aulus Gellius also repeats this fable, B. ix. c. 4.—B.

[908] These are the great apes, which are found in some of the Oriental islands; this name was given them from their salacious disposition, which, it would seem, they have manifested in reference to even the human species. We have an account of the Satyrs in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 21.—B.

[909] We may suppose that this description is taken from some incorrect account of a large kind of ape; but it seems impossible to refer it to any particular species.—B.

[910] “Sparrow,” or “ostrich-footed;” it does not appear that the commentators have attempted to explain this passage; may we not conjecture that it refers to the Chinese? With respect to the word employed, it has been generally derived from στροῦθος, “a sparrow;” Dalechamps, however, as it would appear, with much plausibility, thinks that it is derived from “struthio,” the ostrich.—B. It is not improbable, however, that these were so called, from the resemblance of their gait to that of a sparrow, as they would be unable to step out, and be obliged to jump from place to place.

[911] Or “wandering tribes.”

[912] On this subject see B. vi. c. [20]. It is clear that either silk or cotton is here alluded to.

[913] In Eastern stories we find not uncommonly, wonderful effects attributed to the smell of the apple. See the Arabian Nights, passim.

[914] Cuvier remarks, that these accounts of the Struthopodes, the Scyritæ, and the Atomi, are not capable of any explanation, being mere fables.—B.

[915] From τρεῖς, “three,” and σπιθαμαὶ, “spans,” the span being about nine inches English.

[916] He alludes to the wars between the Cranes and the Pygmies in the Iliad, B. iii. l. 3-6. Their story is also referred to by Ovid and Juvenal.

[917] On the subject of the Pygmies, Cuvier remarks, “I am not surprised at finding the Pygmies in the works of Homer; but to find them in Pliny, I am surprised, indeed.”—B.

[918] Or the “long livers,” from the Greek μακρὸς, “long,” and βίος, “life.”

[919] Of course, there is no truth in this statement; there are, no doubt, various circumstances in these countries favourable to longevity; but these are more than counter-balanced by certain peculiarities in their mode of life, and by the fatal epidemics to which they are occasionally subject.—B.

[920] Pliny, in B. xxix. c. 38, speaks of the use of vipers’ flesh as an article of diet, and gives some minute directions for its preparation. It was supposed to be peculiarly nutritive and restorative, and it has been prescribed for the same purpose by modern physicians. There is a medal in existence, probably struck by the Emperor Commodus, in order to commemorate the benefit which he was supposed to have derived from the use of the flesh of vipers.—B.

[921] See B. ii. c. 75.

[922] The cubitus and the palmus of the Romans, estimated, respectively, at about one foot and-a-half and three inches; this would make the height of these people eight feet.—B.

[923] From the Greek Γυμνητὴς, “one who takes much exercise of the body.”

[924] There appears to be no foundation for this statement.—B.

[925] See B. vi. c. [35].

[926] In many of the warmer climates, where the locusts are of large size and in great abundance, they are occasionally used as food; but we have no reason to believe that they constitute the sole, or even the principal article of the food of any tribe or people.—B.

[927] In warm climates, the females arrive at maturity considerably earlier than in the more temperate regions, but the age here mentioned is an exaggeration. The female also, in such climates, ceases to bear at an earlier age, probably before the fortieth year.—B.

[928] This is the Island of Ceylon, of which Pliny has given an account in the last Book, c. 24.

[929] Such unnatural unions may have taken place occasionally, but nothing has ever been produced from them.—B.

[930] This is a still greater exaggeration than that mentioned above, in Note 95.—B.

[931] Cuvier remarks that this story must have been originally told with reference to the race of large apes. He says, however, that some men have the “os coccygis” greatly prolonged, and mentions a painter of celebrity in Paris who had this malformation. “But from this to an actual tail,” says he, “the distance is very great.” In these times we have the (perhaps doubtful) account by M. de Couret, of the Niam Niams, a race in Abyssinia or Nubia, with tails at least two inches in length. Few will fail to recollect Lord Monboddo’s theory, that mankind originally had tails, but wore them off in lapse of time by climbing up the trees.

[932] As far as there is any truth in this account, it must refer to certain kinds of apes: but with respect to the size of the ears, it is, of course, greatly exaggerated.—B.

[933] Or Cophes, see B. vi. c. [25].

[934] There are many tribes who live on the sea-coast, and who inhabit a barren country, with a bad climate, whose diet is almost confined to fish, and who feed their cattle on it. This is the case in some parts of Iceland, and even, to a certain extent, among the people of the Hebrides.—B.

[935] Or dog’s-headed ape, the baboon: see B. vi. c. [35], and Note [902], p. 130.

[936] Perhaps these appearances may be referred to effects of what is termed “mirage,” a phenomenon which is described by travellers in different parts of the torrid zone.—B. And in the temperate regions as well; Switzerland and the Hartz mountains, for instance.

[937] Columella, B. viii. c. 8, speaks of the fecundity of the Egyptians, but without ascribing any particular cause for it.—B.

[938] “Quinos.” The old reading was “binos,” “two” children only; but Aristotle, in reference, no doubt, to the same circumstance, says, Hist. Anim. B. vii., “One woman, at four births, gave birth to twenty children. For she brought forth five at a time, and the greater part of them were reared.”

[939] It was a very general opinion, that the waters of the Nile possess the property of promoting fecundity. Seneca mentions it as an acknowledged fact, Nat. Quæst. B. iii. c. 25.—B.

[940] There are well-authenticated accounts of four children having been produced at one birth; but, beyond this, we have no statements in which we can place much confidence. In a note by Dalechamps, we have an example of the credulity of the authors who have treated on this topic, as well modern as ancient.—B. In the recent volumes, however, of “Notes and Queries,” we find some apparently well-authenticated cases of women being delivered of five children at a birth. Nathaniel Wanley, in his “Wonders of the Little World,” also gives some apparently authentic instances of as many as five children being born at a birth: but we must be excused giving credit to the story, quoted by him, of Matilda or Margaret, Countess of Henneberg, who was said to have been delivered, on the Friday before Palm-Sunday, in 1276, “of 365 children, half sons and half daughters, with the exception of one, which was an hermaphrodite, all complete and well-fashioned, of the bigness of chickens new hatched, saith Camerarius.”

[941] From Hermaphroditus, the son of Hermes or Mercury, and Aphrodite or Venus. According to the poetic story as told by Ovid, Met. B. iv., he was united in one body, which bore the characteristics of both sexes, with the nymph Salmacis.

[942] Two cases of this description are mentioned by Livy, B. xxvii. c. 37, and B. xxxi. c. 12. In this latter passage, Livy enumerates the following prodigious births; among the Sabines, two children of doubtful sex; at Frusino, a lamb with a sow’s head; at Sinuessa, a pig with a human head; and among the Lucani, a foal with five feet. He informs us that the hermaphrodites were thrown into the sea.—B.

[943] Cuvier says, “From time to time we do see persons of this nature; and it is not long ago that such a being was exhibited in Paris, though certainly not of a nature to have been ‘in deliciis,’ at the present day.”

[944] Pliny gives further particulars of this theatre in B. xxxvi. c. 24. It was the first stone theatre erected at Rome, and was built B.C. 55, and contained 40,000 spectators.

[945] Solinus, the ape of Pliny, absolutely takes the meaning of this passage to be, that Eutychis herself was exhibited on the stage by the orders of Pompey.

[946] For Tralles, in Asia Minor, see B. v. c. 29.

[947] Cuvier speaks of the wife of a porter at the Jardin du Roi, at Paris, who, to his knowledge, had been the mother of thirty children.

[948] It seems doubtful whether Pliny means that the statue of Alcippe was also to be seen in the Theatre of Pompey. Tatianus tells the same story of one Glaucippe, and it is not improbable that under that name he refers to the same person. He says that a bronze statue of her was made by Niceretus, the Athenian. Hardouin suggests that this is the story alluded to by Livy, B. xxvii., and by Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 6, in their statement that, among other portents, a boy was born with the head of an elephant.

[949] Cuvier remarks, that it is not an uncommon circumstance, both in man and in other animals, for an atrophy of the maxillary bones to cause the nose to sink down, and produce some resemblance to the trunk of an elephant. To this circumstance, he refers the tales met with, of women, sows, and dogs having produced elephants; see also Val. Maximus, B. vi. c. 5.—B.

[950] As to this war, see B. ii. c. 85. The portents observed on this occasion were collected by the historian Sisenna, as we learn from Cicero, De Divin. B. ii.

[951] We find that this incredible tale is not only told by Julius Obsequens, but, according to Dalechamps, by Cornelius Gemma, a comparatively modern writer.—B.

[952] Cuvier remarks, that, in certain quadrupeds, individuals are occasionally born with the upper jaw preternaturally small, so much so, that the lower jaw, by its projection, bears some resemblance to a human chin. He had seen a case of this description at Geneva, in a calf, supposed, even by persons of information, to be the produce of an unnatural connection of a cow with a Savoyard shepherd. This subject is treated very philosophically by Lucretius, B. v. c. 876, et seq. With respect to the supposed Hippocentaur of Thessaly, Cuvier remarks upon the successive additions which the story had gained, in the writings of various authors. Cicero, in various parts of his writings, refers to the account of the Hippocentaur as a fabulous tale; Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 27; de Nat. Deor. B. i. c. 38, and B. ii. c. 2; De Divin. B. ii. c. 21.—B.

[953] Consuls A.U.C. 581.

[954] See B. iii. c. 9. Hardouin remarks that Aulus Gellius, in copying from this passage, seems to have read the word “Casini,” as though it were C. Asinii, meaning that the boy belonged to one C. Asinius. However, it is pretty clear that the reading adopted is the right one, Pliny having been careful to give the various localities at which these wonderful facts occurred.

[955] Phlegon tells us that this happened in the first year of Nero, and that the name of the youth, while supposed to be a girl, was Philotis.

[956] See B. v. c. 4, 5.

[957] A case of this description is mentioned by Ambrose Paré. The individual was brought up as a girl, but, in consequence of a sudden muscular exertion, the organs of the male were developed, which had previously been concealed internally. It may be remarked, that a great proportion of the well-authenticated cases of a supposed change of sex have been from the female to the male, evidently of the kind mentioned by Paré, where the male organs have been concealed in childhood, and become subsequently developed. Cases, however, have occasionally occurred of the contrary kind, arising probably from the unusual size of the clitoris; there are also certain cases, where, from the malformation of the parts, the sex is actually doubtful, or where even a certain degree of the two may exist, as has been stated above, in Note 51 to Chapter 2. This paragraph of Pliny is quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B.

[958] This does not correspond with the fact, as it exists in our time; a circumstance which may probably depend upon our improvement in the obstetrical art. Nor is the opinion, that both twins are less likely to live, if of different sexes, sanctioned by modern experience.—B.

[959] “Feminas gigni celerius quam mares;” there has been much discussion among the commentators, both with respect to the meaning of these words, and the fact to which they are supposed to refer. Hardouin interprets the phrase, “crescere, perfici, vigere, adolescere;” Cuvier translates it, “les filles sont portées moins long-temps par leur mère.” There is, however, no foundation for this opinion as to a difference in the period of the gestation.—B.

[960] There may be some ground for this opinion; it is maintained by Aristotle in his Hist. Anim.—B. As also by Galen.

[961] This statement is made upon the authority of Hippocrates, Aphor. B. v. c. 48, and Aristotle, Hist. Anim.; but is probably without foundation.—B.

[962] Animals have a certain period for generation, because they are more immediately affected by the seasons, whereas, in the human race, the arts of life render these fixed terms unnecessary.—B.

[963] Notwithstanding all the observations of the moderns, the question is scarcely decided respecting the length of time to which pregnancy may be prolonged. Cuvier says, that the experiments of Tessier have shewn, that there is a greater latitude in animals than had previously been supposed; he also remarks, that the same animals when domesticated, become less regular in this respect than in the wild state.—B.

[964] Dalechamps has collected authorities to prove, that a child may survive, when born even at an earlier period; but this, although not absolutely impossible, is improbable in the highest degree.—B.

[965] Ajasson expresses himself at a loss to identify this Pomponius; but thinks that it may have been either Julius Pomponius Græcinus, consul A.U.C. 759, or L. Pomponius, consul A.U.C. 794, A.D. 41.

[966] Caius Caligula. The name of this woman, who was first his mistress and then his wife, was Milonia Cæsonia. She was neither handsome nor young when Caligula first admired her: but was noted for her extreme licentiousness, and at the time when she first became intimate with Caligula, had already had three children. She and her daughter, by him, were put to death on the day on which he was murdered. Corbulo has been mentioned in B. vi. c. 8.

[967] Celsus, B. ii. c. 1, speaks of the fortieth day, as one of the critical periods of childhood; the others are the seventh month, the seventh year, and the period of puberty.—B.

[968] Who appears to have urged the great lapse of time that had intervened between the death of the alleged father and the birth of his opponent.

[969] Questions of this nature, of great importance, involving property and title, have been the subject of judicial consideration in our times; the longest period to which pregnancy may be protracted seems still not to be determined, but the general result has been to shorten it. Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 16, has collected the opinions of many of the ancients on this subject.—B.

[970] Most of the statements made in this Chapter appear to be taken from Aristotle’s History of Animals; they are, however, either without foundation or much exaggerated, and very incorrect.—B.

[971] This opinion, although without foundation, is supported by the authority of Hippocrates, Aphor. B. v. c. 42.—B.

[972] This singular opinion is referred to by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 16.—B.

[973] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 54, mentions the smell of an extinguished lamp, as producing abortion in a mare.—B.

[974] “Tinctoria mens;” there has been much discussion, whether the text does not require correction here; and various conjectural emendations have been proposed, but not with much success. If the word “tinctoria” was employed by Pliny, it may be regarded as one of those bold, and somewhat metaphorical expressions, which are not unfrequently found in his writings.—B.

[975] Valerius Maximus makes the same statement as to the death of Anacreon, and says that “having lived to an extreme old age, he was supporting his decayed strength by chewing raisins, when one grain, more obstinate than the rest, stuck in his parched throat, and so ended his life.” This story has been looked upon by some of the modern scholars as a fiction of the poets.

[976] This explanation of the name is given by Aulus Gellius, B. xvi. c. 6.—B. It is very doubtful what are the roots from which it is formed; though Pliny evidently thinks that the word is only a corruption of the Latin “ægre partus,” “born with difficulty;” a notion savouring of absurdity.

[977] M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus, having married his dissolute daughter, Julia. He was the son of Lucius Agrippa, and was descended from a very obscure family. He divorced his wife Marcella, to marry Julia, the widow of Marcellus, and the daughter of Augustus, by his third wife, Scribonia.

[978] Agrippina, the daughter of Agrippa and Julia, was the mother of the Emperor Caligula; and of a second Agrippina, who became the mother of Nero, by whose order she was put to death.—B.

[979] Julia, the daughter of Augustus, so notorious for her depravity, who, as already stated, was the wife of Agrippa.—B. See c. [46] of the present Book.

[980] From cædo, “to cut,” apparently. The Cæsones were a branch of the Fabian family. There has been considerable difference of opinion among the commentators respecting the individuals referred to in this Chapter. The subject is discussed at length in the Notes of Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 62.—B. So in Macbeth, act v. sc. 7, Macduff says to Macbeth—

“And let the angel whom thou still hast serv’d,

Tell thee, Macduff was from his mother’s womb

Untimely ripp’d.”

[981] The commentators are not agreed respecting the origin of this name; Dalechamps suggests, that it was originally Opiscus, from ὀπίσθιον, “because one follows close upon another.”—B.

[982] Hardouin says, that this is the case with the hare and the dasypus, which is a species of hare; but there is probably no foundation for the statement. Pliny repeats it in a subsequent passage, B. viii. c. 81.—B.

[983] Pliny evidently considers this a case of superfœtation, and looks upon it as not uncommon in the human species: whereas it is now considered impossible.

[984] This refers to the mythological tale of Jupiter and Amphitryon.—B.

[985] See B. v. c. 44.

[986] Most of these statements appear to be taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim.—B.

[987] There has been much discussion respecting the meaning of this passage and the fact to which it refers. Aristotle, Hist. Anim., says, that marks made on the arm are transmitted for three generations; and Pliny, in B. xxii. c. 2, informs us, that the Daci and the Sarmatæ “make written marks upon their bodies.” The same custom prevails among the lower orders, sailors especially, in our own times. We may also remark the analogy which it hears to the practice of tattooing, so general among the Polynesian and other barbarous nations.—B.

[988] The reader may be amused by a perusal of the collection of wonderful cases of this kind, which has been made by Dalechamps; see Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 65, note 4.—B.

[989] Aristotle, in his History of Animals, relates a similar, but not the same, story; he says that it occurred in Sicily, though he afterwards speaks of it as having happened in Elis. It is conjectured by Ajasson, that the individual might have been born in Sicily, and have exhibited himself in Elis, as a wrestler. If we are really to believe that his complexion was that of an Æthiopian, it is much more probable that his mother may have had connection with a negro.—B.

[990] Few readers will fail here to recall to mind the story about the clock, in the opening chapter of “Tristram Shandy.”

[991] Dalechamps refers us to a remark of the same kind in Cicero, Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 80; but Ajasson remarks, that the resemblance mentioned by Cicero refers to the mind and manners, not to the body; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 67.—B.

[992] Aulus Gellius says, that he was one of the royal family.

[993] This man resembled Antiochus III., surnamed the Great, to such a degree, that when that monarch had been slain in a tumult by his people, his wife, Laodice, daughter of Mithridates V., King of Pontus, put Artemon into a bed, pretending that he was the king, but dangerously ill. Many persons were admitted to see him; and all believed that they were listening to the words of their king, when he recommended to them Laodice and her children.

[994] This circumstance is related by Valerius Maximus, but he speaks of Vibius as being “ingenuæ stirpis,” “of good family.”—B.

[995] Hardouin expands the words “os probum,” into “liberale, venustum, gratum, venerandum, probandum,” B. xxxvii. c. 6.—B.

[996] See B. xxxvii. c. 6.

[997] The Latin word “strabo,” means “squinting,” or “having a cast” or “defect in the eye.”

[998] The word “mimus” was applied by the Romans to a species of dramatic performance, as well as to the persons who acted in them. The Roman mimes were imitations of trivial and sometimes indecent occurrences in life, and scarcely differed from comedy, except in consisting more of gestures and mimicry than of spoken dialogue. Sylla was very fond of these performances, and they had more charms for the Roman populace than the regular drama. As to the mime Salvitto, here mentioned, see B. xxxv. c. 2.

[999] This anecdote, and the one respecting Spinther and Pamphilus, are mentioned also by Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 24.—B.

[1000] A celebrated orator and satirical writer of the time of Augustus and Tiberius. He is mentioned in the Index of authors at the end of B. xxxvi., where he is called Longulanus, as being a native of Longula, a town of Latium. It was even thrown in his teeth, that he was the offspring of adultery, and that this low-born person was his father.

[1001] “Mirmillonis.” Many of the editions make this word to be a proper name, and “Armentarius” to signify the calling of the person described, as being a herdsman. The “Mirmillones” were a peculiar class of gladiators, said to have been so called from their having the image of a fish, called “mormyr,” on their helmets.

[1002] We assume the sestertium to be equivalent to somewhat more than eight pounds sterling; this sum will be about £1600.—B.

[1003] “Proscripter animus.” According to Hardouin, this means “delighting in proscription,” alluding to the well-known proscriptions of the triumvirate, in which Antony acted so conspicuous a part.—B.

[1004] This opinion is maintained by Hippocrates, and by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 8, and is referred to by Lucretius, B. iv. c. 1242, et seq.—B.

[1005] The case of Livia and that of Agrippina, referred to by Pliny, are mentioned by Suetonius, in the Life of Augustus, c. 63; and that of Caligula, c. 7.—B.

[1006] M. Junius Silanus, consul under Claudius, A.D. 46, with Valerius Asiaticus. He was poisoned by order of the younger Agrippina, that he might not stand in the way of Nero.

[1007] He is first mentioned in B.C. 168, when he was serving in the army of Æmilius Paulus, in Macedonia, and was sent to Rome with two other envoys to announce the defeat of Perseus. He united with the aristocracy in opposing the measures of the Gracchi; and the speech which he delivered against Tiberius Gracchus, is spoken of by Cicero in high terms, as replete with true eloquence.

[1008] He left four sons and two daughters; some writers say three. The ten individuals, over and above his children and grandchildren, may have consisted of the wives and husbands of his sons and daughters then living, as also of others who had died in his lifetime.

[1009] 11th of April.

[1010] See B. iii. c. 8.

[1011] This fact is mentioned by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13. There is some variation in the spelling of the name of the son of Masinissa; Solinus calls him Mathumannus.—B.

[1012] Hardouin gives a detailed account of the children of Cato, by which it appears that the Licinian branch descended from the issue by his wife Licinia, and the Saloniani, of whom Cato of Utica was one, from his son Salonianus, by his second wife, Salonia.—B.

[1013] Volusius Saturninus is again mentioned in the 49th Chapter, as a remarkable instance of longevity; also by Tacitus, B. xiii. c. 30.—B.

[1014] This reading seems preferable to sixty-second, adopted by Sillig; as there would be nothing very remarkable in a man becoming a father when sixty-two years of age.

[1015] Some of the “simiæ” are subject to a periodical discharge, analogous to that of the human female; but, according to Cuvier, it is in smaller quantity, and not at stated periods. The females of various other animals, when in a state to receive the male, have a discharge from the same parts, but totally different in its properties, and the mode in which it makes its appearance. Virgil, Geor. B. iii. l. 280, et seq., refers to this subject.—B.

[1016] Pliny makes some further remarks on these substances in a subsequent place, see B. x. c. [84]; where he says they are produced without the intercourse of the male; this point has been much discussed, and is perhaps scarcely yet decided.—B.

[1017] There is no actual resemblance between moles and schirri; they are produced by different causes, and exist in different parts of the body. Moles are always formed in the womb, and probably have some connection with the generative functions; while schirri are morbid indurations, which make their appearance in various parts of the body. Hippocrates gives some account of moles, in his work on the Diseases of Women. They are also noticed by Aristotle.—B.

[1018] All the poisonous and noxious effects which were attributed by the ancients to the menstrual discharge, are without the slightest foundation. The opinions entertained on this point by the Jews, may be collected from Leviticus, c. xv. ver. 19, et seq. Pliny enlarges upon this subject in a subsequent place. See B. xxviii. c. 23.—B.

[1019] Both Josephus, Bell. Jud. B. iv. c. 9, and Tacitus, Hist. B. v. c. 6, give an account of this supposed action of this fluid on the bitumen of Lake Asphaltites; the statement is no doubt entirely unfounded, but it is a curious instance of popular credulity.—B.

[1020] There are still somewhat similar superstitions in existence, even in this country among others; it is not uncommonly believed that meat will not take salt from the hands of a female during the discharge of the catamenia.

[1021] This statement is without foundation.—B.

[1022] The fact is true, that females in whom the menstrual discharge does not take place, are seldom, if ever, capable of conception; but it does not depend on the cause here assigned. See the remarks of Cuvier, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 82, and Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 173.—B.

[1023] Pliny clearly alludes to an opinion expressed by Galen, in which he says, “that if women while giving suck, have sexual intercourse, the milk becomes tainted.” Hardouin remarks, that Pliny shows considerable caution here in bringing forward Nigidius as the propounder of these opinions, the truth of which he himself seems to have doubted.

[1024] It is generally admitted, that the female is more disposed to conceive just after the cessation of each periodical discharge. We are informed by the French historians, that their king, Henry II., and his wife Catharine, having been childless eleven years, made a successful experiment of this description, by the advice of the physician Fernel; see Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 83.—B.

[1025] This is one of the many idle tales referred to by Pliny, entirely without foundation.—B.

[1026] This account is correct, to the extent that the first teeth that appear are the two central incisors of the upper jaw; the next are the two lower central incisors, then the upper lateral incisors, the lower lateral incisors, and the upper and lower canines. The molars follow a different order, the lower ones appearing before the upper.—B.

[1027] Hardouin mentions a number of authors who relate cases of this nature. It is said to have taken place with our king Richard III. See Shakespeare, Richard III., Act i. Scene 4. An individual of very different character and fortune, Louis XIV., is said to have been born with two teeth in the upper jaw.—B.

[1028] A town of Latium; we learn from Livy, B. i. c. 53, that it was captured and plundered by Tarquinius Superbus, but he makes no mention of Valeria. See B. iii. c. 9.

[1029] It is stated by Seneca, De Consol. c. 16, that Cornelia survived a large family of children, all of whom were carried off early in life; of these the two celebrated Gracchi, Tiberius and Caius, met with violent deaths. The peculiarity here referred to, probably consisted in an imperforated hymen, a mal-formation which not very unfrequently exists, and requires a surgical operation.—B.

[1030] This circumstance is mentioned by Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B. We learn from Plutarch, that the same was the case also with Pyrrhus, king of Epirus: Euryphæus also, the Cyrenian, and Euryptolemus, the king of Cyprus. Herodotus, B. ix., speaks of a skull found on the plain of Platæa, with a similar conformation.

[1031] Although the teeth, and especially their enamel, form the most indestructible substance which enters into the composition of the body, it is not absolutely so; a certain proportion of them consisting of animal matter, which is consumed, when exposed to a sufficient heat; the earthy part may also be dissolved by the appropriate chemical re-agents.—B.

[1032] Powerful acids for instance; but they destroy the enamel. Lord Bacon recommends the ashes of tobacco as a whitener of the teeth; but that has been found to have a similar effect.

[1033] We find in Haller, El. Phys. B. ix. c. 2, 4, 8, and in other physiologists, a minute account of the effects produced by the teeth in the articulation of the various letters which compose the alphabet.—B.

[1034] See B. iii. c. 3, and B. iv. c. 35. He does not say how many teeth the Turduli naturally had, but no doubt he is mistaken.

[1035] Pliny repeats this statement in B. xi. c. 63, and extends it to the females of the sheep, goat, and hog. In the natural condition of the mouth, the number of the teeth is the same in both sexes; but, according to the observations of Cuvier, what are called the “wisdom” teeth, though occasionally deficient in both sexes, are most frequently so in the female.—B.

[1036] He seems to allude to the younger Agrippina, the mother of the emperor Domitius Nero; neither her life, her character, nor her ultimate fate seem, however, to have entitled her to be called a favourite of Fortune. Her mother, the first Agrippina, grand-daughter of Augustus, appears, on the other hand, to have been a woman of virtuous character, and spotless chastity, without a vice, with the exception, perhaps, of ambition.

[1037] See B. x. c. [10].

[1038] It was one of the tenets of the Stoics, that the world was to be alternately destroyed by water and by fire. The former element having laid it waste on the occasion of the flood of Deucalion, the next great catastrophe, according to them, is to be produced by fire. Pliny has previously alluded to this opinion, B. ii. c. 110.—B.

[1039] Cuvier remarks, that in the alluvial tracts throughout Europe, Siberia, and America, and probably also in other parts of the world, bones have been found, which have belonged to very large animals, such as elephants, mastodons, and whales; and when discovered, the common people, and sometimes even anatomists, have mistaken them for the bones of giants. He especially mentions the case of the bones of an elephant, found near Lucerne, in the sixteenth century, and supposed by Plater to have belonged to a man seventeen feet in height. Cuvier conceives that no man in modern times has exceeded the height of seven feet, and even these cases are extremely rare; for further information he refers to his Recherches sur les Ossemens Fossiles. Some of the best authenticated facts of unusually tall men are in Buffon, Nat. Hist. vol. ii. p. 276, and vol. iii. p. 427.—B. The skeleton of O’Brien, in the Museum of the College of Surgeons, in London, is about seven feet and a half in height.

[1040] The story of the birth of Orion is beautifully told by Ovid, Fasti, B. v. l. 493. et seq. He was often represented by the poets as of gigantic stature, and after his death was fabled to have been placed among the stars, where he appears as a giant. It is not improbable that, like the Cyclopes, Hercules, and Atlas, he may have been one of the earliest benefactors of mankind, and an assiduous improver of their condition; whence the story of his gigantic size.

[1041] A gigantic son of Poseidon or Neptune, and Iphimedeia, one of the Alöeidæ.

[1042] We have an account of this supposed discovery of the body of Orestes in Herodotus, B. i. c. 68, and a reference to it, with some pertinent remarks, in Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 10.—B.

[1043] Il. B. v. l. 303, 4, B. xii. l. 449: this opinion of Homer was adopted by many of the Latin poets; for example, by Virgil, B. xii. l. 900; by Juvenal, Sat. xv. l. 69, 70; and by Horace, Od. B. iii. O. 6, sub finem.

[1044] Columella speaks of Cicero as mentioning this Pollio, and stating that he was a foot taller than any one else. It is most probably in Cicero’s lost book, “De Admirandis,” that this mention was made of him.

[1045] Hardouin supposes that this was not an individual name, but a term derived from the Hebrew, descriptive of his remarkable size.—B. He supposes also that not improbably this was the same individual that is mentioned by Tacitus, Annals, B. xii. c. 12, as Acharus, a king of the Arabians.

[1046] According to our estimate of the Roman measures, this would correspond to about nine feet four and a half inches of our standard.—B.

[1047] “Conditorio Sallustianorum.” The more general meaning attributed to the word “conditorium,” is “tomb” or burial-place. We learn from other sources that the famous “gardens of Sallust” belonged to the emperor Augustus, and it is not improbable that there was a museum there of curiosities, in which these remarkable skeletons were kept.

[1048] “Loculis.” It is not quite clear whether this word has the meaning here of chest or coffin, or of a niche or cavity made in the wall of the tomb.

[1049] Among the objects of curiosity which were exhibited by Augustus to the Roman people, as related by Suetonius, c. 43, was a dwarf named Lucius, who is there described; but he would appear to be a different person from any of those here mentioned.—B.

[1050] Seneca also mentions him in his Consolation to Marcia, c. 23.

[1051] The procurator of a province was an officer appointed by the Cæsar to perform the duties discharged by the quæstor in the other provinces.

[1052] We have an ingenious dissertation by Ajasson, the object of which is to show, that the Tacitus here referred to, is not the historian, but his father, and consequently, that the boy prematurely born must have been the historian’s brother, not his son.—B.

[1053] It is not clear whether Pliny intended to apply all these three observations to the female, or only the last of them; it appears, however, that the remark is, in either case, without foundation.—B. He appears to intend that his observations should apply more especially to the strength of the arm.

[1054] This is incorrect; the human body, after death, does not float until decomposition has commenced, when it becomes more or less buoyant, in consequence of the formation of gases, which partially distend the cavities; but we do not observe any difference in the two sexes in this respect.—B.

[1055] This statement is altogether incorrect.—B.

[1056] The total abstinence from liquids in dropsy, was a point much insisted upon by medical practitioners, even in modern times; but it is now generally conceived to have been derived from a false theory, and not to be essential to the cure of the disease, while it imposes upon the patient a most severe privation. A moderate use of fluids is even favourable to the operation of the remedies that are employed in this disease.—B.

[1057] From the Greek ἀγελαστὸς, “one who does not laugh.” Cicero refers to this peculiarity in the character of Crassus, in his treatise De Finibus, B. v. c. 92; and in the Tusc. Quest. B. iii. c. 3, he informs us, on the authority of Lucilius, that Crassus never laughed but once in his life.—B. And then, on seeing a donkey eating thistles; upon which he exclaimed, “Similem habent labia lactucam,” “Like lips, like lettuce.”

[1058] “Without passion;” equivalent to our English word “apathetical.”—B.

[1059] The daughter of M. Antony by Octavia. She was the mother of Germanicus Cæsar, and the grandmother of the emperor Caligula, whom she lived to see on the throne, and who is supposed to have hastened her death. She was celebrated for her beauty and chastity—a rare virtue in those days.

[1060] Pliny, B. xxxi. c. 45, says, that this state of the bones is found in fishermen, from their being exposed to the action of the sea and salt water; but both the fact and the supposed cause are without foundation.—B.

[1061] “Cornei.”

[1062] It would appear that the Samnites were not only one of the most warlike people, with whom the Romans had to contest in the infancy of their state, but that they were particularly celebrated as gladiators.—B.

[1063] The gladiators, called Samnites, were armed with the peculiar “scutum,” or oblong shield, used by the Samnites, a greave on the left leg, a sponger on the breast, and a helmet with a crest.

[1064] The term “nervus” was generally applied by the ancients to the sinews or tendons; they had a very indistinct knowledge of what are properly called the “nerves.”—B.

[1065] Pintianus suggests another reading here, which would appear to be much more consistent with probability. “Inermi dextrâ superatum, et uno digito postremo correptum in castra,” &c.—“Conquered him with the right hand, and that unarmed, and then with a single finger dragged him to the camp.”

[1066] “Rusticellus.”

[1067] Philonides has been already mentioned, B. ii. c. 73, as being in the habit of going from Sicyon to Elis in nine hours.—B.

[1068] We may consult the learned notes of Ajasson, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 99, respecting the exact distances here indicated by Pliny. We may remark, that a stadium is about one-eighth of a mile, according to which estimate, Philippides must have gone 142 miles in two days, and the other 150 miles in one day; as it is implied, that these journeys were performed on foot, even the former of them is obviously impossible.—B. Query, however, as to this last assertion; according to recent pedestrian feats, it does not appear to be absolutely impossible.

[1069] See B. ii. c. 72.

[1070] This feat is no less incredible than those mentioned above.—B.

[1071] We have an account of this journey of Tiberius in Dion Cassius. Val. Maximus, B. v. c. 6, also enumerates this among the extraordinary examples of fraternal affection.—B. We learn also from Suetonius, that on learning the accident, a fall from his horse, which had happened to his brother Drusus, Tiberius took horse at Ticinum, and travelled night and day till he reached his brother, who was then in Germany, near the Rhine. He accompanied the body to Rome, preceding it on foot all the way. There is extant a “Consolation to Livia Augusta,” written on this occasion, some have thought, by Pedo Albinovanus, but it is more likely to have been the work of Ovid.

[1072] This statement must have been in some of his lost works.

[1073] Pliny probably here refers to a passage in the Acad. Quæst. B. iv. c. 81, where Cicero speaks of a person who could see objects, it was said, at a distance of 1800 stadia, equal exactly to 125 miles.—B.

[1074] The actual distance between the promontory of Sicily and the nearest part of Carthage is between fifty and sixty miles. The acute vision of Strabo is mentioned by Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B.

[1075] See also B. xxxvi. c. 4. He was a Lacedæmonian sculptor, who, according to Athenæus, also executed embossed work on vases.

[1076] His works in ivory were said to have been so small, that they could scarcely be seen without placing them on black hair.

[1077] Cicero, Acad. Quæst. B. iv. c. 120, speaks of “one Myrmecides, a maker of minute objects of art;” Ælian, Vac. Hist. B. i. c. 17, also speaks of these minute performances of Myrmecides, and styles them “a waste of time.” Pliny, in a subsequent part of his work, B. xxxi. c. 4, speaks of similar minute works, executed by these artists in marble; but the account which he gives is scarcely credible.—B.

[1078] See B. xxxvi. c. 5.

[1079] It would appear that there is a little confusion here of events. Sybaris, so noted for its luxury and effeminacy, was destroyed by the people of Crotona, under the command of the athlete Milo, B.C. 510. In B.C. 360. the Crotoniats were defeated at the river Sagras, by the Locrians and Rhegians, 10,000 in number, although they are said to have amounted to 130,000. Now it was on the occasion of this latter battle, that, according to Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. ii., the noise was heard at Olympia, where the games were being celebrated. Be it as it may, the story is clearly fabulous.

Evelyn is much more deserving of credit, where we find him stating in his Diary, that in his garden, at Say’s Court, at Deptford, he heard the guns fired in one of our engagements with the Dutch fleet, at a distance thence of nearly 200 miles.]

[1080] Ajasson discusses at some length, the possibility of the fact here mentioned, and concludes, that it is not to be credited: he estimates the distance between these two places at 120 miles.—B.

[1081] As to the miraculous annunciation of the victory of Marius and Catulus over the Cimbri, see B. ii. c. 58.

[1082] Meaning, thereby, the twin brothers, Castor and Pollux; who were said to have announced at Rome the victory gained the day before by Paulus Æmilius over King Perseus.

[1083] This circumstance is mentioned by Pausanias, in his Attica. She was an Athenian hetæra, or courtesan, beloved by Aristogiton, or, according to Athenæus, by Harmodius. On the murder of Hipparchus, the son of Pisistratus, she was put to the torture, being supposed to have been privy to the conspiracy; but she died under her sufferings without making any disclosure, and, according to one account, bit off her tongue, that no secret might be betrayed by her. The Athenians erected in her honour a bronze statue of a lioness (in reference to her name), without a tongue, in the vestibule of the Acropolis.

[1084] This story is related by Val. Maximus, B. iii. c. 3, it is also alluded to by Cicero, Tus. Quæst. B. ii. c. 22, and De Nat. Deor. B. ii. c. 33; but he only speaks of his tortures, without mentioning what Pliny states of his biting off his tongue.—B. He was a philosopher of Abdera, of the school of Democritus, and flourished about B.C. 340. Towards Alexander the Great, whom he accompanied into Asia, he acted the part of a base flatterer. He was pounded to death in a mortar, by order of Nicocreon, king of Cyprus.

[1085] This statement is also made by Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 7. Xenophon, Cyropædia, B. v., speaks of the retentive memory of Cyrus, but considerably qualifies the account here given: he says that Cyrus knew the names of all his commanders or prefects, and of all those to whom he had occasion to give particular orders.—B.

[1086] This account is similar to that given by Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 7, and by Aulus Gellius, B. xvii. c. 7. We have a learned dissertation by Ajasson, in which he discusses the possibility of one individual understanding so great a number of languages, as well as the question, whether it is possible that so great a number of languages were spoken by the subjects of Mithridates. His conclusions greatly tend to prove both these points; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 295.—B.

[1087] This invention is referred to by Cicero, De Nat. Deor., B. ii. c. 86. Cicero also speaks of the remarkable powers of memory possessed by Charmidas and Metrodorus, De Oratore, B. ii. c. 88, and Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 24.—B.

[1088] Ajasson gives an account of some of the principal writers in what has been termed the science of Mnemonics, or artificial memory: he particularly commends the lectures of Aimé of Paris on the subject; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 310, et seq.—B.

[1089] This circumstance is related by Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B.

[1090] This is not always the case. In dreams we often recollect past events and localities; we know in what part of the world we are, and even remember the substance of former dreams, and the fact that we have dreamt of a similar subject before.

[1091] The conqueror of Syracuse, and five times consul at Rome. He was Born B.C. 268, and was slain in an engagement with Hannibal, B.C. 208, in the vicinity of Venusia.

[1092] Ajasson remarks concerning the number of battles in which Cæsar is said to have been engaged, that it has probably been much exceeded by some of the great warriors of later times. He says that an individual, “who was raised over our heads and over all Europe, and so reigned much too long,” was personally engaged in nearly 300 battles.—B.

[1093] Who infested the coasts of Cilicia, and whom he dislodged from their strongholds, and almost utterly extirpated.

[1094] This fact is mentioned by Seneca, de Ira, B. ii. c. 26. Plutarch mentions a similar circumstance with respect to Pompey.—B.

[1095] Or Bacchus.—“Father Liber” is the name always given to him by Pliny.

[1096] “Magnus.” Plutarch states, that, on his return from Africa, Sylla saluted him with the name of “Magnus,” which surname he ever afterwards retained.—B.

[1097] Plutarch says, that the law did not allow a triumph to be granted to any one who was not either consul or prætor.—B.

[1098] Sertorius had joined the party of Marius and Cinna, in opposition to that of Sylla. He fled into Spain, and maintained the war successfully in that country, until he was treacherously assassinated by one of his supposed partisans. This may appear a sufficient reason for his not being mentioned by Pompey.—B.

[1099] “Toties imperator antequam miles.” He had been raised to the highest rank without passing through the various gradations of military life.—B.

[1100] Speaking of this honorary crown, Pliny says, B. xvi. c. 4, “At the present day it is not given to the victor himself, but proclamation is made that he confers the crown upon his country.”

[1101] It is noticed by the commentators, that Aulus Gellius, speaking of this building, calls it the Temple of Victory, B. x. c. 1; the error, it is supposed, may have arisen from Pompey having placed a statue of Victory in the Temple.—B.

[1102] 29th of September.

[1103] Pliny, referring to these events, in a subsequent place, B. xxvii. c. 6, says that it took place “pridie Kalend. Octob. die natalis sui.” Plutarch informs us, that the triumph lasted two days, a circumstance which may assist us in reconciling these dates. The same author gives a very minute detail of all the transactions here referred to.—B.

[1104] According to the chronology ordinarily adopted, this would be in the year of the City 692.—B.

[1105] By Asia, as we see from the geographical portion of this work, the ancients often designated not the large tract to which we now apply the name, but a comparatively small district lying on the east of the Ægean sea.—B.

[1106] See B. xiv. c. 5.

[1107] Val. Maximus adds, that he was the best lawyer of his time.—B.

[1108] We meet with a passage in Livy, B. xxxix. c. 44, illustrative of this view of Cato’s character. In Cicero’s treatise, De Senectute, where Cato bears a prominent part, frequent allusion is made to the strictness and even severity of his principles, although the general impression which we receive of his character and manners is highly interesting, and, upon the whole, not unamiable.—B.

[1109] Plutarch says, that nearly fifty impeachments were brought against him, the last when he was eighty-six years of age.—B.

[1110] There has been considerable difficulty in ascertaining who was the individual here referred to; the subject is discussed at some length by Hardouin, who shows that it is probable, that it was Lucius Cæcilius, who was slain in a battle with the Gauls, A.U.C. 470, and in the consulship of Dolabella and Domitius.—B.

[1111] The name of this consul has been the subject of much discussion among the commentators. Livy, B. iii. c. 31, has been referred to, as calling him Atermius; but in some of the best editions, he is named Aterius. The tribunate of Dentatus took place A.U.C. 299, fifty-five years after the expulsion of the kings.—B.

[1112] When a Roman overcame an enemy with whom he had been personally engaged, he took possession of some part of his armour and dress, which might bear testimony to the victory; this was termed the “spolium.”—B.

[1113] “Hasta pura;” these words, according to Hardouin, signify a lance without an iron head. We are told that it was given to him who gained the first victory in a battle; it was also regarded as an emblem of supreme power, and as a mark of the authority which one nation claimed over another.—B.

[1114] “Phaleris.” These were bosses, discs or crescents of metal, sometimes gold. They were mostly used in pairs, and as ornaments for the helmet; but we more commonly read of them as attached to the harness of horses, and worn as pendants from the head, so as to produce a terrific effect when shaken by the rapid movements of the horse.

[1115] The “torques” was an ornament of gold, twisted spirally and bent into a circular form, and worn among the upper classes of the Persians, the Gauls, and other Asiatic and northern nations. They are often found both in France and Ireland, as well as in this country, but varying greatly in size and weight.

[1116] Golden “armillæ,” or bracelets, were worn by the Gauls on the arms and the legs. The Sabines also wore them on the left arm, at the time of the foundation of Rome.

[1117] The word “fiscus” signifies a wicker basket or pannier, probably of peculiar construction, in which the Romans were accustomed to keep and carry about large sums of money. In process of time the word came to signify a treasure or money-chest.

[1118] We have nearly the same detail of the honours bestowed on Dentatus by Val. Maximus, B. iii. c. 2. Pliny again speaks of Dentatus, and the honours bestowed upon him, B. xxii. c. 5; and especially notices the “corona graminea,” the grass or obsidional crown, as the highest of his honours. The different kinds of honorary crowns are very fully described in B. xvi. c. 3, 4, and 5; in B. xxii. c. 4, we have a particular account of the “corona graminea;” in c. 5, mention is made of its having been given to Dentatus, and, in the next, other individuals are enumerated to whom it had been presented.—B.

[1119] T. Romilius Rocus Vaticanus was consul B.C. 455. Having defeated the Æqui, and gained immense booty, instead of distributing it among the soldiers, he and his colleague sold it, on account of the poverty of the treasury. They were, in consequence, brought to trial, and Veturius was sentenced to pay 10,000 asses. He was, however, elected augur in 453, as some compensation for the ill-treatment he had experienced.

[1120] Livy, B. iii. c. 31, gives an account of the conviction of Romilius, but says, that it was effected by C. Claudius Cicero, the tribune of the people. To obviate the discordance in the names, some commentators have proposed to substitute the words “Lucio Siccio” for “Claudio Cicerone.”—B.

[1121] We have an account of the victories, honours, and unfortunate fate of Manlius in Livy, B. vi. c. 14-20. In enumerating the honours conferred upon him, the numbers are given somewhat differently in c. 20; thirty spoils of enemies slain, forty donations from the generals, two mural and eight civic crowns.—B.

[1122] M. Sergius Silus. He was one of the city prætors B.C. 197.

[1123] Among the Jews and other nations of antiquity, it was considered an essential point for the priests to be without blemish, perfect and free from disease.—B.

[1124] In allusion to the compliment paid by the senate to the consul, M. Terentius Varro, by whose rashness the battle of Cannæ was lost. On his escape and safe return to Rome, instead of visiting him with censure, he received the thanks of the senate, “that he had not despaired of the Republic.”

[1125] It appears somewhat remarkable, considering the extraordinary acts of valour here enumerated, as performed by Sergius, that we hear so little of him from other sources.—B.

[1126] Hardouin takes the meaning to be, that though ill fortune overtook the Romans in their wars with Hannibal, nevertheless Sergius defeated Fortune herself, in dying before his country was overwhelmed by those calamities.

[1127] Pliny informs us, B. xiii. c. 1, that the art of making perfumes originated with the Persians.—B.

[1128] The city was taken by him by assault, and all its buildings, with the exception of the house of Pindar, levelled to the ground; most of the inhabitants were slaughtered, and the rest sold as slaves.

[1129] Stagirus, or Stagira, a town of Macedonia, in Chalcidice, on the Strymonic Gulf. It was a colony of Andros, founded B.C. 656, and originally called Orthagoria. It was destroyed by Philip, and, according to some accounts, was rebuilt by him, as having been the native place of Aristotle.

[1130] Archilochus of Paros was one of the earliest Ionian lyric poets, and was the first who composed in Iambic verse according to fixed rules. He flourished about 714-676 B.C. Pliny speaks here of his murderers; but it is generally stated by historians that he was murdered by one individual by some called Calondas, or Corax, a Naxian, by others Archias.

[1131] We may here refer to some remarks by Hardouin and Ajasson on the actual sum obtained by Isocrates; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 126, 127.—B.

[1132] This anecdote is related by Cicero, De Oratore, B. iii. c. 56, and by Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 10.—B.

[1133] This is rather a strong expression, and it is doubtful if the great historian at all deserves it. The facts of the case seem to have been as follow. Thucydides was employed in a military capacity, and was in command of an Athenian squadron of seven ships at Thasos, B.C. 424, when Eucles, who commanded in Amphipolis, sent for his assistance against Brasidas, who was before that town with an army. Fearing the arrival of a superior force, Brasidas offered favourable terms to Amphipolis, which were readily accepted, as there were but few Athenians in the place. Thucydides arrived at Eion, on the mouth of the Strymon, the evening of the same day on which Amphipolis surrendered: and though too late to save Amphipolis, prevented Eion from falling into the hands of the enemy. It was in consequence of this failure, that he became voluntarily an exile, perhaps to avoid the still severer punishment of death, which appears to have been the penalty of such a failure as that which he had, though unavoidably, committed. It is most probable that he returned to Athens about B.C. 403, the period of its liberation by Thrasybulus.

[1134] The following passage in Livy, B. vi. c. 34, may serve to illustrate this remark of Pliny:—“The lictors of Sulpicius, the military tribune, when he went home from the forum, knocked at the door with his staff, as the usual custom is.”

[1135] Of Cyrene, the Academic philosopher. In B.C. 155, being then fifty-eight years old, he was chosen with some others to deprecate the fine of 500 talents which had been imposed on the Athenians for the destruction of Oropus. It was then that, in presence of Cato the Elder, he delivered his famous orations on Justice. The first oration was in commendation of the virtue, and on the ensuing day the next was delivered, by which all the arguments of the first were answered, and justice shown to be not a virtue, but only a matter of compact for the maintenance of civil society. The honesty of Cato was greatly shocked at this, and he moved the senate to send the philosopher back to his school, and save the Roman youth from his demoralizing doctrines. He lived twenty-eight years after this, and died at Athens B.C. 129, aged eighty-five, or, according to Cicero, ninety.

[1136] This is related by Plutarch, in his Life of Cato. His general dislike of the Grecian character is again mentioned, B. xxix. c. 7.—B.

[1137] See B. xxxiv. c. 19.

[1138] We have an account of this embassy in Plutarch. Pliny informs us, B. xxxiv. c. 20, that the only article which Cato retained, of the works of art that he brought from Cyprus, was the statue of Zeno, “not for its intrinsic merit, but because it was the statue of a philosopher.” Valerius Paterculus, B. ii. c. 45, and Plutarch refer to this transaction.—B.

[1139] This circumstance is related by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 14, and is referred to by Cicero in his defence of Archias, sec. 9.—B.

[1140] M. Varro, the philosopher, sometimes called “the most learned” of the Romans. His command under Pompey, in the war against the Pirates, has been already mentioned in B. iii. c. 16. He also served under him against Mithridates, and was his legatus in Spain, at the first outbreak of the civil wars.

[1141] Pliny refers to the same subject: in B. xxxv. c. 2, he speaks of Pollio as “qui primus, bibliothecam dicando, ingenia hominum rempublicam fecit”—“The first who, by forming a public library, made public property the genius of learned men.” Aulus Gellius, B. vi. c. 18, informs us, that the first library, formed for the use of the public, was that collected at Athens by Pisistratus.—B. Ptolemy Philadelphus, the king of Pergamus, and Lucullus, had formed extensive libraries, but solely for their own use, and not that of the public.

[1142] Some of these are given by Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 15.—B. It is very doubtful, however, if Greece did not greatly excel Rome in this respect.

[1143] Meaning Cicero, the orator and philosopher.

[1144] Cicero, in an Epistle to Atticus, B. ii. c. i., enumerates what he styles his consular orations: the total number is twelve, and among them we find all those here referred to by Pliny.—B.

[1145] The individual referred to is L. Roscius Otho; by his law the Roman equites, who, before this time, sat mingled with the people generally, had appropriate seats allotted to them. Cicero designates this oration, “De Othone.”—B.

[1146] This title was bestowed upon him by the general acclamation of the people, at the end of his consulship. We have an account of it in Plutarch.—B.

[1147] This remark is not found in any of Cæsar’s works now extant.—B.

[1148] These terms signify “acute” and “judicious;” they are derived respectively from “cautus” and “cor.”—B.

[1149] Son of Damagetus, and one of the Seven Sages. He flourished towards the beginning of the sixth century B.C. Herodotus says that he held the office of Ephor Eponymus in Ol. 56. He was a man remarkable for his wisdom and his sententious brevity, so characteristic of his Spartan origin.

[1150] It appears somewhat doubtful to which of the Grecian sages the credit of this maxim is due.—B.

[1151] We have an account of Melampus, probably the same as the person here styled Melampodes, in Herodotus, B. ii. c. 49, and B. ix. c. 34; Ajasson, in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 135, has given a list of writers who have referred to him as an eminent soothsayer. Pliny mentions him in a subsequent passage, B. xxv. c. 21, as celebrated for his skill in the art of divination.—B.

[1152] Marcius is said by Cicero, De Divin. B. i. c. 50, to have given his predictions in verses.—B.

[1153] We have an account of this in Livy, B. xxix. c. 14, and B. xxxvi. c. 40; it is also referred to by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 15.—B.

[1154] In consequence of the number of eminent men who bore the name of Scipio, it is not easy, in all cases, to decide to which of them certain transactions ought to be referred. In this instance, it has been doubted, whether it was the same Scipio who was twice an unsuccessful candidate for the consulship, and who died in a foreign country. Livy, B. xxxv. c. 24, remarks, “P. Corn. Cn. F. Scipio” had been an unsuccessful candidate for the consulship; and afterwards, B. xxxix. c. 40, that “P. and L. Scipio” were unsuccessful candidates for the office of censor. Val. Maximus expressly states, B. v. c. 3, that it was Scipio Nasica, who, in consequence of the little estimation in which he was held by his fellow-citizens, went to Pergamus, and “lived there the remainder of his life, without feeling any regrets for his ungrateful country.”—B.

[1155] We have this anecdote related by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 15. He informs us, that it was the statue of Venus Verticordia which was ordered to be consecrated; the more readily to win the hearts of the maidens and matrons from wanton thoughts to a life of chastity.—B.

[1156] Her story is told at great length by Ovid, in the Fasti, B. iv. l. 305, et seq. Her name was Claudia Quinta, and she is supposed to have been the sister of Appius Claudius Pulcher, and grand-daughter of Appius Claudius Cæcus. The vessel which was conveying the statue of Cybele from Pessinus to Rome having stuck fast on a shallow at the mouth of the Tiber, the soothsayers declared that none but a really chaste woman could move it. Claudia, who had been previously accused of unchastity, being in the number of the matrons who had accompanied Scipio to Ostia to receive the statue, immediately presented herself, and calling upon the goddess to vindicate her innocence, seized the rope, and the vessel moved forthwith. A statue was afterwards erected to her in the vestibule of the temple of the goddess.

[1157] Solinus and Festus differ somewhat from Pliny, in stating that it was her father whose life was thus saved by the affectionate daughter. Valerius Maximus, who tells the story, says that the family was “ingenui sanguinis,” meaning “of genteel origin.” Such families were, however, sometimes reduced, even among the Romans, to a level with the plebeian classes.

[1158] A.U.C. 604.

[1159] This theatre is again mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 12. It was built of stone, and erected by Augustus in honour of his nephew Marcellus. This is related by Valerius Maximus, B. v. c. 8, somewhat more in detail, and with a degree of animation, which is not frequently to be met with in that author.—B.

[1160] Cicero, De Divin. B. i. c. 18, Val. Maximus, B. iv. c. 6, and Plutarch, relate this more circumstantially. The serpents were of different sexes; if the male serpent was killed, his own death was to be the consequence; if the female, that of his wife, Cornelia.—B.

[1161] Pliny gives an account of the circumstances which attended the death of Lepidus, in the 54th Chapter. He was the father of the triumvir.—B.

[1162] Or Rutilius, consul B.C. 132, the year after the death of Tiberius Gracchus, whose adherents he prosecuted with the greatest cruelty. He also obtained a triumph for bringing to a conclusion the Servile war. He was an intimate friend of the younger Scipio Africanus, who obtained the consulship for him, but failed in gaining that honour for his brother Lucius. About the same period, he was condemned, in the tribuneship of Caius Gracchus, for his illegal acts in the prosecution of the adherents of Tiberius Gracchus. It has been suggested that this indignity may have had a greater share than the ill success of his brother in causing his death.

[1163] Pliny again speaks of the great talents of Hippocrates, B. xxvi. c. 6, and B. xxix. c. 2.—B.

[1164] We have an account of the origin of these games in Livy, B. xxix. c. 14.—B.

[1165] Cleombrotus is supposed to be the same person who is mentioned in B. xxix. c. 3, as Erasistratus, the grandson of Aristotle. From Suidas we learn that a near relative of his was called Cleombrotus, though, from his perplexed language, it is impossible to say whether father or uncle. The story to which Pliny is supposed here to refer is a curious one. Antiochus, the son of Seleucus Nicator, fell in love with Stratonice, whom his father had married in his old age, but struggled to conceal his passion. The skilful physician discovered the nature of his disease; upon which he reported to Seleucus that it was incurable, for that he was in love, and it was impossible that his passion could be gratified. The king, greatly surprised, inquired who the lady was; to which Erasistratus replied that it was his own wife; whereupon Seleucus began to try and persuade him to give her up to his son. The physician upon this asked him if he would do so himself, if it were his own wife. Seleucus declared that he would; upon which Erasistratus disclosed to him the truth. Seleucus not only gave up Stratonice to his son, but resigned to him several provinces. Erasistratus was one of the most famous physicians and anatomists of antiquity.

[1166] It was on this occasion that a label was said to have been fastened on the arrow, inscribed, “To Philip’s right eye.” The inhabitants were permitted to depart, however, when the city was taken, with one garment to each person.

[1167] This accident occurred to Philip, at the siege of Methone, of which we have a brief account in Diodorus Siculus, B. xvi. c. 7, and in Justin, B. vii. c. 6; but neither of these authors makes any mention of Critobulus. Quintus Curtius, B. ix. c. 5, informs us, that Critobulus exhibited great skill in relieving Alexander the Great from the effects of a dangerous wound, which he received in India; but he does not refer to the fact here mentioned.—B.

[1168] At the present day, this mode of treatment would have figured as the “wine-cure.”

[1169] See B. xxvi. c. 8.

[1170] Pliny again speaks of Asclepiades, in B. xxvi. c. 7, and B. xxix. c. 5. The anecdote respecting the man who was saved from the funeral pile is referred to by Celsus, B. ii. c. 6.—B. Pliny says, in B. xxvi. c. 7, that Asclepiades first came to Rome as a teacher of rhetoric, and that being unsuccessful, he turned his attention to medicine. Bruce, the Abyssinian traveller, also met his death by falling down stairs. Rabelais, in the prologue to his Fourth Book, refers to this peculiar death of Asclepiades.

[1171] This is related more at large by Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 7, and by Plutarch.—B.

[1172] Mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 31.

[1173] Val. Maximus refers to Philon and his public works, in B. viii. c. 12.—B. He was an architect of eminence in the reign of the successors of Alexander. He built for Demetrius Phalereus, about B.C. 318, the portico of twelve Doric columns to the great temple at Eleusis. He also formed a basin in the Piræus, which was destroyed at the taking of Athens by the Romans under Sylla.

[1174] See B. v. c. 11, and B. xxxiv. c. 42.

[1175] Plutarch, in his life of Alexander, mentions the restriction made in favour of Lysippus, but does not extend it to Apelles; he does not speak of Pyrgoteles. We have an apposite allusion to this circumstance by Horace, Ep. B. i. l. 239, 240. Boileau has elegantly imitated Horace, in his “Discours au Roi.”—B. For further particulars of him, see B. xxxiv. c. 17 and 19. He was a native of Sicyon, and at first a simple worker in bronze, but eventually obtained the highest rank among the Grecian statuaries.

[1176] According to the usual estimate of the value of the Attic talent, £193 12s., the sum given for this picture would be about £19,000.—B.

[1177] Nearly all the topics here treated of are again mentioned in B. xxxv., which is devoted to the fine arts. The 34th, 35th, and 36th Chapters of that Book, contain an account of all the celebrated painters of antiquity, and their principal works.—B.

[1178] Between £15,000 and £16,000.—B.

[1179] “Poliorcetes.”

[1180] We have a further account of this artist in B. xxxiv. c. 19, B. xxxv. c. 39 and 40, and B. xxxvi. c. 4.

[1181] This is referred to by Pliny, B. xxxvi. c. 4, and by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 4.—B.

[1182] He is again mentioned in B. xxxiv. c. 19, B. xxxv. c. 34, and B. xxxvi. c. 4.—B.

[1183] Mentor is noticed for his skill in carving, B. xxxiii. c. 55.—B. Littrè says, on referring to that passage, “we find that he was a worker in silver, and a maker of vases of great value.” He seems disinclined to believe that he was a statuary. As Pliny tells us, ubi supra, none of his public works were in existence in Pliny’s time. Some small cups, however, existed, which were highly prized, though some were undoubtedly spurious.

[1184] Now Pesaro.

[1185] We have the same difficulty in ascertaining the sums here mentioned, as in all former cases. Holland estimates the sum given for Daphnus at 300,700 sesterces, vol. i. p. 175.—B.

[1186] “Dispensator;” we have an explanation of this term, B. xxxiii. c. 13.—B.

[1187] Holland estimates the sum paid for the enfranchisement of this man at 120,000 sesterces, vol. i. p. 175.—B.

[1188] In his capacity, probably, of contractor for provisions and stores.

[1189] Holland estimates the price paid on this occasion at 3,500 sesterces, ubi supra, thus differing exceedingly from Ajasson’s estimate.—B.

[1190] “Quam quidam injuriam lucri fecit ille mercatus in luctu civitatis, quoniam arguere nulli vacabat.” We can see the meaning of this passage, but a literal translation of it, as it stands, is out of the question.

[1191] “Virtus”—“manliness,” that being esteemed by the Romans the ideal of true virtue.

[1192] It appears that a similar custom prevailed among the Scythians, according to Phylarchus, from whom Pliny probably took his account of it; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 151.

[1193] As being fraught with an intensity of pain, which no number of days passed in pleasure can compensate.

[1194] She was the daughter of Leotychides, and the wife of Archidamas, and mother of Ægis. Ajasson expresses his surprise, that so diligent a collector of facts as Pliny, should have been acquainted with only one example of this kind.—B. “The following are additional instances collected by Ajasson:—1. Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, king of Epirus, wife of Philip II., king of Macedon, and mother of Alexander the Great, king of Macedon. 2. Roxana, daughter of king Darius Codomannus, and wife of Alexander the Great; her son by whom was proclaimed king by certain generals of Alexander, but was shortly after slain at Amphipolis. 3. Laodice the Younger, daughter of king Antiochus Soter, sister and wife of Antiochus Theös, and mother of king Seleucus Callinicus. 4. Berenice, daughter of king Ptolemy Philadelphus; married to her brother king Ptolemy Euergetes, and mother of Ptolemy Philopater, by whom she was put to death. 5. Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria: she became the wife of king Ptolemy Epiphanes, and was mother of king Ptolemy Philometor. 6. Cleopatra Cocce, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, married her uncle, king Ptolemy Physcon, and became mother of kings Ptolemy Lathyrus and Alexander I. 7. Cleopatra, another daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, married first to Alexander Balas, the usurper of the throne of Scythia, then to king Demetrius Nicator, and then to Antiochus Venator. Her sons by Nicator were Seleucus V. and Antiochus Gryphus, both of whom became kings of Syria; and her son Cyzicenius by Antiochus Venator, likewise became king of Syria. 8. Selene or Cleopatra, daughter of king Ptolemy Physcon, was married, first, to king Ptolemy Lathyrus, secondly, to king Antiochus Gryphus, and thirdly, to king Antiochus Eusebes. She was mother of king Antiochus Asiaticus. In all, she had nine kings as her near relations or connections. 9. Stratonice, daughter of king Demetrius Poliorcetes, was married first to king Seleucus Nicator, and then to king Antiochus Soter, and was mother of king Antiochus Therös.

[1195] Val. Maximus, B. viii. c. 15, gives nearly the same account of a person whom he calls Pherenice; from the resemblance of the names, it has been supposed, that they may both refer to the same individual.—B.

[1196] He alludes to the three persons, father, son, and grandson, known by the name of C. Scribonius Curio. The first was prætor B.C. 121, one of the most distinguished orators of his time. His son, who acquired some reputation as an orator, was tribune of the people B.C. 90, prætor B.C. 82, and consul in B.C. 76, with Cn. Octavius. He is represented as being possessed of great eloquence, and of extreme purity and brilliancy of diction, but to have had none of the other requisites of an orator. Like his son, he enjoyed the friendship of Cicero. The younger Curio was an orator of great talents, which, from want of industry, he left uncultivated. Cicero endeavoured to direct his talents into a proper channel, but all in vain, and he remained to the end a man of worthless and profligate character. He was married to Fulvia, who afterwards became the wife of Antony.

[1197] Hardouin observes, that M. Fabius Ambustus was three times consul, Quintus Fabius Rullianus five times, and Q. Fabius Gurges three times.—B.

[1198] We have a similar account of the fate of Fidustius in Dion Cassius, by whom he is named Filuscius.—B. He was at length slain by order of Antony.

[1199] We have an account of the vicissitudes in the life of Ventidius Bassus in A. Gellius, B. xv. c. 4, and in Valerius Paterculus, B. ii. c. 65. We learn from these writers, that Ventidius was a native of Picenum, and that, when that city was taken by Cneius Pompeius, in the Social war, Ventidius, then an infant, was carried in his mother’s arms, before the car of the conqueror.—B.

[1200] The passage of Cicero referred to, occurs in a letter to Plancus, Ep. ad Fam. B. x. Ep. 18, where, speaking of Ventidius, who had united himself to the party of Antony, he says, “And I look down upon the camp of the mule-driver, Ventidius.”

[1201] “Caliga.” A strong heavy sandal worn by the Roman soldiers and centurions; but not by the superior officers. The term “a caligâ,” therefore, had the same meaning as our expression, “from the ranks.” The Emperor Caligula received that surname when a boy, in consequence of wearing the caliga, and being inured to the life of a common soldier.

[1202] In the year A.U.C. 704.

[1203] He was a native of Gades, in Spain. A party of the Roman nobles induced an inhabitant of Gades to accuse him of having illegally assumed the privileges of a Roman citizen. The cause was tried B.C. 55, and he was supported by Pompey and Crassus, and defended by Cicero. One of the tests of the being a Roman citizen, was the immunity from being scourged, according to the provisions of the Porcian law. So St. Paul, who, as a citizen of Tarsus, enjoyed the rights of a Roman citizen, says to the centurion, Acts xxii. 25, “Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondemned?”

[1204] The accusation against Balbus appears to have been his illegal usurpation of the rights of a Roman citizen, being born a foreigner. Pliny has previously informed us, B. v. c. 5, that he was a native of Gades or Cadiz. He was elected consul A.U.C. 713.—B.

[1205] L. Fulvius Curius, consul B.C. 322. In B.C. 313 he was master of the horse to the dictator, L. Æmilius.

[1206] “Felix.” Hardouin informs us, that he transmitted this surname to his descendants; among them was Felix, the governor of Judæa, before whom St. Paul was taken for judgment.—B.

[1207] “Infelix.”

[1208] According to Pliny, B. xi. c. 39, and Plutarch, Sylla was affected by what has been termed the “Morbus pediculosus” or “Lousy disease.” Plutarch, however, ascribes his death to the bursting of an internal abscess; and the same cause is assigned by Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 3.—B. It was probably of a similar disease that Herod Agrippa died, whom we find mentioned in Acts xii. 23, as being eaten of worms.

[1209] Plutarch refers to a dream which Sylla had a short time before his death, but it does not seem to correspond to the one here alluded to.—B. “Plutarch relates that shortly before his death, Sylla dreamed that his son Cornelius, who died before his wife, Cecilia Metella, appeared to him, and summoned him away to join his mother. Appian also states that just before his death, Sylla beheld a spirit in a dream, which summoned him by name; upon which he called together his friends, made his will, and died soon after of a fever. Only two days before his death he finished the twenty-second book of his Memoirs, in which, foreseeing his end, he boasted of the prediction of the Chaldæans, that it was his fate to die after a happy life, and in the height of his prosperity.

[1210] This is referred to by Tacitus, Hist. B. iii. c. 73.—B. Plutarch tells us that Catulus performed this ceremony of dedication.

[1211] His consulships were A.U.C. 502 and 506.—B.

[1212] Hardouin informs us, that a certain number of public officers, which varied from three to twenty, were appointed to divide the lands of the conquered people among the Roman colonists. Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 159.—B.

[1213] The commentators have endeavoured to prove, and not without some success, that Pliny is not correct in the remark, that the first elephants brought to Rome, were those which followed in the triumph of Metellus. He has himself informed us, B. viii. c. 6, that they were introduced by Curius Dentatus, in his triumph over Pyrrhus, some years before that of Metellus. The same fact is also stated by Florus, B. i. c. 18.—B.

[1214] Ovid, Fast. B. vi. l. 436, et seq., and Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 4, allude to this circumstance.—B.

[1215] This fact has been supposed by Hardouin to be controverted by the statement of Aulus Gellius, who says, B. iii. c. 18, that all the senators, who had passed the curule chair, were carried to the curia or senate-house, in a chariot. But, as Ajasson correctly observes, Aulus Gellius does not assert that the senators were carried at the public expense, which was the case with Metellus.—B.

[1216] Val. Maximus, B. vii. c. 1, details the various fortunate circumstances which occurred to Q. Metellus; he makes no mention, however, of the violent attack made upon him by Labeo; indeed, he expressly states, that his good fortune continued to the last moments of his life.—B.

[1217] Val. Maximus, ubi supra, and Velleius Paterculus, B. i. c. 11, speak of the honours obtained by the four sons of Q. Metellus; they are also alluded to by Cicero in his 8th Philippic, sec. 4., and his Tusc. Quæst. B. i. c. 35.—B.

[1218] Dalechamps remarks, that we find in the ancient historians a similar account relative to M. Drusus, who, when tribune of the people, hurried off the consul Philippus with such violence to prison, that the blood started from his nostrils: also of P. Sempronius, the tribune of the people, who, had it not been for the opposition offered by his colleague, would have carried the censor Appius Claudius to prison.

[1219] This attack of Labeo on Metellus is mentioned in the Epitome of Livy, B. lix. The tribunes of Rome were styled “sacrosancti,” and it was considered a capital crime to offer personal violence to them, under any circumstances. Hardouin remarks, that the tribune who came to the rescue of Metellus must have been a military tribune, who, in virtue of his office, had a right to claim the services of Metellus for the army.—B.

[1220] Cicero, in his oration “Pro Domo suâ,” sec. 47, refers to the consecration of the property of Metellus, as a case analogous to that of his own house, which had been similarly consecrated by Clodius.—B. It seems to have been the custom, when a person had been capitally condemned, for the tribune of the people to consecrate his property, with certain formalities, to some god or goddess; after which it could not, under ordinary circumstances, be recovered, whether the sentence was revoked or not. Cicero had been capitally condemned through the instrumentality of Clodius, and obliged to fly from Rome.

[1221] It was a common expression among the Romans, for a person, “obtorto collo ad prætorem trahi,” “to be dragged to the prætor with his neck wrenched;” and we meet with it repeatedly in the writings of Plautus. It would appear that it was customary for the lictors or officers of justice to seize criminals in a peculiar manner, perhaps with a rope, and with the exercise of great violence, whatever their rank.

[1222] According to the remark of Dalechamps, it appears to have been not unusual with the Roman magistrates, when resistance was offered to their order, to seize the party by the throat, as is here stated to have been done by Labeo.—B.

[1223] There has been considerable difficulty in ascertaining the names which should be given to the sons of Metellus, as the MSS. differ, and there appears to be no means of coming to any accurate decision, by a reference to other authorities. The essential circumstance, however, is, that two of the sons had obtained the honour of a triumph, and had acquired appropriate surnames.—B. Metellus Diadematus has been much confounded with his cousin, Metellus Dalmaticus. Diadematus was so called, from his wearing, for a long time, a bandage round his forehead, in consequence of an ulcer. He was consul B.C. 117.

[1224] By being dragged, and not proceeding willingly, in order to gain time for succour, and so save himself from being hurled from the Tarpeian rock.

[1225] Which allowed the laws to take their course, even against an individual of the first consequence in the state.—B.

[1226] In the class of those who were considered peculiarly fortunate; “hâc censurâ,” literally, “in this assessment,” in allusion to the classification of the citizens of Rome, according to the estimate of their property.—B.

[1227] In B.C. 45, when, being but about eighteen years of age, he had the presumption to ask his uncle for the office of “magister equitum;” upon which Julius Cæsar bestowed it on M. Lepidus, probably being of opinion that his nephew was not yet fit for the office.

[1228] In his triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, he showed himself no less cruel than his colleague, Antony, notwithstanding the gloss which Pliny attempts to throw over his actions. Two thousand equites and three hundred senators are said to have been put to death during this proscription.

[1229] Augustus was detained at Dyrrhachium for some time before the battle of Philippi by illness, and had not recovered when the battle took place.

[1230] In the first engagement at Philippi, Brutus defeated the army of Augustus, while Cassius was defeated by Antony. Appian speaks also of his concealment in a marsh to the south of Philippi.

[1231] In his war against Sextus Pompeius, his fleet was twice shattered by shipwreck off the coast of Sicily, and he suffered several defeats by sea.

[1232] C. Proculeius, a member of the equestrian order, and a familiar friend of Augustus. It is of him that Horace speaks in the lines (II. Ode 2),

“Vivet extento Proculeius ævo

Notus in fratres animi paterni.”

He was one of the Romans to whom Augustus thought of giving his daughter Julia in marriage. The mode of his death is mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 59.

[1233] This circumstance is stated more fully by Suetonius in his Life of Augustus; he tells, that “in crossing from Sicily to Italy to rejoin his forces, Augustus was unexpectedly attacked by Demochares and Apollophanes, two of Pompey’s captains, and only escaped in a small vessel with the greatest difficulty.”

[1234] L. Antonius having raised an army at Præneste, took possession of the town of Perusia, which was blockaded by Augustus, and Antonius was at last obliged to surrender. During this siege Augustus encountered several dangers, and was once nearly killed while sacrificing beneath the walls, by a band of gladiators, who came upon him unawares.

[1235] The victory was long doubtful, and it was only the sudden panic of Cleopatra, that finally ensured it to Augustus.

[1236] The exact nature of the accident here alluded to, is discussed by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 169; he concludes, from the account of Suetonius and of Dion Cassius, that it was owing to the fall of a gallery, which extended between two towers.—B.

[1237] These are fully described by Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, c. 80 and 81.

[1238] M. Claudius Marcellus, the son of Octavia, sister of Augustus. He was adopted by Augustus. Tacitus seems to hint that he was greatly beloved by the Roman people, and it is not improbable that Augustus may have become suspicious or jealous of him; his decease took place in his twentieth year.

[1239] To Mitylene. This refers to the jealousy between Marcellus and his brother-in-law, M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Pliny probably uses the term “pudenda,” implying that Augustus showed neither firmness nor gratitude on this occasion; for anxious, at any cost, to prevent these differences, he sent Agrippa, against his will, as proconsul to Syria; immediately on which Agrippa left Rome, but stopped at Mitylene, and left the government of Syria to his legatus. Upon the death of Marcellus, Agrippa returned to Rome.

[1240] Dion Cassius mentions three conspiracies, the first by Fabius Cæpio and Muræna, a second, of which he does not name the authors, and a third by Cornelius Cinna.

[1241] Said in allusion to the suspicious deaths of his grandchildren Lucius and Caius, the children of his daughter Julia by Agrippa. They were probably removed by the criminal acts of Livia; but some historians have hinted that Augustus was privy to their destruction, the object of which was to remove all obstacles that lay in the way of Tiberius to the throne.

[1242] Implying that he was conscience-stricken at his share in their death, as well as struck with sorrow and remorse.

[1243] She was his only child; Scribonia was her mother. She was first married to her cousin Marcellus; on his death to L. Vipsanius Agrippa, and after his decease to Tiberius Nero, the son of Livia. Her profligacy was universally known, and Augustus did not scruple to enlarge upon it before the senate; but Pliny is the only writer who states that she contemplated an attempt on the life of his father; though Suetonius says that she became, at a late period of her reign, an object of interest to those who were disaffected. Julia was first banished to Pandataria, off the coast of Campania, and then to Rhegium, which she was never allowed to leave. Her death took place A.D. 14.

[1244] Tiberius Nero, afterwards emperor. Pliny here alludes to his retirement to Rhodes, where he remained seven years. Tacitus represents that his chief reason for leaving Rome was to escape the society of his wife Julia, who treated him with the utmost contempt, and whose licentious life was not unknown to him. During this retreat he devoted himself to the study of astrology. He left Rome without the consent of Augustus, who was equally unwilling to allow of his return.

[1245] Julia, one of the daughters of Julia and Agrippa, and the wife of L. Æmilius Paulus. She fully inherited the vices of her mother. For an adulterous intercourse with D. Silanus she was banished, by Augustus to Tremerus, off the coast of Apulia, where she survived twenty years, dependent on the bounty of the empress Livia. A child born after her disgrace, was, by order of Augustus, exposed as spurious. She is supposed by some to be the Corinna of Ovid’s amatory poems.

[1246] He probably alludes to the rising of some tribes in the provinces on the north-eastern coast of the Adriatic, in B.C. 35, who refused to pay their tribute. They were finally vanquished by Statilius Taurus, B.C. 33.

[1247] After the defeat of his general Varus, by Arminius, in Germany.

[1248] This pestilence is also mentioned by Dion Cassius; it took place A.U.C. 732.—B.

[1249] We have an account of the disastrous expedition of Varus in Florus, B. iv. c. 12.—B.

[1250] Suetonius speaks of calumnious pamphlets (libelli), that were circulated about, even in the senate-house, to his extreme disparagement.

[1251] A posthumous son of M. Vipsanius Agrippa by Julia, the daughter of Augustus, by whom he was adopted together with Tiberius. He was afterwards banished to Planaria, off the coast of Corsica, on account of his savage and intractable character, though guilty of no crime. Augustus is said to have privately visited him there, which, coming to the ears of Livia, increased her enmity against this youth, and he was murdered by her orders or those of Tiberius.

[1252] Tacitus, Ann. B. i. c. 3, says that he was banished by the artifices of Nero.—B.

[1253] After his death his solemn apotheosis took place in the Campus Martius. In some of the coins which were struck even during his life-time, he was called “Divus,” or “the god.”

[1254] For Tiberius Nero, the father of Tiberius Cæsar, took the side of M. Antonius in the Civil War.—B.

[1255] We have no mention of Pedius, or Phedius, as he is named in some of the MSS., in any of the ancient authors. A story of the same import is related of Solon and Tellus, by Herodotus, B. i. c. 30, and by Plutarch.—B.

[1256] A town of Arcadia. See B. iv. c. 10.

[1257] This is also related by Valerius Maximus, B. vii. c. 1.—B.

[1258] This is very similar to Virgil’s beautiful description of the old man Corycius, in the Georgics, B. iv. l. 125, et seq.

[1259] We have some account of Euthymus in Pausanias, B. vi., and in Ælian, Var. Hist. B. viii. c. 18.—B.

[1260] It has been conjectured by Poinsinet, that the word “Callimachus” does not refer to the well-known poet of that name, nor to any other individual, but that it was the title of the president of the Olympic games. The opinion is not without plausibility, but is scarcely sanctioned by sufficient authority.—B.

[1261] Pliny here alludes to the doctrine of astrology, which forms the especial subject of the next Chapter.—B.

[1262] These statements are not found in any of the works of Hesiod now extant; it is scarcely necessary to observe, that they are entirely without foundation, and contrary to all observation and experience.—B.

[1263] The great age of Arganthonius is referred to by Lucian, in his treatise “De Macrobiis,” “on Long-lived Men;” by Herodotus, B. i. c. 163; by Cicero, de Senect. sec. 19; and by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13; the three latter writers agree in making his age 120 years, and hence Pliny assigns to him the same age in the next page.—B. St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, B. xv., quotes this passage of Pliny, and mentions the age of Arganthonius, as stated by him, to have been 152 years. For Tartessus, in Spain, see B. iii. c. 3, and B. iv. c. 36.

[1264] His story is told by Ovid, Met. B. x., where he is said to have become unwittingly the father of Adonis, by his own daughter Myrrha (or Smyrna), in consequence of the anger of Venus or Aphrodite. He was said to have founded the city of Cinyra in Cyprus.

[1265] Callimachus mentions a person of this name, who wrote a treatise on the art of making cheesecakes. There was also a physician so called, who flourished in the fifth century B.C., and who is said by Galen to have been the first who wrote a treatise on the probe. Whether either of these individuals is the person here alluded to, is unknown.

[1266] We have the same statement as to the age of Epimenides, in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. s. 13; he also, in the same section, gives an account of the Epii, of Pictoreus, of Dandon, and of the king of the island of the Tyrians, all of which agree with the present statement, except that the person mentioned by Damastes is called Literius, and the last-named individual is styled the king of the island of the Lutmii.—B.

[1267] The king of the Tartessi, mentioned above.—B.

[1268] Pliny has already spoken of the vigorous old age of Masinissa, in the 12th Chapter of the present Book.—B.

[1269] We have an account of Gorgias in Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9; in Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, and in Lucian.—B.

[1270] Valerius Maximus, ubi supra, reduces this to sixty-two years.—B.

[1271] We have the same statement respecting Perperna in Valerius Maximus, but he does not mention his age.—B.

[1272] The names of the succeeding censors were C. Claudius Pulcher, and T. Sempronius Gracchus.

[1273] V. Maximus gives the same account of the age of Corvinus, but he states the interval between his consulships to have been forty-seven years. According to the Fasti, in Dr. Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, the interval was forty-eight years, from A.U.C. 406 to A.U.C. 455.—B.

[1274] The honour of the curule-chair—“sella curulis.” It was attached to the offices of consul, prætor, and ædile; Corvinus had, therefore, been elected to one or other of these offices twenty-one times.—B.

[1275] Valerius Maximus gives the same account of Metellus. He also informs us that Metellus, although of an advanced age when created pontiff, held the office for twenty-two years; so also Cicero, de Senect. sec. 9.—B.

[1276] We have the same account of these females in Valerius Maximus. He adds, that Clodia survived all her children; Seneca, Epist. 77, also refers to the great age of Statilia.—B.

[1277] “Emboliaria,” an actress in the “embolium,” or interlude of the Roman stage; also called “acroama,” by Cicero. It appears to have been a concert of musical instruments, perhaps accompanied by dancing.

[1278] Their consulship was A.U.C. 761.—B.

[1279] Their consulship was A.U.C. 671, which would leave an interval of ninety years between her first appearance and her appearance at the votive games.—B.

[1280] “Togatus saltare instituit.” He acted in the “togatæ fabulæ,” comedies representing Roman life, or the life of those who wore the toga, the civic costume of the Romans. The Greek comedies were called “palliatæ.”

[1281] The secular games of Augustus are stated by Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, c. 31, and by Dion Cassius, to have taken place A.U.C. 739.—B.

[1282] “We have an account of Epigenes, by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. i. pp. 86, 87, where he is designated Rhodius. He is referred to by Varro, Columella, and Seneca; Pliny mentions him in other parts of his work.—B.

[1283] Berosus has been referred to in the 37th Chapter of the present Book.—B.

[1284] For some account of Petosiris and Necepsos, see end of B. ii.

[1285] Literally, the fourth part; according to Hardouin’s explanation, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186.—B.

[1286] Literally ... “repetitions.” Dalechamps explains it as indicating, “that part of the heavens which is distant thirty parts; that is to say, two signs from the horoscope;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 187.—B.

[1287] Ajasson refers us to Jul. Firmicus for an explanation of the difference which may exist in the length of the lives of individuals as depending on their natal day; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 186. It appears to have been one of the leading tenets of the astrologers, that the favourable influence of the ascending sign is diminished or counteracted by the rays of other planets, or of the sun, falling upon the sign in certain directions or at certain angles, and that the length of the life of the individual is shortened in proportion to this injurious effect.—B.

[1288] This term means, literally, “increasing by a regular scale,” or, “according to a proportional series of numbers;” the multiples of 7 have been generally supposed to be the critical periods of human life, and, more especially, 63, or 9 times 7, which was accordingly termed “the grand climacteric.”—B.

[1289] This census appears to have taken place A.D. 74, under the fifth consulship of Vespasian, and the third of Titus; according to Censorinus, it was the last of which we have any distinct account.—B.

[1290] “Vasaria;” it is said, by the commentators, to be a term of German origin, derived from a word which signified the bark of a tree. It does not appear, however, from what cause it was appropriated to the sense in which it is used by Pliny. The word is found in Cicero’s oration against Piso, sec. 35; but is there applied to a totally different object.—B.

[1291] Now Brigella or Brescella. Parma still retains its ancient name, Placentia is now Piacenza, and Faventia the modern Faenza.

[1292] Probably the same as the Velia, mentioned by Phlegon Trallianus as famous for the longevity of its inhabitants.

[1293] “Marcus Mucius, M. Filius, Galeria, Felix.” It has been doubted by the commentators, whether the word Galeria refers to the name of the mother of Mucius, or to the tribe to which he belonged. The latter is, perhaps, the more natural interpretation. Hardouin and Ajasson, however, adopt the opinion, that Galeria was the mother of Marcus; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 191, 192. We meet with a precisely similar construction of words in Cicero, 9th Philip. sec. 7; “Ser. Sulpicius, Q. Filius, Lemonia Rufus.”—B.

[1294] The son of Panthöus, and friend of Hector. He was famous for his wisdom and prudence in giving counsel. See Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-52.

[1295] The passage referred to is in the Iliad, B. xviii. l. 249-51.—B.

[1296] Respecting Cælius [formerly called Cæcilius in most editions] Hardouin informs us that he was the accuser of Calpurnius, that he was prætor during the consulship of P. Lentulus Spinther and L. Metellus Nepos, and was oppressed by Clodius. Pliny refers to Cælius, and his accusation of Calpurnius, in a subsequent passage, B. xxvii. c. 2.—B. Licinius Calvus Macer was by some considered, as an orator, to rival even Cicero himself; and as a poet, is generally mentioned by the side of Catullus. He exhausted his constitution by his severe application, and died in his thirty-fifth or thirty-sixth year. He was remarkable for the extreme shortness of his stature. Cælius was a partisan of Pompey, and was eventually put to death at Thurii.

[1297] Consul A.U.C. 463; he is generally called Rufinus.—B.

[1298] This anecdote is mentioned by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. iii. c. 28, and by Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8.—B. He was tyrant of Pheræ and Tagus in Thessaly, and was finally assassinated.

[1299] He was consul A.U.C. 633; in consequence of the victories which he obtained over the Allobroges, he obtained the agnomen of “Allobrogicus.”—B.

[1300] Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 13, refers to the great age of Xenophilus, but designates him “Pythagoræus;” he says that he obtained his information respecting him from Aristoxenus, the musician, which may have led to an inaccuracy on the part of Pliny. Poinsinet endeavours to reconcile the discrepancy, by the circumstance, that music formed a prominent part of the Pythagorean discipline.—B.

[1301] “Per sapientiam mori.” Many conjectures have been formed respecting the meaning of this passage, which is obscure. Attempts have been made to amend the reading of the text, but, as it appears, without success; see the notes of Hardouin, Ajasson, and others, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 197, 8.—B. It is pretty clear, however, that Pliny here refers to what, in the next Chapter, he calls “sapientiæ ægritudo,” the malady by the Greeks called “phrenesis,” and by us “frenzy,” which attacks the seat of wisdom, the understanding. Many pages have been written upon the meaning of this passage, obvious as it seems to be.

[1302] The same doctrine is advanced in B. xxviii., which treats of medicine, see c. 10.—B.

[1303] Among the ancients, all the manufactures and mechanical arts were carried on by slaves; they were, consequently, subjected to the same kinds of morbid causes which are found, in modern times, to be so detrimental to certain descriptions of workmen.—B.

[1304] Our own experience has taught us the truth of this observation in the case of the cholera; and the great plague of 1348, which is thought to have swept off one-third of mankind, is supposed to have travelled to Europe from the vicinity of the Ganges.

[1305] Dalechamps correctly remarks, that the laughter here referred to, is not the indication of mirth, but what has been termed the “risus Sardonicus,” the “Sardonic laugh,” produced by a convulsive action of the muscles of the face; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 201.—B.

[1306] “Sapientiæ ægritudine.” See Note [1301] above.

[1307] Pliny probably took this notion from Celsus, who speaks of this as being a fatal symptom, B. ii. c. 6; “si manibus qui in febre, &c., in veste floccos legit, fimbriasque diducit....”—B.

[1308] “Venarum percussa;” the ancients were not acquainted with the relation which exists between the arteries and the veins, or the appropriate functions of these parts.—B.

[1309] In Seneca, Contr. B. ii., we find the remark, “Such genius, at so early an age, bodes no long life.” Apuleius, quoting from some Greek writer, says, “Odi puerulos præcoci sapientiâ.” “I hate your bits of boys, with their precocious wisdom.” We have a somewhat similar saying to the above passage from Seneca, “He is too wise,” or “too clever to live long.”

[1310] This remark has been confirmed by various writers, ancient and modern; it appears to depend upon an unnatural development of the cerebral and nervous system, which renders it more liable to disease, and less able to bear the impressions to which it is ordinarily exposed.—B.

[1311] This was probably Phthiriasis, or the “morbus pediculosus,” which has been previously mentioned in this book with reference to Sulla, and of which, probably, Herod Agrippa died. Some authors state that Pherecydes put an end to his life by throwing himself from a rock at Delphi; others give other accounts of his death.

[1312] This circumstance is mentioned by Seneca, De Provid. c. 3.—B.

[1313] We have the same account of Antipater in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. He was the preceptor of Cato of Utica; Cicero makes honourable mention of him, De Oratore, B. iii. c. 50.—B.

[1314] We have an account of the death of Aviola, in Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8. This name occurs in the Consular Fasti, A.U.C. 806; but it could not be that of the person referred to by Valerius Maximus, as his work was published under the reign of Tiberius, who died A.U.C. 789. We have also an account of the death of Lamia in Valerius Maximus, as occurring under the same circumstances with that of Aviola.—B.

[1315] Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 251, 252, supposes, that Messala and Rufus are the names of two writers, and not, as usually supposed, of one only. The conjecture appears not improbable.—B.

[1316] Plutarch, “De Deo Socratis,” gives us the same account of Hermotinus. Ajasson has remarked, not inaptly, that this story is very similar to the modern statements as to the effect of animal magnetism, Lemaire, iii. 207.—B. Apuleius, in his “Defence,” has a passage which is remarkable as clearly bearing reference to the doctrines inculcated by the mesmerists of modern times; be says, “Quin et illud mecum reputo, posse animum humanum, præsertim puerilem et simplicem seu carminum avocamento, sine odorum delenimento, soporari et ad oblivionem præsentium externari; et paulisper remotâ corporis memoriâ, redigi et redire ad naturam suam quæ est immortalis scilicet et divina; atque ita veluti quodam sopore futura rerum præsagire.”

[1317] We have no notice of any people, under this appellation, in Greece; Cantharus, however, occurs as the name of an individual, and possibly these may have been his descendants, or the members of his family.—B.

[1318] See B. v. c. 44.

[1319] We have an account of Aristeas in Herodotus, iv. 13, but somewhat different from that here given; Aristeas is also mentioned by Apollonius in his Hist. Mirab., and A. Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. He was an epic poet, who flourished in the time of Crœsus and Cyrus. Herodotus mentions a story that he reappeared at Metapontum, in Italy, 340 years after his death. He is generally represented as a magician, whose soul could leave, and re-enter his body at pleasure.

[1320] A poet and prophet of Crete. The story was, that being sent by his father to fetch a sheep, he went into a cave, and fell into a sleep, from which he did not awake for fifty-seven years. On awaking, he sought for the sheep, and was astonished on finding everything altered. On returning home, he found that his young brother had in the meantime become an aged man. His story is only equalled by the famous one of the Seven Sleepers of Damascus, who fell asleep in the time of the Decian persecution of the Christians, and slept in a cave till the thirtieth year of the reign of the Emperor Theodosius, 196 years. It is not improbable that it is to this story about Epimenides, that we are indebted for the amusing story of Rip Van Winkle, by Washington Irving.

[1321] We have the life of Epimenides by Diogenes Laertius, who gives an account of this long-continued sleep. It is also mentioned by other writers, but there is some difference in their statements as to its length.—B.

[1322] According to the interpretation of Dalechamps, “spiritus et animæ interceptioni ac privationi,” “the interception and privation of the breath and faculties;” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 208.—B.

[1323] He probably alludes to what are known among us as hysteria, or hysterical affections.

[1324] We have an account of Heraclides in Diogenes Laertius; he was a native of Pontus, and a pupil of Aristotle.—B.

[1325] This circumstance is not mentioned in either of the two works of Varro which have come down to us, “De Re Rusticâ,” and “De Linguâ Latinâ.”—B.

[1326] They were a body of commissioners appointed for the distribution of lands in Campania; Julius Cæsar, when consul, having caused a law to be passed, dividing that territory among such of the Roman citizens as should have three or more children.

[1327] We are not informed, whether these persons of the name of Corfidius, were in any way connected, nor, indeed, do we appear to have any certain knowledge of their history.—B. L. Corfidius, a Roman eques, is mentioned by Cicero, in his oration for Ligarius, B.C. 46, as one of the distinguished men who were then interceding with Cæsar on behalf of Ligarius; but after the oration was published, Cicero was informed that he had made a mistake in mentioning the name of Corfidius, as he had died before the speech was delivered. It does not appear certain that he was one of the parties here mentioned: but it is not improbable that he was the brother whose sudden death is mentioned below.

[1328] Among the ancients, servants used to be summoned by clapping the hands, as they are, in modern times, by ringing of bells.—B. The same practice still prevails in the east.

[1329] In the twenty-third Chapter of the present Book.—B.

[1330] Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, and Diodorus Siculus, B. xiii. c. 14, gives the same account. It has been said, that, when he heard the news, he called for a draught of wine, and was choked with a grape-stone; this incident forms the subject of an epigram by Simonides, quoted by Hardouin, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 210.—B.

[1331] There is reason to believe, that the prize was given rather to the rank, than to the poetry of Dionysius; see the remarks of Ajasson, Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 210, 211.—B.

[1332] This anecdote is related by Livy, B. xxii. c. 7; by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; and by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 15; the two former, however, state, that it occurred after the battle of Thrasymenus.—B.

[1333] Cicero, De Fato, sec. 6, styles Diodorus, “valens dialecticus.”—B.

[1334] According to Hardouin, these were Lucius, the prætor, and Caius, the father of the dictator; they were brothers, and the sons of C. Cæsar.—B.

[1335] Thirty-first of December; consequently his tenure of office was for a few hours only. Cicero indulged in several jokes upon his consulship, remarking that no one had died during it; and that the consul was extremely vigilant, for that he had never slept during his term of office.

[1336] This took place A.U.C. 708; Macrobius, in his Saturnalia, gives us an account of the jests passed by Cicero and others on the brief duration of his office.—B.

[1337] He is supposed to have been the same person who was consul A.U.C. 732.—B.

[1338] The Comitium was a place in the forum at Rome, where the “comitia curiata” were held, and certain offences tried and punished. It was here also that the tribunal, or “suggestum,” was situate.

[1339] We are informed by Hardouin, that he held the office of Prætor A.U.C. 660.—B.

[1340] “A puero;” not necessarily a slave, as Littrè seems to think.

[1341] On Hardouin’s authority, we learn that A. Pompeius was surnamed Bithynicus, and was prætor A.U.C. 680.—B.

[1342] The death of Thalna is given somewhat more in detail by Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 12; it took place A.U.C. 590.—B.

[1343] The ancients reckoned the hours from sun-rise; in summer, the second hour of the day would be six o’clock A.M., and in the winter, a quarter past eight.—B.

[1344] Bankers, and usurers more especially, had their shops in the Roman Forum.

[1345] “Cum vadimonium differri jubet.”—B.

[1346] Augustus built a third Forum, because the old one and that of Julius Cæsar, were not found sufficient for the great increase of business. He adorned it with a temple of Mars, and the statues of the most distinguished Romans.

[1347] According to Hardouin, this ivory statue was in the eighth region of the city.—B.

[1348] “Specillum;” this instrument is mentioned by Celsus, B. vi. c. 6, 25, et alibi. There has been a considerable discussion among the commentators respecting the “specillum;” see Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 213, 214. From the uses to which it was applied by Celsus, we can have little doubt upon the subject. Poinsinet and Ajasson employ the equivalent French term “eprouvette.”—B.

[1349] “Mulsum” was the most universally esteemed of all the beverages used among the Romans. It seems to have been of two kinds: in the one case honey was mixed with wine, in the other with must. Massic or Falernian wine was preferred for the purpose, and new Attic honey. The proportions were four measures of wine to one of honey; and various perfumes and spices were added. See B. xxii, c. 4. It was especially valued as the most appropriate draught on an empty stomach.

[1350] The Cornelius Gallus here mentioned could not have been the poet of the same name, because, as we are informed, he died by his own hand. The death of the poet Gallus is alluded to by Ovid, Amores, B. iii. El. 9, l. 64.—B. A similar fate is said, by Tertullian, to have overtaken Speusippus, the Platonic philosopher. The same was also said by some of the poet Pindar.

[1351] Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 12, gives the same account of the death of Gallus and Haterius.—B.

[1352] Which was usually worn by the Romans at their entertainments.

[1353] Considering some of the above cases, Pliny must have had a curious notion of a happy death. Ovid would have agreed with him in one respect; for in his amatory poems, he expresses a wish that he may die of a surfeit of sensual enjoyment.

[1354] The great-grandfather of the Emperor Nero. We have a reference to his death by Seneca, De Benef. B. iii. c. 24, and a more full account of it by Suetonius, Life of Nero, c. 2.—B.

[1355] The charioteers at Rome were divided into four companies, or “factiones,” each distinguished by a colour, representing the season of the year. These colours were green for the spring, red for the summer, azure for autumn, and white for the winter. Domitian afterwards increased them to six, adding the golden and the purple. The most ardent party spirit prevailed among them, and the interest in their success extended to all classes and both sexes.

[1356] In the thirty-sixth Chapter of this Book.—B.

[1357] It would appear, from Dalechamps and Hardouin, that this statement, respecting the period when the custom of burning the body after death was first adopted by the Romans, is incorrect, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 219. There is much uncertainty as to its origin, and the source from which they borrowed it. We learn from Macrobius, that the practice was discontinued in his time, i. e. in the fourth century after Christ.—B.

[1358] We have the same remarks, respecting the antiquity of the custom of interring the body, the continued adoption of it by the Cornelian family, and the supposed notion of Sylla, in ordering his own body to be burnt, in Cicero, De Leg. B. ii. c. 22, from whom it is probable Pliny may have borrowed them.—B.

[1359] We have no English term that will preserve the distinction which Pliny makes between the two modes of disposing of the body after death.—B.

[1360] He views the state after death in the same light as Democritus and Epicurus, utterly denying the immortality of the soul; though it cannot be said that he looks upon life in the same cheerful, laissez-faire manner in which it was regarded by the latter of these philosophers.

[1361] Hardouin remarks, that the ancients made a distinction between the souls of the dead, and their spirits or shades, “umbræ.” The former were supposed to remain on the earth, while the latter were removed either to Elysium or to Tartarus, according to the character or actions of the deceased.—B.

[1362] According to Varro, Democritus directs, that the body shall not be burnt after death, but preserved in honey; on which Varro remarks, how greatly such a practice would tend to raise the price of that article.—B.

[1363] It has been conjectured, that Bacchus derived his name from the Greek word Βάσκω, on account of his numerous journies into different parts of the world; it was during these that he conveyed to the various nations which he visited the arts of civilized life.—B.

[1364] We have a long discussion by Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 234, 235, on the derivation of the name of Ceres, in which he endeavours to explain the various attributes that were ascribed to her. The character in which she was generally regarded by the writers of antiquity, was the one here given to her by Pliny; in proof of which we may refer, among other authorities, to Virgil, Geor. B. i. l. 147. and to Ovid, Metam. B. iii. l. 341.—B.

[1365] The earliest method of reducing corn to the state proper for the food of man, was by pounding it in a mortar; afterwards, when it was ground between stones, they were moved by the hand, as is still the practice in many parts of the East. It was not until a comparatively late period that water was employed as the moving power for mills.—B.

[1366] It has been supposed by some commentators, that the character of legislator was bestowed upon Ceres, in consequence of the name by which she was designated, in the ancient northern languages, being incorrectly transferred to the Greek. Others have thought that it might be referred to the connection which may be supposed to exist between an advance in the arts of life generally and an improvement of the laws.—B.

[1367] We do not find the circumstance here referred to in the “Noctes Atticæ” of Aulus Gellius.—B.

[1368] It would appear that there were two individuals of this name, who were confounded with each other; Simonides, the celebrated poet, lived as late as the fifth century before Christ, so that it has been thought improbable that the Greek language could have existed without the four letters here mentioned, until so recent a period.—B.

[1369] The account of the original introduction of the alphabet into Greece, here given, is the one generally adopted in his time. Most readers will be aware, that the actual invention of letters, the share which the Egyptians and the Phœnicians had in it, the identification of Cadmus, and still more of Mercury, with any of the heroes or legislators of antiquity, of whom we have any correct historical data, and the connection which the Greek alphabet had with those of other nations, are among the most curious questions of literary discussion, and are still far from being resolved with any degree of certainty.—B.

[1370] It seems to have been the general opinion, that the Greek language had, originally, sixteen or eighteen letters, the source of which was very uncertain, and of high antiquity; and to these, additional letters were, from time to time, appended by different individuals. Upon the whole, the claim of the Egyptians to the invention of letters, seems to rest upon, at least, a very plausible foundation.—B.

[1371] Epicharmus was born in the fifth century B.C., in the island of Cos, but removed, probably at an early age, to Sicily, where he passed a considerable portion of his life. His original profession was that of a physician, but he appears to have devoted his attention principally to general science and literature, and is more especially remarkable as the inventor of regular comedy. A few fragments only of his dramas remain, but the titles of no less than forty are preserved. From a line in the Prologue to the Menæchmi of Plautus, where it is said that the plot of the play, “non Atticissat verum Sicilicissat” “is not Attic, but Sicilian;” it has been conjectured, that Plautus took the plot of the piece from Epicharmus.

[1372] Phoroneus was the son of Inachus, and the second king of Argos; he began to reign about 1807 B.C.—B.

[1373] Epigenes has already been referred to in the fifty-fourth chapter of this Book.—B.

[1374] There has been much discussion respecting the interpretation of this passage. In the first place, the numbers in the text have extended from 720 and 490 to as many thousands, by the addition of the letter M., against the authority, however, of some MSS. In the next place, in order to curtail the enormous periods thus formed, the years have been supposed to be only lunar, or even diurnal periods. The opinion of Hardouin and Marcus is perhaps the better founded, who reject the proposed alteration, and consider these numbers to indicate, according to their natural signification, periods of years. The principal consideration that has been urged in favour of the alteration of the text is derived from two passages in Cicero’s Treatise de Divin. B. i. c. 19, and B. ii. c. 46, where he refers to the very long periods which the Babylonians employed in their calculations, but which he justly regards as entirely without foundation, and even ridiculous. Pliny, however, professes to follow the opinion of Epigenes whom he styles “gravis auctor,” and who, we may premise, would reject these improbable tales.—B. The reading, 720 thousands, is the one adopted by Sillig.

[1375] Pausanias, in his “Attica,” calls the two brothers Agrolas and Hyperbius. Some commentators have supposed, that these names, as well as Doxius and Cælus, mentioned below, are merely symbolical, and that the personages are fictitious.—B.

[1376] The Gellius here mentioned had the prænomen of Cneius; he is not to be confounded with the more noted Aulus Gellius, by whom he is quoted in the Noct. Att. B. xiii. c. 29.—B.

[1377] There is a number of ancient legends attached to the name of Cecrops, yet we have but little authentic information respecting him. What appears to be the best established is, that he was born in the city of Sais, in Egypt, and that, about 1556 B.C., he conducted a colony to Attica, where he built a fortress, on the Acropolis of Athens, and that his descendants continued, for some generations, to be kings of Attica.—B.

[1378] If this is the Cinyra previously mentioned in c. 49, he is more generally represented as the son of Apollo, or of Paphos, a priest of the Paphian Aphrodite or Venus. The true reading, however, is uncertain.

[1379] Hardouin informs us, that in all the MSS. which he has consulted, this person is named Agricola, while in the printed editions of Pliny he is styled Agriopa, or Agriopas. Poinsinet, vol. iii. pp. 250, 251, endeavours to explain this, by supposing, that the word “Agricola” was the one employed by Pliny, but was used by him as a generic, not as an appellative term. Some of the earlier editors, however, conceiving that no agricultural operations could be carried on, before the invention of the necessary implements, had changed the name into Agriopa, derived from two Greek words, signifying “a man in the savage state, who is only capable of uttering inarticulate sounds.” This method of solving the difficulty will probably appear fanciful and too refined, but it is the only one which has been proposed.—B.

[1380] The copper-mines of Temesa, supposed to have been in Cyprus, are mentioned by Homer. There was another place of that name in Bruttium, and another in India, both equally famous for their copper.

[1381] Danaus is said to have migrated from Egypt into Greece about 1485 B.C. He may have introduced wells into Greece, but they had, long before his time, been employed in Egypt and in other countries. The term “Dipsion,” “thirsting,” which it appears had been applied to the district of Argos, may seem to render it probable, that, before the arrival of Danaus, the inhabitants had not adopted any artificial means of supplying themselves with water.—B. But this country, we are told, is naturally well supplied with water.

[1382] Nothing is known respecting this individual; it does not appear that he is mentioned by any other of the ancients.—B.

[1383] There is so much fable mixed up with the account of the Cyclopes, that it is difficult to ascertain their real history. It seems probable, that there was a people of high antiquity, who were particularly skilful in the erection of stone edifices of various kinds, and more especially of those which served for the defence of cities. The remains of walls and other structures, which have obtained the name of Cyclopian, are found in various parts of Greece, Italy, and Sicily, and may be regarded as among the oldest works of man in existence, although they are probably of less antiquity than those of Egypt and of some parts of Asia.—B.

[1384] We have sufficient evidence of the early period at which the art of weaving was practised in Egypt, from the figures to be found on their monuments, and from the specimens of their manufactures, some of very delicate texture, which have been found in the most ancient of their tombs. It was doubted, at one time, whether these fine stuffs were formed from the fibres of flax or of cotton, or, in other words, whether they were cambric or muslin; but it is now generally admitted that they are made of flax. We have frequent mention of the products of the loom in the Pentateuch; we may select the 13th chapter of Leviticus, where linen and woollen stuffs are especially mentioned, and distinguished from each other.—B.

[1385] It is very difficult, probably impossible, in the present day, to determine to which of the nations of antiquity we are indebted for the invention of the art of dyeing. We have notices of coloured stuffs in various parts of the Pentateuch, and there is reason to suppose, that the art was practised, at a very early period, by the Egyptians, the Phœnicians, and the Indians. They had even arrived at the knowledge of partial dyeing, or what is technically termed “printing,” as applied to cotton or linen.—B.

[1386] According to Justin, B. ii. c. 6, the Athenians introduced the use of wool among their countrymen; but it has been supposed that they learned it from the Egyptians.—B.

[1387] Arachne is said to have been a native of Hypæpæ, near Colophon, in Asia Minor, and has been celebrated for her skill in embroidery by Ovid, Metam. B. vi. As we have sufficient evidence that linen was manufactured by the Egyptians at a very early period, we may presume that this account of Arachne is either fabulous, or that, in some way or other, she was instrumental in the introduction of linen into Greece.—B.

[1388] Nothing is known of this individual, nor have we any further information respecting the discovery ascribed to him.—B.

[1389] Homer, Il. B. vii. l. 221, and Ovid, Fasti, B. iii. l. 824, speak of Tychius, as particularly skilful in making shoes, and other articles of leather.—B.

[1390] It is difficult to determine, how far we are to regard the names here mentioned as belonging to real or only to fictitious personages, nor is it easy for us to ascertain what should be regarded as the actual invention of medicine. A certain kind of medical, or rather surgical practice, must have existed in the rudest state of society and in the earliest ages, which was improved and refined by the gradual experience and increased civilization of each successive generation.—B.

[1391] In this, as in so many others of the arts, the original invention has been given to the Egyptians, while the introduction of it into Greece is ascribed to Cadmus. The word æs, which is generally translated “brass,” as well as the Greek word χαλκὸς, was applied by the ancients, either to copper, or what is properly bronze, i. e. a mixture of copper and tin. Brass, the compound of copper and zinc, does not appear to have been known to them. With respect to the claim of the Scythians to the discovery of the use of copper, it has been justly remarked, that it is natural to suppose it to have been first known in those countries, where the ore of the metal is found in large quantities, which is the case in the region that was anciently named Scythia.—B.

[1392] According to Pausanias, the art of forging iron was discovered by Glaucus of Chios. Strabo ascribes it to the Idæan Dactyli, and the art of manufacturing utensils of bronze and iron to the Telchines; the former were inhabitants of Crete, the latter of Rhodes.—B.

[1393] According to Hyginus, silver was first discovered in Scythia by Indus, and introduced into Attica by Erichthonius. Æacus is said by Cassiodorus to have been the discoverer of gold.—B.

[1394] Pangæus is generally described as a mountain on the confines of Macedonia and Thrace; but Marcus says that it was a mountain of Abyssinia, near the source of the Nile, and he adduces various passages from the ancients to prove that the Egyptians had an extensive traffic there in gold at a very early period; Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 191, 192.—B.

[1395] Thoas was the king of the Tauric Chersonnesus, and Panchaia was a district of Arabia Felix; it does not appear what connection Thoas could have with Panchaia.—B.

[1396] We have no account of any individual bearing this name, and it has been proposed by Hardouin to substitute for it “Midas Phrygius,” who is said, both by Hyginus and by Cassiodorus, to have been the discoverer of lead.—B.

[1397] From the accounts of Pliny, B. iv. c. 36, as well as of Strabo, and the other ancient geographers, it appears, that he here alludes to the Scilly Isles, including, probably, the western extremity of Cornwall. We are informed by Herodotus, B. iii. c. 115, that tin was brought from them, and they were hence named the “tin islands,” from the Greek word for tin, κασσίτερος.—B.

[1398] On this subject we may refer to Note 72.—B.

[1399] Pliny, in B. xxxv. c. 45, informs us, that Choræbus invented the art of making pottery, and that it was first exercised, as a trade, by Chalcosthenes. He says, that a certain district of Athens obtained the name of “Ceramicos,” from his manufactory of earthen-ware, derived from κέραμος, “potter’s clay.”—B.

[1400] The inventions here ascribed to Dædalus, are, by many of the ancients, given to his nephew; see Isidorus, Hyginus, Diodorus Siculus, and Ovid, Metam. B. viii. l. 234, et seq.—B.

[1401] “Ichthyocolla,” perhaps more properly, “Fish-glue.”

[1402] Pausanias ascribes also to Theodorus the invention of forging iron and copper. According to Vitruvius, the square was invented by Pythagoras.—B.

[1403] The same statement is made by Strabo, and other writers of antiquity, and is confirmed by the Arundelian Marbles.—B.

[1404] See B. xiii. c. 42.

[1405] Marcus informs us, that, according to the Arundelian Marbles, Erichthonius, the fourth king of Athens, was the inventor of chariots.—B. See p. [229].

[1406] Hardouin remarks, that Pliny, in the beginning of this Chapter, ascribes the invention of commerce to Bacchus; we may suppose, that the commerce there referred to, was the conveyance of goods by land, while that of the Carthaginians was traffic by sea.—B.

[1407] Eumolpus was a native of Thrace; but being expelled from his native country, he invaded Attica, and, after various contests with Erichthonius, obtained the office of high-priest of Ceres, which was continued to his descendants.—B.

[1408] We learn from the writings of Moses, that the planting of the vine, and the conversion of the juice of the grape into wine, was practised by Noah immediately after the Flood. The mixing of water with wine would seem to be a very obvious and natural mode of procuring a pleasant and refreshing beverage.—B.

[1409] From the writings of Moses, we learn that the use of oil and of honey was known to the inhabitants of Palestine and Egypt, at a very early period.—B.

[1410] “Buzyges” is a Greek term, signifying “one who yokes oxen;” according to Hardouin, the real name of the person here referred to was Epimenides.—B.

[1411] For an account of Triptolemus, the reader may consult Hyginus, and Pausanias, B. vii. Achaica.—B. Also the Fasti of Ovid, B. iv. l. 507, et seq.

[1412] Phalaris is supposed to have been contemporary with Servius Tullius, who reigned from 577 to 533 B.C.—B.

[1413] Meaning a citizen who obtained the sovereignty by violence and usurpation.

[1414] This is supposed to have taken place 1000 years before Christ, when the Lacedæmonians conquered the Helots. But Moses had given the Jews a code of laws, respecting the treatment of slaves, between 400 and 500 years before that event, and we have various intimations of the existence of slavery, in his writings, long before his time. It appears, indeed, that in the different countries of the East, and in Africa, slavery has existed from time immemorial.—B.

[1415] This is confirmed by Ælian, Var. Hist. B. iii. c. 38.—B.

[1416] According to the same fabulous account of the early Grecian history, they were twin brothers, kings of the Argives; after much contention, Acrisius succeeded in expelling Prœtus from Argos; they are said to have lived 1400 years B.C. Athamas was a king of Thebes, and the contemporary of Acrisius.—B.

[1417] According to Hardouin, the Lacedæmonians had the helmet, the sword, and the spear, of a peculiar form, different from that used by the other natives of Greece.—B.

[1418] This account of the invention of the bow and arrow seems to have been derived from the high character which the Scythians and Persians had acquired for their dexterity in the use of those weapons.—B.

[1419] The “amentum” was a leather thong tied to the middle of the javelin, to assist in throwing it, though it is unknown how it added to the effect. It has been suggested that it was by imparting rotation, and consequent steadiness.

[1420] Ætolus was said to have been the son of Endymion, of Elis, who, having accidentally killed one of his countrymen, left his native place, and settled in the part of Greece named after him, Ætolia.—B.

[1421] See B. xxviii. c. 6. This was the Roman “veru,” or “verutum,” so called from its resemblance to a spit. Its shaft was three feet and a half long, and its point five inches. The “Velites” did not form part of the Roman legion, but fought in scattered parties wherever they were required.

[1422] The “pilum” was short and thick; its shaft, often made of cornel, was partly square, and five feet and a half long. The head was nine inches long. It was used either to throw or thrust with, and, in spite of what Pliny says, was peculiar to the Romans.

[1423] Julius Firmicus ascribes the invention of the apparatus used in hunting to the Cretans; and Gratius, Cyneg. l. 108, that of the hunting spear, with its iron spike, to Dercylus, of Amyclæ.—B.

[1424] Vitruvius informs us, that the catapulta and the balista were instruments formed upon the same principle, the former being adapted for the discharge of arrows, and the latter, masses of stone. Cæsar, however, in his account of the siege of Massilia, Bell. Civ. B. ii. c. 8, speaks of stones being thrown by the catapulta. Ælian, Hist. Var. B. vi. c. 12, says, that it was invented by Dionysius, the first king of Syracuse.—B.

[1425] Strabo ascribes the invention of the sling to the Ætolians; he informs us, that the inhabitants of the Balearic Isles, so famous for their dexterity in the use of this instrument, originally obtained it from the Phrygians.—B.

[1426] According to Hyginus, Tyrrhenus, the son of Hercules, invented the trumpet; Clemens, of Alexandria, and Athenæus, ascribe the invention to the Tyrrhenians.—B. Virgil speaks, B. viii. l. 526, of the “clangor of the Tyrrhenian trumpet.”

[1427] The “tortoise.” He probably means a military machine, moved on wheels and roofed over, used in besieging cities, and under which the soldiers worked in undermining the walls. It was usually covered with raw hides or other materials, which could not easily be set on fire. The same name was also applied to the covering formed by a compact body of soldiers, who placed their shields over their heads, and linked them together, to secure themselves against the darts of the enemy. The latter kind of “testudo” was sometimes formed, by way of an exercise, in the games of the Circus.

[1428] This has been supposed to have been the real origin of the Trojan horse, on which Virgil has built one of his most interesting episodes; the horse, as described by Virgil, was, however, in every respect, different from the battering ram.—B.

[1429] In consequence of some false charges brought against him, Bellerophon was sent to combat with a monster called the Chimæra, in the expectation that he would perish in the attempt; but Minerva, pitying his situation, provided him with a winged horse, named Pegasus, by means of which he accomplished his perilous task in safety.—B.

[1430] Pelethronius is said to have been a king of the Lapithæ, a people of Thessaly, who were celebrated for their skill in the management of the horse.—B.

[1431] According to Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. iii. c. 23, Minerva was the first who used a chariot with four horses. Hardouin supposes that the Erichthonius here mentioned was not the king of Athens, but the son of Dardanus, the king of Troas; he does not state the ground of his opinion, and Ælian, Hist. Var. B. iii. c. 38, expressly speaks of him as an Athenian. Virgil, Geor. B. iii. ll. 113, 114, speaks of Erichthonius as the inventor of the chariot with four horses; he is supposed to have lived about 1450 B.C. As Hardouin justly remarks, we have an account, in the writings of Moses, of chariots being used by the Egyptians long before this period. It is not, however, stated what was the number of horses used for these chariots.—B.

[1432] “Tesseræ,” in the original, which is also the name of the dice used in various games. But the connection in which the word is here placed makes it more probable that it refers to some military operation; Virgil employs it in this sense, Æneid, B. vii. l. 637, as also Livy, B. vii. c. 35. There is, however, a tradition that Palamedes invented the games in which dice are used, during the siege of Troy.—B.

[1433] The words are “auguria ex avibus,” while the art which is said to have been taught by Tiresias, is termed “extispicio avium.” The first of these consists in foretelling future events, by observing the flight, the chirping, or the feeding of birds, the latter by the inspection of their entrails. But it appears that this distinction is not always observed; see Cicero, De Divin. B. i. c. 47. The observation of the auguries was committed to a body or college of priests, regarded as of the highest authority in the Roman state. The “Haruspices,” whose office it was to inspect the entrails of sacrificed animals, and from their appearance to foretell future events, were considered as an inferior order.—B.

[1434] Amphiaraüs was reputed to be the son of Apollo, and was famous for his knowledge of futurity; he was one of the Argonauts, and joined in the expedition of the Epigoni against Thebes, in which he perished. Divine honours were paid to him after his death, and a temple erected to his memory, which was resorted to as an oracle.—B.

[1435] Amphictyon established the celebrated council named after him, and which consisted of delegates from the principal cities of Greece, who assembled at stated periods to decide upon all public questions. He is supposed to have lived about 1500 B.C.—B.

[1436] It is very difficult, perhaps impossible, to separate the actual history of Atlas from the mythological and fabulous tales mixed up with it. We may, however, conclude that he was a king of Libya, or of some part of the north of Africa; that he was an observer of the heavenly bodies, and one of the first who gave any connected account of them. Under the term “astrology,” Pliny probably intended to comprehend both the supposed science, now designated by that name, and likewise astronomy, or the physical laws of the heavenly bodies.—B.

[1437] Pliny has previously stated, B. ii. c. 6, that the sphere was invented by Atlas, and that Anaximander discovered the obliquity of the ecliptic, by which he is said “to have opened the doors of knowledge.”—B.

[1438] The simplest and most common musical instrument used by the Greeks, was the “tibia,” or pipe.—B.

[1439] According to Hardouin, the Phrygians invented the pipes employed by hired mourners at funerals, or, more probably, were the first to adopt the use of the pipes at that ceremony.—B.

[1440] Which was played on the side, like the German flute of the present day.

[1441] It was not uncommon for two “tibiæ,” or pipes, to be played upon by one performer at the same time, one being held in each hand.

[1442] Apuleius, Flor. B. i. c. 4, characterizes the different kinds of music, termed “moduli” by Pliny, as follows: the Æolian, as simple, the Asiatic varied, the Lydian plaintive, the Phrygian solemn, and the Doric warlike.—B.

[1443] According to the mythological traditions, Mercury, when a child, found the shell of a tortoise on the banks of the Nile, and made it into a lyre, by stretching three strings across; he presented it to Apollo, and he gave it to Orpheus, who added two strings to it; after the death of Orpheus, his lyre was placed among the stars, and forms the constellation still known by that name.—B.

[1444] He was a native of Miletus, and contemporary with Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. The fact of Timotheus having accompanied Alexander in his expedition to Asia, which forms the basis of Dryden’s immortal Ode, is not supported by any historical authority.—B.

[1445] Pausanias (Corinth) informs us, that he was the son of Vulcan, and invented the tibia, but he does not mention his vocal powers.—B.

[1446] According to Hardouin, the first of these, the “saltatio armata,” or “armed dance,” was performed on foot, and with wooden armour; the second, the Pyrrhic dance, was performed on horseback, and consisted in the dextrous management of the animals. Pyrrhus, from whom the dance received its name, was the son of Achilles.—B.

[1447] The honour of the invention has been given to Phemonoë, a priestess of the oracle of Delphi.—B.

[1448] Apuleius, Flor. B. ii. c. 15, says that Pherecydes was the first to disregard the fetters of verse, and to write in desultory language. Pliny, however, in B. v. c. 31, has ascribed the invention of prose to Cadmus. Hardouin endeavours to reconcile this inconsistency, by supposing that Cadmus was the first prose writer of history, and that Pherecydes first applied prose to philosophical subjects. But Cicero, De Orat. B. ii. c. 12, speaks of Pherecydes as a writer of simple annals.—B.

[1449] There are several persons of this name among the kings and heroes of the semi-fabulous periods; but the one here mentioned is said to have been the son of Phoroneus, and to have lived about 1400 B.C. These games were celebrated in honour of Pan; the combatants were naked, and had the body anointed with oil; the Lupercalia of the Romans, in many respects, resembled the games of Lycaon. We are informed by Livy, B. i. c. 5, that the Lupercalia were introduced into Italy by Evander, the Arcadian.—B. Ovid, in the Fasti, B. i., states to the same effect.

[1450] Iolcos was a city of Thessaly, from which place the Argonauts embarked on their expedition to Colchis; Acastus was one of them; the funereal games which he instituted were in honour of his father, Pelias.—B.

[1451] See B. iv. c. 10.

[1452] The Isthmian games were originally instituted by Sisyphus, king of Corinth; after having been interrupted for some time, they were re-established by Theseus, who celebrated them in honour of Neptune.—B.

[1453] These were the celebrated Olympic games; Diodorus Siculus, B. iv. c. 3, Pausanias, and other ancient writers, as well as Pliny, ascribe their origin to Hercules; Pausanias, however, says, that some supposed them to have been instituted by Jupiter.—B.

[1454] “Pila lusoria.” There have been many conjectures respecting the person to whom this invention is attributed, as well as respecting the nature of the game itself; in either case it appears that we have nothing but mere conjecture to direct our opinion.—B. Among the Romans, the games with the “pila, or ball,” were those played with the “pila trigonalis,” so called, probably, from the players standing in a triangle: the “follis” was a large ball inflated, and used for football. “Paganica” was a similar ball, but harder, being stuffed with feathers, and used by rustics. “Harpastum” was a small ball, used by the Greeks, and was scrambled for on reaching the ground.

[1455] The MSS. differ as to the name of the person to whom the invention of painting is ascribed; but, in those which are considered the most worthy of credit, he is called Gyges Ludius. Marcus endeavours to prove, that the term “Ludius” refers to the country of Lud or Ludim, to the south of Egypt; and he points out some analogies between the name Gyges, and some words which are found in ancient inscriptions, or which are still in use among the Nubians and Abyssinians. Pliny, B. xxxv. c. 5, attributes the invention of painting to the Egyptians, and says, that “it was practised by them long before it was known in Greece.”—B.

[1456] The term Euchir, Εὔχειρ, which is literally “dextrous or handy,” would rather seem to be a prefix to a name, than a proper name itself. With respect to Polygnotus, and the share which he had in the invention of painting, the reader may examine what Pliny says in a subsequent part of his work, B. xxxv. c. 35.—B.

[1457] The vessel in which Danaüs came into Greece, may, probably, have been of a much superior construction, or much larger than those previously seen in that country; but it is generally supposed, that Cecrops, Cadmus, and the other Egyptian and Phœnician colonists, had come by sea to Greece, long before the arrival of Danaüs. In the ancient Egyptian monuments there are representations of different kinds of vessels of considerable size, which would imply a knowledge of the art of navigation at a very remote period. The same is proved by the traditionary annals of the Egyptians.—B.

[1458] The word here used, “ratis,” would appear to be applied to any species of slightly built vessel, of whatever form. The term raft is not altogether appropriate, but we have no English word which exactly corresponds to it.—B.

[1459] According to the generally received account, Erythras migrated from Persia to Tyrrhina, an island in the Red Sea. See B. vi. c. [28] and [32].—B.

[1460] It has been conjectured, that the ancient Britons borrowed the peculiar form of their vessels from the Phœnicians, who were known to have frequented the south-west coasts of our island. Small vessels, not unlike those here described by Pliny, were used very lately, by the fishermen in the Bristol channel.—B. They are still used by the Welsh fishermen, and are made of oil-cloth or leather stretched on a frame. They are called by the Welch cwrwgle, whence our word “coracle.”

[1461] By the term “longa navis,” here used, Pliny probably designates a vessel which was propelled by a number of rowers, ranged side by side, in contradistinction to the small skiffs which were moved along, either by a sail or a single pair of oars, and were more of a rounded form.—B.

[1462] Ctesias has already been referred to, in c. 2 of the present Book.—B.

[1463] One of her most remarkable exploits was her expedition against India, of which we have an account in Diodorus Siculus, B. ii.; he says that she fitted out a fleet of between 2000 and 3000 vessels.—B.

[1464] From the account of Damastes, given by Hardouin, he was a native of Sigæum, whose works appear to have been held in considerable estimation by the ancients.—B.

[1465] There were at least three ancient cities of the name Erythræ, but the one most noted was situate on the coast of the Ægean Sea, opposite to the Isle of Chios.—B.

[1466] The passage in Thucydides here referred to, is in B. i. c. 13.—B.

[1467] There appears to be much uncertainty respecting the statements made in the concluding part of this paragraph, in consequence of the variation of the MSS.—B.

[1468] The position of the rowers, in the vessels of the ancients, and, more especially, the mode in which the ranks, or “ordines,” were disposed with respect to each other, has been a subject of much discussion. From the incidental remarks in the classical writers, and from the representations which still remain, particularly those on Trajan’s Column, and on certain coins, it would appear that they were disposed in stages, one above the other, and provided with oars of different lengths, in proportion to their distance from the water. But, although we may conceive that this was the case with two or three rows, it is impossible that a greater number could have been disposed in this manner.—B.

[1469] It is not easy to determine what was the construction and form of the four kinds of vessels here mentioned, which he designates respectively by the terms “lembus,” “cymba,” “celes,” and “cercurus.” The “lembus” is mentioned by Livy, B. xxiv. c. 40, as a vessel with two benches of oars, “biremis;” and in B. xl. c. 4, he describes it as a small vessel used for towing large ships. The “cymba” has been supposed to have been a still smaller vessel, answering to our idea of a common boat; the “celes,” we may suppose, was named from “celer,” being especially adapted for quick motion, and the “cercurus” from κερκὸς, “a tail,” from its long narrow form, or from its having a tail-like appendage attached to it.—B.

[1470] Hardouin conjectures, that the cities of Copæ and Plateæ derived their names, respectively, from the inventions here ascribed to them, κωπὴ and πλατὴ.—B.

[1471] Pausanias ascribes this invention to Dædalus; Diodorus, B. v. c. 1, to Æolus, who gave his name to the Æolian islands.—B.

[1472] “Hippagus.”—B.

[1473] “Tecta longa;” Cæsar, Bell. Civ. B. i. c. 56, says that the Massilians fitted out long ships, of which eleven were “tectæ.”—B.

[1474] Ships of war had their prows armed with brazen beaks, to which sharp spears were attached; these were used in their naval engagements as instruments of attack, and, when the vessels were captured, were considered the trophies of victory. The tribunal, in the Roman Forum, from which the orators harangued the people, obtained its name of “Rostra,” from its being ornamented with the beaks of captured ships.—B.

[1475] The “harpago” and the “manus ferrea” are mentioned by Cæsar, Bell. Civ. B. i. c. 57, and by Livy, B. xxx. c. 10; Quintus Curtius also speaks of them, but considers them as only different names for the same instrument, B. iv. c. 2, 12.—B.

[1476] Tiphys was the pilot of the vessel of the Argonauts; he died before the expedition reached Colchis.—B.

[1477] Hardouin remarks upon this passage, that Pliny probably means to speak of the persons who first killed oxen or other animals for what may be styled profane purposes; as they had long before this been employed for sacrifice.—B.

[1478] Herodotus, B. v. c. 59, says that the Phœnician letters were very similar to the Ionian; and we are informed by Hardouin, that Scaliger, in his Dissertation upon an ancient inscription on a column discovered in the Via Appia, and removed to the Farnese Gardens, has proved that the Ionians borrowed their letters from the Phœnicians.—B.

[1479] Herodotus confirms this opinion by a reference to an ancient tripod at Thebes, written in what he terms Cadmæan letters, having a strong resemblance to those used by the Ionians.—B.

[1480] Tacitus, Ann. B. ix. c. 14, says, “The Latin letters have the same form as the most ancient Greek ones.”—B.

[1481] There is scarcely a letter of this inscription which has not been controverted, and no two editions hardly agree.—B.

[1482] Probably the earliest existing reference to the practice of shaving is in Genesis, xli. 14, where Joseph is said to have shaved and changed his raiment, when brought from prison into the presence of Pharaoh; in this case, we may presume that it was the head, and perhaps not the beard, which was shaven.—B.

[1483] The ancients had two methods of arranging the beard; in one it was cut close to the skin, in the other it was trimmed by means of a comb, and left of a certain length. These two methods are alluded to by Plautus, Capt. ii. 2, 16:—B. “Now the old fellow is in the barber’s shop; at this very instant is the other handling the razor—but whether to say that he is going to shave him close, or to trim him through the comb, I know not.”

[1484] Varro, De Re Rus. B. ii., states this fact in almost the same words. He remarks, in continuation, that the old statues prove that there were formerly no barbers, by the length of their beard and hair.—B.

[1485] “Africanus sequens;” he was the son of Paulus Æmilius, the conqueror of Perseus, and the adopted son of Scipio Africanus. In consequence of his conquest of Carthage, he was named Africanus the Younger. His custom of shaving is alluded to by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 4. From the remarks of these writers, we may conclude that the Romans were not generally in the habit of shaving until after the age of forty.—B.

[1486] “Cultus.” Suetonius gives a different account of the method in which Augustus managed his beard. After remarking upon his carelessness as to his personal appearance, he says, that Augustus sometimes cropped, “tonderet,” and sometimes shaved, “raderet,” his beard. Dion. Cassius mentions the period when Augustus began to shave, the consulship of L. Marcius Censorinus and C. Calvicius Sabinus, A.U.C. 714; he was then in his twenty-fourth year.—B.

[1487] In B. ii. c. 78; where Pliny says, that the first clock was made at Lacedæmon, by Anaximander; he was the contemporary of Servius Tullius, who commenced his reign 577 B.C.—B.

[1488] “Accensus;” he was one of the public servants of the magistrates, and was so called from his office of summoning the people to the public meetings (acciere).—B.

[1489] See also B. xxxiii. c. 6. This was a place in Rome appropriated to the Greek ambassadors; it is mentioned by Cicero, in a letter to his brother, Quintus, B. ii. c. 1.—B. It stood on the right side of the Comitium, being allotted to the Greeks from the allied states, for the purpose of hearing the debates in the comitia curiata.

[1490] This column is supposed to have stood near the end of the Forum, on the Capitoline Hill. It was C. Mænius (in whose honour it was erected) who defeated the Antiates, and adorned the Forum with the “rostra,” or beaks of their ships, from which the “rostrum,” or orator’s stage, took its name. His statue was placed on the column. He was consul in B.C. 338. See B. xxxiv. c. 11.

[1491] Hardouin supposes that this event took place in the consulship of Papirius Cursor, A.U.C. 461, B.C. 292. According to the commonly received Chronology, Pyrrhus came into Italy, B.C. 280, twelve years after the consulship of Papirius Cursor.—B.

[1492] According to Censorinus, in his treatise, De Die Natali, it was difficult to decide which was the most ancient dial in Rome; some writers agreeing with Pliny, that it was the one in the Temple of Quirinus, others that in the Capitol, and others the one in the Temple of Diana, on the Aventine.—B.

[1493] Marcus conjectures, that this account of the dial was contained in the work of Varro, De Rebus Humanis, referred to by Aulus Gellius, B. iii. c. 2, but not now extant.—B.

[1494] Owing to the circumstance of the dial having been adapted to the latitude of Catina, now Catania, about four degrees south of Rome.—B.

[1495] Vitruvius describes this instrument. Marcus, Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 218, 219, gives us an account of two kinds of clepsydræ, or water-clocks, which were constructed by the Greeks.—B. See also the account of clocks in Beckmann’s History of Inventions, vol. i.

[1496] See end of B. iii.

[1497] He was a contemporary of the Gracchi, and was author of a History of Rome, down to B.C. 145 at least; supposed to have been very voluminous and full in its details of the legendary history of the Roman nation. Livy probably borrowed extensively from it.

[1498] See end of B. ii.

[1499] A hearer of Ateius Capito, and celebrated as a jurist under Tiberius and later emperors. From him a school of legists, called the Sabiniani, took their rise. He wrote some works on the Civil Law. Pliny quotes him, as we have seen, in c. [4], to show the possibility of gestation being to the thirteenth month.

[1500] Daughter of the elder Agrippina and Germanicus, and the mother of Nero. Her memoirs of her life are quoted by Tacitus, but we have no remains of them.

[1501] The great Roman orator and philosopher.

[1502] A distinguished orator, poet, and historian of the Augustan age. He was an active partisan of Cæsar, and the patron of Horace and Virgil, whose property he saved from confiscation. He wrote a history of the civil war in seventeen books, but none of his works have come down to us. His tragedies are highly spoken of by Virgil and Horace.

[1503] See end of B. ii.

[1504] Nothing whatever seems to be known relative to this author, who is mentioned in c. [53] of this Book. See the Note to that passage.

[1505] See end of B. ii.

[1506] The author of the Æneid and the Georgics, the friend of Augustus, Pollio, and Mæcenas, one of the most virtuous men of ancient time, and the greatest probably of the Latin poets.

[1507] See end of B. [vi].

[1508] Cremutius Cordus, a Roman historian, who was impeached before Tiberius, by two of his clients, for having praised Brutus, and styled Cassius “the last of the Romans,” his real offence being the freedom with which, in his work, he had spoken against Sejanus. He starved himself to death, and the senate ordered his works to be burnt. Some copies, however, were preserved by his daughter, Marcia, and his friends.

[1509] C. Mæcenas Melissus, a native of Spoletum. He was of free birth, but exposed in his infancy, and presented to be reared by Mæcenas. He was afterwards manumitted, and obtained the favour of Augustus, who employed him to arrange the library in the portico of Octavia. At an advanced age he commenced the composition of a collection of jokes and bon-mots. He also wrote plays of a novel character, which he styled “Trabeatæ.”

[1510] See end of B. ii.

[1511] A. Cornelius Celsus, the celebrated writer on medicine. Little is known of his age or origin, or even his profession. It is supposed, however, that he lived in the time of Augustus and Tiberius. His treatises on Medicine and Surgery are still used as hand-books for the medical student, and his style is much admired for its purity.

[1512] Or Valerius Maximus. He is supposed to have lived in the time of Tiberius, and wrote nine books on memorable deeds and sayings, which still survive, and are replete with curious information.

[1513] Trogus Pompeius, the Roman Historian, on whose work Justin founded his history. His grandfather, who was of the Gaulish tribe of the Vocontii, received the citizenship of Rome during the war against Sertorius; and his father was a private secretary of Julius Cæsar. Except as set forth in the pages of Justin, no portion of his history, except a few scattered fragments, exists. The quotations from him in Pliny, are thought to have been all taken from a treatise of his, “De Animalibus,” mentioned by Charisius, and not from his historical works.

[1514] See end of B. [vi].

[1515] The friend and correspondent of Cicero, descended from one of the most ancient equestrian families of Rome. His surname was, probably, given to him from his long residence at Athens, and his intimate acquaintance with the Greek language and literature. Though, generally, of a virtuous character, he neglected no means of making money, and was, consequently, a man of great opulence. He wrote a book of Annals, or rather an Epitome of Roman History, which, like the rest of his works, has perished.

[1516] He lived in the time of Augustus and Tiberius, and is mentioned by the Eusebian Chronicle, as becoming blind in his seventy-third year, during the reign of Vespasian, and attaining the age of eighty-five. He wrote a work on the Life of Sallust, another on the Censurers of Virgil, and commentaries on the speeches of Cicero, of which alone a few portions are still extant, and are of considerable value in a historical as well as a grammatical point of view.

[1517] Probably Papirius Fabianus. See end of B. ii.

[1518] See end of B. iii.

[1519] See end of B. v.

[1520] Nothing whatever is known relative to this author.

[1521] See end of B. ii.

[1522] He is said to have written an epic poem, called Arimaspeia, full of marvellous stories respecting the Arimaspi and the golden regions. See c. [2] of the present Book, and Note [1319] in p. 211, where some further particulars relative to him will be found.

[1523] See end of B. v.

[1524] He was a native of Nicæa, in Bithynia, and the author of some works, characterized as being full of incredible stories. Cyril, however, says, that he was born at Cittium, and Gellius styles him a writer of no small authority. He is generally looked upon as belonging to the class of writers called Paradoxographi.

[1525] See end of B. iv.

[1526] Or Agatharchus, a Greek grammarian of Cnidos. He was, as we learn from Strabo, attached to the Peripatetic school of philosophy, and wrote several historical and geographical works. He was living in the reign of Ptolemy Philometer, who died B.C. 146. His works, which were very numerous, are enumerated by Photius.

[1527] See end of B. iii.

[1528] See end of B. ii.

[1529] See end of B. iii.

[1530] Strabo, in B. ii. speaks of a Periplus of Europe, written by a person of this name. There was also a physician called Apollonides, a native of Cos, who practised at the court of Artaxerxes Longimanus, where he was eventually put to death.

[1531] A Greek historian of the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, and said by different authors to have been a native of Athens, Naucratis in Egypt, and Sicyon. He wrote a work on history, of considerable value, though his credit as an historian has been violently attacked by Polybius.

[1532] Of Cyrene, an author of uncertain date. He wrote a work on the philosophers.

[1533] See end of B. v.

[1534] See end of B. ii.

[1535] Nothing is known of this writer.

[1536] For Eudoxus of Cnidos, see end of B. ii: and for Eudoxus of Cyzicus, see end of B. [vi].

[1537] See end of B. ii.

[1538] See end of B. [vi].

[1539] Of Samos, a descendant of Alcibiades, who flourished in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. When a boy, he gained a pugilistic victory at Olympia. He eventually became tyrant of Samos; but nothing further is known of his career. From what Pliny says, in c. 40. of B. iii., he is supposed to have been living in the year B.C. 281. He was the author of a history of Greece, and other historical works, of which, however, we possess no remains.

[1540] See end of B. ii.

[1541] Of Cos, the father of the medical art, and in many respects the most celebrated physician of ancient or modern times. It is supposed that he flourished in the fifth century before Christ. A great number of medical works, still extant, have been attributed to him: but there were many other physicians who either had, or assumed, this name.

[1542] Of Prusa, in Bithynia. He is mentioned in c. 37 of this Book. See Note [1170] in p. 183.

[1543] Of Ascra, in Bœotia, the earliest of the Greek poets, with the exception of Homer. His surviving works, are his “Works and Days,” and the “Theogony.”

[1544] Of Teos, in Asia Minor, famous for his amatory and lyric poems; he died at the age of eighty-five. Pliny mentions the supposed mode of his death, in c. [5], of the present Book.

[1545] See end of B. ii.

[1546] See end of B. iv.

[1547] See end of B. iv.

[1548] See end of B. iv.

[1549] See end of B. ii.

[1550] A priest of Belus, at Babylonia, and a historian of the time of Alexander the Great. He wrote a History of Babylonia, of which some fragments are preserved by the ecclesiastical writers.

[1551] See end of B. ii.

[1552] See end of B. ii.

[1553] See end of B. iii.

[1554] See end of B. iv.

[1555] See end of B. iv.

[1556] See end of B. ii.

[1557] An Athenian, who wrote a history of Greece and Sicily in twenty-six or twenty-seven books, coming down to B.C. 298, from which time Psaon of Platæa continued it.

[1558] Of Lampsacus, a Peripatetic philosopher, and tutor of Ptolemy Philadelphus. He succeeded Theophrastus, B.C. 288, as head of that school. He devoted himself to the study of natural science, and appears to have held a pantheistic system of philosophy. By Cudworth, Leibnitz, and others, he has been charged with atheism. The “Euremata” of Ephorus, here mentioned, was a book which treated of inventions.

[1559] See end of B. iv.

[1560] Of Tragilus, in Thrace, a disciple and contemporary of Isocrates. His book, here mentioned, treated on the subjects chosen by the Greek tragic writers, and the manner in which they had dealt with them.

[1561] Of Cyrene, the friend or disciple of Callimachus. He flourished under Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B.C. 249. He wrote works on places in Asia, on Rivers, and on Islands; but none of his compositions have survived.

[1562] A native of Magnesia, who wrote on rhetoric and history, probably in the early part of the third century B.C. Strabo speaks but slightingly of him; and Cicero and Dionysius of Halicarnassus agree in looking upon him as a downright blockhead. Upon the other hand, Varro rather admires his style. The history of Alexander the Great was his favourite theme; and he is represented by Aulus Gellius as dealing rather largely in the marvellous.

[1563] Mentioned by Athenæus as having written a history of Eubœa.

[1564] See end of B. iii.; and see c. [31] of the present Book, and Note [1133] in p. 175.

[1565] Nothing whatever appears to be known of this writer.

[1566] See end of B. iv.

[1567] See end of B. iii.

[1568] See end of B. iv.

[1569] See end of B. ii.

[1570] Cuvier remarks, that this account of its superior intelligence is exaggerated, it being no greater than that of the dog, if, indeed, equal to it. The opinion may perhaps have arisen from the dexterity with which the animal uses its trunk; but this is to be ascribed not to its own intelligence, but to the mechanical construction of the part. The Indians, from whom we may presume that Pliny derived his account, have always regarded the elephant with a kind of superstitious veneration.—B.

[1571] Some would read this “Amilo,” and others “Annulo.” Hardouin considers it the same with the river Valo, which is mentioned by Ptolemy, B. iv. c. 1, and said to have its rise in the mountains known as the Seven Brothers, and mentioned in B. v. c. 1.

[1572] “Præ se ferentes,” probably alluding to the use which the animal makes of its trunk in seizing and carrying bodies.—B.

[1573] “Alienæ religionis.” The meaning of this is doubtful. It may mean “differences in religion,” or “religious feeling in others,” or perhaps, to judge from the context, “the religious regard for their oath which others feel.”

[1574] “Veluti tellure precibus alligata,” one of the harsh metaphorical expressions occasionally occurring in Pliny, which it is very difficult to translate, and even perhaps fully to comprehend.—B.

[1575] “Nothi.”

[1576] Cuvier remarks, that there are two kinds of elephants, one of which attains sixteen feet, and is chiefly known in Cochin China and Tonquin, while those that are domesticated in India are seldom more than half that height. They are supposed, however, to be only varieties of the same species. Pliny, in B. vi. c. 22, gives an account of the uses which the Indians made of the elephant, and of their different sizes, but he does not state there that it is the smaller ones only that are employed in agriculture.—B.

[1577] Plutarch informs us, that Pompey had resolved to have his chariot drawn by four elephants, but finding the gate too narrow, he was obliged to use horses.—B.

[1578] See an account of this, and of the feats performed by the elephants, in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 11.—B.

[1579] The Pyrrhic dance has been referred to in the last Book, c. 57. p. 231. It is not improbable that the elephants employed in this dance were caparisoned with armour.

[1580] However ill adapted the elephant may appear, from its size and form, for this feat, we have the testimony of Seneca, Suetonius, Dion Cassius, and Julian, to the truth of the fact.—B.

[1581] Plutarch, in his treatise on the Shrewdness of Animals, tells us that this wonderful circumstance happened at Rome.

[1582] “Eadem illa meditantem,” is the expression. It would be curious to know in what way the elephant showed that he was “conning” over his lesson.

[1583] Suetonius is supposed to allude to this circumstance.—B. He tells us that a horseman ascended a tight rope on an elephant’s back.

[1584] Ælian informs us, that he had seen an elephant write Latin characters. Hardouin remarks, that the Greek would be Αὐτὸς ἐγὼ τάδ’ ἔγραψα, λαφυρά τε Κελτ’ ἀνέθηκα.

[1585] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1586] As to the tusks of the elephant, no doubt the opinion of Herodotus, B. iii. c. 97, is correct, that they are teeth, and not horns. They are essentially composed of the same substance with the other teeth, and, like them, are inserted into the jaw, and not into the os frontis, as is the case with horns.—B.

[1587] Not improbably, the great quantity of fossil ivory which has been found, may have given rise to this tale. We have in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 581, a long extract from Cuvier’s “Recherches sur les ossements fossiles,” in which he gives an account of the parts of the world in which the bones of the elephant have been discovered.—B.

[1588] Tables and bedsteads were not only covered or veneered with ivory among the Romans, but, in the later times, made of the solid material, as we learn from Ælian and Athenæus.

[1589] Plutarch, in his treatise on the Shrewdness of Animals, gives the same statement respecting the whiteness of the teeth in the young animal.—B.

[1590] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that these statements respecting the sagacity of the elephant in connection with their teeth, are without foundation.—B.

[1591] The word employed is vestigium; it is explained by Ælian to refer to the herbage, which has received both the visible impression as well as the odour of the foot.—B.

[1592] In the case of a footstep, this must mean the ground with which the foot has come in contact.

[1593] It is a general opinion, and one founded upon observations of daily occurrence, that animals have an instinctive dread of man. We have, however, facts stated by travellers of undoubted veracity, which would lead to an opposite conclusion. One of the most remarkable is the account which Denham gives of the tameness of the birds in Lake Tchad.—B.

[1594] Cuvier observes, that this is correct; see Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 408, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 338.—B.

[1595] “Novere ea.” It is doubtful whether these words do not mean something more than merely “knew their names,” as Hardouin explains it, for that would be nothing wonderful in an elephant. On the other hand, to say that they were aware of the honour which had been conferred on them, in giving the names of famous men, would be to make a statement which exceeds belief; for how could the elephants show that they appreciated this honour, even supposing that they did appreciate it? Pliny’s elliptical style repeatedly gives rise to doubts of this nature.

[1596] “Phaleris.” See Notes to B. vii. c. [29], p. 170.

[1597] Pliny informs us, in B. xxii. c. 4, that this was done by those conquered in battle.—B.

[1598] We may conclude, from the account given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 2, and by Ælian, B. viii. c. 17, that this opinion was generally adopted by the ancients.—B. We learn from Cuvier, who mentions the results of M. Corse’s observations, that there is no such modesty in the elephant, and that the two at the Museum of Natural History at Paris gave proof of the fact.

[1599] This is erroneous; the males do not arrive at puberty before the females, which takes place about the fourteenth or fifteenth year. In the elephant which was under the inspection of M. Corse, the period of gestation was between twenty and twenty-one months, so that there may be some foundation for the biennial period, but the term of five days is entirely imaginary. Aristotle makes the interval three years.—B.

[1600] There is a passage in Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, and one in Macrobius, where the custom of offering pieces of money to elephants, which they took up with the proboscis, is referred to.—B.

[1601] In the Epitome of Livy, B. xiii., it is said, that Valerius Corvinus was unsuccessful in his engagements with Pyrrhus, in consequence of the terror produced by the elephants.—B.

[1602] Varro, De Ling. Lat. B. vi. calls the elephant “Lucas bos,” “the Lucanian ox,” from the fact of this large quadruped being first seen by the Romans in the Lucanian army.—B.

[1603] According to Seneca, Manius Curius Dentatus was the first who exhibited elephants in his triumph over Pyrrhus. See also Florus, B. i. c. 18.—B.

[1604] There are coins extant struck to commemorate this victory, in which there is the figure of an elephant.—B.

[1605] The number of elephants brought to Rome by Metellus is differently stated; Florus, B. ii., says that they were “about a hundred;” in the Epitome of Livy, B. xix., they are one hundred and twenty, and the same number is mentioned by Seneca.—B.

[1606] Who were their allies, or rather vassals; for in such case, they might make a dangerous use of them.

[1607] Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 2, gives an account of the brutality of Hannibal on this occasion, in forcing the Roman captives to fight against each other, until only one was left; but he does not make mention of the combat with the elephant.—B.

[1608] Florus, B. i. c. 18, states, that this was practised in the later engagements with Pyrrhus, and that by these means the elephants were either destroyed or rendered useless. Cuvier remarks, that the trunk is composed of small muscles and fatty matter, enveloped by a tendinous membrane, and covered with skin.—B.

[1609] A.U.C. 678.—B.

[1610] “Venus the Conqueror.” This temple was dedicated by Pompey, after his conquests in the East, in his second consulship, B.C. 55.

[1611] Pliny here refers to an art, practised among the Romans, of throwing up a shield into the air, in such a manner that, after performing a circuit, it would fall down on a certain spot; this trick is also alluded to by Martial, B. ix. Ep. 39.—B. The exercise with the boomerang, which was known to the ancient Assyrians, and has been borrowed in modern times from the people of Australasia, seems to have been somewhat similar to this.

[1612] “Clathri.” These were gratings of iron trellis-work, placed in front of the lowest row of the spectators, to protect them from the wild beasts. This exhibition took place in Pompey’s Amphitheatre, in the Campus Martius. The arena of the amphitheatre was mostly surrounded by a wall, distinguished by the name of “podium,” which was generally about eighteen feet in height, and the top of which was protected by this trellis-work. In the present instance, however, the “podium” can hardly have been so much as eighteen feet in height.

[1613] “Euripis.” Julius Cæsar caused a canal, ten feet wide, to be formed in the Circus Maximus, around the bottom of the “podium,” to protect the spectators from the wild beasts. These “euripi” probably took their name from the narrow channel so called, which lay between Bœotia and the island of Eubœa.

[1614] We learn, however, from Lampridius, in his Life of Heliogabalus, that this euripus was afterwards restored to the Circus.

[1615] Tacitus and Suetonius mention this separation of the equites from the rest of the spectators: it took place A.U.C. 816.—B. Up to the time of Augustus, A.U.C. 758, the senators, equites, and people sat indiscriminately in the Circus; but that emperor, and after him Claudius, Nero, and Domitian, separated the senators and the equites from the commons.

[1616] There are coins which bear the figure of an elephant and the word Cæsar, probably struck in commemoration of these games.—B.

[1617] The practice of placing towers filled with soldiers on the backs of the elephants is alluded to by Lucretius, B. v. l. 1301, and by Juvenal, Sat. xii. l. 110.—B. It still prevails in India.

[1618] “Consummation gladiatorum.” There is some doubt about the exact meaning of this. It may mean, “at the conclusion of the gladiatorial games,” as exhibited; or, what is more probable, “as the crowning exploit of the gladiators,” who wished thereby to secure their manumission, which was granted after remarkable feats of valour. Cælius Rhodiginus, B. xi. c. 11, prefers this last meaning: Dalechamps, with whom Ajasson coincides, the first.

[1619] “Postea singulis.” Those who coincide with Dalechamps and Ajasson, as to the meaning, would read it, that at the end of the gladiatorial games, the elephants fought singly one against another, the gladiators having retired from the arena.

[1620] Pliny here uses the word “manu,” “hand,” which although, as he afterwards remarks, it may not be an inappropriate metaphor, could scarcely be admitted in our language.—B.

[1621] This trait has been observed in all ages; the elephant has been known to remove with its trunk a child lying in its way, and in danger of being injured. It appears to have an instinctive dread of trampling on a living animal; the same has also been observed in the horse.—B.

[1622] “Hordeo succo;” the exact meaning has been the subject of much discussion; it probably refers to some preparation of barley used by the ancients, perhaps a maceration of the corn in water; it is scarcely to be supposed, however, that the words are to be taken literally.—B.

[1623] Albertus Magnus, in his work on Animals, B. viii. c. 3, gives a fuller account of this method of taking the wild elephant. He says: “A man, riding on a tame elephant, guides him to the woods, and when he has met with some wild ones, drives the tame one against them, and makes it strike them with its trunk: the tame one, being better fed, soon conquers the wild elephant, and throws him to the ground; upon which, the man leaps upon him, and flogs him with a whip, and immediately the other becomes quiet.” Strabo, B. xv., gives a different account of the mode of catching and taming the elephant in India.

[1624] This appears to have been taken from Plutarch; and we have the same statement in Ælian, who particularly speaks of the sagacity of the animal, in endeavouring to extricate itself from the trench.—B.

[1625] We have the same account given by Ælian and by Strabo.—B.

[1626] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 18, remarks, that the violence of the animal, which is produced by an accidental cause, as also that arising from venereal excitement, are counteracted by opposite modes of treatment; the one by depriving it of food, the other by over-feeding it; the former, in order to break its strength, and the latter, to divert it into a different channel.—B.

[1627] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. i. c. 38, states that the Romans employed this mode of terrifying the elephants brought against them by Pyrrhus.—B.

[1628] That this was the general opinion among the ancients, we learn from Polybius, Ælian, Livy, Diodorus Siculus, and others. Cuvier remarks, that this may have been the case with the animals from Barbary, or the north of Africa, but that it is not so with those from the middle or south of that continent.—B.

[1629] It has been stated, in a Note to chap. 5, that Mr. Corse found the period of the gestation of the elephant to be between twenty and twenty-one months.—B.

[1630] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 31, considers the age of sixty to be the prime period of their life, not the commencement of their prime.—B.

[1631] This remark is incorrect; when the water is sufficiently deep, it swims with ease; and if the end of the trunk remains exposed to the atmosphere, it can dive below the surface, or swim with the body immersed.—B.

[1632] Cuvier remarks, that this statement is incorrect. He dissected three elephants at Paris, and found that their death had been caused by inflammation of the lungs and chest. The species of elephant, which now inhabits Asia and Africa, is certainly not adapted to a cold climate; but the numerous remains of elephants found in the north of Asia, prove that a species formerly existed, capable of enduring great cold. It is to be observed, that this species was covered with a thick, furry coat of wool and hair.—B.

[1633] This is from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 26; but it is scarcely necessary to remark, that it is without foundation. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 18, refers to it, and explains it by supposing that the oil was not drunk, but applied externally; which is less improbable.—B.

[1634] They suck the fluid into the cavity of the trunk, and bend the trunk into the mouth, where it is received and swallowed in the usual manner.—B.

[1635] This dislike is confirmed by Cuvier.—B.

[1636] “Sanguisuga.”

[1637] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 1, remarks, that the elephant is the least hairy of all animals.—B.

[1638] Cuvier remarks, that the trunk, being composed of a mixture of delicate muscular fibres and rich fat, would, when properly prepared, afford an article of food that might be very palatable.—B.

[1639] We learn from Livy, B. xlii. c. 23, that Gulussa was the son of Massinissa.—B.

[1640] In c. 8 of this Book.—B.

[1641] We learn from Cuvier, that the elephants of Africa and Asia belong to different species, distinguished by the form of the head, and some peculiarities in the structure of the teeth.—B.

[1642] By the term “dragon,” we may suppose that Pliny refers to some of the great serpents which exist in hot climates, and are of such vast size, that they might perhaps be able to perform some of the exploits here ascribed to the dragon.—B.

[1643] This account appears to be entirely without foundation.—B.

[1644] The idea of the elephant’s blood being cold, and sought after by the dragon, is, of course, without foundation; its blood being of the same temperature with that of other quadrupeds.—B.

[1645] Cuvier states, that in India and America there are serpents of the genus boa, or python, thirty feet or more in length. He observes, that there are various species of aquatic reptiles in the seas of India, but that they never swim twisted together, or with their heads elevated. Ælian gives an account of the great size of the dragons in Æthiopia.—B.

[1646] Cuvier remarks, that there are no serpents with crests on the head, and that Juba must have been thinking probably of some animal of the genus lacertus, when he made this statement. We may here remark, that the “basiliscus,” or “king of serpents,” was said by the poets to have a crown on its head, as denoting its kingly rank. See c. [33] of this Book.

[1647] It is well known, that certain serpents have the jaws and fauces so constructed, that they will allow of the passage of an animal more bulky than themselves; they first crush its bones, and form it into a kind of pulp, and then pass it, without further change, into the stomach, where it is slowly dissolved by the gastric juices.—B.

[1648] Supposed to have been in Mysia, or Bithynia, considerably to the west of Pontus.—B.

[1649] This account is entirely without foundation. The same statement is made by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 21, who probably copied it from Metrodorus. There are stories of the power which serpents possess of fascinating birds by the eye, but they are not improbably without foundation.—B. There is little doubt, however, that some serpents have the power, by some means or other, of fascinating the birds which they make their prey.

[1650] This is referred to by many ancient writers; among others, by Livy, B. xviii.; Florus, B. ii. c. 2; Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8; and Aulus Gellius, B. vi. c. 3.—B.

[1651] As Cuvier remarks, it is difficult to conceive what he means by the boa of Italy. At the present day, the longest Italian serpents are the Æsculapian serpent (a harmless animal), and the “Coluber quadrilineatus” of Linnæus, neither of which exceeds ten feet in length. The one here mentioned, was probably, as Cuvier suggests, one of the genuine boa or python species; but, as he says, where did it come from? and how did it get there?

[1652] It is doubtful whether any one ever witnessed a serpent sucking a cow, but it seems to have been generally believed, and it is therefore probable, that the name of the animal was derived from this circumstance.—B. It is still believed of the common snake in some parts of this country. The reading “primo” has been preferred to “trimo,” that adopted by Sillig.

[1653] Cuvier remarks upon the two animals here mentioned, the bison and the urus, that Europe, at the present time, contains only one species of wild ox, the bison, or aurochs of the Germans, which still exists, although in small numbers only, in the forests of Lithuania. There are, however, fossil remains, in different parts of the north of Europe, of other animals of the same genus, which may have been the urus of Pliny, and not extinct when he wrote. Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 413, 414; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 365. The description by Cæsar of the urus of Gaul, Bell. Gall. B. vi. c. 26, seems to agree with the remains of the fossil animal, and may, therefore, be considered as confirming the opinion, that both animals were in existence when Pliny wrote.—B.

[1654] This appears to have been a species of antelope, the Antelope bubalus of Linnæus. Cuvier observes, that Strabo places it among the gazelles, and Aristotle associates it with the stag and the deer, while Oppian’s description of the urus, agrees with those of the gazelle.—B.

[1655] We learn from various travellers, that there are troops of wild horses and asses in many parts of Tartary and the neighbouring countries; but it is doubtful whether they have proceeded from an original wild stock, or may not have been the produce of some individuals which had accidentally escaped from the domestic state.—B.

[1656] No doubt Pliny has fallen into an error on this subject, and his elk and achlis are, in reality, the same animal. The description of the latter, for the most part, applies to the former, with the exception of the want of joints in the legs, which is entirely without foundation. Cæsar’s account of the elk, Bell. Gall. B. vi. c. 27, agrees generally with Pliny’s account of the achlis; he also says, that the legs of the alces are “without articulations and joints.”

[1657] The Romans had but a very imperfect knowledge of the Scandinavian peninsula. They supposed it to be surrounded by the ocean, and to be composed of many islands, which Ptolemy calls Scandiæ. Of these, the largest bore especially the name of Scandia or Scandinavia, by which name the modern Sweden was probably indicated. See B. iv. c. 30.

[1658] Pliny’s account is from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 45, but, as is often the case, with considerable exaggerations. Aristotle says, that these animals eject their excrements to a distance of four feet, and that it is of so acrid a nature, as to cause the hair of the dog to fall off. The word jugerum is generally used as a measure of superficial surface.—B.

[1659] Pliny here renders the Greek πλέθρον, by “jugerum,” which is ordinarily a measure of superficies. In the present case, therefore, it must mean a measure of length, of 100 Grecian, or 104 Roman feet.

[1660] The pard of Pliny, as we shall find stated below, is the male of the panther.

[1661] Cuvier remarks, that all the feline animals have retractile claws, drawn by an elastic ligament into a sheath, and protruded when required for the purpose of prehension. The sheath is formed of a duplicature or fold of the skin and the subjacent cellular membrane.—B.

[1662] What Pliny states here, is without foundation. He supposes that the leopard is the produce of a pard, or male panther, and the female of the lion; but this is incorrect, the leopard being a distinct species of animal.—B.

[1663] Herodotus, B. iii. c. 108, gives the same account, which is refuted by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 31. Aulus Gellius, B. xiii. c. 7, refers to Herodotus, and the refutation by Aristotle.—B.

[1664] The account here given of the lioness generally, Aristotle gives respecting the Syrian lioness only, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 31; there is some reason to believe that Aristotle is not correct in what he says. The account given by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 33, is nearly the same with that of Pliny.—B.

[1665] There is much in this account that is incorrect. It is well ascertained that the cubs of the lion are proportionably as large and as perfectly formed as the young of other animals that belong to the same family.—B.

[1666] Herodotus, B. vii. c. 126, and Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, give a similar account of the district in which lions are found.—B. Littré remarks, that this statement of Pliny is probably formed, as originally suggested by M. Maury, upon the fact, that the lions of Europe, as we learn from Herodotus, attacked the camels of Xerxes, on his invasion of Europe.

[1667] Cuvier remarks, that we have no knowledge of the lion with curled hair, so frequently spoken of by the ancients. He suggests that there may have been a peculiar variety between the rivers Achelous and Nestus or Mestus, or perhaps, more probably, that it was altogether imaginary. He states also, that we no longer see lions without manes, but that Olivier had seen some at Bagdat. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 44, speaks of the two species of lions, and describes them nearly as Pliny has done.—B.

[1668] According to Cuvier, this is not the case; the lion passes its urine just as the other animals of the same family. Pliny again refers to the odour of the lion’s breath, in B. xi. c. 115.—B.

[1669] The lion, like other carnivorous animals, is able to receive a large quantity of food into the stomach, and to remain for a proportionably longer period without eating; but the statement respecting its taking food on alternate days, is without foundation. There does not appear to be any ground for the account of the mode by which it relieves the stomach when overcharged.—B.

[1670] We learn from Cicero, Ep. Fam. B. v. Ep. 12, that Polybius wrote a history of the Numantine war, in which we may presume the account here referred to was contained.—B.

[1671] Although these accounts of the generosity and clemency of the lion are in a great measure fabulous, still the accounts of those who have had the best opportunity of becoming acquainted with the character of different animals, agree in ascribing to it less ferocity and brutality, in proportion to its size and strength, than to other animals of the same family.—B.

[1672] In various countries, and more especially in Egypt, the magicians profess to charm serpents by incantations; and it appears that they are able to acquire some power over them by imitating their natural cries. Cuvier informs us, that Geoffroi St. Hilaire had witnessed the fact, and was himself able to produce the effect.—B.

[1673] Aristotle says, a matter of a yellow colour, ἰχῶρες ὠχροὶ.

[1674] Probably, there is no foundation for this opinion: it does not appear that any animal, except man, has the faculty of weeping, i. e. of shedding tears, in connection with a peculiar condition of mind and feeling.—B. But query as to the horse. See c. [64] of the present Book, and the Introduction to vol. i. p. xvii.

[1675] This supposed fear is without foundation, but appears to have been a generally received opinion, as it is referred to by Lucretius, B. iv. l. 714-725.—B.

[1676] Seneca gives an account of this exhibition; he says that the lions were turned loose into the Circus, and that spearmen were sent by king Bocchus, who killed them with darts. Sylla was prætor A.U.C. 661, B.C. 92.—B.

[1677] “Sagum.” This was the cloak worn by the Roman soldiers and inferior officers, in contradistinction to the “paludamentum“ of the general and superior officers. It was open in the front, and usually, though not always, fastened across the shoulders by a clasp. It was thick, and made of wool.

[1678] This story is given also by Plutarch, in the life of Demetrius. Lysimachus was a Macedonian by birth, but son of Agathocles, a serf of Thessaly. Through his great courage, he became one of the body-guard of Alexander. Quintus Curtius tells us that, when hunting in Syria, he killed a lion of immense size single-handed, though not without receiving severe wounds in the contest. The same author looks upon this as the probable origin of the story here referred to by Pliny.

[1679] This is mentioned by many ancient authors; by Plutarch, Pausanias, Seneca, Justin, and by Quintus Curtius, who thinks that the account usually given is fabulous.—B.

[1680] Related by Plutarch, as among the acts of extravagance and folly, committed by Antony, which gave much disgust to the grave and respectable citizens of Rome.—B.

[1681] A famous courtezan of the time of Cicero; being originally the freedwoman and mistress of Volumnius Eutrapelus, and then successively the mistress of Antony and the poet Gallus, who mentioned her in his poems under the name of Lycoris; she did not, however, continue faithful to him.

[1682] Aulus Gellius, B. v. c. 14, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. viii. c. 48, relate a similar anecdote of Androclus or Androcles, who extracted a thorn from the foot of a lion.—B.

[1683] The text is in a state of extreme confusion here, and so hopelessly mangled, that we can only guess at the sense of it. In Sillig’s edition, which is generally followed, it runs to this effect: “Neque profugienti, cum potuisset, fera institerat et procumbens ad arborem hiatu quo terruerat miserationem quærebat. Os morsu avidiore inhæserat dentibus cruciabatque inedia, tum pœna in ipsis ejus telis suspectantem ac velut mutis precibus orantem, dum fortuitu fidens non est contra feram; multoque diutius miraculo quam metu cessatum est.” Thus paraphrased by Sillig, who devotes a long Note to it: “The lion, therefore, being tormented by hunger and excessive pain, and thus punishing himself for his greediness in his own weapons (his teeth), looked up, and besought Elpis with silent prayers, as it were, not, as he trusted to the protection fortuitously given by the branches, to show himself distrustful of a wild beast.”

[1684] This remark refers to what Pliny has related in c. 5, respecting the sagacity of the elephant.—B.

[1685] Cuvier remarks, that this “panthera” is not the same as the πάνθηρ of the Greeks. From the description of its spots and other circumstances, he thinks that it was one of the African animals, known by modern naturalists as the leopard, which appear to have been confounded by the Romans with the panther. The term “leopardus” is not met with until after the age of Pliny; it was supposed to be the produce of the pardus, or male panther, and the lioness.—B.

[1686] “Assectatoris sapientiæ”—“A follower of wisdom;” meaning a “philosopher.”

[1687] This word here signifies, simply, a “serpent.”

[1688] Ælian, Var. Hist. B. xiii. c. i., relates an occurrence of this kind, about Atalanta, and Justin, B. xliv. c. 4, about Habis, a king of Spain. As to the account of Romulus having been suckled by a wolf, it was generally regarded as a legendary tale by the Romans themselves. See Livy, B. i. c. 4, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiq. Rom. B. i.—B.

[1689] Pliny, in B. xiii. c. 15, speaks of “tables of tiger and panther pattern,” as articles of ornamental furniture among the Romans, named from the peculiar patterns of the veins in the citrus wood, of which they were formed.—B.

[1690] This, though mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 8, is probably incorrect; and still more the addition made by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. v. c. 40, that this odour is grateful to man. It has, however, induced some to conjecture, that the animal here described might be the civet; but the description given is inapplicable to that animal; nor, indeed, does the civet appear to have been known to the ancients. For further information, see the remarks of Cuvier, Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 420, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 386. Pliny, in B. xxi. c. 18, says that no animal, except the panther, has any odour.—B.

[1691] Meaning the “spotted” or “parti-coloured” female.

[1692] Xenophon, in his Cynegeticon, says, that the pard is found on Mount Pangæus, in Macedonia; the truth of which is denied by Aristotle, who says that it is not to be found in Europe.

[1693] He was tribune A.U.C. 670. Cicero says, Tusc. Quæst. B. iv. c. 39, that Aufidius, although blind, was eminent for his political and literary talents. He wrote a History of Greece.—B.

[1694] 4th of May, A.U.C. 696.—B.

[1695] See also Suetonius, Life of Augustus. Martial, Spect. Ep. 18, relates a circumstance respecting a tame tiger, which occurrence appears to have taken place at the time when he wrote. Heliogabalus yoked tigers to his car, in imitation of Bacchus, as we are informed by Lampridius.

[1696] “In cavea.” In the arena or centre of the amphitheatre. This word often signifies, however, the place where the senators, equites, and plebeians, sat in the theatre: and in the later writers it is used to signify the whole amphitheatre.

[1697] A.U.C. 742.—B.

[1698] In the winter of 1809 and 1810, an antique mosaic pavement was discovered at Rome, in which four tigers are represented, and which, it has been supposed, might possibly have some reference to those exhibited by Claudius. Martial, who lived a little after Pliny, speaks of tigers exhibited at Rome, by Domitian, in considerable numbers. Epig. B. viii. Ep. 26.—B.

[1699] Cuvier remarks, that the account given of the two kinds of camels, and his description generally, is correct, with the exception of their antipathy to the horse. The caravans, he says, present a constant mixture of the two animals, and even, in Arabia, the young foals are occasionally suckled by the female camel.—B.

[1700] We have a similar statement in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 1. Indeed, the account here given generally, is taken from him.—B.

[1701] See B. xi. c. 62.

[1702] Mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 17, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 7; but, as stated above, it is incorrect.—B.

[1703] At the time of rutting, according to Solinus.

[1704] He speaks here of only one of the animals which resemble the camel; the giraffe, namely. The other, which he for the present omits, is the ostrich.

[1705] The description of the giraffe, here given, is sufficiently correct, but we have a more minute account of it by Dion Cassius, B. xliii. In the time of the Emperor Gordian, ten of these animals were exhibited at Rome at once; a remarkable fact, when we bear in mind that so few have been imported into Europe for many centuries past. The giraffe is figured in the mosaic at Præneste, and under it is inscribed its name, nabi.—B. It has been found that it is unable to bear the winters of Europe.

[1706] Its form being like that of the camel, while its spots resemble those of the leopard. Horace refers to it, when speaking of an object calculated to excite the vulgar gaze; “Diversum confusa genus panthera camelo”—“The race of the panther mingled with the camel,” Ep. B. ii.; Ep. i. l. 195.

[1707] According to Dion Cassius, B. xliii., these games were celebrated A.U.C. 708.—B.

[1708] This comparison can only be employed to indicate the mild nature of the giraffe.—B.

[1709] In the older editions, the names here given to this animal were “chaus” and “ruphius;” the alteration was made by Hardouin from a MS. in the Royal Library of Paris, which he deemed of high authority, and has been adopted by all the modern editors. There is considerable doubt respecting the animal here designated by the name of “chama;” it appears to have been an inhabitant of Gaul, and in c. 34, is styled “lupus cervarius;” but the account does not enable us to identify it with any animal known to exist in that country.—B. It is generally supposed to have been a species of lynx.

[1710] No doubt this description refers to some species of the monkey tribe, but it is uncertain to what one in particular. Its having been seen only once at Rome, shows that it was not of the most common kind; Cuvier, however, thinks it probable, that Pliny may have been incorrect in this; he supposes that it was the “Simia sphinx” of Linnæus, Lem. vol. iii. p. 395. According to Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 8, κηβος is merely a monkey with a tail; see also the account of Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xvii. c. 8.—B.

[1711] Cuvier says, that this was the single-horned rhinoceros of India. The commentators have been at a loss to reconcile this description with the Epigram of Martial, Spect. Ep. xxii., where he speaks of the rhinoceros exhibited by Domitian, as having two horns. It has been proved that this latter was of the two-horned species, by the medals of that emperor, now in existence. Martial, Spect. Ep. ix., seems also to have been acquainted with the single-horned species. That with two horns is mentioned by Pausanias as the Æthiopian bull. We learn from modern naturalists, that the two-horned species is a native of the southern parts of Africa, while that with one horn is from Asia.—B.

[1712] The other enemy is the dragon, as described in c. 11 and 12 of the present Book.—B.

[1713] According to Cuvier, the lynx of Pliny is the Felis caracal of Linnæus: it is common in many parts of Asia and Africa, in the retired forest districts, and still exists in the Pyrenees and the mountains of Naples.—B.

[1714] As far as the accounts of the sphinx are to be regarded as not entirely fabulous, we must suppose it to have originated in some species of the monkey tribe; perhaps the Simia troglodytes or chimpanzé.—B.

[1715] Of course the winged horse is an imaginary being, nor does it appear what is the origin of the fable; the horns are an unusual appendage to the pegasus.—B. The pegasus and the rhinoceros together may have given rise to that fabulous animal, the unicorn. See, however, the Monoceros, mentioned in c. 31.

[1716] Although a hybrid animal is produced by the union of the wolf and the dog, it does not form a permanent species. But, as Cuvier remarks, by the insertion of “velut,” Pliny seems to imply that the crocotta unites the physical properties of the two animals. Ctesias, Indic. c. 32, gives an account of the cynolycus, or “dog-wolf,” from which Pliny seems to have taken his crocotta.—B.

[1717] It does not seem possible to determine what species of monkey is here designated; it is most probable that he himself had no accurate knowledge.—B.

[1718] We may here refer to the judicious remarks of Cuvier, Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 427, 428, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 399, on the leucrocotta. It seems impossible to identify Pliny’s description with any known animal, and it is not unlikely that he has confused the accounts of authors who were speaking of different animals. Some of the characteristics of the leucrocotta agree with those of the Indian antelope, while others seem to resemble those of the hyæna.—B.

[1719] Perhaps the eale may have been the two-horned rhinoceros, as some naturalists say that there is a degree of mobility in the horns of that animal; the same observation has been made with respect to the wild or forest bulls, the description of which animal, in Pliny, is probably from Diodorus Siculus.—B.

[1720] This description of the mantichora appears to be taken from the Indica of Ctesias; it has been also adopted by Aristotle and Ælian, but they have qualified their accounts by some expressions of doubt, which are omitted by Pliny. It has been conjectured, that Ctesias took his description from the hieroglyphic figures in his time, probably common in the East, and still found in the ruins of the Assyrian and Persian cities, Nineveh and Persepolis, for instance.—B.

[1721] Probably meaning, “not cloven.”

[1722] Cuvier conjectures, that this is from Ctesias, and says, that a similar animal is to be seen on one of the sculptures of Persepolis.—B.

[1723] Probably the stag of the Ganges, the “Cervus axis” of Linnæus; but if so, Pliny has omitted to mention the horns.—B.

[1724] White apes are now unknown, as a distinct species, but individuals are occasionally found nearly without colour.—B.

[1725] The “one-horned,” or the unicorn.

[1726] We have a discussion by Cuvier, respecting the existence of the unicorn, or of any animal similar to that here described, with a single horn. He remarks, that the only single-horned quadruped of which we have any certain knowledge, is the rhinoceros, and that the only horns which have been discovered, and which can have been single horns, belong to it. There are five animals mentioned by the ancients, as having single horns, the Indian ass, the single-horned horse, the single-horned ox, the monoceros, described in the text, and the oryx of Africa, which Pliny speaks of in c. 79 of this Book, and in B. xi. c. 106. There are many curious accounts given by travellers of acknowledged veracity, respecting animals seen in the more remote parts of Asia and Africa, answering to the description of the unicorn, and there are representations of the same in ancient sculptures; but they do not amount to that kind of evidence which can at all supply the place of direct proof.—B.

[1727] These will be found in B. v. c. 10.

[1728] From καταβλέπω, “to look downwards.”

[1729] Ælian describes this animal more in detail, Anim. Nat. B. vii. c. 5. Cuvier thinks it probable that it is the Antelope gnu; he remarks, that it has a very peculiar and mournful appearance; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 435; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 405.—B.

[1730] This account of the basilisk’s eye, like that of the catoblepas, is entirely devoid of foundation.—B.

[1731] Many species have certain marks on the head, which were supposed to resemble a crown.—B.

[1732] There is probably no foundation for this account of the action of the effluvium of the weasel upon the basilisk or any other species of serpent.—B.

[1733] Hence the proverbial expression applied to a person who is suddenly silent upon the entrance of another; “Lupus est tibi visus.”

[1734] Cuvier says, that the wolves of Africa are of the ordinary size, and conjectures that this remark probably applies to the chakale, or “Canis aureus” of Linnæus, which is of the colour of the wolf, and the size of the fox, and is common throughout all Africa.—B.

[1735] The opinion that men were converted into wolves by enchantment, or a preternatural agency, was at one time so generally received, as to have led to judicial processes, and the condemnation of the supposed criminal.—B. To the relator of the above story that men lose their voice on seeing a wolf, Scaliger wishes as many blows as at different times he had seen a wolf without losing his voice.

[1736] This literally means “changing the skin;” was applied by some ancient medical writers to a peculiar form of insanity, where the patient conceives himself changed into a wolf, and named λυκανθρώπια, “lycanthropy.” The word appears to have been in common use among the Romans, and to have been applied by them to any one who had undergone a remarkable change in his character and habits; in this sense it is used by Plautus, Amphitryon, Prol. l. 123, and Bacchides, A. iv. sc. 4, l. 12.—B.

[1737] It is not known who is here referred to; it is not probable that it is Fabius Pictor, the Roman historian.—B.

[1738] It is rather curious to find Pliny censuring others for credulity; indeed he loses no opportunity of a hit at the Greeks, to whom, after all, he is greatly indebted. See Introduction to vol. i. p. 17.

[1739] An account of the victories gained at the Olympic games.—B.

[1740] It has been conjectured, that the epithet, “Lycæan,” Λύκαιος, was given to Jupiter by the Arcadians, for this supposed conversion of men into wolves, which was conceived to be effected by divine interposition.—B.

[1741] It does not appear what is the foundation of this opinion; of course, it is without truth.—B.

[1742] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 35, says that they couple once only in the year. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 4, says that their bringing forth continues twelve days.—B.

[1743] See c. [28] of the present Book. He alludes probably to the lynx.

[1744] It is not easy to say whence this opinion was derived; the general character of the wolf is that of quickness and watchfulness, rather than stupidity.—B. But it would appear that it is the lynx that is alluded to.

[1745] The cerastes, or horned serpent, is mentioned by Lucan, in his description of serpents, Pharsalia, B. ix. l. 716. One of the Scholiasts on Lucan relates a story that when Helen was eloping with Paris, she trod on the back of a cerastes, and broke it; from which circumstance, the whole race moved with a crooked course.

[1746] Cuvier has observed this animal burying itself in the sand, and has seen the motion of its horns, but does not credit its alleged power of attracting birds; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 412.—B.

[1747] The amphisbæna is mentioned by Lucan, B. ix. l. 719. “The dangerous amphisbæna, that moves on at either of its heads.”

[1748] The account of the two heads is obviously incorrect; the idea has risen from the two extremities being nearly of the same size and appearance. It has been supposed, that there were certain serpents, with the power of moving with equal facility in both directions; and that the name, Ἀμφίσβαινα, was derived from this circumstance.—B.

[1749] Lucan mentions the jaculus, B. ix. l. 720, and l. 822. In the last passage he says: “Behold! afar, around the trunk of a barren tree, a fierce serpent—Africa calls it the jaculus—wreathes itself, and then darts forth, and through the head and pierced temples of Paulus it takes its flight: nothing does venom there affect, death seizes him through the wound. It was then understood how slowly fly the stones which the sling hurls, how sluggishly whizzes the flight of the Scythian arrow.”

[1750] There is an account of the jaculus, or, as it is called in Greek, Ἀκοντίας, Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 18; it is mentioned by Galen, Theriaca, c. 8.—B.

[1751] In B. ix. l. 701, Lucan says: “Here the gore (of the Gorgon Medusa) which first from the sand lifted a head, raised the drowsy asp with its puffed-out neck.” The whole of this passage in Lucan is well worth the attention of those desirous to know something of the serpent-lore of the ancients.

[1752] Cuvier says, that Geoffroi St. Hilaire has identified this animal with the Coluber haje of Linnæus, which has, from the earliest ages, been known as a native of Egypt, and where it still exists. Its two most remarkable characteristics are those here referred to; the puffing out of the neck when enraged, and its capacity of being tamed, or, as it is styled, enchanted. This last has been taken advantage of by the jugglers of that country from the most remote antiquity, as appears from the writings of Moses, and something of a similar nature is still practised. They remove the poison fangs, so as to render the animal harmless, and by certain sounds render it obedient to their call. It appears, also, that by pressing on the upper part of the spine, the animal is rendered paralytic, and may be said to be changed into a rod; this fact was witnessed by St. Hilaire. The asp is described by Aristotle, and is frequently mentioned by Ælian. Galen speaks of its deadly poison, in his Theriaca, c. 8. See Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 437-9; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 414, 415.—B. Pliny mentions, however, in B. xxiii. c. 27, that the bite of the asp may be cured with vinegar.

[1753] Both Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 29, and Ælian, ubi supra, speak of the extreme virulence of the poison of the asp, and Cuvier remarks that the haje, and the haga, which are species of the asp, are among the most formidable of the serpent tribe.—B.

[1754] The method of attracting this serpent, by imitating the voice of the female, proves that there is some foundation for this statement.—B.

[1755] The ichneumon of the ancients, the “Viverra ichneumon“ of Linnæus, is still common in Egypt, and renders essential service by destroying the eggs of serpents. With respect to what is here said of its covering its body with mud, to protect itself against the asp, the fact appears to be, that in searching for the eggs, which are deposited in the mud, its body becomes more or less covered with that substance, and may possibly in this way be less exposed to the attacks of the asp. The contest of the asp and the ichneumon is mentioned by Ælian, B. iii. c. 22.—B.

[1756] Many of the ancients have described the crocodile; of these, the most important, for the correctness of the description, are Herodotus, B. ii. c. 68; Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 10, et alibi; and Diodorus Siculus, B. i.—B.

[1757] The tongue of the crocodile is flat, and, as afterwards stated, B. xi. c. 65, adheres to the lower jaw, so as to be incapable of motion.—B.

[1758] This account was first given by Herodotus, ubi supra; and, from the form of the head and the neighbouring parts, depicts what would naturally occur to the observer; but it is not correct. The actual state of the parts, and their connection with each other, as Cuvier informs us, were first satisfactorily explained by Geoffroi Saint Hilaire.—B.

[1759] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. v. c. 52, observes, that this is the case with the tortoise, and similar animals.—B.

[1760] Cuvier says, that when it leaves the egg, the young animal is only six inches long, and that it ultimately attains a size of from thirty to forty feet.—B.

[1761] Herodotus says, that it remains all night in the water, as being warmer than the external air. So also Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 10.—B.

[1762] The water of the Nile abounds with small leeches, which attach to the throat of the crocodile, and, as it has no means of removing them, it allows a little bird to enter its mouth for this purpose; this is described by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 2.—B.

[1763] Although this account is sanctioned by all the ancient naturalists, it is called in question by Cuvier; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 441; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 421.—B.

[1764] There is a small lizard, called by the modern naturalists the Lacerta scincus; but Cuvier conceives that this cannot be the animal here referred to, because it is so very much smaller than the ichneumon, that no one would have thought of comparing them; and, what seems a better reason, because it is not found in the Nile. From the account of the scincus in B. xxviii. c. 30, it is probable that the animal here referred to is a species of monitor, popularly called the land crocodile. Herodotus, B. iv. c. 192, speaks of the land crocodile as found in Libya; it is also mentioned by Pausanias, Corinthiaca, c. 20, and by Prosper Alpinus, Ægypt. B. iv. c. 5.—B. The scincus is probably the “Lacerta ouaran” of Cuvier.

[1765] Cuvier remarks, that this account cannot really apply to the dolphin, because none of the cetacea possess the spines here described. He investigates the subject with his usual sagacity, and concludes, with much probability, that the animal here referred to was a squalus, the Squalus centrina, or spinax of Linnæus; Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 443, 444; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 422, 423. We have an account of the contest between the crocodile and the dolphin in Seneca, Nat. Quæst. B. iv. c. 2.—B.

[1766] We have some account of the Tentyritæ in Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. x. c. 21.—B. See B. xxviii. c. 6.

[1767] See B. vii. c. [2]. The best description of the Psylli is that given by Lucan in B. ix. l. 892, et seq., where he describes the march of Cato’s army across the burning coasts of the Syrtes.

[1768] This, as Cuvier remarks, is the case with the crocodiles of North America, which, like other reptiles, become torpid during the cold season; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 444; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 424.—B.

[1769] Cuvier remarks, as singular, that the descriptions given by the ancients of the hippopotamus should have been incorrect, more especially with reference to Herodotus, who had visited Egypt, and who has described some of the animals of that country with considerable accuracy; Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 444, 445; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 425. Pliny has copied the description of Herodotus, B. ii. c. 71, almost verbatim, and the same has been done by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 7. Even the Latin authors, such as Diodorus Siculus and Ælian, who might have seen the animal in Rome, continued to transcribe the account of Herodotus.—B.

[1770] Herodotus and Aristotle, ubi supra, assert, that his hide is so hard, that spears and other missiles are formed from it; the statement of Pliny is, however, much more correct.—B.

[1771] “Euripo.” See the Notes to c. [7] of this Book.

[1772] Pliny, speaking of the hippopotamus, in B. xxviii. c. 31, styles it, “the discoverer of the art of letting blood.”—B.

[1773] Cuvier remarks upon this and the following Chapter, that they are entirely fabulous. The diseases, remedies, and instructions given by the animals are equally imaginary, although Pliny has taken the whole from authors of credit, and it has been repeated by Plutarch, De Iside, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 35, and many others. Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 446; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 426.—B.

[1774] Cuvier has given an interesting account of the ibis, the opinions entertained of it by various travellers and naturalists, and a detail of the examination which he made of two of its mummies, which were brought by Grobert to Paris, from the wells of Sakhara. These mummies were found to be similar to those previously examined by Buffon, Shaw, and others, and proved the ibis of the ancient Egyptians to have been a species of curlew. This opinion he further supports by a reference to various sculptures and mosaics, where this bird is represented, and he remarks upon the errors into which most travellers and historians have fallen as to it; the only correct account he conceives to be that of the African traveller, Bruce, who describes and figures it under the name of Abou hannès. See the extract in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 633, et seq., from his Recherches sur les Ossements Fossiles, vol. i. p. 141, et seq. Herodotus gives an account of the ibis, B. i. c. 75, 76, but it is not correct.—B.

[1775] The fabulous account of the powers of this herb is referred to in B. xxv. c. 53, and supported by the highest authorities; among others, by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6.; Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. ii. c. 50; Virgil, Æn. B. xii. c. 412.—B.

[1776] See B. xxii. c. 45, for a similar cure. It is not known what plant is here alluded to, but it has been thought to be the cinara, or artichoke.

[1777] The Chelidonium majus of Linnæus. It probably derived its name from the swallow, χελίδων, because its flowers appear at the time that bird makes its first appearance in the spring. This supposed property is mentioned by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 25. Pliny speaks of its efficacy in diseases of the eyes, B. xxv. c. 50, and c. 91.—B.

[1778] Pliny speaks of the medical virtues of cunile bubula, in B. xx. c. 61; Columella, B. vi. c. 13, says that it is a cure for scabies. It is not certain what is the plant here referred to; it is considered identical with origanum, by Hardouin, and has been supposed by some to be marjoram, or pennyroyal. The effect of the cunile on the tortoise is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6; by Plutarch, Nat. Quæst.; Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 12; and by Albertus Magnus, B viii. Tr. ii. c. 2; but there is some difference in their statements. Some speak of it as an antidote, enabling the tortoise to counteract the poison of the serpent, while others regard it as giving the tortoise increased vigour to resist the attacks.

[1779] Aristotle, ubi supra, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 14, refer to this supposed fact, which is without foundation, so far, at least, as the contest of the weasels with the serpents and the rue are concerned. The hostility of the weasel to the mouse is probably correct. Pliny again refers to it, B. xx. c. 51, and it forms the subject of one of Phædrus’s Fables, B. iv. c. 2.—B.

[1780] We have the same account in Plutarch.—B. Plutarch speaks, however, of the river crab.

[1781] Pliny refers to this effect, B. xx. c. 95; he speaks also of its application to the eyes of the animal; it is probable, that feniculum and marathrum both refer to the same plant; the latter being the ordinary Greek, and the former the Latin, name. This effect of the feniculum is also mentioned by Ælian, B. ix. c. 16.—B.

[1782] “Si vero squamæ obtorpuere;” Hardouin supposes that this applies particularly to the eyes.—B. There can be little doubt that he is correct in that supposition.

[1783] Aristotle, ubi supra, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 4, state that the dragon takes the juice of the picris into the stomach, when overloaded with food. The exact plant referred to, under that name, cannot be ascertained for certain; but it appears probable, that it is a wild lettuce or endive, or some plant belonging to that family.—B.

[1784] This effect of aconite, and the antidote for it, are mentioned in B. xxvii. c. 2; they are also mentioned by Aristotle, ubi supra; and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 49, and alluded to by Cicero, De. Nat. Deor. B. ii. c. 50. It appears from a statement of Tavernier, as referred to by Hardouin, that the same antidote against poisoned weapons is still employed in the island of Java.—B.

[1785] From the Greek παρδαλιαγχὴς, “pard-strangle.”

[1786] This is again referred to, B. xxix. c. 39.—B.

[1787] “Quod persequi immensum est æque scilicet quam reliquam cum singulis hominum societatem.” The meaning of this passage is obscure, and extremely doubtful.

[1788] This is alluded to by Cicero in his letters to Atticus, and is mentioned by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 41; B. xi. c. 19; and Var. Hist. B. i. c. 11.—B. The same is still said of rats, whence our expression “to rat,” i. e. to desert a falling cause.

[1789] The priests of this college, or augurs, were among the most important public functionaries in the Roman state, both from the rank of the individuals and the political power which they derived from their office.—B. The augurs, or diviners by birds, held the highest rank in the state; but the power of their college greatly declined in the later period of the Roman history. It was finally abolished by the Emperor Theodosius.

[1790] Other instances are mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, B. iii. Justin, B. xv. c. 2, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvii. c. 41.—B. Showers of frogs are a thing not unknown in England even. They are probably caused by whirlwinds acting upon waters which are the haunt of these animals.

[1791] The ravages of locusts have been known in all ages; their destructive effects in Egypt and Judea, have formed the subject of a very elaborate dissertation by Bochart, in his work on the “Animals of Scripture,” Part i. B. iv. c. 3 and 4.—B.

[1792] Used as a place of banishment by the Romans. See B. iv. c. 28, and c. 82, of the present Book.

[1793] See c. [82] of the present Book, and B. x. c. [85].—B.

[1794] The “dog-milkers.” See B. vi. c. [35].

[1795] “Solipugis.” There has been much discussion as to the word here employed by Pliny, and the animal which he intends to designate. The solipugus, solpugus, solipuga, or solipunga, probably different names of the same animal, is mentioned by various writers; among others, by Lucan, Phars. B. ix. l. 837; Diodorus Siculus, B. iii.; Strabo, B. xvi.; and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvii. c. 40. It is again referred to in B. xxix. c. 16. The description given is, however, too indefinite to enable us to identify it with any known animal; it would almost seem to indicate something between the spider and the ant.—B. We still hear in modern times of the venomous and destructive nature of the red ants on the coast of Guinea; and it is not improbable that it is to these that Pliny alludes.

[1796] See B. v. c. 33.

[1797] This is mentioned by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xv. c. 26.—B. The scolopendra is one of the multipede insects.

[1798] Aristotle, De Gener. Anim. B. iii. c. 6, and Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 32, accounts for the vulgar error, by stating that the hyæna has a peculiar structure of the parts about the anus, which might, to an unpractised eye, give the idea, that it possesses the generative organs of both sexes. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. i. c. 25, and Oppian, Cyneget. B. iii. c. 289, have adopted this erroneous opinion. What is said respecting the hyæna, in the remaining part of this Chapter, is mostly without foundation.—B.

[1799] We have had some account given of the mantichora, in c. 30. The mantichora and the corocotta are altogether imaginary.—B. Cuvier, in Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 447; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 439, thinks that the stories of the corocotta and the catoblepas, owe their origin to mutilated accounts of the hyæna, and the animal known to us as the gnu.

[1800] According to Cuvier, what Pliny here says respecting the herds of wild asses, and the power of the old males, is correct; but it is doubtful whether there is any foundation for what is said about the castration of the newly-born animals; Ajasson, ubi supra; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 440.—B.

[1801] “De aquaticis et iisdem terrestribus;” although these words are inserted in the title of this Chapter, the subject is not treated of in it.—B.

[1802] Pliny here adopts the vulgar opinion respecting the origin of the substance called “castor,” and in B. xxxii. c. 13, gives a more correct description, which he had derived from a physician, named Sextius. It is a fetid, oily substance, secreted by a gland situate near the prepuce. Cuvier remarks, that when the gland becomes distended with this secretion, the animal may probably get rid of it by rubbing the part against a stone or tree, and in this way, leave the castor for the hunters, thus giving rise to the vulgar error. Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 448; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 440.—B.

[1803] The beaver has the most powerful teeth of any animal of the class Rodentia, to which it belongs; it uses them for cutting down trees, with which it constructs its habitation. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B, viii. c. 5, refers to this.—B.

[1804] The tail is covered with a kind of scale, and is flattened; but, in its internal organization, is formed like those of other quadrupeds.—B.

[1805] See B. xxxii. c. 52.

[1806] Pliny, speaking of the different kinds of frogs, B. xxxii. c. 18, says, “There are some which live only in the hedges, and thence have the name of rubeta, or bramble frogs.” It seems impossible to identify this reptile with any of our known animals: and we may conclude that there is no foundation for the statement. Ælian gives an account of the venomous nature of this animal. Anim. Nat. B. xvii. c. 12.—B.

[1807] As Cuvier remarks, it is impossible that any animal can discharge by vomiting what Pliny terms the “coagulum,” which is the fourth stomach of a ruminant animal; the same substance which, under the name of rennet, is employed to coagulate milk. He conjectures, that the error may have originated in the observation, that occasionally in fish, when suddenly drawn out of the water, the air-bladder is protruded from the mouth, which may have been mistaken for the stomach. The circumstance is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 23, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 19, as well as the vomiting of the bile; respecting this latter, we may remark, that vomiting is produced in various animals, when under the influence of extreme terror.—B.

[1808] The gecko, according to Littré.

[1809] This is incorrect; the bite of this animal, wherever found, is never fatal.—B.

[1810] This refers to what will be found stated in this Chapter, that stags conceal their horns, when they fall off, that they may not be used in medicine.—B.

[1811] This is mentioned by Aristotle, Plutarch, and Ælian, but it must be considered as very doubtful.—B.

[1812] See B. xviii. c. 74.

[1813] It seems that Pliny here attributes the blackening of the mouths of the stags to their turning up the earth with their muzzles; Aristotle, however, refers it to a constitutional cause, arising from their violent sexual excitement; Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 29.—B.

[1814] Or seseli, probably hart-wort. See B. xx. c. 87, and B. xxv. c. 52.

[1815] We learn from Hardouin, that there has been much discussion respecting the plants or other substances which the female is supposed to eat after parturition. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6, asserts that it eats the chorion, the membrane in which the fœtus has been enveloped, and afterwards the herb seselis. To make the account of Pliny agree with that of Aristotle, some of the commentators have even supposed, that chorion here means the name of a plant, and they have proposed to substitute the word chorion for aros in the text.—B. Aros is probably the present “Arum maculatum,” or wake-robin. See p. 307, N. [1846].

[1816] Aristotle, Plutarch, and Xenophon speak of the influence of music on these animals.—B.

[1817] Aristotle, ubi supra, mentions this respecting their ears; the same takes place, to a certain extent, with all animals that have large external auricles.—B.

[1818] Aristotle, ubi supra, Ælian, ubi supra, and B. iii. c. 17, and Theophrastus, in a fragment on the Envious among Animals, agree in stating that one of the horns of the stag is never found, although they differ respecting the individual horn, whether the right one or the left. Aristotle says that it is the left, while Theophrastus and Ælian agree with the statement of Pliny.—B.

[1819] Cuvier says, that no antlers are added after the eighth year.—B.

[1820] This, as well as most of the statements respecting the growth of the horns, is mentioned by Aristotle, ubi supra, but it is quite unfounded.—B.

[1821] This story of the white hind of Sertorius, is given in detail by Aulus Gellius, B. xv. c. 22, who tells us that it was given to him by a native of Lusitania, upon which Sertorius pretended that it had been sent from Diana, who, through it, held converse with him, and instructed him how to act. Plutarch, Frontinus, and Valerius Maximus, also relate the story.

[1822] This story, which is obviously incorrect, is mentioned by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 9; and is again referred to in B. xxviii. c. 42.—B.

[1823] Graguinus, Hist. Franc. B. ix. c. 3, relates a still more wonderful anecdote of a similar nature; but, as Buffon remarks, such tales are without foundation, the life of the stag not being more than thirty or forty years. Cuvier, also, says that its life does not exceed thirty-six or forty years.—B.

[1824] The real nature of the tragelaphus of Pliny, and the hippelaphus, or horse-stag of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 1, which appear to be the same animal, had long remained a disputed question among naturalists, when, as Cuvier states, the point was decided by Alphonse Duvaucel, who ascertained that it was a species of stag, which inhabited the mountains of the north of Hindostan.—B.

[1825] And in Arabia as well, according to Diodorus Siculus, B. ii.

[1826] This fact is confirmed by Cuvier, who observes, that it is the more remarkable that Africa should be without stags, as it abounds in gazelles of all forms and colours. He supposes that those travellers, who affirm that they have seen stags in this country, had really met with gazelles, which they mistook for those animals; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 451; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 453.—B.

[1827] Cuvier remarks, that Pliny’s account of the chameleon appears to be taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 11, but that it is less correct. He notices Aristotle’s account of the eye, which is more accurately given than the account of Pliny; Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 451, 452; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 454.—B. The chameleon receives its name from the Greek χαμαὶ λέων, “the lion on the ground.”

[1828] See B. xi. c. 55.

[1829] One of those popular errors which have descended from the ancients to our times; the chameleon feeds on insects, which it seizes by means of its long flexible tongue; the quantity of food which it requires appears, however, to be small in proportion to its bulk.—B.

[1830] “Circa caprificos.” Some commentators would understand this in reference to the wild fig-tree, and take it to mean that the animal is more furious when in its vicinity. The conjecture of Hardouin, however, seems more reasonable. He takes “caprificos” to mean the same as the “caprificialis dies,” mentioned in B. xi. c. 15, as being sacred to Vulcan, and falling towards the end of the dog-days.

[1831] This is another of the erroneous opinions respecting the chameleon, which has been very generally adopted. It forms the basis of Merrick’s popular poem of the Chameleon. The animal, indeed, assumes various shades or tints, but the changes depend upon internal or constitutional causes, not any external object. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 14, refers to the change of colour, but does not allude to its colour having any connection with that of the object with which it comes in contact.—B.

[1832] The quantity of muscular fibre and blood in the chameleon is no doubt small in proportion to the bulk of the animal, although not much less than in other animals of the same natural order; its spleen is very minute, as Cuvier says, not larger than the seed of a lentil.—B.

[1833] Cuvier remarks, that this account is from the anonymous treatise De Mirab. Auscult. p. 1152, and from Theophrastus; and that it was probably derived, in the first instance, from the imperfect account which the ancients possessed of the reindeer, the hair of which animal becomes nearly white in the winter, and in the summer of a brown or grey colour. Bekmann, however, who has written a commentary on the above-mentioned treatise, supposes that the tarandrus is the elk. Cuvier conceives, that the animal described by Cæsar, Bell. Gall. B. vi. c. 26, as inhabiting the Hercynian Forest, which he designates as “bos cervi figurâ,” is the reindeer; and suggests that “tarandrus” may have originated in the German, das rennthier. Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 453, 454; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 456, 457. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 16, speaks of the change of colour in the tarandrus in a way which does not correspond with any animal known to exist.—B. Pliny’s stories of the tarandrus, thos, and chameleon are ridiculed by Rabelais, B. iv. c. 3.

[1834] Cuvier supposes that the lycaon of Pliny is the Indian tiger, which has a mane; but what is said of its change of colour is incorrect.—B.

[1835] Naturalists have differed respecting the identity of the animal here described, but Cuvier conceives, that Bochart has proved it to be the canis aureus chakal (jackal) of Linnæus. The description given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 17, and B. ix. c. 44, agrees with this supposition; it is also described by Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. c. 615.—B.

[1836] It is possible that the quills of the porcupine may be stuck into the skin of the dog so firmly, as to be detached from their natural situation; but there is no reason to believe that they can be darted out or projected by any exertion of the animal. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. i. c. 31, and B. xii. c. 26, describes the hystrix; see also Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 30.—B.

[1837] Cuvier remarks, that this account of the bear is generally correct; he points out, however, certain errors, which will be duly noticed. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 3, gives an account of the parturition of the bear.—B.

[1838] This description of their mode of coupling, though from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 30, is not correct. Buffon and other naturalists assure us that they do not differ herein from other quadrupeds.—B.

[1839] Aristotle says, that the cubs are born blind, without hair, and that their limbs are ill formed, which is correct; but the account here given is greatly exaggerated.—B.

[1840] As the birth takes place when the mother is in her winter retreat, it can have been witnessed only when in the menagerie.—B.

[1841] This is referred to in B. xxviii. c. 46; this property of the fat of the bear is also mentioned by Galen and by Dioscorides, and it still retains its place among our popular remedies; but it is difficult to conceive that it can have any virtue above other fatty substances of the same consistence.—B.

[1842] This, which appears to be a vulgar error, is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 17; by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 3; and by Oppian, Halieut. B. ii.—B.

[1843] We have a somewhat similar account in the treatise De Mirab. Auscult. p. 1155.—B.

[1844] Probably from Aristotle, ubi supra.—B.

[1845] This apparent anomaly has been attempted to be explained, by supposing that the bears lay up a plentiful store of provisions in their winter retreats, which they consume while they remain without exercise.—B.

[1846] Pliny enumerates, at considerable length, the varieties of aros, in B. xxiv. c. 92; it is also described in B. xix. c. 30; it is probably a species of arum.—B. See pp. 299, 300, N. [1815].

[1847] This is, of course, without foundation.—B.

[1848] This supposed noxious quality is entirely without foundation.—B.

[1849] This probably refers more particularly to the mode in which the bear descends from trees or poles, in the supine posture, not, as is the case in most other animals, with the head downwards.—B.

[1850] 18th September.

[1851] It appears, from the remarks of Cuvier, to be still doubtful whether the bear be really a native of Africa; see Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 457; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 466.—B.

[1852] It is supposed that the white mouse of Pontus, mentioned also by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 17, is the ermine, or else the marten; but, as Cuvier remarks, Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 457, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 467, the ermine does not hibernate.—B.

[1853] Cuvier, ubi supra, conceives that the Alpine mouse is the marmot; but he remarks, that it is inferior in size to the badger.—B.

[1854] Cuvier, ubi supra, conceives the Egyptian mouse to be the jerboa, the Mus jaculus of Linnæus; but it is much smaller than the marmot. Pliny, in B. x. c. 85, says, that the Egyptian mouse walks on two feet, as does the mouse of the Alps. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 37, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xv. c. 26, refer to the mouse of Egypt.—B. Probably the Mus cahirinus.

[1855] The faculty which these and other animals possess of foreseeing the weather and the future direction of the wind, is mentioned by Plutarch, and as existing especially in the hedgehog. It is also mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6; but it is not confined, as Pliny states, to its change in one direction only. It has been suggested by some commentators, that, by a slight alteration in the text, the statement may be extended to a change of the wind in either direction, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 468.—B.

[1856] The teasel, or carding thistle, is now used for this purpose; as also iron wires, crooked and sharpened at the point. Not a single quill, probably of the hedgehog, is now used in the manufacture of cloth.

[1857] Dalechamps suggests that these complaints were probably to the effect that thistles and thorns were employed instead of the quills of the hedgehog; that the skin of the hedgehog was brought to market in a bad state; and again, that the rich merchants were in the habit of buying them up, and forestalling the market. Hardouin quotes an edict of the Emperor Zeno against monopolies of hedgehogs and carding materials, if, indeed, that is the meaning of the word “pectinum.”

[1858] These statements are from the treatise De Mirab. Ausc., but, as Cuvier remarks, are fabulous, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 470; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 458.—B.

[1859] Λεοντοφονὸς, the “lion-killer.”

[1860] See c. [30] of this Book.

[1861] This fable is referred to by Ovid, Metam. B. xv. l. 414, and by Theophrastus in his Treatise on Stones.

[1862] See B. xxxvii. c. 11.

[1863] It is not unusual for animals to cover their excrements with earth, probably from the fact of their being annoyed by the unpleasant odour.—B.

[1864] This statement respecting the “meles,” or badger, as well as what is said of the prescience of the squirrel, is without foundation. There has been some difference of opinion respecting the identity of the animal, which Pliny calls “meles;” by some it has been supposed to be the polecat, or else the weasel.—B.

[1865] This bears reference to what is said of bears in c. 54, and of Alpine mice and hedgehogs.

[1866] This statement is contrary to the account given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 15; he says, that while other serpents conceal themselves in holes in the earth, vipers conceal themselves under rocks.—B.

[1867] Cuvier remarks, Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 458, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 473, that nothing is more striking, either to the vulgar or to the man of science, than the long abstinence from food which serpents are capable of enduring.—B.

[1868] Cavatica.

[1869] This is the case with the Helix Pomatia, and still more so with the Helix Neritoidea, which is very common in the neighbourhood of Nice, and which, at the approach of winter, is furnished with an operculum of great thickness.—B.

[1870] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1871] See B. iv. c. 23. The Romans valued them as a delicate food.

[1872] This account appears to be principally from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 29.—B.

[1873] According to Cuvier, Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 458, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 475, the species of lizard named monitor, frequently exceeds this size; but he remarks, in reference to the size of the Indian lizard, that none of the saurians, except the crocodile, attains the length here mentioned.—B.

[1874] See B. vi. c. [23].

[1875] See B. v. c. 31.

[1876] See B. v. c. 22, and B. vi. c. 3.

[1877] This anecdote is referred to by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 25. He gives an account of the dog of Gelon, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 62, and Var. Hist. B. i. c. 13.—B.

[1878] Tzetzes, Chil. iii. of his History, calls her Ditizela, and thus alludes to this story: “The said Nicomedes had a dog of very large size, and of Molossian breed, which manifested great fidelity to him. One day seeing his mistress, the wife of Nicomedes, and the mother of Prusias, Zielus, and Lysandra, Ditizela, by name, and a Phrygian by birth, toying with the king, he took her for an enemy, and rushing on her, tore her right shoulder.” It is supposed that she died of the injuries thus received. Some editions call her Condingis, and others Cosingis.

[1879] A. Cascellius was an eminent Roman jurist, but nothing seems to be known of his preceptor, Volcatius, whose prænomen is thought to have been Mucius. Cascellius was noted for his great eloquence and his stern republican principles; and of Cæsar’s conduct and government he spoke with the greatest freedom. He never advanced in civic honours beyond the quæstorship, though he was offered the consulship by Augustus; which he declined. He is frequently quoted in the Digest. Horace, in his Art of Poetry, ll. 371, 372, pays a compliment to the legal reputation of Cascellius, who is also mentioned by Valerius Maximus and Macrobius.

[1880] From Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 10, it appears that his name was Cælius Calvus, but probably no further particulars are known of him.

[1881] He was a distinguished Roman eques, and a friend of Germanicus; for which reason he incurred the hatred of Sejanus. To satisfy the vengeance of Tiberius and his favourite Sejanus, one Latinus Latiaris, a supposed friend of Sabinus, induced him to speak in unguarded terms of Sejanus and Tiberius, and then betrayed his confidence. He was put to death in prison.

[1882] More commonly called the Gradus or Scalæ Gemoniæ, “the stairs of wailing;” a place down which the bodies of the criminals were thrown, when executed in prison.—B.

[1883] “Lorum,” the leather thong by which the dogs were held until the proper moment, when they were “let slip” upon their prey.

[1884] This is mentioned by Gratian, Cyneget. l. 237.—B.

[1885] This practice is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 33, and Diodorus Siculus, B. xvii. But Cuvier informs us, that neither the tiger nor the panther are capable of generating with the dog; he supposes that the account was invented to enhance the value of the spotted or striped dogs, which were brought from India.—B.

[1886] The dog is capable of generating with the wolf; and as what is termed the shepherd’s dog much resembles the wolf, Cuvier conceives it not impossible, that it may have originated from this mixture; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 459; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 481.—B.

[1887] This is mentioned by Ælian, in his Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 53, and his Var. Hist. B. i. c. 4. It likewise forms the subject of one of Phædrus’s Fables.

[1888] These statements are probably, for the most part, from Aristotle, Hist. Anim, B. v. c. 14, and B. vi. c. 20.—B.

[1889] “Faunos cerni.” Hardouin remarks on these words; “Flitting before the sight, and rushing upon each other, like the Ephialtes,” and refers, for a farther explanation, to his commentary on the passage in B. xxv. c. 10, where the subject is treated more at large. The Ephialtes is generally supposed to have been what we term incubus or nightmare.—B.

[1890] All these remedies are perfectly useless.—B.

[1891] Pliny details the noxious effects, conceived to be produced by the influence of Sirius, in B. ii. c. 40, and, among others, its tendency to produce canine madness. In B. xxix. c. 32, he enumerates the various remedies proposed for the disease; these, however, are equally inefficacious with those mentioned here.—B.

[1892] We have an account of this disease in Celsus, B. v. c. 27, and especially of the peculiar symptom from which it derives its classical denomination. It is remarkable that Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 22, speaking of canine madness, says, that it is communicated by the dog to all animals, except man.—B. See B. vii. c. [13].

[1893] It appears that there was a difference of opinion as to the number of days during which the Dog-star continued to exercise its influence.—B.

[1894] The history of this supposed discovery is related more at large, B. xxv. c. 2 and 6. The popular name of the plant is still the “dog-rose.”—B.

[1895] Columella says, that the operation prevents the tail from acquiring “fœdum incrementum,” “a foul increase;” and, as many shepherds say, secures the animal from the disease.—B.

[1896] This is one of the marvellous tales related by Julius Obsequens, c. 103.—B.

[1897] Plutarch, in his Life of Alexander, gives some account of this celebrated horse, and Aulus Gellius, B. v. c. 2, devotes a chapter to it.—B.

[1898] Ajasson estimates the price to have been 70,200 francs, £2925 sterling.—B.

[1899] Situate on the river Hydaspes; Q. Curtius calls it Bucephalus.—B. See B. vi. c. [23], where it is called Bucephala.

[1900] This account is given by Suetonius, Life of Julius Cæsar, c. 61. Cuvier suggests that the hoofs may have been notched, and that the sculptor probably exaggerated the peculiarity, so as to produce the resemblance to a human foot.—B.

[1901] The nephew of Tiberius and the father of the Emperor Caligula.—B.

[1902] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 40, states that three mares of Miltiades and Evagoras, which had been victorious in the Olympic games, were buried with sepulchral honours in the Ceramicus.—B.

[1903] Ajasson suggests, with much plausibility, that when connections of this description are mentioned, the report originated from persons who had significant names, as Lebœuf and Poulain; analogous to our names of Lamb, Bull, Hog, &c.—B.

[1904] See B. iii. c. 17.

[1905] We here find Pliny tripping, for he has previously said, in B. vii. c. 1, that man is the only animated being that sheds tears. See also c. [19] of the present Book, where he represents the lion as shedding tears.

[1906] Ælian calls him Centoarates. Antiochus I., or Soter, is here alluded to. He was killed in battle with the Galli or Galatians, B.C. 261.

[1907] Mentioned by Cicero, De Divin. B. i. c. 33.—B.

[1908] Hardouin refers to the works of Busbequius, in which we meet with nearly the same account of the sagacity of the horse, as in Pliny; Lemaire, iii. 489.

[1909] As already mentioned in the Note to c. 54 of the last Book, there were four parties or factions of the charioteers who were named from the colour of their dress.

[1910] The games of the Circus were divided into the Patrician and the Plebeian; the first being conducted by generals, consuls, and the curule ædiles, the latter by the ædiles of the people.—B.

[1911] Related somewhat more at large by Plutarch, in his Life of Publicola.—B.

[1912] Many of these particulars are from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 22.—B.

[1913] Georgics, B. iii. l. 72, et seq.—B.

[1914] See Introduction to vol. i. p. vii.

[1915] Varro, de Re Rust. B. ii. c. 7; and Columella, B. vi. c. 29, have treated on this subject at considerable length.—B.

[1916] The materials of this chapter appear to have been principally taken from Aristotle, Varro, and Columella.—B.

[1917] See B. iv. c. 12.

[1918] Varro, ubi supra, gives considerably different directions on this point; he says, “Intercourse is to be allowed, at the proper season of the year, twice a day, morning and evening.”

[1919] This sentence in Columella, ubi supra, seems to illustrate the meaning, which is somewhat obscure. “Veruntamen nec minus quam quindecim, nec plures quam viginti, unus debet implere”—“One male ought to be coupled with not more than twenty females, nor less than fifteen.”

[1920] Cuvier states, that the hippomanes is a concretion occasionally found in the liquor amnii of the mare, and which it devours, from the same kind of instinctive feeling which causes quadrupeds generally to devour the afterbirth. He remarks, however, that this can have no connection with the attachment which the mother bears to her offspring; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 459; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 495. The hippomanes is said to have been employed by the sorceresses of antiquity, as an ingredient in their amatory potions. See Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 24, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xiv. c. 18.—B. See also B. xxviii. c. 11.

[1921] Now Lisbon. See B. iv. c. 35.

[1922] The accounts given, by Phœnician navigators, of the fertility of Lusitania, and the frequency of the mild western breezes, gave rise to the fable here mentioned, which has been generally received by the ancients; and that not merely by the poets, as Virgil, Geor. B. iii. l. 274, 275, but by practical writers, as Varro, B. ii. c. 1, and Columella, B. vi. c. 27. Justin, however, B. xliv. c. 3, attributes the opinion to the great size of the horses, and their remarkable fleetness, from which they were said to be the sons of the wind.—B.

[1923] The origin and meaning of this name is not known.—B.

[1924] Martial describes the peculiar short, quick step of the “asturco,” in one of his Epigrams, B. xiv. Ep. 199.—B.

[1925] “Alterno crurum explicatu glomeratio;” it would not be possible to give a literal translation, but we may judge of the meaning by the context.—B. He clearly alludes to a movement like our canter.

[1926] “Tolutim carpere incursus;” Hardouin explains this by a reference to Plautus, Asinaria, A. iii. sc. 3, l. 116. “Tolutim ni badizas”—“If you do not amble, lifting up your feet.”

[1927] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 24, gives an account of the diseases of horses.—B.

[1928] “Genere veterino;” so called, according to Hardouin, from “vectura,” “carriage,” as applicable to horses, asses, and mules; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 497.—B.

[1929] There is considerable difficulty in ascertaining the exact amount of sums of money mentioned by the ancients. “We read in Varro, B. ii. c. 1, and B. ii. c. 8, of enormous prices said to have been given for asses, and the particular case of Axius is mentioned, B. iii. c. 2; according to the usual estimate, the sum here mentioned amounts to upwards of £3200 sterling.—B.

[1930] See B. xvii. c. 5.

[1931] Varro, B. i. c. 20, and B. iii. c. 16, and Columella, B. vii. c. 1, enlarge upon the valuable qualities of the ass for agricultural purposes; Columella, B. vi. c. 37, treats at length upon the production of mules.—B.

[1932] See a passage in Plautus, in which the superior excellence of the asses of Arcadia is referred to; Asinaria, A. ii. sc. 2, l. 67.—B.

[1933] See B. iii. c. 17.

[1934] This property is mentioned by Herodotus, B. iv. c. 28, and by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 27, also De Gener. Anim. B. ii. c. 8, and by Strabo, B. vii. The ass is a native of Arabia, and degenerates when brought into a cold climate.—B.

[1935] These circumstances appear to have been taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14, and B. vi. c. 23.—B.

[1936] “Per raritatem eorum translucentibus fluviis.”—B.

[1937] Upwards of £3200 sterling.—B.

[1938] An epigram of Martial, B. xiii. Ep. 97, appears to refer to the employment of the young ass as an article of food.—B. The famous sausages of Bologna are made, it is said, of asses’ flesh.

[1939] The onager, according to Cuvier, is the same with the ass, in the wild state; it still exists in large herds in various parts of Southern Asia, and is called by the Tartars, Kulan.—B.

[1940] Most of the circumstances here mentioned appear to have been taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 24 and 36; Varro, B. ii. c. 8; and Columella, B. vi. c. 37.—B.

[1941] It is expressly stated by Columella, ubi supra, that the mules “produced from a horse and a female ass, are in all respects most like the mother.”

[1942] This is explained by Columella, ubi supra, who remarks, that when a stallion is admitted to a female in the full heat of its passion, it often causes mischief; which is not the case when its ardour has been a little subdued by having been worked for some time.—B.

[1943] Varro, ubi supra, says: “The produce of a mare and a male ass is a mule, of a horse and a female ass a hinnus.”

[1944] Varro, B. ii. c. 1, alludes to this occurrence; Livy mentions two instances, B. xxvi. c. 23, and B. xxxvii. c. 3; these prodigies were said both to have occurred at Reate.—B.

[1945] Herodotus relates two cases, which were regarded as presaging some extraordinary event, B. iii. c. 153, and B. vii. c. 57. Juvenal, Sat. xiii. l. 66, and Suetonius, Life of Galba, c. 4, speak of a pregnant mule as a most extraordinary circumstance; it seems to have given rise to a proverbial expression among the Romans.—B.

[1946] Cuvier remarks, that there is, in the deserts of Asia, a peculiar animal, with undivided hoofs, the Equus hemionus of naturalists, and the Dgiggetai of the Tartars, which bears a resemblance to our mules, but is not the produce of the horse and the ass; he refers us to Professor Pallas’s account of it in Acad. Petrop. Nov. Com. vol. xix. p. 394; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 461; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 505.—B.

[1947] Pliny repeats this advice in B. xxx. c. 53; it is, of course, entirely without foundation.—B.

[1948] The epigram of Martial previously referred to bears this title.—B. See N. [1938], p. 324.

[1949] This temple was the Parthenon. This anecdote is mentioned by Arist. Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 24; Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 49.—B.

[1950] In which they probably exposed their samples for sale, as our farmers do in small bags. The phrase is ἀπὸ τῶν τηλιῶν, in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 24, from whom Pliny takes the story.

[1951] This alleged superiority is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iii. c. 91, by Varro, B. ii. c. 5, and by Columella, B. vi. c. 1; but it is remarked by Dalechamps and Hardouin, that the appellation of Pyrrhic given to these oxen, was more probably derived from their red colour, πυῤῥὸς, than from the name of the king. The materials of this chapter are principally from the above writers, especially Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 21, and B. viii. c. 7.—B.

[1952] This singular notion is mentioned by Varro and Columella, ubi supra; Cuvier says, that it is the origin of the pretended secret of producing the sexes at pleasure, which was published by Millot; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 461.—B.

[1953] 4th January. See B. xviii. c. 64.

[1954] This is mentioned by Herodotus, B. iv. c. 183; this peculiarity in their mode of taking their food is ascribed to the extraordinary length of the horns; it is also mentioned by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xvi. c. 33.—B.

[1955] “Fœdi visu.” This is very similar to the expression used by Virgil, Georg. B. iii., when describing the points of an ox, l. 52,—“oui turpi caput”—“the head of which is unsightly”— probably in allusion to its large size.

[1956] According to Cuvier, there is an ox, in warm climates, which has a mass of fat on the shoulders, and whose horns are only attached to the skin; Buffon has described it under the name of Zebu; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 461; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 512.—B.

[1957] “Ad laborer damnantur;” with respect to the colour, Varro, B. ii. c. 5, has the following remarks: “The best colours are black, red, pale red, and white. The latter ones are the most delicate, the first the most hardy. Of the two middle ones, the first is the best, and both are more valuable than the first and last.”

[1958] We have an account of this process in Columella, B. ii. c. 6.—B.

[1959] This anecdote is related by Valerius Maximus, B. viii. c. 1. Virgil, Georg. B. ii. l. 537, speaks of the use of oxen in food, as a proof of the degeneracy of later times, and as not existing during the Golden Age; “Ante Impia quad cœsis gens est epulata juvencis.” This feeling is alluded to by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xii. c. 34, and by Suetonius, Life of Domitian, c. ix.—B.

[1960] It is doubtful whether this is the meaning of “alternos replicans orbes,” or what indeed is the meaning. Most editions omit “orbes,” thus making the matter still worse.

[1961] Hardouin supposes that this alludes to the exhibition of oxen hunted at the exhibition of shows and in the Circus, for the gratification of the Roman people.—B.

[1962] Referred to by Virgil, Georg. B. ii. ll. 145, 146, “et maxima taurus Victima,” “and the bull the largest victim of all.”—B.

[1963] In reference to this remark, we may mention the passage in Virgil, Æn. B. iii. c. 119, “Taurum Neptuno, taurum tibi, pulcher Apollo.” “A bull to thee, Neptune, a bull to thee, beauteous Apollo.”

[1964] Instances are mentioned by Livy, B. xxxv. c. 21, and by Val. Maximus, B. i. c. 65.—B.

[1965] We have an account of Apis in Herodotus, B. iii. c. 28; also in Pomponius Mela, B. i. c. 9; and in Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xi. c. 10.—B.

[1966] “Quem cantharum appellant.” According to Dalechamps, “So called from the blackness of the colour, and its resemblance to a beetle.” Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 516. He refers the reader to a further account in B. xxx. c. 30.—B.

[1967] From the Greek θάλαμοι, “bed-chambers.”

[1968] Tacitus, Ann. B. ii. c. 69, gives an account of the sickness of Germanicus after his return from Egypt, but does not refer to the circumstance here mentioned.—B.

[1969] The “goblet.” See B. v. c. 10.

[1970] Seneca, Quæst. Nat. B. iv. c. 2, gives an account of this ceremony, but does not refer to the birth of Apis.—B.

[1971] The contents of this Chapter appear to be principally from Varro, B. ii. cc. 1, 2, and Columella, B. vii. cc. 2, 3, 4.—B.

[1972] This account is probably from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14; B. vi. c. 19; and B. ix. c. 3, where we have various particulars respecting the production and mode of life of the sheep.—B.

[1973] 13th May.

[1974] 23rd July.

[1975] Varro, ubi supra, gives a somewhat different account: “Those lambs are called ‘cordi,’ which are born after their time, and have remained in the womb, called χορίον, from which they take that name.”—B.

[1976] The expression “senecta melior,” here employed, is limited by Columella, ubi supra, to the third year.—B.

[1977] Columella, B. vii. c. 8, remarks, “When deprived of his horns he knows himself to be disarmed, as it were, and is not so ready to quarrel and is less vehement in his passion.”

[1978] Columella, B. vii. c. 23, refers to this practice; he informs us, B. vi, c. 28, that it is practised with respect to the horse. It is also referred to by Aristotle, De Gen. Anim. B. iv. c. 1.—B.

[1979] For this we have the authority of Aristotle, ubi supra, and of Columella, ubi supra, who quotes from Virgil in support of it, Geor. B. iii. l. 387, et seq.—B. “Although the ram be white himself, if there is a black tongue beneath the palate, reject him, that he may not tinge the fleece of the young with black spots.”

[1980] Varro, B. ii. c. 2, remarks, “While the coupling is taking place, you must use the same water; for if it is changed, it will render the wool spotted, and injure the womb.”

[1981] “Tectæ.” The context shows that this means covered with skins or a woollen girth, probably on account of their delicate nature, while the common sheep of husbandry, or the “colonic” sheep, were able to endure the rigour of the weather without any such protection.

[1982] The words are tectum and colonicum; Columella, B. vii. c. 4, uses the terms molle and hirsutum, and Varro, B. ii. c. 2, pellitum and hirtum. The first obtained its name from its being covered with skins, to protect its delicate fleece. The colonic is so called, from “colonus,” a “husbandman,” this kind being so common as to be found in any village; whereas the tectæ were rare.

[1983] We have some account of the Arabian sheep in Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. x. c. 4.—B. Columella says, that the wool which was brought over to make these coverings, was only to be obtained at a very great price.

[1984] The greatest part of this Chapter appears to be taken, with little variation, from Columella, B. vii. c. 2-4.—B.

[1985] Here Pliny differs from Columella, who remarks, B. vii. c. 2, “Our people considered the Milesian, Calabrian, and Apulian wool as of excellent quality, and the Tarentine the best of all.”

[1986] “Pænula” was a check cloak, used chiefly by the Romans when travelling, instead of the toga, as a protection against the cold and rain. It was used by women as well as men. It was long, and without sleeves, and with only an opening for the head. Women were forbidden by Alexander Severus to wear it in the city. It was made particularly of the woolly substance known as gausapa.

[1987] The wool of Laodicea is celebrated by Strabo, B. xii.—B.

[1988] Columella, B. vii. c. 2, particularly notices the excellence of the wool of Altinum, situate near the mouth of the Padus or Po. The following epigram of Martial, B. xiv. c. 155, may be presumed to convey the opinion of the respective merits of the different kinds of wool; it is entitled “Lanæ albæ:” “Velleribus primis Apulia; Parma secundis Nobilis; Altinum tertia laudat ovis.” “Apulia is famed for its fleeces of the first quality, Parma for the second, while Altinum is praised for those of the third.”—B.

[1989] About twelve shillings sterling.—B.

[1990] Varro remarks, B. ii. c. 2, that the term “vellus,” obviously from “vello,” “to pluck,” proves that the wool was anciently plucked from the sheep, before shearing had been invented.—B.

[1991] “Quas nativas appellant.” The term “nativa,” as applied to the wool, has been supposed to refer to those fleeces that possess a natural colour, and do not require to be dyed.—B.

[1992] Martial, B. xiv. Ep. 157, calls the fleeces of Pollentia “lugentes,” “mournful,” from their black colour; they are also mentioned by Columella, ubi supra, and by Silius Italicus, B. viii. l. 599.—B.

[1993] Martial, B. v. c. 37, describing the charms of a lady, says, “surpassing with her locks the fleece of the Bætic sheep,” no doubt referring to the colour. In another Epigram, B. xii. E. 200, he speaks of the “aurea vellera,” the “golden fleece” of Bætis.—B.

[1994] Martial has two Epigrams on the wool of Canusium, B. xiv. E. 127, and E. 129. In the former it is designated as “fusca,” tawny; in the latter, “rufa,” red.—B.

[1995] “Suæ pulliginis.”—B.

[1996] The term here used, “succidus,” is explained by Varro, B. ii. c. 11: “While the newly-clipped wool has the sweat in it, it is called ‘succida.’” See B. xxix. c. 9.

[1997] “Pexis vestibus.” According to Hardouin, the “pexa vestis,” was worn by the rich, and had a long and prominent nap, in contradistinction to the smooth or worn cloths. He refers to a passage in Horace, B. i. Ep. i. l. 95, and to one in Martial, B. ii. E. 58, which appear to sanction this explanation. See Lem. vol. iii. p. 524.—B.

[1998] See B. iv. c. 35.

[1999] See B. iii. c. 5. Now Pezenas.

[2000]

Καὶ ῥήγεα καλὰ

Πορφύρ’ ἐμβαλέειν, στορέσαι δ’ ἐφύπερθε τάπητας.

Od. B. iv. l. 427. “And to throw on fair coverlets of purple, and to lay carpets upon them.”

[2001] These were probably much like what we call “Turkey” carpets.

[2002] The name given to this article, “lana coacta,” “compressed wool,” correctly designates its texture. The manufacturers of it were called “lanarii coactores,” and “lanarii coactiliarii.”

[2003] “I have macerated unbleached flax in vinegar saturated with salt, and after compression have obtained a felt, with a power of resistance quite comparable with that of the famous armour of Conrad of Montferrat; seeing that neither the point of a sword, nor even balls discharged from fire-arms, were able to penetrate it.” Memoir on the substance called Pilina, by Papadopoulo-Vretos, on the Mem. presented to the Royal Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, 1845, as quoted by Littré.

[2004] Pliny probably conceived that by the removal of all the grease from the wool, or the “purgamentum,” it became less combustible.—B.

[2005] “Tomentum;” an Epigram of Martial, B. xiv. E. 160, explains the meaning of this word.—B.

[2006] See B. xix. c. 2.

[2007] Probably in the form of what we call “palliasses.”

[2008] The “gausapa,” or “gausapum,” was a kind of thick cloth, very woolly on one side, and used especially for covering tables, beds, and making cloaks to keep out the wet and cold. The wealthier Romans had it made of the finest wool, and mostly of a purple colour. It seems also to have been sometimes made of linen, but still with a rough surface.

[2009] From ἀμφίμαλλα, “napped on both sides.” They probably resembled our baizes or druggets, or perhaps the modern blanket.

[2010] Pliny again makes mention of the “ventrale,” or apron, in B. xxvii. c. 28.

[2011] He seems to allude here to the substance of which the laticlave tunic was made, and not any alteration in its cut or shape. Some further information on the laticlave or broad-striped tunic will be found in B. x. c. 63.

[2012] About the time of Augustus, the Romans began to exchange the “toga,” which had previously been their ordinary garment, for the more convenient “lacerna” and “pænula,” which were less encumbered with folds, and better adapted for the usual occupations of life.—B.

[2013] See B. ix. c. [62].

[2014] See B. xxi. c. 12.

[2015] This deity was also called Sangus, or Semo Sancus; and Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. c. 216, et seq., gives us much information concerning him. He was of Sabine origin, and identical with Hercules and Dius Fidius. If we may judge from the derivation of the name, it is not improbable that he presided over the sanctity of oaths. His temple at Rome was on the Quirinal, opposite to that of Quirinus, and near the gate which from him derived the name of “Sanqualis porta.” He was said to have been the father of the Sabine hero Sabus.

[2016] According to the commonly received account, Tanaquil was the wife of Tarquinius Priscus, and a native of Etruria; when she removed to Rome, and her husband became king, her name was changed to Caia Cæcilia.—B.

[2017] “Undulata;” it has been suggested that this means the same as our stuffs which we term “watered.”—B.

[2018] “Tunica recta;” according to Festus, it was “so called from being woven perpendicularly by people standing.”—B. It probably means woven from top to bottom and cross-wise in straight lines.

[2019] “Toga pura;” so called from being white, without a mixture of any other colour.

[2020] “Sororiculata;” there is much uncertainty respecting the derivation of this word and its meaning, but it is generally supposed to signify some kind of stuff, composed of a mixture of different ingredients or of different colours.—B. “Orbiculata,” “with round spots,” is one reading, and probably the correct one.

[2021] According to Hardouin, these were cloths which imitated the crisp and prominent hair of the Phryxian fleece, Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 529. Some editions read “Phrygianas.”

[2022] “Papaverata;” there is considerable difficulty in ascertaining the meaning of this word, as applied to garments. Pliny, in two other passages, speaks of a certain species of poppy—“from this, linens receive a peculiar whiteness,” B. xix. “From this, linens receive a brilliant whiteness in time,” B. xx. c. 78. It would appear, in these cases, that the fibres of the stem of the poppy were mixed with the flax; though, perhaps, this would be scarcely practicable with wool.—B.

[2023] The prætexta is described by Varro as a white toga, with a purple band; it was worn by males, until their seventeenth year, and by young women until their marriage.—B.

[2024] The trabea differed from the prætexta, in being ornamented with stripes (trabes) of purple, whence its name.—B.

[2025] Helen is introduced, Il. B. iii. l. 125, weaving an embroidered garment, in which were figured the battles of the Greeks and Trojans. It was probably somewhat of the nature of modern tapestry.—B.

[2026] See B. ix. c. [60].

[2027] This passage, in which the needle is said to have been used, proves that when the word “pictæ” is applied to garments, it is equivalent to our term “embroidered.”—B.

[2028] Pliny refers to the “Attalica tunica,” B. xxxiii. c. 29, and to the “Attalica vestis,” B. xxxvi. c. 20, and B. xxxvii. c. 6; Propertius speaks of “Attalica aulæa,” B. ii. c. 32, l. 12, “Attalicas torus,” B. ii. c. 13, l. 22, and B. iv. c. 5, l. 24, and “Attalicæ vestes,” B. iii. c. 18, l. 19.—B.

[2029] Plautus, Stich. A. ii. s. 2, l. 54, speaks of “Babylonica peristromata, consuta tapetia,” “Babylonian hangings, and embroidered tapestry;” and Martial, B. viii. Ep. 28, l. 17, 18, of “Babylonica texta,” “Babylonian textures.”—B.

[2030] From Martial’s epigram, entitled “Cubicularia polymita,” B. xiv. Ep. 150, we may conclude that the Egyptian polymita were formed in a loom, and of the nature of tapestry, while the Babylonian were embroidered with the needle. Plautus probably refers to the Egyptian tapestry, in the Pseud. A. i. s. 2, l. 14, “Neque Alexandrina belluata conchyliata tapetia”—“Nor yet the Alexandrine tapestries, figured over with beasts and shells.”

[2031] “Scutulis divider.” This term may mean “squares,” “diamonds,” or “lozenges,” something like the segments into which a spider’s web is divided. It is not improbable that he alludes here to the plaids of the Gallic nations.

[2032] We have an account of this contention in Plutarch, and we may presume that this accusation was produced at that time.—B.

[2033] The first sum amounts to about £4,600 sterling, the latter to £23,000.—B.

[2034] The following lines in Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 569, et seq., have been supposed to refer to this temple, and prove that the account of it is correct.

“Lux eadem, Fortuna, tuaque est, auctorque, locusque.

“Sed superinjectis quis latet æde togis?

“Servius est....”

“The same day is thine, O Fortune; the same the builder, the same the site. But who is this that lies hid beneath the garments covering him? It is Servius.”

[2035] Perhaps “changed their colour” may be a better translation of “defluxisse.”

[2036] “Sesquipedalibus libris.” It seems impossible to translate this literally. Hardouin explains it by supposing that the fleeces were dyed in strips of three colours, each strip being half a foot in breadth, and that three of these required a pound of the dyeing materials.—B.

[2037] Pliny probably took this from Varro, B. ii. c. 2. This term is derived from πείκω, “to shear,” with the negative prefix.—B.

[2038] The word “cubitales” alone is used, which might be supposed to refer only to the length of the tail; but Hardouin conceives that it must also apply to the breadth, and refers to Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, and others, in proof of the great size which the tails of the Syrian sheep attain, and which would not be indicated by merely saying that they are a cubit long; this being little more than the ordinary length in other countries.—B.

[2039] According to Hardouin, this term, or some word nearly resembling it, was applied to mules or mongrels, as well as to individual animals of diminutive size or less perfect form.—B. Called “moufflon” by the French.

[2040] The term “umbri” appears to have been applied to a mongrel or less perfect animal; like “musmon,” it is of uncertain derivation.—B.

[2041] So also Varro, ubi supra, and Columella, B. vii. c. [3].—B. See also B. xviii. c. 76.

[2042] This remark, and the others in the remainder of this Chapter, appear to be taken from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3.—B.

[2043] We have an account of the generation of the goat in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 19. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 38, says that the goats of Egypt sometimes produce five young ones at a birth.—B.

[2044] Columella, B. vii. c. 6, gives a somewhat different account; he says, “Before its sixth year it is old—so that when five years old, it is not suitable for coupling.”—B.

[2045] According to Columella, ubi supra, “Because those with horns are usually troublesome, from their uncertainty of temper.”—B.

[2046] There has been considerable difference of opinion respecting the reading of the original, whether the word “utiles,” or “inutiles,” was the one here employed. Hardouin conceives it was the latter, and endeavours to reconcile the sense with this reading; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 538, 539. But, notwithstanding his high authority, there is still great doubt on the matter.—B.

[2047] “Infractis,” probably in contradistinction to erect ears. Columella, ubi supra, terms them, “flaccidis et prægrandibus auribus”—“flaccid ears, and very large.”—B.

[2048] “Laciniæ;” Varro, B. ii. c. 3, describes them as “mammulas pensiles;” Columella, ubi supra, calls them “verruculas;” he, however, assigns this appendage to the male goat.—B.

[2049] The word “mutilus” is employed, which Hardouin interprets, “having had the horns removed.” But the same word is applied by Columella, B. vii. c. 6, to an animal naturally without horns.—B.

[2050] On this reference to Archelaus, Dalechamps remarks that he is incorrect; but refers to Varro, ubi supra, who ascribes this opinion to Archelaus; Lemaire. vol. iii. p. 540.—B.

[2051] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 9, refers to this opinion, as being erroneous; Ælian. Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 53, supposes that they breathe both through the nose and the ears.—B.

[2052] Varro, ubi supra, remarks, “that no one in his senses speaks of a goat in health; for they are never without fever.”

[2053] Meaning those who cannot see at night, who have a weak sight, and therefore require a strong light to distinguish objects. See also, as to the Nyctalopes, B. xxviii. c. 47. The same remedy, the liver of the goat, is recommended for its cure.—B. See also B. xxviii. c. 11.

[2054] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, says that the inhabitants of Cilicia shear the goats in the same manner as the sheep.—B.

[2055] This is mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3.—B.

[2056] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3, refers to the beard of the goat, under the name of ἤρυγγον.

[2057] According to Hardouin, the herb referred to is the “eryngium;” probably the “eringo:” he cites various authorities in support of his opinion.—B.

[2058] This is repeated in B. xvii. c. 24.—B.

[2059] Varro, B. i. c. 2, says: “Hence it is that they sacrificed no goats to Minerva, on account of the olive;” he then explains why the circumstance of the goat injuring the olive-tree was a reason for not offering it in sacrifice to Minerva, the patroness of this tree. Ovid, on the other hand, in the Fasti, B. i. l. 360, says that the goat was sacrificed to Bacchus, because it gnawed the vine.

[2060] We have an account of the hog in Varro, B. ii. c. 4, from whom most of Pliny’s remarks are probably derived.—B.

[2061] Varro, B. ii. c. 4, and Columella, B. vii. c. 9. fix upon the seventh year.—B.

[2062] Varro, and Columella, ubi supra, recommend that the sow should not be allowed to rear more than eight young ones at each birth.—B.

[2063] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 13.—B.

[2064] Varro, ubi supra, says on the tenth day; Hardouin endeavours to prove that the number in Varro was originally five.—B.

[2065] The term “bidens,” employed by Pliny, although it literally means “having two teeth,” has been referred to the age of the animal, as indicated rather by the respective size of the teeth than by their number. It has been supposed to designate an animal of two years old, when the canine teeth of the lower jaw had become prominent.—B.

[2066] This is also referred to by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 18, but is without foundation.—B.

[2067] Aristotle, ubi supra, B. viii. c. 26. It is mentioned as a frequent occurrence by Plautus, Trinum. A. ii. s. 4, l. 139.—B.

[2068] Columella, B. vii. c. 10, gives directions for the treatment of hogs affected with scrofula. The name of the disease has been supposed to be derived from the frequency of its occurrence in this animal, anciently called “scrofa.”

[2069] It may appear unnecessary to refer to authorities on this subject, which is a matter of daily observation; it has, however, been stated by some naturalists, that the hog, in its wild state, does not exhibit any of the filthy propensities so generally observed in it when domesticated.—B.

[2070] This saying is found in Varro, B. ii. c. 4; it is referred to by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. B. ii. c. 64, and ascribed to Chrysippus; “ne putisceret, animam ipsam pro sale datam.”—B. “That they are only of use for their flesh, which is kept from putridity by their life, which acts as salt.”

[2071] Pliny speaks of this more at large in B. xxviii. c. 60.—B.

[2072] This operation, and the effect of it, are mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 79, and by Columella, B. vii. c. 9.—B.

[2073] There were three Romans of this name, celebrated for their skill in gastronomy; of these the most illustrious lived in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. A treatise (probably spurious) is extant, to which his name is attached, entitled “De Arte Culinariâ”—“On the Art of Cookery.” Pliny refers to him again, B. xix. c. 41, and he is mentioned by many others of the classical writers.—B.

[2074] See B. x. c. [1]. A much more cruel mode of increasing the liver of this animal, by confining it in hot ovens, is practised at the present day, to satisfy the palate of the admirers of the Strasburg patés de foies gras.

[2075] Pliny, in B. ix. c. 66, employs the expression “tonsillæ in homine, in sue glandulæ,” as if he considered them analogous parts.—B. See Plautus passim.

[2076] Publius Syrus was a comic performer and a writer, who acquired considerable celebrity; he lived during the reign of Augustus.—B.

[2077] “Aprugnum callum;” Plautus, in detailing the preparations for a feast, enumerates the following articles, “pernam, callum, glandium, sumen;” Pseudolus, A. i. s. 2, l. 32; all of which are parts of the hog.

[2078] “Ponebatur.” Littré and Ajasson render this, “placed at table.” It would appear, however, that the meaning is that this part was put by for salting, and the other parts were served at table while fresh.

[2079] “Vivaria;” Varro, B. iii. c. 12, and Aulus Gellius, B. ii. c. 20, give an account of the different places which were employed by the Romans for preserving animals of various descriptions, with their appropriate designations. Varro names the inventor Fulvius Lippinus.—B.

[2080] Varro, B. iii. c. 13, gives an animated description of a visit to what he calls the leporarium of Hortensius, where, besides hares, as the name implies, there was a multitude of stags, boars, and other four-footed animals.

[2081] Ælian, De Anim. Nat. B. xvi. c. 37, says, that no boar, either wild or tame, is produced in India, and that the Indians never use the flesh of this animal, as they would regard the use of it with as much horror as of human flesh.—B. The “Sus babiroussa” is probably meant by Pliny.

[2082] There has been some difference of opinion respecting the derivation of this word, but it is generally used to express a “mongrel,” i. e. an animal whose parents are of different natures, or, when applied to the human species, of different countries.—B.

[2083] See B. vii. c.[2].

[2084] It is not easy to determine what animals Pliny intended to designate. Cuvier employs the terms “chevreuils, chamois, and bouquetins,” as the corresponding words in the French. In English we have no names to express these varieties; we may, however, regard them generally, as different species of wild goats. Cuvier conceives that the Linnæan names of the animals mentioned were, probably, Cervus capreolus, Antelope rupicapra, and Capra ibex.—B.

[2085] The resemblance may be supposed to consist in the horns being hollow, and tapering to a point.—B.

[2086] There is considerable difficulty in ascertaining the correct reading, or the exact meaning which the writer intended to convey by the words employed.—B.

[2087] There is some difficulty in determining the nature of the variety which Pliny terms “oryges;” Hardouin has collected the opinions of naturalists, and we have some remarks by Cuvier; he refers to Buffon’s account of the Antelope oryx, as agreeing, in the essential points, with the description given by Pliny; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 554. See B. xi. c. 106.

[2088] Cuvier remarks, that there is some doubt respecting the dama of Pliny; he is, however, disposed to regard it as a species of antelope. Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 464, 465; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 554.—B.

[2089] The term pygargus is derived from the words πυγὴ ἀργὸς, denoting “white buttocks.” Probably a kind of gazelle.

[2090] “With twisted horns.” It is probable that Pliny intended to designate a species of antelope.—B. See B. xi. c. 45.

[2091] In this division Pliny, probably, included what he has termed the “capræa,” the rupicapra, and the ibex.—B.

[2092] Some of these animals are entirely without a tail, and this circumstance has been employed to form the primary division of the simiæ into the two species, those with and those without tails. We have an epigram of Martial, in which this is referred to. “Si mihi cauda foret, cercopithecus eram”—“If I had but a tail, I should be a monkey.” B. iv. Ep. 102.—B. See B. xi. c. 100.

[2093] We learn from Strabo, Ind. Hist. B. xv., that, in catching the monkey, the hunters took advantage of the propensity of these animals to imitate any action they see performed. “Two modes,” he says, “are employed in taking this animal, as by nature it is taught to imitate every action, and to take to flight by climbing up trees. The hunters, when they see an ape sitting on a tree, place within sight of it a dish full of water, with which they rub their eyes; and then, slyly substituting another in its place, full of bird-lime, retire and keep upon the watch. The animal comes down from the tree, and rubs its eyes with the bird-lime, in consequence of which the eyelids stick together, and it is unable to escape.” Ælian also says, Hist. Anim. B. xvii. c. 25, that the hunters pretend to put on their shoes, and then substitute, in their place, shoes of lead; the animal attempts to imitate them, and, the shoes being so contrived, when it has once got them on, it finds itself unable to take them off, or to move, and is consequently taken.

[2094] There has been some difficulty in ascertaining the exact reading here; but the meaning seems to be, that the pieces were made of wax, and that the animals had learned to distinguish them from each other, and move them in the appropriate manner; how far this is to be credited, it is not easy to decide, but it would certainly require very strong and direct evidence. We are told that the Emperor Charles V. had a monkey that played at chess with him.—B.

[2095] In the original, termed “cynocephali,” “dog’s-headed;” an appellation given to them, according to Cuvier, from their muzzle projecting like that of a dog; we have an account of this species in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 13.—B. Probably the baboon. See B. vi. c. [35], and B. vii. c. [2]. The satyr is, perhaps, the uran-utang. See B. v. c. 8, and B. vii. c. [2].

[2096] Or “fine-haired monkey;” supposed to be the Silenus of Linnæus; it is described by Buffon, under the name of Callitrix.—B. It seems to be also called the “Simia hamadryas.”

[2097] Hardouin gives references to the authors who have observed this change in the colour of the hare, apparently depending upon the peculiar locality, and its consequent exposure to a low temperature. Cuvier considers it as characteristic of a peculiar species, the Lepus variabilis, “which being peculiar to the highest mountains, and the regions of the north, is white in winter.”—B.

[2098] Or coney, “cuniculus.” Hardouin makes some observations upon the derivation of this term, to show that Pliny was mistaken in supposing it to be of Spanish origin; we have also an observation of Cuvier’s to the same effect.—B.

[2099] “Laurices;” we have no explanation of this word in any of the editions of Pliny. Its origin appears to be quite unknown.

[2100] According to Cuvier, the Mustela furo of Linnæus. Ajasson, ubi supra.—B.

[2101] Because, as Varro says, De Re Rus. B. iii. c. 12, they are in the habit of making burrows—cuniculos—in the earth.

[2102] This reference to the opinion of Archelaus appears to be from Varro, ubi supra; the same reference is made by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 2.—B.

[2103] Respecting the dasypus of Pliny, it has been doubted whether it be a distinct species, a variety of the hare, or merely a synonyme.—B.

[2104] It is by some contended, that the human female, and perhaps some other animals, have occasionally been the subjects of what is termed superfœtation; whereas, according to Pliny, in the hare and the dasypus it takes place frequently, but in no other animals.—B. On this subject, see B. vii. c. [9].

[2105] This is referred to by Cicero, in his treatise, De Divinatione, B. i. c. 44, and B. ii. c. 27; in the latter he treats it as an idle tale.—B.

[2106] See B. iii. c. 8.

[2107] C. Papirius Carbo, a contemporary and friend of the Gracchi. In B.C. 119, the orator, Licinius Crassus, brought a charge against him, the nature of which is not known; but Carbo put an end to his life, by taking cantharides.

[2108] These different species are thus characterized by Cuvier: “Les premiers sont les souris et les rats, de formes ordinaires; les seconds, les grandes musaraignes [shrew-mice] de la taille du rat, telles que l’on en trouve en Egypte; les troisiemes, une espece de souris particuliere à l’Egypte, et peut-être à la Barbarie, armée d’epines parmi ses poils dont Aristote avait deja parlé (B. vi. l. 37, cap. ult.) et que M. Geoffroy a retrouvée et nommée mus cahirinus.” Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 467, and Lemaire, ubi supra.—B. See B. viii. c. [55], and B. x. c. [85].

[2109] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11, mentions this circumstance, but says that it occurred in the island of Paros. For Gyara, see B. iv. c. 23.

[2110] We have two passages in Livy, B. xxvii. and B. xxx., where gold is said to have been gnawed by mice.—B.

[2111] See B. iii. c. 9. In B.C. 217, this place was occupied by Fabius with a strong garrison, to prevent Hannibal from passing the Vulturnus; and the following year, after the battle of Cannæ, was occupied by a small body of Roman troops, who, though little more than 1000 in number, withstood the assaults of Hannibal during a protracted siege, until compelled by famine to surrender.

[2112] This sum would be about £7.—B.

[2113] It is by no means improbable that “occentus” here means “singing,” and not merely “squeaking;” as the singing of a mouse would no doubt be deemed particularly ill-boding in those times. At the present day, a mouse has been heard to emit a noise which more nearly resembled singing than squeaking; and a “singing mouse” has been the subject of an exhibition more than once.

[2114] We have frequent allusions to this occurrence in the writings of the Romans, some of which are referred to by Dalechamps; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 563.—B.

[2115] A.U.C. 639; it does not appear what was the cause of this prohibition.—B.

[2116] See B. xxxvi. c. 2.

[2117] Fulvius Lupinus, as already stated in c. 78.—B.

[2118] “Nitelis.” See B. xvi. c. 69. Probably the animal now known as the Myoxus nitela of Linnæus.

[2119] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 33.—B.

[2120] According to Hardouin, this forest is termed, in modern times, Bosco di Baccano; it is nine miles S.W. of Rome.

[2121] Cuvier informs us, that “Le dorcas des Grecs n’est le daim, comme le dit Hardouin, mais le chevreuil; car Aristote (De Partib. Anim. l. iii. c. 2) dit que c’est le plus petit des animaux à cornes que nous connaissions (sans doute en Grèce); et le dorcas Libyca, très-bien decrit par Ælien (l. xiv. c. 4), est certainement la gazelle commune, ‘antelope dorcas,’” Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 467, 468; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 565. Respecting the localities here mentioned, it has been proposed to substitute Cilicia for Syria, Syria and Lycia being at a considerable distance from each other.—B.

[2122] See B. v. c. 39.

[2123] See B. v. c. 38.

[2124] See B. iii. c. 11, and the Note to the passage. See also c. [81] of this Book.

[2125] Ælian, B. ii. c. 37, gives the same account of the frogs of Seriphos and the lake of Thessaly, but gives the name of Pierus to the lake.—B.

[2126] “Mus araneüs; the ‘shrew-mouse,’” according to Cuvier, “La musaraigne n’est pas venimeuse. Il s’en faut beaucoup qu’elle n’existe pas au nord des Apennins; et elle ne périt point passe qu’elle a traversé une ornière, quoique souvent elle puisse y être écrasée. C’est un des quadrupèdes que l’on tue le plus aisément par un coup léger.” Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 468.—B.

[2127] Ælian, B. iii. c. 32, gives the same account, which he professes to have taken from Theophrastus.—B.

[2128] This is also stated by Ælian.

[2129] B. xi. c. 23, and B. xxix. c. 27.—B.

[2130] See B. iv. c. 20.

[2131] “Attagenæ;” the commentators have suspected some inaccuracy with respect to this word, as we have no other remarks on birds in this part of Pliny’s work; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 567, 568.—B.

[2132] See B. iv. c. 9.

[2133] See B. v. c. 31.

[2134] More especially of trees, plants, flowers, medicinal substances, metals, and gems, which form the most prominent subjects of the remaining Books after the eleventh, which concludes the account of the animals.—B.

[2135] See end of B. ii.

[2136] A Roman historian, and a contemporary of Cicero. He is thought to have written on early Roman history, as Varro quotes his account of the Curtian Lake, and on the later history of Rome, as we have seen Pliny referring to him in c. [2], respecting Pompey’s triumph on his return from Africa. He was held in high estimation by Pomponius Atticus, but seems not to have been so highly esteemed as a writer by Cicero.

[2137] See end of B. iii.

[2138] See end of B. ii.

[2139] Of this writer nothing seems to be known. He probably flourished in the reign of Tiberius or Caligula.

[2140] See end of B. iii.

[2141] A Roman historian, who flourished in the reign of Augustus, and died A.D. 21, in the seventieth year of his age. His great work was called “Annales,” and extended to at least twenty-two books, and seems to have contained much minute, though not always accurate, information with regard to the internal affairs of the city; only a few fragments remain, which bear reference to events subsequent to the Carthaginian wars. He is also thought to have written a work called “Epitomæ.” A treatise was published at Vienna, in 1510, in two Books, “On the Priesthood and Magistracy of Rome,” under the name of Fenestella; but it is in reality the composition of Andrea Domenico Fiocchi, a Florentine jurist of the fourteenth century.

[2142] See end of B. [vii].

[2143] See end of B. v.

[2144] L. Junius Moderatus Columella. He was a native of Gades, or Cadiz, and was a contemporary of Celsus and Seneca. He is supposed to have resided at Rome, and from his works it appears that he visited Syria and Cilicia. It has been conjectured that he died at Tarentum. His great work is a systematic treatise upon Agriculture, divided into Twelve Books.

[2145] See end of B. [vii].

[2146] See end of B. ii.

[2147] C. Lucilius, the first Roman satirical poet of any importance, was born B.C. 148, and died B.C. 103. From Juvenal we learn that he was born at Suessa of the Aurunci, and from Velleius Paterculus and Horace other particulars respecting him. He is supposed to have been either the maternal grand-uncle or maternal grandfather of Pompeius Magnus. If not absolutely the inventor of Roman satire, he was the first to mould it into that form which was afterwards fully developed by Horace, Juvenal, and Perseus. He is spoken of in high terms as a writer by Cicero, Horace, and Quintilian.

[2148] The father of Cornelia, the wife of Pompeius Magnus. After his defeat by Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, he stabbed himself, and leaped into the sea. In what way he distinguished himself as an author, does not appear.

[2149] See end of B. [vii].

[2150] See end of B. [vi].

[2151] He was one of the companions of L. Lucullus, proconsul in Bætica, the province of Spain, B.C. 150. His work on Natural History is several times referred to by Pliny.

[2152] See end of B. iii.

[2153] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned by Varro and Columella. Nothing more seems to be known of him.

[2154] See end of B. v.

[2155] See end of B. iv.

[2156] See end of B. ii.

[2157] Of Tarsus, a Stoic philosopher, the disciple and successor of Diogenes, and the teacher of Panætius, about B.C. 144. Of his personal history but little is known. Mention is made of his History of Animals by the Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius.

[2158] See end of B. ii.

[2159] There were several physicians of this name; one was a native of Apamea in Bithynia, a follower of Herophilus, who flourished in the third or second century B.C.; another lived about the same period, and is by some supposed to have been the same as the last. No particulars seem to be known of the individual here mentioned.

[2160] See end of B. ii.

[2161] See end of B. iii.

[2162] Of Miletus. He wrote on mythical subjects, and is mentioned as an author by Diogenes Laertius; but nothing further seems to have been known respecting him.

[2163] Some of the MSS. call him Acopas, or Copas. He was the author of an account of the victors at the Olympic games, the work here referred to by Pliny.

[2164] Hiero II., the king of Syracuse, and steady friend and ally of the Romans. He died probably a little before the year B.C. 216, having attained the age of ninety-two. Varro and Columella speak of a Treatise on Agriculture written by him.

[2165] Attalus III., king of Pergamus, son of Eumenes II. and Stratonice, daughter of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. In his will he made the Roman people his heirs. Being struck with remorse for the murders and other crimes of which he had previously been guilty, he abandoned all public business, and devoted himself to the study of physic, sculpture, and gardening, on which he wrote a work. He died B.C. 133, of a fever, with which he was seized through exposing himself to the sun’s rays, while engaged in erecting a monument to his mother.

[2166] See end of B. ii.

[2167] See end of B. [vii].

[2168] An historian of Syracuse, one of the most celebrated of antiquity, though, unfortunately, none of his works have come down to us. He was born about B.C. 435, and died B.C. 356. He wrote histories of Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Phœnicia.

[2169] A Greek of Tarentum, famous as a philosopher, mathematician, statesman, and general. The lives of him by Aristoxenus and Aristotle are unfortunately lost. He lived probably about B.C. 400, and he is said to have saved the life of Plato by his influence with the tyrant Dionysius. He was finally drowned in the Adriatic. He attained great skill as a practical mechanician; and his flying dove of wood was one of the wonders of antiquity. The fragments and titles of works ascribed to him are very numerous, but the genuineness of some is doubted.

[2170] See end of B. vii.

[2171] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella. In B. xviii. c. 43, Pliny speaks of a work of his on lucerne clover and cytisus.

[2172] Or Anaxipolis. He was a writer on Agricultural subjects, and is mentioned by Varro and Columella; but nothing further is known respecting him.

[2173] A writer on Agriculture. He is supposed to have lived before the time of Aristotle, and is also mentioned by Varro. No further particulars are known respecting him.

[2174] A writer on Agriculture; Varro calls him a native of Mallus, in Cilicia.

[2175] A native of Cumæ or Cymæ, in Asia Minor, a Greek writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2176] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2177] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro, Columella, Galen, and the Scholiast on Nicander.

[2178] The most famous among the soothsayers of Alexander the Great. He probably wrote the work on Prodigies, which is referred to by Pliny in B. xvii. c. 38, and elsewhere, as also by Lucian the satirist.

[2179] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2180] See end of B. [vi].

[2181] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2182] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2183] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2184] See end of B. ii.

[2185] A writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella.

[2186] Or Euphonius, a writer on Agriculture, also mentioned by Varro and Columella. Nothing further is known relative to him.

[2187] See end of B. [vii].

[2188] Menander of Priene was a writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro and Columella. Menander of Heraclea was a writer on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro.

[2189] A poet who wrote on Agriculture, mentioned also by Varro. It is not improbable that he is the same person with the Menecrates of Smyrna, the author of two epigrams in the Greek Anthology.

[2190] A Greek writer on Agriculture, who wrote before the time of Theophrastus, by whom he is mentioned, as also by Athenæus and Varro.

[2191] He is mentioned also by Varro, but nothing is known of him.

[2192] He is often referred to by Varro and Columella. He is also supposed to have been the writer of a History of Thebes, mentioned by the Scholiast and Apollonius Rhodius, B. iii.

[2193] Cassius Dionysius of Utica. He translated into Greek the twenty-eight Books on Husbandry written by Mago the Carthaginian, in the Punic language. Of Mago nothing further is known.

[2194] Diophanes of Bithynia made an epitome of the same work in Greek, and dedicated it to King Deiotarus. Columella styles Mago the Father of Agriculture.

[2195] Made king of Cappadocia by Antony, B.C. 34. He died at Rome, at an advanced age, A.D. 17. Plutarch attributes to King Archelaus—if, indeed, this was the same—a treatise on Minerals.

[2196] A native of Claros, near Colophon, in Ionia. It is not a matter of certainty, but it is most probable, that he lived in the reign of Ptolemy V., who died B.C. 181. He was a poet, grammarian, and physician. His “Theriaca,” a poem on the wounds inflicted by venomous animals, still exists, as also another called “Alexipharmia.”

[2197] He has already said, in B. ii. c. 3, that “the seeds of all bodies fall down from the heavens, principally into the ocean, and being mixed together, we find that a variety of monstrous forms are in this way frequently produced.”

[2198] Hardouin has the following remark on this passage. “Rondelet and Aldrovandus only waste their time and pains in making their minute inquiries into the present names of these fish, which took their names from grapes, the wood, the saw, and the cucumber; for by no other writer do we find them mentioned even.” Cuvier, however, does not seem to be of Hardouin’s opinion, that such investigations are a waste of time, and has suggested that the eggs of the Sepia officinalis may be alluded to, the eggs of which are in clusters of a dark colour, and bearing a strong resemblance to black grapes. This resemblance to a bunch of grapes is noticed by Pliny himself, in c. 74 of the present Book.

[2199] He alludes, most probably, to what we call the “sword-fish,” the “Xiphias gladius” of Linnæus.

[2200] Probably, in allusion to the “Squalus pristis” of Linnæus.

[2201] Cuvier suggests that he probably alludes to the “Holothuria pentactes” of Linnæus, or the sea-priapus; and remarks, that when the animal contracts itself, it bears a very strong resemblance to a cucumber.

[2202] Cuvier says, that he most probably alludes to the “Syngnathus hippocampus” of Linnæus. This little fish, he says, is also called the sea-horse, and having the body armed with a hard coat, might very easily have been taken for a shell-fish. Its head, in miniature, bears a very strong resemblance to that of a horse.

[2203] It is not accurately known what fish was meant by the ancients, under the name of “balæna.” According to some writers, it is considered to be the same with what we call the “grampus.”

[2204] A space, as Hardouin remarks, greater than that occupied by some towns, the “jugerum” being 240 feet long, and 120 broad. The vast size of great fishes was a favourite subject with some of the ancient writers, and their accounts were eagerly copied by some of the early fathers. Bochart has collected these various accounts in his work on Animals, B. i. c. 7. In the “Arabian Nights” also, we find accounts of huge fishes in the eastern seas, so large as to be taken for islands. The existence of the sea-serpent is still a question in dispute; and a whale of large size, is a formidable obstacle in the way of a ship of even the largest burthen.

[2205] As Hardouin remarks, we can learn neither from the works of Pliny, nor yet of Ælian, what fish the pristis really was. From Nonius Marcellus, c. 13, we find that it was a very long fish of large size, but narrow body. Hardouin says that it was a fish of the cetaceous kind, found in the Indian seas, which, in his time, was known by some as the “vivella,” with a long bony muzzle serrated on either side, evidently meaning the saw-fish. Pristis was a favourite name given by the Romans to their ships. In the boat-race described by Virgil in the Æneid, B. v., one of the boats is so called.

[2206] Cuvier remarks, that he himself had often seen the “langouste,” or large lobster, as much as four feet in length, and the “homard,” usually a smaller kind, of an equal size. The length, however, given by Pliny would make six or eight feet, according to the length of the cubit.

[2207] Cuvier says, that it is an exaggeration by travellers, which there is nothing in nature at all to justify. Probably, however, some animals of the genus boa, or python, or large water-snakes may have given rise to the story.

[2208] On the southern coast of Arabia.

[2209] Ptolemy Philadelphus.

[2210] See B. vi. c. [23], [25]. Strabo, in his fifteenth Book, tells the same story of the Ichthyophagi, situate between the Carmani and the Oritæ. Dalechamps suggests that the Gedrosi mentioned this in relation to the Ichthyophagi, who were probably their neighbours.

[2211] Also called the Cophetes. See B. vi. c. [25]. The commander of Alexander’s fleet more especially alluded to, is probably Nearchus, who wrote an account of his voyage, to which Pliny has previously made allusion in B. vi. and which is followed by Strabo, in B. xv., and by Arrian, in his “Indica.”

[2212] Hardouin remarks, that the Basques of his day were in the habit of fencing their gardens with the ribs of the whale, which sometimes exceeded twenty feet in length; and Cuvier says, that at the present time, the jaw-bone of the whale is used in Norway for the purpose of making beams or posts for buildings.

[2213] Onesicritus, quoted by Strabo, B. xv., says., that in the vicinity of Taprobane, or Ceylon, there were animals which had an amphibious life, some of which resembled oxen, some horses, and various other land animals. Cuvier is of opinion, that not improbably the “Trichecum manatum” and the “Trichecum dugong” of Linnæus are alluded to, which are herbivorous animals, though nearly allied to the cetacea, and which are in the habit of coming to pasture on the grass or sea-weed they may chance to find on the shore.

[2214] It is remarked by Cuvier, that there is no resemblance whatever between the domesticated animals and any of the cetacea; but that the imagination of the vulgar has pictured to itself these supposed resemblances, by the aid of a lively imagination.

[2215] From the Greek φυσητὴρ, “a blower,” probably one of the whale species, so called from its blowing forth the water. Hardouin remarks, that Pliny mentions the Gallic Ocean, in B. vi. c. 33, as ending at the Pyrenees; and, probably, by this term he means the modern Bay of Biscay. Rondeletius, B. xvi. c. 14, says, that this fish is the same that is called by the Narbonnese peio mular, by the Italians capidolio, and by the people of Saintonge, “sedenette.” Cuvier conjectures also, that this was some kind of large whale; a fish which was not unfrequently found, in former times, in the gulf of Aquitaine, the inhabitants of the shores of which were skilled in its pursuit. Ajasson states that Valmont de Bomare was of opinion that it was the porpoise; but, as he justly remarks, the size of that animal does not at all correspond with the magnitude of the “physeter,” as here mentioned.

[2216] Cuvier suggests that the idea of such an animal as the one here mentioned, probably took its rise in the kind of sea star-fish, now known as Medusa’s head, the Asterias of Linnæus; but that the enormous size here attributed to it, has no foundation whatever in reality. He remarks also, that the inhabitants of the north of Europe, have similar stories relative to a huge polypus, which they call the “kraken.” We may, however, be allowed to observe, that the “kraken,” or “korven,” mentioned by good bishop Pontoppidan, bears a closer resemblance to the so-called “sea-serpent,” than to anything of the polypus or sepia genus.

[2217] “Rotæ.” Cuvier suggests that this idea of the wheel was taken from the class of zoophytes named “Medusæ,” by Linnæus, which have the form of a disc, divided by radii, and dots which may have been taken for eyes. But then, as he says, there are none of them of an excessive size, as Pliny would seem to indicate by placing them in this Chapter, and which Ælian has absolutely attributed to them in B. xiii. c. 20. Of the largest rhizostoma, Cuvier says, that he had even seen, the diameter of the disc did not exceed two feet.

[2218] Lisbon. See B. iv. c. 35.

[2219] One of the Scholiasts on Homer says, that before the discovery of the brazen trumpet by the Tyrrhenians, the conch-shell was in general use for that purpose. Hardouin, with considerable credulity, remarks here, that it is no fable, that the nereids and tritons had a human face; and says that no less than fifteen instances, ancient and modern, had been adduced, in proof that such was the fact. He says that this was the belief of Scaliger, and quotes the book of Aldrovandus on Monsters, p. 36. But, as Cuvier remarks, it is impossible to explain these stories of nereids and tritons, on any other grounds than the fraudulent pretences of those who have exhibited them, or asserted that they have seen them. “It was only last year,” he says, “that all London was resorting to see a wonderful sight in what is commonly called a mermaid. I myself had the opportunity of examining a very similar object: it was the body of a child, in the mouth of which they had introduced the jaws of a sparus [probably our “gilt-head],” while for the legs was substituted the body of a lizard. The body of the London mermaid,” he says, “was that of an ape, and a fish attached to it supplied the place of the hind legs.”

[2220] Primarily the nereids were sea-nymphs, the daughters of Nereus and Doris. Dalechamps informs us, that Alexander ab Alexandro states that he once saw a nereid that had been thrown ashore on the coasts of the Peloponnesus, that Trapezuntius saw one as it was swimming, and that Draconetus Bonifacius, the Neapolitan, saw a triton that had been preserved in honey, and which many had seen when taken alive on the coast of Epirus. We may here remark, that the triton is the same as our “mer-man,” and the nereid is our “mermaid.”

[2221] Of Gallia Lugdunensis, namely. The legatus was also called “rector,” and “proprætor.”

[2222] Or “mer-man,” as we call it. Dalechamps, in his note, with all the credulity of his time, states that a similar sea-man had been captured, it was said, in the preceding age in Norway, and that another had been seen in Poland, dressed like a bishop, in the year 1531. Juvenal, in his 14th Satire, makes mention of the “monsters of the ocean, and the youths of the sea.”

[2223] See B. iv. c. 31, 32.

[2224] See B. iv. c. 33.

[2225] Dalechamps says that this elephant is the same as the “rosmarus” of Olaus Magnus, B. xxxii. c. 11. It is remarked by Cuvier, that cetaceous animals have at all times received the names of those belonging to the land. The sea-ram, he thinks, may have been the great dolphin, which is called the “bootskopf,” and which has above the eye a white spot, curved in nearly a similar manner to the horn of a ram. The “elephant,” again, he suggests, may have been the Trichechus rosmarus of Linnæus, or the morse, which has large tusks projecting from its mouth, similar to those of the elephant. This animal, however, as he says, is confined to the northern seas, and does not appear ever to have come so far south as our coasts. Juba and Pausanias, however, speak of these horns of the sea-ram as being really teeth or tusks.

[2226] Judging from the account of it here given, and especially in relation to the teeth, Cuvier is inclined to think that the cachelot whale, the Physeter macrocephalus of Linnæus, is the animal here alluded to.

[2227] Solinus, generally a faithful mimic of Pliny, makes the measure only half a foot. Cuvier says that there can be little doubt that the bones represented to have been those of the monster to which Andromeda was exposed, were the bones, and more especially the lower jaws, of the whale. Ajasson certainly appears to have mistaken the sense of this passage. He says that it must not be supposed that Pliny means the identical bones of the animal which was about to devour Andromeda, but of one of the animals of that kind; and he exercises his wit at the expense of those who would construe the passage differently, in saying that these bones ought to have been sent to those who show in their collections such articles as the knife with which Cain slew Abel. Now, there can be no doubt that these bones were not those of the monster which the poets tell us was about to devour Andromeda; but the Romans certainly supposed that they were, and Pliny evidently thought so too, for in B. v. c. 14, he speaks of the chains by which she was fastened to the rock, at Joppa, as still to be seen there. M. Æmilius Scaurus, the younger, is here referred to.

[2228] As already mentioned, there is considerable doubt what fish of the whale species is meant under this name. Cuvier says, that even at the present day whales are occasionally found in the Mediterranean, and says that there is the head of one in the Museum of Natural History, that was thrown ashore at Martigues. He also observes, that in the year 1829, one had been cast upon the coasts of Languedoc. Ajasson suggests, that not improbably whales once frequented the Mediterranean in great numbers, but that as commerce increased, they gradually retreated to the open ocean.

[2229] Rondelet, B. xvi. c. 13, says that this animal was called “espaular” by the people of Saintonge. Cuvier is of opinion, also, that it is the same animal, which is also known by the name of “bootskopf,” the Delphinus orca of Linnæus. (See N. [2225].) This cetaceous animal, he says, is a most dangerous enemy to the whale, which it boldly attacks, devouring its tongue, which is of a tender quality and enormous size. He thinks, however, that the orca taken at the port of Ostia was no other than a cachelot.

[2230] The Liburna, or Liburnica, was usually a bireme, or two-oared galley, with the mast in the middle, though sometimes of larger bulk. From the description given of these by Varro, as quoted by Aulus Gellius, B. xvii. c. 3, they seem, as it has been remarked, somewhat similar to the light Indian massooliah boats, which are used to cross the surf? in Madras roads. Pliny tells us, in B. xvi. c. 17, that the material of which they were constructed was pine timber, as free from resin as it could possibly be obtained. The beak of these vessels was of great comparative weight, and its sharpness is evidently alluded to in the present passage, as also in B. x. c. 32. The term “Liburna” was adopted from the assistance rendered to Augustus by the Liburni at the battle of Actium.

[2231] These works were completed by Nero the successor of Claudius, and consisted of a new and more capacious harbour on the right arm of the Tiber. It was afterwards enlarged and improved by Trajan. This harbour was simply called “Portus Romanus,” or “Portus Augusti;” and around it there sprang up a town known as “Portus,” the inhabitants of which were called “Portuenses.”

[2232] “Naufragiis tergorum.” This may probably mean a shipwreck, in which some hides had fallen into the sea.

[2233] It is remarked by Rezzonico, that Palermus, in the account of this story given by him in B. i. c. 1, has mistaken Pliny’s meaning, and evidently thinks that “unum” refers to the soldiers, and not the boats engaged in the attack.

[2234] “Ora.” Cuvier remarks, that it is not the “mouth of the animal but the nostrils, that are situate on the top of the head, and that through these it sends forth vast columns of water.” Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 3, has a similar passage, from which Pliny copied this assertion of his.

[2235] Cuvier remarks, that these are the animals of the cetaceous class, which resemble the quadrupeds in the formation of the viscera, their respiration, and the mammæ; and which, in fact, only differ from them in their general form, which more nearly resembles that of fishes.

[2236] Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 2.

[2237] “Doctrinæ indaginibus.” This certainly seems a better reading than “doctrina indignis,” which has been adopted by Sillig, and which would make complete nonsense of the passage.

[2238] Dalechamps states that Cælius Rhodiginus, B. iv. c. 15, has entered very fully into this subject.

[2239] Cuvier remarks, on this passage, that the mollusca have, instead of blood, a kind of azure or colourless liquid. He observes also, that insects respire by means of tracheæ, or elastic tubes, which penetrate into every part of the body; and that the gills of fish are as essentially an organ of respiration as the lungs. All, he says, that Pliny adds as to the introduction of air into water, is equally conformable to truth; and that it is by means of the air mingled with the water, or of the atmosphere which they inhale at the surface, that fishes respire.

[2240] In the shape of vapour raised by the action of the sun. In accordance with this opinion, Cicero says, De Nat. Deor. B. ii. s. 27, “The air arises from the respiration of the waters, and must be looked upon as a sort of vapour coming from them.”

[2241] But, as Hardouin remarks, this act on the part of the fish is caused as much by the water as the air.

[2242] As Hardouin remarks, this is a somewhat singular notion that sleep is produced by the action of the lungs.

[2243] Hardouin asks, what this has to do with the question about the air which Pliny is here discussing? and then suggests that his meaning may possibly be, that the moon has an influence on bodies through the medium of the air, in accordance with the notion of the ancients that the respiration was more free during the time of full moon. Littré says, that Pliny’s meaning is, that since the influence of the moon is able to penetrate the waters, the air and the vital breath can of course penetrate them also.

[2244] See B. x. c. [89], where this subject is further discussed.

[2245] “Infectum aera.”

[2246] See Aristotle, De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13, and Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 2.

[2247] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 5.

[2248] Cuvier remarks, that these nostrils, or vent-holes, are placed somewhat further back on the head in the dolphin than in the whale; but at the same time they cannot be said to be situate on the back of the animal.

[2249] Or “seals.” They will be further mentioned in c. 15 of the present Book.

[2250] Or “turtles,” which are more fully described in c. 21 of this Book.

[2251] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 74.

[2252] Cuvier remarks, that in the present Chapter there is a confusion of the peculiarities of two different animals, and refers the reader to his Note on B. viii. c. 38, which, so far as it has not been set forth, is to the following effect:—“I may here remark, that Pliny speaks on several occasions of dolphins with spines or stings on the back, although at other times he is found to give that name to the same cetaceous animal which is so denominated by us. Thus, in his story in B. ix. c. 8, of the friendship conceived by a dolphin in Lake Lucrinus for a child at Baiæ, he takes care to remark that the dolphin, when taking the child on his back, concealed his spines beneath his dorsal fin. I am of opinion, however, that I have recognized the fish which Seneca, Pliny, and even Aristotle have sometimes confounded with the real dolphin, apparently because it had received that name from certain fishermen, and these are my reasons for forming this conclusion. In c. 7 of the Ninth Book, Pliny mingles with many facts that really do belong to the real dolphin, one trait which is quite foreign to it. ‘It is so swift,’ says he, ‘that were it not for the fact that its mouth is situate much beneath its muzzle, almost, indeed, in the middle of its belly, not a fish would be able to escape its pursuit: in consequence of this, it can only seize its prey by turning on its back.’ This, it must be observed, is not one of those mistakes which we are to put down to Pliny’s own account, and of which he has so many; for we find Aristotle as well, who has so perfectly known and described the ordinary dolphin, attributing a mouth similarly situate to the dolphin and the cartilaginous animals. This fact, which is totally false as regards the real dolphin, is, in all probability, applicable to the alleged dolphin, whose back is mentioned as being armed with spines. These three characteristics, a mouth situate very far beneath the nose, spines on the back, and power and swiftness sufficient to enable it to fight the crocodile, are only to be found united in certain of the genus ‘Squalus,’ such as the ‘Squalus centrina,’ and the ‘Squalus spinax’ of Linnæus.”

[2253] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5. From this description Hardouin is induced to think that Rondelet and Aldrovandus are wrong in their conclusions that it is the sea-hog, or porpoise, that is meant. Cuvier also says, that this description will not apply to the real dolphin, though it is strictly applicable to the Squalus acanthias, Squalus ricinus, and others; to the former of which also the spines or stings mentioned by Pliny appropriately belong; all the other characteristics, he says, which are here mentioned by Pliny, are applicable to the real dolphin, though in modern times it has never been brought to such a degree of tameness. Hence it is that some writers have supposed that Pliny is here speaking of the Trichechus manatus of Linnæus, by the French called “lamentin,” by us the “sea-cow.” Cuvier says, that he should be inclined to be of the same opinion, were it not for the fact that that animal does not frequent the coasts of the Mediterranean.

[2254] Copied literally from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5, and De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13.

[2255] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74.

[2256] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 48, says not the sails, but the masts of ships; and Pintianus remarks, that Pliny has been deceived by the resemblance of the words, ἱστὸς and ἱστίον. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 12, has a similar statement also.

[2257] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 9. Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 660.

[2258] Fishermen having notched the tail of the animal when young, and recognized it by these marks thirty years afterwards.

[2259] “Incertâ de causâ.” Pintianus, following the similar account given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 48, takes the words to mean “temere,” “hap-hazard,” “without any motive whatever.” Ajasson says that it is their eager pursuit of small fishes which sometimes betrays them into leaping on shore, and occasionally, the pain caused by attacks of parasitical sea-insects and other animals.

[2260] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 49, says that the dolphin makes this noise when it comes to the air.

[2261] He would seem to imply that the dolphin knows that it is “simus,” or “flat-nosed,” for which reason it is particularly fond of being called “Simo,” or “flat-nose,” a piece of good taste and intelligence remarkable even in a dolphin. Hardouin undertakes to explain their remarkable liking for this name on other grounds, and says that when a song was sung, they were charmed by the pronunciation of the word “Simo” every now and then, the last syllable being drawn out at great length. Ajasson suggests that the only reason for which this name delighted them, was probably the sibilant or hissing sound made when it is frequently repeated.

[2262] “Symphoniæ cantu.” Hardouin is of opinion that this means the music of the “symphonia,” that being some kind of musical instrument. But, as Ajasson remarks, the meaning is much more likely to be, “singing in concert,” where there are several performers, and each takes his own part in the symphony. It might, however, possibly mean singing and music combined, similar to the performance of Arion, mentioned at the end of the Chapter.

[2263] The organ was so called by the ancients, from the resemblance borne by its pipes to “hydraula,” or water-pipes, and from the fact of the bellows being acted on by the pressure of water. According to an author quoted by Athenæus, B. iv. c. 75, the first organist was Ctesibius of Alexandria, who lived about B.C. 200. It is not improbable that Pliny refers to this invention in B. vii. c. 38. The pipes of the organ of Ctesibius were partly of bronze and partly of reed, and Tertullian describes it as a very complicated instrument.

[2264] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 15, tells this story as well, and Aulus Gellius, B. vii. c. 8, relates it from the fifth Book of the Ægyptiaca of Apion, who stated that he himself had witnessed the fact.

[2265] The Lucrine Lake originally communicated with the sea, but was afterwards separated from the Bay of Cumæ by a dyke eight stadia in length. In the time of Augustus, however, Agrippa opened a communication between the Lake and the Bay, for the purpose of forming the Julian harbour. If the circumstance here mentioned by Pliny happened before this period, “invectus” must mean “carried by human agency;” but if after, it is possible that the fish may have been carried into the lake by the tide. For an account of the lake, see B. iii. c. 9.

[2266] See B. iii. c. 9.

[2267] “Pinnarum aculeas.” See the remarks of Cuvier on this passage, and his conclusion as to the fish meant, in his Note in p. 369.

[2268] Oppian, in his Halieutica, B. v. l. 453, mentions this story also, and of course Solinus does.

[2269] See B. v. c. 3.

[2270] The island and city of Caria. See B. v. c. 29.

[2271] Being alarmed by the pursuit of the fish while he was swimming.

[2272] Athenæus, B. xiii., tells this story more at large, and states that the name of the child was Dionysius. Hardouin remarks, that Solinus, the ape of Pliny, has absolutely read this passage as though the child’s name had been Babylon; upon the strength of which, Saumaise had proposed to alter the reading in Pliny, not remembering at the time that the boy’s name had been given by Athenæus.

[2273] This story is also told by Plutarch, in his work on the Instincts of Animals.

[2274] Aulus Gellius, B. vii. c. 8, mentions this story, borrowing it probably from Theophrastus.

[2275] The people of the territory in which Amphilochian Argos was situate, and lying to the south of Ambracia. See B. iv. c. 2.

[2276] The people of Tarentum. See B. iii. c. 16.

[2277] Ovid tells the story of Arion more fully, and in beautiful language, in the Fasti, B. ii. l. 92, et seq.

[2278] A promontory in the south of Laconia, now Cape Matapan. See B. iv. c. 7. Solinus, c. 7, tells us that there was a temple of Arion of Methymna, situate on this spot, in which there was a figure of him seated on a dolphin’s back, and made of bronze; with an inscription stating that this wonderful circumstance took place in the 29th Olympiad, in which year Arion had been victorious in the Sicilian games. Philostorgius, in B. i. of his Ecclesiastical History, tells us also of a martyr who was saved by a dolphin, which bore him to Helenopolis, a city of Nicomedia.

[2279] Now Nismes. See B. iii. c. 5.

[2280] Still known as the Lake of Lattes, in the department of Narbonne. Cuvier says that the mullet-fishing is still carried on in this lake, which is on the shores of Languedoc, and refers to D’Astruc’s Memoirs on the Natural History of that province. The dolphins, however, he says, no longer take part in the sport; and he observes that the same story is told by Ælian, B. ii. c. 8, and Albertus Magnus, De Anim. B. xxiv., with reference to other places. Oppian, in his Halieutica, B. v., makes Eubœa the scene of these adventures, while Albertus Magnus speaks of the shores of Italy. Rondelet, in his Book on Fishes, says that it used to take place on the coasts of Spain, near Palamos. Cuvier suggests, with Belon and D’Astruc, that the story arose from the fact that the dolphins, while pursuing the shoals of mullets, sometimes drove them into the creeks and salt-water lakes on the coast; a fact which has been sometimes found to cause the fish to be caught in greater abundance.

[2281] Dalechamps tells us that the people of Montpellier call this outlet “La Crau,” and that it is in the vicinity of Mangueil.

[2282] Were it not for the word “nihilominus” here, it would look as if the meaning were, that although the ends of the nets are hoisted up, the fish are so active that they jump over the side, and thus get enclosed. By the use of that word, however, it would seem to mean, that although the sides are hoisted up, the fish are so nimble, that they clear the nets altogether. If the latter is the meaning, Pliny probably intends to speak only of what some of them are able to do: otherwise it is hard to see of what utility the nets were in the operation.

[2283] “Quos interemere.” Pintianus suggests “æquo interim jure”—“with equal rights,” instead of these words, and Pelicier does not disapprove of the suggestion; for Ælian states, in B. ii. c. 8, Hist. Anim., that the dolphins used to share the fish equally with the fishermen of Eubœa. But, as Hardouin says, the words “quos interemere” have reference to the statement above, that “they content themselves for the present with killing them only.” And besides, if the fishermen gave them an equal share, it is not likely that they would give them still more of the fish on the following day.

[2284] Ælian also mentions this, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 8.

[2285] The same is stated in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 6.

[2286] This is also mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 74.

[2287] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 6.

[2288] Cuvier remarks, that there is some confusion here between an animal of the dolphin kind, and another of the genus Squalus. He suggests that the Delphinus tursio of Linnæus (our porpoise) is meant; but then there would be no ground for comparing its teeth with those of the dog-fish or shark. He remarks also, that Athenæus, B. vii. p. 310, speaks of pieces of salted flesh from the dog-fish, as being called by the name of tursio.

[2289] Under this name he probably means the shark as well as the dog-fish. This passage is curiously rendered by Holland. “But especially they are snouted like dogges, when they snarle, grin, and are readie to do a shrewd turne.”

[2290] We may here remark, that Pliny throughout calls these animals “testudines,”—“tortoises.” It has been thought better, in the translation, in order to avoid confusion, to give them their distinctive name of “turtle.”

[2291] This passage, down to the words “to the fishermen,” is found in Agatharchides, as quoted by Photius.

[2292] See B. xxxii. c. 4.

[2293] Cuvier says that this is evidently a gross exaggeration on the part of some traveller; and Ajasson remarks, that the very largest turtle known does not exceed five feet in length, and four in breadth. In such a case, the superficies of the calapash or shell would be only from twenty to twenty-four feet, and this, be it remembered, in one of the very largest size.

[2294] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 3, has a similar passage.

[2295] See B. v. c. 17.

[2296] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 3, states to a similar effect.

[2297] Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 522, has a passage to a somewhat similar effect. Holland’s notion of the meaning of this passage is singular in the extreme. “The female fleeth from the male, and will not abide to engender, until such time as he pricke her behind, and sticke somewhat in her taile for running away from him so fast.”

[2298] Cuvier remarks, that it is evident that the fore-feet were here taken for horns, they being in the turtle long, narrow, and pointed.

[2299] From the Greek χέλυον, “tortoise-shell.” See B. vi. c. [34].

[2300] Or “turtle eaters.” See B. vi. c. [28].

[2301] From χερσιναὶ, “land turtles,” or “tortoises.”

[2302] “Repositorium” seems to have been the name for a large tray upon which viands were brought to table; and probably for stands similar to our sideboards, as well as cabinets or wardrobes. Carvilius Pollio, a Roman eques, lived in the time of the Dictator Sylla, and was celebrated for his luxury in ornamental furniture. He is again mentioned by Pliny in B. xxx. c. 51.

[2303] The Latin is “cortex,” which probably means a “bark,” or “rind.” Ajasson remarks upon the meagreness of the Latin language, in supplying appropriate words for scientific purposes, and congratulates himself upon adding the word, “carapax,” (signifying “callipash,” as we call it) to the Latin vocabulary.

[2304] By us known as the “angel-fish,” the “Squalus squatina” of Linnæus, a kind of shark. From this property of its skin, it was called by the Greeks ῥίνη the “file.” See B. xxxii. c. 53.

[2305] Probably the Muræna helena of Linnæus. See more on it in c. [23] of the present Book.

[2306] Spoken of more fully in c. 23 of this Book.

[2307] Cuvier remarks, how very inappropriately Pliny places the pristis (probably the saw-fish) and the balæna among the animals that are covered with hair. Aristotle, he says, in his Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 12, goes so far as to say that the pristis and the ox-fish (a kind of ray or thorn-back, probably) bring forth their young like the balæna and the dolphin, but does not go beyond that. Cuvier says also, that what is here stated of the sea-calf is in general correct, except the statements as to the properties of its skin and its right fin, the stories relative to which are, of course, neither more nor less than fabulous.

[2308] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 11, states to the like effect.

[2309] “Fremitu.” From their lowing noise, the French have also called these animals “veaux de mer,” and we call them “sea-calves.” Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 56, and Diodorus Siculus, B. iii., also speak of training the sea-calf. Hardouin says that Lopez de Gomara, one of the more recent writers on Mexico, in his day, had given an account of an Indian sea-calf, or manati, as it was called by the natives, that had become quite tame, and answered readily to its name; and that, although not very large, it was able to bear ten men on its back. He also tells us of a much more extraordinary one, which Aldrovandus says he himself had seen at Bologna, which would give a cheer (vocem ederet) for the Christian princes when asked, but would refuse to do so for the Turks; just, Hardouin says, as we see dogs bark, and monkeys grin and jump, at the mention of a particular name.

[2310] Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 408, mentions this fact, and Juvenal, Sat. iii. l. 238, alludes to it: “Would break the slumbers of Drusus and of sea-calves.”

[2311] This assertion, though untrue, no doubt, as to sympathy with the tides, is in some degree supported by the statement of Rondelet, B. xvi. c. 6, who says that he had often perceived changes in the wind and weather prognosticated by the hide of this animal; for that when a south wind was about to blow, the hair would stand erect, while when a north wind was on the point of arising, it would lie so flat that you would hardly know that there was any hair on the surface.

[2312] Hardouin remarks, that Pliny classes the viper probably among the aquatic animals, either because it was said to couple with the muræna, or else because it has a womb not unlike that of the cartilaginous fishes.

[2313] Hardouin suggests that the proper reading here is probably 144, because in B. xxxii. c. 51, Pliny speaks of 174 different kinds of fishes, and here he says that the crustacea are thirty in number. Daubenton speaks of the species of fishes as being 866 in number, while Lacèpede says that he had examined more than a thousand, but that was far below the real number. Cuvier mentions specimens of about 6000 kinds of fishes, in the Cabinet du Roi. Ajasson remarks upon the learned investigations of Cuvier on this subject, and his researches in Sumatra, Java, Kamschatka, New Zealand, New Guinea, and elsewhere, for the purpose of increasing the list of the known kinds of fishes.

[2314] B. xxx. c. 53.

[2315] About 1200 pounds. Cetti, in his “Natural History of Sardinia,” vol. iii. p. 134, says that tunnies weighing a thousand pounds are far from uncommon, and that they have been taken weighing as much as 1800 pounds.

[2316] The same as the Latin “dodrans,” or about nine inches. This passage is taken almost verbatim from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. c. 34. Cuvier says that this passage, although like the preceding one, taken from Aristotle, is much more incredible, (though Lacèpede, by the way, disputes Pliny’s statement as to the weight of the tunny). “A distance,” Cuvier says, “of from seven to eight feet from one point of the fork of the tail to the other, would denote a fish twenty-five feet in length; and it must be observed, that most of the MSS. of Pliny say two cubits.” Aristotle, however, beyond a doubt says five.

[2317] Now universally recognized as the sly silurus, or sheat-fish, called in the United States the horn-pout, the Silurus glanis of Linnæus. On this formerly much-discussed question, Cuvier has an interesting Note. “There can now be no longer any doubt as to the silurus; it is evidently synonymous with the ‘glanis’ of Aristotle; as we find Pliny, in c. 17 and 51, giving the same characteristics of the silurus, as Aristotle does of the glanis, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 20, and B. ix. c. 37; such, for instance, as the care it takes of its young, and the effects produced upon it by the dog-fish and the approach of storms. It is easy to prove also that it is not the sturgeon, [as Hardouin thought it to be], but the fish that is still called ‘silurus’ by the naturalists, the ‘wels’ or ‘schaid’ of the Germans, the ‘saluth’ of the Swiss, &c.”

[2318] Cuvier remarks, that it is by no means clear what fish is meant by this name, which is only found here and once in Hesychius, who calls it κητώδης, “of the large kind.” Rondelet, in his account of river fish, suggests that “exos” is the proper reading, and that under this name is meant a species of sturgeon. Gesner asks if it might not possibly have been the “brochet;” but, as Cuvier says, that fish was well-known to the Romans under the name of “lucius” [our pike], and it is not sufficiently large for Pliny to compare it to the wels or the attilus, and for Hesychius to have enumerated it among the “large” fishes. It is in accordance, however, with this suggestion of Gesner that the pike genus bears the name of “esox” in modern Natural History.

[2319] Cuvier says that there are found in the river Padus, or Po, several species of very large sturgeons, and that there is one of these which still bears the name, according to Salvian and Rondelet, of adello and adilo. Aldrovandus, he says, calls it adelo or ladano. This Cuvier takes to be the attilus of Pliny. But, according to Rezzonico, Paulus Jovius denies that the attilus or adelus of the people of Ferrara is of the sturgeon genus; but says that it is so much larger than the sturgeon, and so different in shape, flavour, value, and natural habits, that the names of these two fishes were used proverbially by the people, when they were desirous to signify two objects of totally different nature. Rezzonico remarks, that the name given to it in Ferrara was properly “l’adano,” which became corrupted into “ladano,” and expresses it as his opinion that it was the same with the esox of the Rhine. He also states, that, from the exceeding whiteness of the flesh, the ladano was called by the fishermen, sturione bianco.

[2320] Rezzonico says that this may possibly have happened in Pliny’s day, but that in modern times no attilus or ladano is found weighing more than 500 pounds. He says that this fish may, in comparison with the sturgeon, be aptly called an inert fish; for while the sturgeon makes the greatest possible resistance to the fishermen, the other is taken with the greatest ease.

[2321] Cuvier says, that this was probably the Petromyzon branchialis of Linnæus, the lampillon, a little fish resembling a worm, which adheres to the gills of other fish, and sucks the blood. The same name was also given to the Clupea alosa of Linnæus, our “shad;” indeed Linnæus gave this name to the whole herring and pilchard genus, erroneously classing them with the shad.

[2322] The Main of the present day. But Dalechamps would read “Rheno;” for, he says, this river was not known to the ancients by the name of Mœnus.

[2323] According to Albertus Magnus, this fish, which so strongly resembled the sea-pig, or porpoise, was the huso, a kind of sturgeon.

[2324] See B. iv. c. 26. Cuvier says, that the fish here alluded to, is one of the large species of sturgeon, so common in the rivers that fall into the Black Sea, the bones of which are cartilaginous, and the flesh is generally excellent eating.

[2325] Cuvier says, that this is probably the dolphin of the Ganges; a fish described by Dr. Roxburgh, in his “Account of Calcutta,” vol. vii. This fish, he says, has the muzzle and the tail of the common dolphin; but he declines to assert that it attains the length of sixteen cubits.

[2326] Solinus gives an account of these worms of the Ganges, also from Sebosus, but not exactly to the same effect as Pliny. He says, that they are of an azure colour, are six cubits in length, and that they have two arms. He gives the same account as to their extraordinary strength.

[2327] It is evident that there is some mistake in the MSS. either of Solinus or Pliny, as they both copied from the same source. Pliny speaks of “branchiæ,” or gills, while Solinus mentions “brachia,” or arms; the former, however, appears to be the preferable reading. Cuvier remarks that Ctesias, in his Indica, c. 27, has given a similar account, but that the worm mentioned by him has two teeth, and not gills, and that it only seizes oxen and camels, and not elephants. He states also, that an oil was extracted from it, which set on fire everything that it touched. Cuvier observes, that in most of the MSS. of Pliny the worm is sixty cubits long, instead of six, as in some few, a length which was quite necessary to enable it to devour an elephant; and he suggests that some large conger or muræna may have originally given rise to the story. It is by no means improbable that some individuals of the boa or python tribe, in the vicinity of the river, may have been taken for vast fish or river worms. Among the German traditions, we find the name “worm” given to huge serpents, which are said to have spread devastation far and wide; and in the north of England legends about similar “worms,” are by no means uncommon: the story about the “Laidly Worm,” in the county of Durham, for instance.

[2328] Although taken primarily from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 9, as Cuvier observes, this assertion is incorrect, as the male does not in any way differ from the female in the conformation of the fins. Pliny, however, has exaggerated the statement of Aristotle, who only says, that the female differs from the male in having a little fin under the belly, which the male has not; and not that the male has no ventral fin whatever.

[2329] “Magno mari;” meaning, no doubt, the Mediterranean.

[2330] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 17.

[2331] Or “mud-fish,” either from being born in mud, as Festus says, or from their concealing themselves in it.

[2332] “Clidio.” The “clidion,” or “clidium,” was the part of the fish which extended, as Festus says, from the two shoulders (armos) to the breast. The “claviculæ” were thus called by the Greek physicians.

[2333] The Greeks called the inner part, or black-coloured heart of the oak, μέλαν δρυὸς, whence the present name. Athenæus, B. vi. speaks of the choice parts cut from the orcyni, large tunnies, which were taken in the straits of Gades.

[2334] “Faucibus.” Cuvier observes, that modern experience has confirmed what Pliny says, as to the difference of flavour in these various parts of the tunny. He refers to Cetti, Ist. Nat. di Sardegna, vol. iii. p. 137.

[2335] “Exercitatissima.” “In greatest request, as being most stirred and exercised,” is the translation given by Holland; while Littré renders it “mieux nourries,” “best nourished.” According to the general notion in this country, the part about the tail is reckoned inferior, and anything but the “best nourished.” It is doubtful if “exercitatissima” is the correct reading; and if it is, its precise meaning has yet to be ascertained.

[2336] From the Greek ἀπόλεκτοι, “choice bits,” or, as we should say, “tit-bits.”

[2337] From the Greek κύβια.

[2338] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 16.

[2339] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 25.

[2340] This fish does not seem to have been exactly identified till recently; but was generally supposed to have been of the tunny genus. Appian says, that it is rather smaller than the tunny. Rondelet, B. viii., speaks of it as being, in his time, known by the name of “byza.” Cuvier has the following remark. “The ‘amia’ of the ancients, as Rondelet was well aware, was the same fish, to which, incorrectly, upon nearly all the coasts of the Mediterranean, the name of ‘pelamis’ has been transferred. It is, in fact, the same as the ‘limosa’ of Salvianus, the ‘pelamis’ of Belon, the ‘thynnus primus’ of Aldrovandus, and the ‘scomber sarda’ of Bloch. The proof of all these being synonymous, is the fact, that the ‘scomber sarda’ is the only species of the tunny genus in the Mediterranean, which has strong, sharp, cutting teeth, and is capable of attacking large fish, which Aristotle relates respecting the amia, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 37. The same author too, was well aware of the length of its gall-bladder, which is greater than in most other fishes.”

[2341] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 16.

[2342] Generally supposed, as Cuvier says, to have been the same as the mackerel, or Scomber scombrus of Linnæus, and with very fair reason. From the frequent remarks made on the subject by the Roman poets, we find that it was a very common fish at Rome, of small size, and was in little repute. It was wrapped in paper when exposed for sale, and bad poets were threatened with the mackerel, as they are at the present day with the grocer or butterman; or, as in the time of the Spectator, with the trunk-maker. Thus Persius says, Sat. i. l. 43. “and to leave writings worthy to be preserved in cedar, and verses that dread neither mackerel nor frankincense.” Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 2, enumerates this fish among those that are gregarious, and places it in company with the tunny and the pelamis, but states that it is inferior in strength, B. viii. c. 2. Cuvier says, that the mackerel still has names in different parts that are derived from the word “scomber,” they being called “sgombri” at Constantinople, scombri at Venice, and scurmu, scrumiu, and scumbirro in Sicily.

[2343] Cetarias. These “cetariæ,” or “cetaria,” Papias says, were pieces of standing salt water, in the vicinity of the sea-shore, in which tunnies and other large fish were kept, and adjoining to which were the salting-houses. In the middle ages these preserves were called “tunnariæ,” or “tunneries.”

[2344] As in the Euxine. Tunnies were caught on the Spanish coasts, as we learn from Athenæus, who, as quoted above, mentions the fisheries off Gades, for the orcynus, or large tunny. See N. [2333], p. 385.

[2345] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 16, from whom Pliny has here borrowed, makes a somewhat dissimilar statement. He says that “no noxious animal enters the Euxine, except the phocena [or porpoise], and the dolphin and little dolphin.” Hardouin remarks, however, that Pliny is right in his statement that seals are to be found in the Euxine, and that Rondelet, B. xvi. c. 9, for that reason has suggested that the reading ought to be altered in Aristotle, and not in Pliny.

[2346] Aristotle, B. viii. c. 6. Plutarch on the Instinct of Animals, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 42, say the same.

[2347] Called “chrysoceras,” in B. iv. c. 18, that being the Greek name for “golden horn.” He means, that in consequence of the lucrative nature of this fishery, it thence obtained the name of the “golden” horn. Dalechamps is of opinion that some person has here substituted the Latin “Aurei cornus,” for the Greek name Chrysoceras.

[2348] Hence, according to Strabo, Chalcedon obtained the name of the “City of the Blind,” the people having neglected to choose the opposite shore for the site of their city. Still, however, a kind of pelamis, or young tunny, from this place, had the name of “Chalcedonia,” and is spoken of as a most exquisite dainty by Aulus Gellius, B. vii c. 16.

[2349] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 16; Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix.; and Plutarch, in his Treatise on the Instincts of Animals, state to a similar effect.

[2350] Cuvier remarks that the “pompilos” of the ancients, which accompanied ships and left them on nearing the land, was the pilot-fish of the moderns, the Gasterosteus ductor of Linnæus. He thinks, however, that the name may have also been given to other fish as well, of similar habits.

[2351] Pleuronectes solea of Linnæus.

[2352] Pleuronectes maximus of Linnæus.

[2353] The cuttle-fish. The Sepia officinalis of Linnæus.

[2354] The ink-fish. The Sepia loligo of Linnæus.

[2355] Cuvier suggests that the turdus, or sea-thrush, and the merula, or sea-blackbird, were both fishes of the labrus tribe, usually known as “breams.” Hippolytus Salvianus, in his book on the Water Animals, states, that in his day—both these fish were extremely well known, and that they still retained the names of tordo and merlo. Rondelet, B. vi., says, that the fish anciently called turdus, was in his time known by the name of “vielle,” among the French. The dictionaries give “merling, or whiting,” as the synonyme of “merula.”

[2356] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 16, says, that on going into the Euxine, the trichiæ are either taken or else devoured by the other fishes, for that they are never seen to return.

[2357] The trichias, according to Cuvier, is a fish belonging to the family of herrings. A scholiast on Aristophanes attributes the origin of the name to the fine fish bones like hairs (θρὶξ), with which the flesh is filled, which is a characteristic peculiar to the herring kind. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 15, represents the membras, the trichis, and the trichias, as different ages of the same fish. The trichis was little, and very common. In Aristophanes, Knights, l. 662, we find an obol mentioned as the price of a hundred. From the Acharnæ of the same author, we learn that it was salted as provision for the fleets. Cuvier thinks that everything combines to point out the sardine, the Clupea sprattus of Linnæus, as the trichis, or else a similar kind of fish, the melette of the African coast, the Clupea meletta of the naturalists. In this latter case the trichias, he thinks, may have been the sardine, or, perhaps, the Clupea ficta of Lacèpede, which is called the “sardine” in some places, and at Lake Garda, in Lombardy, more especially.

[2358] The Danube. Cuvier says, that this passage probably bears reference to the clupea ficta or finte, which, as well as the shad, is in the habit of passing up streams. As for the story of the fish finding their way to the Adriatic, it is utterly without foundation. Cuvier adds, that the main difference between the finte and the clupea alosa, or shad, is, that the former has very fine teeth, the latter none at all.

[2359] Pliny has already remarked, B. iii. c. 18, in reference to the supposed descent of the Argonauts from the Ister into the Adriatic, that such a passage by water was totally impossible; hence, as Hardouin says, he is obliged here to have recourse to subterraneous passages.

[2360] The Pleiades. See B. ii. c. 47. The rising of the Pleiades was considered the beginning of summer, being the forty-eighth day after the vernal equinox. See also B. xviii. c. 59.

[2361] The evening setting, namely. This took place on the fourth day before the nones of November. See B. xviii. c. 74.

[2362] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 16.

[2363] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 16. Hardouin remarks, that the tunny which Pliny mentions in c. 17, as weighing so many hundreds of pounds, must certainly have been older than this.

[2364] This is, as Cuvier has remarked, a crustaceous insect of the parasitical class Lernæa, which are monoculous [and form the modern class of the Epizoa]. Gmelin, he says, has called it “Pennatula filosa,” though, in fact, it is not a pennatula [or polyp] at all. As Dalechamps observes, its appearance is very different from that of a scorpion. Penetrating the flesh of the tunny or sword-fish, it almost drives the creature to a state of madness.

[2365] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 19. Appian also, in his Halieutics, B. ii., makes mention of this animal. Pintianus remarks, that Athenæus, on reading this passage of Aristotle, read it not as “arachnes,” but “drachmes;” not the size of a spider, but the weight of a “drachma,” or Roman denarius.

[2366] Or the emperor fish, Cuvier says, the Xiphias gladius of Linnæus.

[2367] In confirmation of this, Suetonius says, “The day before Augustus fought the sea-battle off Sicily, while he was walking on the sea-shore, a fish leapt out of the sea and fell at his feet.”

[2368] Appian tells us, B. v., that Sextus Pompeius, on gaining some successes against Augustus at sea, caused himself to be called the “Son of Neptune,” as having been adopted by that divinity. There is also a coin of Pompey extant, which attests that he adopted the surname of “Neptunius.”

[2369] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 5. Cuvier remarks, that this is true, and more especially during the spawning season.

[2370] Aristotle says the same, but with the expression of some doubt as to the truth of the assertion. B. vi. c. 13.

[2371] The erythinus is supposed to be the roach, or rochet, of the present day, and the channe, the ruff or perch. Ovid, in his Halieuticon, l. 107, alludes to the same notion that is here mentioned: “And the channe, that reproduces itself, deprived of two-fold parents.” Cuvier remarks, that, wonderful as these assertions may be, they are not devoid, to all appearance, of a certain foundation; for that Cavolini has observed in the Perca cabrilla and Perca scriba of Linnæus, a species of hermaphroditism; the ovary having always in the interior a lobe, which, from its conformation, would appear to be for the milt; and that he is strongly of opinion that in this species, and some others of the same genus, all the fish produce eggs, and fecundate them themselves.

[2372] Cuvier says, that the channe is the Perca cabrilla of Linnæus, one of the serrans or trumpet-fish of the coasts of Provence. According to Forskal, Fauna Arabica, and Sonnini, it still has the name among the Turks and modern Greeks, of “chani,” or “channo,” and it was in these that Cavolini observed the singular organization previously mentioned. According to Athenæus, B. vii., Aristotle has described this fish as of a red colour, variegated with black rays, which answers very well to the Perca scriba of Linnæus, approaching most nearly to the Perca cabrilla.

[2373] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 75.

[2374] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 7.

[2375] Aristotle makes the same remark, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 25.

[2376] Cuvier observes, that all fishes are found to have in the membranous labyrinth of the ear, bodies like stone, enclosed in a certain kind of gelatinous liquor. These bodies, however, he says, are not equally large in all kinds of fish. He says that it is found largest in the sciæna.

[2377] The Perca labrax of Linnæus. Called “loup,” or “wolf,” on the Mediterranean coasts of France, and “bar” on the shores of the ocean.

[2378] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 19, attributes to the chromis, Cuvier says, stones in the head, B. iv. c. 8, an acute hearing, B. iv. c. 9, the power of making a sort of grunting noise, and the habit of living gregariously, and depositing the eggs once a year, B. iv. c. 9; all which characteristics, he says, are found in the Sciæna umbra of the naturalists, the maigre of the French. In addition to this, Epicharmus, as quoted by Athenæus, B. vii., says that the chromis and the xiphias are, at the beginning of spring, the very best of fish; a quality which must be admitted to belong to the maigre, for its size and its excellent flavour. However, he says, seeing that the glaucus, which Aristotle has distinguished from the chromis, has a still stronger resemblance to the maigre, and that, as Belon informs us, the ombrine, or Sciæna cirrhosa, is still sometimes called at Marseilles the “chro,” or the “chrau,” and that, as Gyllius says, on the coast of Genoa it has the name of “chro,” it would not be improbable that this is really the chromis of the Greeks, as Belon supposes.

[2379] From σκιὰ, the Greek for “shadow;” which name, as Cuvier says, has been translated by the moderns by the word “ombre,” or “umbra.” But this name has been given at the present day to so many fish of various kinds, from the “ombra” of the Italians and the “maigre” of the French, the Sciæna umbra of the naturalists, the ombrine or Sciæna cirrhosa of Linnæus, to the ombre of Auvergne, the Salmo thymallus of Linnæus, and the ombre chevalier, the Salmo umbra of Linnæus, that this synonyme does not aid us in discovering its identity. Aristotle says nothing relative to his sciæna, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 19, except that it has stones in the head, a thing that is common to this with many other fish. Pliny, in copying this passage, preserves the Greek name; but Ovid, Columella, and Ausonius give it the name of “umbra;” the one, however, described by the first two is a sea-fish, while that of Ausonius is a fresh-water fish. Varro, who cites the name of umbra among those given to fish, adds that the species which bears it owes its name to its peculiar colour; and as Ovid calls it “liveus,” or “livid,” it may be presumed to have been of a dark colour. It is very possible, then, that it may have been the corvus marinus, or sea-crow, the Sciæna nigra of Linnæus.

[2380] Or pagrus. This passage is from Aristotle, Hist. Nat. B. viii. c. 19. Cuvier says that there are several names of fish, known in the Mediterranean at the present day, as being from the φάγρος of Aristotle, such as the pagri or pageau, the fragolino, &c. names of a fish of a red silvery hue, the Sparus erythrinus of Linnæus, his Sparus pagrus being another species. The modern Greeks also call it φάγρος, the best proof of its identity with the phagros of Aristotle, or pager or phagrus of Pliny. This phagrus, Cuvier says, was not improbably the same as the modern pagre, as their characteristics quite agree, so far as those of the ancient phagrus are described. It is of red colour, and we find Ovid (Halieut. l. 108,) speaking of the “rutilus pagur,” and it was, according to Aristotle, B. viii. c. 13, caught equally out at sea and near the shore, and had stones in the head, B. viii. c. 19, or, in other words, stony bodies of large size in the labyrinthine cavities of the ear. Oppian, Halieut. B. iii. l. 185, says that the channe forms a delicate morsel for the pagrus, which shows that it was of considerable size; and several authors quoted by Athenæus, B. vii., give it the epithet of “great.” Hicesius says, in the same place, that it resembles the erythrus, the chromis, the anthias, and other fish of very different character among themselves; but it is only in relation to the flesh that he makes these comparisons, so that we are unable to come to any conclusion as to the form. But we find Numenius, also quoted by Athenæus, speaking of the φάγρον λοφίην, the “crested phagrus,” possibly in allusion to the height of the neck. The properties of its flesh are, if possible, still less characteristic. Hicesius says that it is of sweet flavour and nourishing, but rather astringent. Galen, however, says that it is hard, and difficult of digestion, when old. Archestratus looks upon its head as a delicacy, but thinks so little of the other parts, that they are not, in his opinion, worth carrying away. He was, however, well known to be much too refined in his notions of epicurism.

[2381] Hardouin says that Aristotle, B. viii. c. 20, from whom this account is taken, does not say this of all kinds of fish, but only of those which have large heads.

[2382] In B. viii. c. 54 and 55, where he is speaking of bears and other animals.

[2383] Cuvier states that Pliny takes this name from Aristotle, and that Athenæus, B. vii., says that it is synonymous with the Greek name, κορύφαινη. He also informs us, that modern naturalists have applied these two names to the dorade of navigators, the lampuga of the Spaniards and Sicilians, the Coryphæna hippurus of Linnæus, but that it is not clear that it has been applied on sufficient grounds: as there is no trace whatever of either of the two ancient names on the coasts of the Mediterranean, and the ancient writers have given no sufficient characteristics of the coryphæna or hippurus. It was, we learn, of excellent flavour, and in the habit of springing out of the water, from which, Athenæus says, it received the name of “arneutes,” from ἀρνὸς, “a lamb.”

[2384] Cuvier remarks, that Rondelet and others of the moderns have thought that this was synonymous with the crow-fish, the corb of the French, the Sciæna nigra of Linnæus, but that his own researches on the subject had led him to a different conclusion. Its name was derived, he says, from the Greek κόραξ, “a crow,” on account of the blackness of its colour, as Oppian says, Halieut. B. i. l. 133; but there were white ones as well, which Athenæus, B. viii., says, were the best eating, though the black ones were the most common. Aristophanes, as quoted by Athenæus, B. viii., calls it also the fish with black gills, μελανοπτέρυγον. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 10, says that it was a small fish, and one of those that increase rapidly in growth. It was little esteemed, and was much used, as we learn from Athenæus and the Geoponica, for salting, and making garum or fish-sauce. It was also used as a bait for the anthias or flower-fish. Strabo, B. xiii., also speaks of a river-fish of this name, as being found in the Nile; the flesh of which Athenæus mentions as being remarkably good eating, and the best among the fishes of the Nile. Martial also, B. xiii. Ep. 85, calls it “princeps Niliaci macelli,” the “prince of the produce of the Nile.” That fish, however, Pliny says, B. xxxii. c. 5, was peculiar to the Nile; and he states, B. v. c. 9, that in consequence of finding it in a lake of Lower Mauritania, Juba pretended that the Nile took its rise in that lake. Athenæus says, B. iii., that the dwellers on the Nile called it πέλτη, “the buckler;” and in B. vii., that the people of Alexandria called it πλάταξ, from its broad shape. Now, Cuvier remarks, it is well known that the best fish of the Nile at the present day is the bolty, the Labrus Niloticus of Linnæus, and the Chromis Nilotica of his own system; and this he takes to be the Coracinus albus. It is flat and compressed, and when held on the side, would appear almost circular in shape. Its colour appears white in comparison with that of another little fish of the same genus, the Sparus chromis of Linnæus, the Chromis castanea of Cuvier, which is of a brownish colour, and is found on the coast of France, where it has never been held in high esteem, except for the purposes of salting or making bait for other fish. He concludes, then, that this last was the sea coracinus, and the “bolty” of the present day that of the Nile.

[2385] Cuvier says, that it has been doubted, upon the authority of Paulus Jovius, whether by this name was signified the muræna of the present day, the Muræna helena of Linnæus, or the Petromizon marinus of Linnæus, the modern lamprey. These two fishes, he says, have in common a long smooth body, and are devoid of the symmetrical fins, and the flesh of both is of a delicate flavour. There are, however, several other characteristics mentioned, he says, from which it can be easily proved that in most of the passages of Pliny, Aristotle, and Ælian, where the muræna is mentioned, it is the Muræna helena that is meant. Ovid says, Halieut. ll. 114, 115, “the muræna burning with its spots of gold”—but the lamprey has no yellow spots whatever: and in l. 27, he speaks of it as “ferox,” or “fierce,” a characteristic which also belongs to the muræna, but not to the lamprey. Ælian also states, B. x. c. 40, that the muræna defends itself with its teeth, which form a double row, and Aristotle says, B. viii. c. 2, that it lives upon flesh; while Pliny says, in c. 88 of the present Book, that it bites off the tail of the conger. It was the Muræna helena only, and not the lamprey, that could have devoured the slaves whom Vedius Pollio ordered to be thrown into their preserves, as is mentioned by our author in the present Book, and by Seneca and Tertullian. Finally, a thing that he considers quite decisive on the point, Aristotle says, B. ii. c. 13, that the muræna has four gills on each side, like the eel; while the fact is that the lamprey has only seven in all. Where we find Pliny speaking of the seven spots upon the muræna found in Northern Gaul, it appears most likely, Cuvier says, that he speaks after some traveller, who had observed the seven branchial orifices on the lamprey, and had taken them for spots.

[2386] This fish, Cuvier says, was of a reddish colour, had rough scales, sharp teeth, large eyes, and a tough flesh. It lived a solitary life in the sea, near rocks which were the resort of shell-fish, which formed its principal nutriment. It passed the winter in the crevices of rocks under water. Its growth was rapid, and the length of its life two years; when cut in pieces, its muscles, were still seen to palpitate. Rondelet, having gathered these characteristics, looks upon the orphus as belonging to the genus Pagrus. Cuvier says, however, that it would not be easy to prove that this is a warranted conclusion, and that it is not justified by tradition, as the name has utterly disappeared from the coasts of France and Italy; though, according to Gillius and Belon, it is found among the modern Greeks, in the shape of the “ropho.” Cuvier suggests that it may have been the Anthias sacer of Bloch, the “barbier” of the French.—It is supposed by some that it is our “gilt-head.”

[2387] The Muræna conger of Linnæus.

[2388] “Percæ.” Cuvier says that it is most probable that he is here speaking of the fish generally known by the ancients as the sea-perch; and that there is reason for thinking that it was similar to the Perca scriba of Linnæus, having black lines running across the body. Most naturalists are of this opinion, he says, and the serran [our trumpet-fish] which bears this resemblance, is in many parts of Italy, at the present day, called the “Percia marina.”

[2389] The Raia torpedo of Linnæus.

[2390] Cuvier states, that Athenæus, B. vii., says that the psetta was the same as the rhombus of the Romans, the modern turbot, the Pleuronectes maximus of Linnæus. From a passage, however, of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 37, he feels convinced that it is the Pleuronectes rhombus of Linnæus, the barbue of the French, and with us the dab or sandling. Aristotle says in that passage, that it is in the habit of concealing itself in the sand, while it moves to and fro the filaments around the mouth, and so attracts the little fish. These filaments, Cuvier says, are small radii of the anterior part of the dorsal fin, which form a sort of fringe around the mouth, whence its French name of barbue. The turbot has no such filaments.

[2391] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 20. As Hardouin remarks, Aristotle appears to assign the sixty days to the glaucus only.

[2392] Naturalists have generally supposed, following Rondelet, Cuvier says, that the ancient glaucus was one of the class of centronotal fishes, the Scomber amia, or the Scomber glaucus of Linnæus; but that the incorrectness of this notion is easily proved. Aristotle says, that in the glaucus the appendices to the pylorus are few in number, as in the dorado (the Sparus aurata of Linnæus), while on the other hand the centronoti have them in almost greater number than any other kind of fish. Athenæus says, B. iii., that the glaucus was a large fish, and Oppian, Hal. iii. l. 193, speaks of it as taken with mullet. Aristotle, B. ii. c. 13, says, that it dwelt in deep water; but, according to Oppian, Hal. i. 170, it sought its food among rocks and in the sand; in addition to which characteristics, we find that it was a fish highly esteemed as a delicacy, the head being the part more especially preferred. From all these circumstances, Cuvier concludes that it was more probably a maigre, the Sciæna aquila of Cuvier, than one of the centronotal fishes.

[2393] Literally, the “little ass.” Cuvier says, that nearly all the naturalists, following Rondelet, apply this name to the merlus, the Gadus merluccius of Linnæus, or else the genus of the gadus, or cod, in general. It is true, he says, that the “onos,” or “ass” of the Greeks, the “asellus” of the Romans, was also known as the γαδὸς, by the Greeks; but still this onos had very different characteristics from those of the Gadus merluccius; and among all the gadi of Linnæus, he finds the only one that presents any of them to be the Gadus tricirrhatus, or sea-weasel, which he therefore thinks to represent the ancient “asellus.”

[2394] Aurata, “golden-fish.” Cuvier observes, that by the Greeks this was called χρύσοφρυς, “eye-brow of gold.” It is the French daurade of the Mediterranean, the “Sparus aurata” of Linnæus, and is remarkable for a golden line in form of a crescent over the eyes. Ajasson remarks, that it was also called Ἰώνισκος, and suggests that it may have been originally called so from being first found in the Ionian Sea. From an epigram of Martial, B. xiii. Ep. 110, it would appear that this fish was considered a very great dainty, and that it was fattened with Lucrine oysters.

[2395] This fish has been already mentioned in c. 17 of the present Book. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 20, says this of the glanis.

[2396] Further mention is made of this fish in c. 74 of the present Book. Aristotle mentions it in B. viii. c. 25, but says nothing about it being a sea-fish; while Dorion, as quoted by Athenæus, B. vii., expressly mentions it among the lake and river fish. Hence Dalechamps seems inclined to censure our author for this addition; but we find Oppian, Halieut. B. i. ll. 101 and 592, speaking of the sea cyprinus; and Athenæus speaks of the cyprinus of Aristotle as being a sea-fish.

[2397] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 20. This subject is also treated of by Pliny in B. ii. c. 40, and is again mentioned in B. xviii. c. 58.

[2398] Cuvier remarks, that it does not appear that the characteristics of the mullet, here mentioned by Pliny, have been observed in modern times.

[2399] The same story is told of the ostrich.

[2400] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 4, states to a similar effect.

[2401] Cuvier says, that the peculiarity in the scales here mentioned is not found in any fish; but that the sturgeon genus has, in place of scales, laminæ disposed in longitudinal lines in such a way, that the one does not lap over the other, as is the case with fish in general. It was this fact, misstated probably, that gave rise to the story; and it is most likely this that has led Rondelet, and most of the modern naturalists, to look upon the acipenser as the common sturgeon, and to give that name to the sturgeon genus. Athenæus reckons it among the cartilaginous fishes, and in the family of the squali; but Pliny here speaks of it as very rare, and Martial and Cicero say the same, which cannot be so accurately said of the sturgeon. Archestratus, in Athenæus, speaks of it as small, having a sharp-pointed muzzle, and of triangular shape, and tells us that a very inferior one was valued at 1000 Attic drachmæ. The sturgeon, on the other hand, is often ten or twelve feet in length. The acipenser was not always in vogue with the Romans, but when it was, it was most highly esteemed; and according to Athenæus, B. vii., and Sammonicus Severus, as quoted by Macrobius, B. ii. c. 12, it was brought to table by servants crowned with flowers and preceded by a piper. All these circumstances lead Cuvier to be of opinion that under this name is meant a kind of small sturgeon with a sharp muzzle, greatly esteemed by the Russians, and by them known as the sterlet, the Acipenser Ruthenus of Linnæus, the Acipenser Pygmæus of Pallas. It is found in the Black Sea, and in the rivers that fall into it; and has been carried with success to Lake Ladoga, as also Lake Meler, in Sweden. This is the smallest and most delicate of the sturgeon genus, and Professor Pallas says that they are sold at St. Petersburgh at “insane prices,” when more than two feet in length. It is not improbable that it was found in the rivers of Asia Minor, and thence carried to Rome occasionally. Pliny, indeed, B. xxxiii. c. 11, says that it is not a stranger to Italy; if so, it would seem to be different from the “elops,” of which Ovid says, Halieut. l. 96, “and the precious elops, unknown in our waters,” though he also says of the “acipenser,” in l. 132, “and thou, acipenser, famed in distant waters.” Still, however, Cuvier says, the use of names was not so accurate among the ancients, but what that of “acipenser” may have been given to the sturgeon in general; and this may have given rise to the present assertions of Pliny. Oppian, in Athenæus, B. vii., says, like Pliny, that the elops was the same as the acipenser, and we find no characteristics given of the elops to make us conclude that the two were not synonymous. Indeed, we find that Varro, De Re Rustica, B. ii. c. 6, and Pliny in c. 54 of the present Book, speak of the elops as being most excellent at Rhodes, while we find Archestratus in Athenæus, B. vii., speaking of the same as being the locality of the acipenser; and Columella, B. viii. c. 16, and Ælian, B. viii. c. 28, place it in the Pamphylian Sea, which is not far distant from Rhodes. Pliny, B. xxxii. c. 11, states, that the palm of fine flavour was by many accorded to the elops; while Matron Parodus, in Athenæus, calls it the “most noble of all fishes, food worthy of the gods.” From the immense sums that were given for it, as we learn from Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, it was called the “multum munus,” or “multinummus,” the “much-money fish.” Ælian says, B. viii. c. 28, that the fishermen who were fortunate enough to take an elops, were in the habit of crowning themselves and their vessel with garlands, and announcing it, on entering harbour, by the sound of the trumpet. Professor Pallas, in his work on the Russian Zoography, takes the elops to be a kind of sturgeon, more spiny than the rest, which is represented by Marsigli under the name of “Huso sextus.” He does not, however, give his reason for fixing on this as the elops of the ancients. It has been also suggested that the elops was the same as the sword-fish.

[2402] The wolf-fish. Generally supposed to be the basse, or lubin of the French, much esteemed for their delicacy.

[2403] See N. [1966] above.

[2404] Cuvier remarks, that we find this name in Euthydemus, as quoted by Athenæus, B. vii., used synonymously with that of “onos.” We also find the names Callarias, Galerias, and Galerides; but none of the characteristics are given, by which to distinguish them.

[2405] Cuvier says that this fish held, as Pliny here states, the very highest place at the Roman tables, and was especially famous: First, because it was supposed to ruminate; in allusion to which, Ovid says, Halieut. l. 118, “But, on the other hand, some fishes extend themselves on the sands covered with weeds, as the scarus, which fish alone ruminates the food it has eaten.” Secondly, because, as Aristotle, B. viii. c. 2, and Ælian, B. i. c. 2, inform us, it lived solely on vegetables. Thirdly, because it had the faculty of producing a sound, as we learn from Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 134, and Suidas. Fourthly, for its salacious propensities, numbers being taken by means of a female attached to a string. Oppian, Halieut. B. iv. l. 78, and Ælian, B. i. c. 2. Fifthly, for its remarkable sagacity in affording assistance to another, when taken in the net; relative to which Ovid has the following curious passage, Halieut. l. 9, et seq. “The scarus is caught by stratagem beneath the waves, and at length dreads the bait fraught with treachery. It dares not strike the osiers with an effort of its head; but, turning away, as it loosens the twigs with frequent blows of its tail, it makes its passage, and escapes safely into the deep. Moreover, if perchance any kind scarus, swimming behind, sees it struggling within the osiers, he takes hold of its tail in his mouth, as it is thus turned away, and so it makes its escape.” Oppian, Halieut. B. iv. l. 40, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 4, mention the same circumstance. We find that it was highly esteemed by the Roman epicures, even in early times, it being mentioned by Ennius and Horace. It was salted with the intestines in it; and Martial, B. xiii. Ep. 84, seems to speak of it as not being good to eat without them. It was a high-coloured fish, so much so, that Marcellus Sidetes called it “floridum,” while by Oppian it is called ποικίλον, or “variegated.” Rondelet thinks that it was one of spari or the labri, while Belon describes as such, a fish now unknown to zoologists, the tail of which, he says, has projecting spines. Aldrovandus calls it by the name of Scarus Cretensis, a species of the genus which at present goes by the name of Scarus, and which is distinguished by osseous jaw-bones, resembling in shape the beak of a parrot. Cuvier says, that on finding from Belon that the name σκάρος was still in use in the Ægean Sea, he ordered the various kinds of it to be brought to Paris; upon which he found that they exactly resembled the Scarus Cretensis of Aldrovandus, and he consequently has no doubt that it is essentially the same fish as the scarus of the Greeks and Romans. From the resemblance above stated, it is not uncommonly called the “parrot-fish;” while by some it has been thought to have resembled our char.

[2406] See B. v. cc. 32, 41.

[2407] Or weasel-fish. Cuvier is of opinion that Hardouin is right in his conjecture, that this is the Lote, or Gadus lota of Linnæus, which is still called motelle in some of the provinces of France. Its liver, he says, is one of the greatest delicacies that can be eaten.

[2408] The present Boden See, or Lake of Constance.

[2409] Instead of “marinis,” Sillig adopts the reading “murænis,” making them to rival the muræna even. The other, however, seems to be the preferable reading.

[2410] Cuvier says that this is the τρίγλα of the Greeks, the triglia of modern Italy, the rouget of Provence, and the Mullus barbatus of Linnæus.

[2411] The coasts of La Manche, Cuvier says, and the Gulf of Gascony produce a kind of mullet of larger size than usual, varied with stripes of a yellow colour. This, the Mullus surmuletus of Linnæus, is also to be found in the Mediterranean, but much more rarely than the smaller kind, which is red all over.

[2412] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5; Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 41; and Oppian, Halieut. B. iii. l. 435.

[2413] Hardouin says that it is larger than the sea-mullet; and that it dwells in muddy or slimy spots in the vicinity of the sea-shore.

[2414] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5.

[2415] Probably from the fact of its living in the mud. “Doctors differ” on this point. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 16, says that shore-fish are superior to those caught out at sea; while Seneca, on the other hand, Nat. Quæst. B. iii. c. 18, says that rock-fish and those caught out at sea are the best.

[2416] He would almost seem to imply by this that they feed upon shell-fish: but Hardouin has a note to the effect, that Pliny does not mean that they live on shell-fish, as it would be impossible for them to break the shell to devour the fish within, but only that they have the same flavour as shell-fish. But query as to this explanation.

[2417] On the other hand, Isidorus says that the mullet-coloured shoes were so called from the colour of the fish, which, indeed, is most probable. These shoes were made of a kind of red Parthian leather, probably not unlike our morocco leather. Festus seems to say that they were worn in general by all the patricians; but the passage of Varro which he quotes, only shows that they were worn by the curule magistrates, the consul, prætor, and curule ædile.

[2418] Hence their Greek name, τρίγλα, according to Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 590.

[2419] Seneca has a passage on this subject, Quæst. Nat. B. iii. c. 18, which strongly bespeaks the barbarous tastes of the Romans. He says: “A mullet even, if just caught, is thought little of, unless it is allowed to die in the hand of your guest. They are carried about enclosed in globes of glass, and their colour is watched as they die, which is changed by the struggles of death into various shades and hues.” And again: “There is nothing, you say, more beautiful than the colours of the dying mullet; as it struggles and breathes forth its life, it is first purple, and then a paleness gradually comes over it; and then, placed as it is between life and death, an uncertain hue comes over it.”

[2420] This anchovy, pickle, or fish-sauce, will be found more fully spoken of in B. xxxi. c. 44.

[2421] Alecem. See B. xxxi. c. 44. Seneca speaks of this cruel custom of pickling fish alive, Quæst. Nat. B. iii. c. 17. “Other fish, again, they kill in sauces, and pickle them alive. There are some persons who look upon it as quite incredible that a fish should be able to live under-ground. How much more so would it appear to them, if they were to hear of a fish swimming in sauce, and that the chief dish of the banquet was killed at the banquet, feeding the eye before it does the gullet?”

[2422] He may have been the son of C. Asinius Gallus, who was consul B.C. 8; but he does not appear to have ever been consul himself.

[2423] The reign of the Emperor Caligula.

[2424] Juvenal, Sat. iv. l. 15, speaks of a mullet being bought for 6000 sesterces, a thousand for every pound, and Suetonius tells us that in the reign of Tiberius three mullets were sold for 30,000 sesterces. It is in allusion to this kind of extravagance that Juvenal says, in the same Satire, that it is not unlikely that the fisherman could be bought as a slave for a smaller sum than the fish itself. At the above rate, each of these mullets sold for about £70 of our money.

[2425] Cuvier says that although the mullet of the Indian Seas is in general larger than ours, it is never found at all approaching the weight here mentioned.

[2426] The bolty of the modern Egyptians, as previously mentioned.

[2427] Or Jove-fish. Cuvier says that Gillius has “applied the name of “faber” to the dory, or fish of Saint Peter, and has stated that the Dalmatians, who call it the “forga,” pretend that they can find in its bones all the instruments of a forge. After him, other modern naturalists have called the same fish Zeus faber; but nothing, Cuvier says, goes to prove that the dory is the fish so called by the ancients. The epithet even of “rare,” given to it by Ovid, Halieut. l. 112, is far from applicable to the dory, which is common enough in the Mediterranean. If, indeed, the χαλκεὺς of the Greeks were the same as the “faber,” as, indeed, we have reason to suppose, it would be something in favour of the dory, as Athenæus, B. vii., says that the χαλκεὺς is of a round shape: but then, on the other hand, Oppian, Halieut. B. v. l. 135, ranks it among the rock-fish which feed near rocks with herbage on them; while the dory is found only in the deep sea.

[2428] Or “blacksmith.”

[2429] Cuvier says that this fish has still the same name in Italy; that it is called the “saupe” in Provence, and the “vergadelle” in Languedoc, being the Sparus salpa of Linnæus; and that it still answers to all the ancient characteristics of the salpa, eating grass and filling its stomach, and having numerous red lines upon the body. It is common, and bad eating, but is no better at Ivica, the ancient Ebusus, than anywhere else. M. De la Roche, when describing the fishes of that island, says expressly that the flesh of the saupe is but very little esteemed there. Ovid, Halieut. l. 122, speaks of it as “deservedly held in little esteem.”

[2430] See B. iii. c. 11.

[2431] Neither at Ebusus nor anywhere else.

[2432] Hardouin remarks, that Pliny and Ausonius are the only Latin writers that mention this fish; while not one among the Greeks speaks of it. It was probably a native of regions too far to the north for them to know much about it. In this country it holds the same rank that the scarus and the mullet seem to have held at the Roman tables.

[2433] He must mean single ones, on each side of the head. Cuvier remarks, that the present passage is from a longer one in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 13, which, however, has come down to us in such a corrupt and fragmentary state, that it is totally unintelligible, or, at all events, does not correspond with modern experience. No fish, he says, is known to us that has one or two gills only. The Lophii of the system of Linnæus have three gills on each side, and the greater number of fish four, with a half one attached to the opercule. Some cartilaginous fish, again, have five or six, and the lampreys seven.

[2434] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iii. c. 10.

[2435] The modern Lago di Como, and Lago Maggiore. See B. iii. c. 23.

[2436] See c. [20], as to the Vergiliæ.

[2437] Cuvier says, that in various species of the cyprinus, and more especially the rubellio, the Cyprinus rutilus of Linnæus, the roach, the Cyprinus jeses of Linnæus, and the bream, the Cyprinus brama of Linnæus, the male has, during the spawning season, little warts adhering to the skin and scales. This appearance has been remarked in especial on a species found in the lakes of Lombardy, known there as the “pigo,” and similar to the roach of other countries. It is most probable that it is to this appearance that Pliny alludes. Rondelet, in his book on Fishes, gives a representation of it, and calls it “pigus,” or “cyprinus clavatus;” but he wrongly, like Pliny, takes it to be a peculiar genus of fish.

[2438] “Clavorum caligarium”—“nails for the caliga.” This was a strong, heavy sandal, worn by the Roman soldiers. It was worn by the centurions, but not by the superior officers; and from the use of it, the common soldiers, including the centurions, were distinguished by the name of “caligati.” The Emperor Caligula received that cognomen when a boy, in consequence of wearing the “caliga,” and being inured to the life of a common soldier. The hob-nails with which the “caliga” was studded are mentioned again in B. xxii. c. 46, and B. xxxiv. c. 41. Josephus tells us of the death of a Roman centurion, which was occasioned by these nails. As he was running over the marble pavement of the temple of Jerusalem, his foot slipped, and he was unable to rise, upon which he was overpowered by the Jews, and slain. After the decline of the Roman empire, the caliga was no longer worn by the soldiers, but was assumed by the monks and recluses.

[2439] Dalechamps says, that in a similar manner, in the lake known by the name of Paladru, fish of most delicate flavour, called “umblæ,” were to be taken in the month of December, and at no other part of the year; so, too, the alausæ, which are found in the Rhine, near Strasburg, in the month of May only, and at no other time.

[2440] Ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔξω κοιτᾶν “from its sleeping out of the water.” This fish is also mentioned by Theophrastus, in his Fragment on the “Fish that live on dry land;” by Clearchus the Peripatetic, as quoted by Athenæus, B. viii.; Oppian, in his Halieutics, B. i. l . 158; and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 36. The fish, however, mentioned by all these authorities, is a sea-fish, while that of Pliny, being found in Arcadia, must, of necessity, be a river fish. The proper name of the fish here mentioned by him was ποικιλίας, Hardouin says, so called from the variety of its colours. Cuvier says, that the fish here mentioned is not the Exocœtus of Linnæus, which is one of the flying fish, but is clearly of opinion that it is one of the genus Blennius, or Gobio, that is alluded to; for these small fish are often to be found left on the shore when the waters retire, and have the property of being able to remain alive for a considerable time without water.

[2441] In the river Aroanius, which falls into the Clitorius. Pausanias mentions this story, but adds, that he never could hear the fish, although he often went there to listen. Mnaseas of Patræ, an author quoted by Athenæus, B. viii., also mentions these vocal fishes.

[2442] Cuvier understands this to mean only, that the openings of the gills are remarkably small: for, as he says, there is no fish whatever without gills. It is very possible, however, that Pliny may have mistranslated a passage found in Athenæus, and quoted from Clearchus the Peripatetic, in which he says that some fish have a voice, and yet have no throat, βρόγχον; which may have, possibly, been mistaken by our author for βράγχια, “gills.”

[2443] “Marini mures.” Cuvier says, that according to Oppian, Halieut. B. v. c. 174, et seq., the sea-mice, small as they are, attack other fish, and offer resistance even to man himself. Their skin, he says, is very solid, and their teeth very strong. Theophrastus names them along with seals and birds, as feeding both on land and at sea. Cuvier is somewhat at a loss whether to pronounce them, with Dalechamps, to be a kind of turtle. If so, he considers that this would be the little turtle, Testudo coriacea of Linnæus, which is by no means uncommon in the Mediterranean. He suggests, however, that there are equal grounds for taking it to be the Flasco psaro, or Tetrodon lineatus of Linnæus.

[2444] The Sepia octopodia of Linnæus.

[2445] The Muræna helena of Linnæus. This animal, Cuvier says, like the eel, is able to live out of water, in consequence of the minute size of the branchial orifices, as Theophrastus very accurately explains. It is a common opinion that they come out of the water in search of others of their kind; but Spallanzani was informed by the fishermen of Comacchio, that this hardly ever is the case, and that they will only leave the water when compelled. The polypus also crawls very briskly on the shore when it has been thrown up by the tide, and moves with considerable swiftness.

[2446] This is also stated by the author of the treatise, De Mirab. Auscult. c. 72; and Theophrastus, in his work on the “Fishes that can live on land,” says, that these Indian fishes resemble the mullet. Cuvier says, that these fish are those known as the various species of the genus Ophicephalus of Bloch, which bear a strong resemblance to the mullet in the head and body. Mr. Hamilton Buchanan, in his “History of the Fishes of Bengal,” says, that these fish crawl on the grass to so great a distance from their rivers, that the people absolutely believe that they must have fallen from heaven.

[2447] Or the “Fishes.” As if, indeed, Hardouin says, the resemblance of name given to the constellation could have any effect upon the fish!

[2448] The turbot, Pleuronectes maximus of Linnæus.

[2449] Pleuronectes solea of Linnæus.

[2450] “Passer.” Probably our “plaice”—the Pleuronectes platessa of Linnæus.

[2451] The pleuronectes in general, Cuvier says, have the two eyes situate on the same side of the body. The turbot has them on the left side, and lies on the sand on the right side, while the plaice or the flounder has the eyes on the right, and lies on the left side—the reverse of what Pliny says.

[2452] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 6.

[2453] By this Pliny means, Cuvier says, only the symmetrical fins, or pairs of fins, the pectoral namely, which are in place of arms, and the ventral, which are instead of feet; of which, in fact, no fish has more than two pairs. Pliny does not include in this statement the dorsal, anal, and pectoral fins.

[2454] Eels and congers, for instance, which have but one pair.

[2455] Murænæ and lampreys.

[2456] See B. iii. c. 17.

[2457] Cuvier thinks that there can be no question that he is speaking here of some mollusc or crustaceous animal.

[2458] Murænæ, like eels, have gills, but the orifice, Cuvier says, is much smaller than in the eel, and the opercula, under the skin, are so small as to be hardly perceptible; indeed, so much so, that modern naturalists, Lacepède, for instance, have denied the fact of their existence.

[2459] Aristotle, De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13, and Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 6.

[2460] Or sting-ray. On the contrary, Cuvier says, the pastinaca, more than any other ray, has large pectoral fins, horizontally placed; but they adhere so closely to the body that they do not appear to be fins, unless closely examined.

[2461] By this name, Cuvier says, he calls the tentacles or feelers, which adhere to the head of the polypus, and which it uses equally for the purpose of swimming or crawling.

[2462] Spallanzani, in his “Nat. Hist. of the Eel in the Lagunes of Comacchio,” says, that immediately after their birth they retreat to the Lagunes, and at the end of five years re-enter the river Po.

[2463] Eighty or a hundred hours at most, Spallanzani says.

[2464] Cold, or a foul state of the water, Cuvier says, is very destructive to the eel.

[2465] Or Pleiades. See c. [20].

[2466] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 75, says the same, and likewise that they feed mostly at night. The reason for their not floating when dead, he says, is their peculiar conformation; the belly being so remarkably small that the water cannot find an entrance; added to which they have no fat upon them.

[2467] See B. iii. c. 23.

[2468] See B. iii. c. 20.

[2469] The setting of the Pleiades or the rising of Arcturus. See B. ii. c. 47.

[2470] Spallanzani informs us that the fishermen of the Lagunes of Comacchio form with reeds small chambers, by means of which they take the eels when endeavouring to re-enter the river Po; in these such vast multitudes are collected, that they are absolutely to be seen above the surface of the water.

[2471] Excipulis.

[2472] Hardouin says, that though this assertion is repeated by Pliny in c. 74 of the present Book, it is a mistake; we learn, however, from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11, and Athenæus, B. vii., that the young of the muræna are remarkable for the quickness of their growth.

[2473] This vulgar belief is, however, followed by Oppian, Halieut. B. i. c. 555; Athenæus, B. vii.; Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 50, and B. ix. c. 66; and Nicander, Theriac., who, however, adds, “if indeed it is the truth.” It is also alluded to by Basil, in Hexaem. Homil. vii., and Ambrose, Homil. v. c. 7.

[2474] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11, only quotes this story as he had heard it, and does not vouch for its truth. Doro, as quoted by Athenæus, B. vii., makes the zmyrus and the muræna to be of totally different genera. The zmyrus, he says, is without bone, the whole of it is eatable, and it is remarkable for the tenderness of the flesh. There are two kinds, of which the best, he says, are those which are black.

[2475] The common muræna, Cuvier says, is spotted with brown and yellow, but there is a larger kind, with stronger teeth and brown all over, the Muræna Christini, of Risso. This, he has no doubt, is the zmyrus of the ancients. Modern naturalists, he says, have incorrectly called Muræna zmyrus, a small kind of conger, which has yellow spots upon the neck.

[2476] Cuvier has already made some remarks on this passage in one of his Notes to c. [24] of the present Book. See p. [395].

[2477] The Seven Terriones, or plough oxen. The constellation of Ursa Major was thus called by the Romans.

[2478] This wretched man was originally a freedman, and though he was on one occasion punished by Augustus for his cruelty, he left him a great part of his property. He died B.C. 15. He is supposed to be the same person as the one against whom Augustus wrote some Fescennine verses, mentioned by Macrobius, Sat. B. ii. c. 4.

[2479] Until the Roman youth assumed the toga virilis, they wore the toga prætexta, or senatorial gown. The toga virilis was assumed at the Liberalia, in the month of March; and though no age appears to have been positively fixed for the ceremony, it probably took place, as a general rule, on the feast which next followed the completion of the fourteenth year; though it is not certain that the completion of the fourteenth year was not always the time observed. So long as a male wore the prætexta, he was considered “impubes,” and when he had assumed the toga virilis, he was “pubes.” Hence the word “investis,” or “prætextatus,” (here employed), was the same as impubes.

[2480] Thus the “impubes” paid, as Hardouin says, “not in money, but in skin.” Isidorus, in his Glossary, says, “‘Anguilla’ is the name given to the ordinary ‘scutica,’ or whip with which boys are chastised at school.” The witty Rabelais says, B. ii. c. 30, “Whereupon his master gave him such a sound lashing with an eel-skin, that his own would have been worth nothing to make bag-pipe bags of.”

[2481] The ray.

[2482] The sting-ray; the Raia pastinaca of Linnæus.

[2483] The angel-fish; the Squalus squatina of Linnæus.

[2484] The Raia torpedo of Linnæus.

[2485] Galen, in his explanation of words used by Hippocrates, speaks of the βοῦς θαλάσσιος, which is also described by Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 141, et seq. He speaks of it as growing to the length of eleven or twelve cubits, and having small, weak teeth, which are not easily seen, and compares it in appearance to the roof of a house. Cuvier thinks, that although its horns are not mentioned, a species of large horned ray is alluded to, which is known by the modern naturalists by the name of Cephalopterus, and he thinks it very likely these horns may have given it its Greek appellation. Indeed Pliny himself, in another place, B. xxxii. c. 53, speaks of it under the name of “cornuta,” the “horned-fish.”

[2486] A species of ray, most probably.

[2487] Cuvier suggests that this was the mylobates, the Raia aquila of Linnæus, which probably obtained this name on account of the width of the pectoral fins, and its peculiar shape.

[2488] Βάτραχος ἁλιεὺς, the sea-frog, the Lophius piscatorius of Linnæus, and the baudroie of the French. Cuvier remarks, that though there is little solidity or firmness in the bones of this animal, it is not properly a cartilaginous fish.

[2489] This is borrowed from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v., who, however, says, καὶ πάντα τὰ γαλεώδη; from which Massarius, Turnebus, and Hippolytus Salvianus are inclined to read “galei,” instead of “squali.” Both terms, however, Hardouin says, are used to denote the genus which the French call “chiens de mer,” “dog-fish.”

[2490] It is curious that Aristotle, though he was the inventor of this name, has nowhere stated in what it originated. Galen, De Alim. Fac. B. iii. c. 36, says that it is ἀπὸ τοῦ σέλας ἔχειν, from the fact of their shining at night.

[2491] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5, and De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 13.

[2492] In c. 7 of the present Book.

[2493] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 8.

[2494] Cuvier says that it is true that the sea-frog is oviparous; but it is far from being the case that all the cartilaginous fishes but it are viviparous. The rays, for instance, produce large eggs of a square shape, and enveloped with a very hard horny shell. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 5, and B. ii. c. 16, makes the same exception as to the sea-frog or frog-fish.

[2495] This is also from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 17. Oppian also mentions it, Halieut. B. i. l. 223, et seq., but he gives it all the characteristics of the modern lamprey.

[2496] This is the Echeneis remora of Linnæus, Cuvier says. It has upon the head an organ, by means of which it can attach itself to any body. It is thus enabled to fasten to ships and larger fishes; but as for staying a ship, it has not, as Cuvier remarks, the slightest power over the very smallest boat. All the eloquence, therefore, which Pliny expends upon it, in B. xxxii. c. 1, is entirely thrown away.

[2497] Ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔχειν νῆας. “From holding back ships.”

[2498] Used for the purpose of bringing back lost love, or preventing inconstancy.

[2499] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 17.

[2500] Hardouin says that it is very possible that Aristotle may have written to this effect in some one of the fifty books of his that have perished, but that such is not the case in his account given of this fish in his Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 17, for there he expressly says, “There are some people that say this fish has feet, whereas it has none at all; but they are deceived by the fins, which bear a resemblance to feet.” Cuvier says he cannot see in what way the fins of the remora, or sucking-fish, resemble feet, any more than those belonging to any other fish.

[2501] Cuvier says, that the shell-fish to which Pliny here ascribes a power similar to that of the remora, is, if we may judge from his description of it, of the genus called Cypræa, and has very little doubt that its peculiar form caused its consecration to Venus, fully as much as its supposed miraculous powers. He also remarks that Hardouin, in his Note upon this passage, supposes an impossibility, in suggesting that the lips of this shell-fish can bite the sides of a ship; these lips or edges being hard and immoveable. For some curious particulars as to the peculiar form of some kinds of Cypræa, or cowry, and why they more especially attracted attention, and were held sacred to Venus, see the discussion on them, in the Defence made by Apuleius against the charge of sorcery, which was brought against him.

[2502] Rondelet, B. xiii. c. 12, says that this kind of shell was formerly used for the purpose of smoothing paper.

[2503] Herodotus tells us, B. iii. c. 48, that these were 300 boys of noble families of the Corcyræans, and that they were being sent from Periander of Corinth, to Alyattes, king of Sardes.

[2504] Venus was fabled to have emerged from the sea in a shell.

[2505] Rabelais refers to these wonderful stories about the echeneis or remora, B. iv. c. 62: “And indeed, why should he have thought this difficult, seeing that —— an echeneis or remora, a silly, weakly fish, in spite of all the winds that blow from the thirty-two points of the compass, will in the midst of a hurricane make you, the biggest first-rate, remain stock still, as if she were becalmed, or the blustering tribe had blown their last; nay, and with the flesh of that fish, preserved with salt, you may fish gold out of the deepest well that ever was sounded with a plummet; for it will certainly draw up the precious metal.”

[2506] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 34; Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xii. c. 48. Rondelet is of opinion that this mæna was the fish still called menola by the people of Liguria and Rome. It was a fish little valued, and we find it called by Martial, “inutilis mæna,” B. xii. Epigr. 30. Cuvier says, that if it does not change from white to black, as Pliny states, its colours are much more lively in the spring. It also has an offensive smell at certain times, as is noticed by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 30, and to which Martial alludes in the above epigram. Ovid also mentions it as a fish of no value; held, in all probability, in the same degree of estimation as a sprat with us. It is, no doubt, the Sparus mæna of Linnæus.

[2507] We learn from Aristotle, B. viii. c. 30, that the phycis was a whitish fish, which in the spring assumed a variegated colour. In an Epigram of Apollonides it is called “red;” and Speusippus, as quoted in Athenæus, B. v., says that it is similar to the perch and the channe. Ovid speaks of it as frequenting the shore, and Oppian represents it as dwelling among the sea-weed on the rocks. It also lived on shrimps, and its flesh was light and wholesome; while its most singular property was that of making its nest among the fucus or sea-weed, whence its name. All these characteristics, Cuvier says, are to be found, from what Olivi states, in the “go” of the Venetians, found in the Adriatic, the Gobius of Linnæus; the male of which in the spring makes a nest of the roots of the zostera in the mud, in which the female lays her eggs, which are fecundated by itself, and then protected by it against the attacks of enemies. This is probably the fish that is alluded to by Ovid, Halieut. l. 121, “The fish that imitates, beneath the waves, the pretty nests of the birds.”

[2508] This name, Cuvier observes, is still common on the coasts of the Mediterranean, to two kinds of flying fish, the Dactylopterus, or Trigla volitans of Linnæus, and the Exocœtus volitans of Linnæus. It is to the first, he thinks, that the ancients more especially gave the name of swallow, although Salvianus and Belon are of the contrary opinion. Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. ll. 457-461, ranks the sea-swallow with the scorpion, the dragon, and other fish the spines of which produce mortal wounds, and Ælian, B. ii. c. 5, states to the same effect. But the exocœtus has no spines, while the dactylopterus has terrible ones on its præopercules. Speusippus also, as quoted in Athenæus, B. vii., gives no less decisive testimony, in saying that the sea-cuckoo, the trigla, and the sea-swallow, have a strong resemblance to each other; the fact being that the dactylopterus is of the same genus as the sea-cuckoo, the Trigla cuculus of Linnæus.

[2509] Ovid, Halieut. l. 96, speaks of this fish as having a black back. Cuvier therefore suggests that it may possibly be the perlon, the Trigla hirundo of Linuæus, the back of which is of a dark brown, and the great size of the pectoral fins of which may have given rise to the notion of its being able to fly. It is also very possible, he says, that it may have been the exocœtus, the back of which is of a blue colour.

[2510] Lucerna. Probably, as Cuvier says, one of those numerous molluscs, or zoophytes, which give out a brilliant light, and perhaps the Pyrosoma of Péron. No period being found in the MSS. after the word “milvus”—“kite,” it was long thought that this passage applied to the sea-kite; and it is owing to this circumstance that we find the ichthyologists enumerating a Trigla lucerna. The correction, however, is approved of by Cuvier, who says that he has found none of the genus triglæ to give forth a light; except, indeed, when, like other fish, it begins to be putrid.

[2511] Probably the “cornuta,” mentioned in the Note on the sea-ox in c. 40; see p. [411]. Cuvier says that it was long supposed that the fish here alluded to might be the Malarmat of the Mediterranean, the Trigla cataphracta of Linnæus, the muzzle of which is divided into two horns; but then they are only half an inch long, instead of a foot and a half. He is of opinion, therefore, that it is the great horned ray, now known as the cephalopterus, which, being often fifteen feet and more in diameter, answers much better to the description of its size implied by Pliny from the length of its horns. It is also mentioned under the name of cornuta in B. xxxii. c. 53, in company with the saw-fish, the sword-fish, the dog-fish, and other large fishes.

[2512] Cuvier is of opinion, that Rondelet is correct in his suggestion that this is the sea-spider, called the “vive” in France, the viver or weever with us, and the Trachinus draco of Linnæus, which fish is still called δράκαινα by the modern Greeks. Pliny, in c. 48 of the present Book, charges the sea-spider with doing much mischief, by means of the spines or stickles on its back. Now Ælian, B. ii. c. 50, and Oppian, Halieut. l. 458, say the same of the sea-dragon; and this is a well-known property of the modern vive, the Trachinus draco of Linnæus. Pliny speaks more especially, in B. xxxii. c. 53, of the wounds which it makes with the spines or stickles of its opercules, which the vive is also able to inflict; and in addition to this, it has the power of burrowing into the sand in a most incredibly short space of time.

[2513] Cuvier remarks, that this division of the bloodless fish by Aristotle into the mollusca, testacea, and crustacea, has been followed by naturalists almost down to the present day.

[2514] The Sæpia loligo of Linnæus; the calmar of the French, or ink-fish.

[2515] The Sæpia officinalis of Linnæus; the seche of the French; our cuttle-fish.

[2516] The Sæpia octopodia of Linnæus, or eight-footed cuttle-fish.

[2517] Cuvier remarks, that this account of the arms or feelers of the sæpia and loligo is very exact.

[2518] “Quibus venantur.” Hardouin suggests that the proper reading would be “quibus natant”—“by means of which they swim;” for Aristotle says, in the corresponding passage, “with the fins that surround the body they swim.”

[2519] Plautus has a line in his Rudens, which shows that when the sæpia was cooked for table, it was customary to take the eyes out. “Bid them knock out his eyes, just as the cooks do with the sæpia.”

[2520] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 2, states to a similar effect, as also Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 34; Oppian, Halieut. B. iii. l. 156.

[2521] This so-called ink, Cuvier says, is neither their blood nor their bile, but a liquid that is secreted in a bag peculiar to the animal. It is said, that it is from the juices of certain polypi of the Eastern seas, that the genuine Indian or Chinese ink is made; but M. Abel Remusat assures us that he has found nothing in the Chinese writers to confirm this conjecture.

[2522] This, as Hardouin says, is the polypus which is found on the sea-shore, and which more frequently comes on dry land than the other kinds.

[2523] The arms of the polypus have numerous names with the Latin authors. Ovid calls them “flagella,”—“whips;” others again, “cirri”—“curls;” “pedes”—“feet;” “crura”—“legs;” and “crines”—“hair.”

[2524] This, Cuvier says, is quite unintelligible; for all the polypi have an oval body, of the shape of a bag, and there is nothing in them that bears any resemblance to a tail, forked or otherwise.

[2525] This channel, Cuvier says, is in form of a funnel reversed, by means of which the animal draws in and ejects the water that is requisite for its respiration, and discharges the ink and other excretions. It is in the fore-part of the body, and at the orifice of the bag, and not on the back, as Pliny says; but, as Cuvier remarks, it was very easy for a person to be deceived in this matter, as the head, being in form of a cylinder, and fringed with the so-called feet, cannot be said to be distinguished into an upper and lower side.

[2526] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 2, says that the animal is obliged to do so, on account of the situation of the eyes.

[2527] But Aristotle says, καθάπερ ἐμπεφυσημένην, “as though it were puffed out with air.”

[2528] “Acetabulis.” The acetabulum was properly a vinegar cruet, in shape resembling an inverted cone; from a supposed similarity in the appearance, it is here applied to the suckers of the polypus. The Greek name is κοτυληδὼν.

[2529] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 59.

[2530] Cuvier says, that the changes of colour of the skin of the polypus are continual, and succeed each other with an extreme rapidity; but that it has not been observed, any more than the chameleon, to take the colour of objects in its vicinity.

[2531] This notion is mentioned by Athenæus, Pherecrates, Alcæus, Hesiod, Oppian, and Ælian.

[2532] Cuvier says, that Pliny states, in B. xxix. c. 28, that the colotis, or colotes of the Greeks, is the same as their ascalabotes, the “stellio” of the Latins. This stellio is the same as the “gecko” of the moderns, and the species known in Italy and Greece is the same as the “wall gecko” of the French, or the tarente of the Provencals. From what Pliny says here about its tail, it would appear to have been a lizard; but its identity with the stellio, Cuvier says, is very doubtful. It will be mentioned more at length in B. xi. c. 31.

[2533] It is very true, Cuvier says, that the tail of the gecko and lizard will grow again after it has been cut off, but without vertebræ. As to the arms of the polypus, he says, it is very possible, seeing that the horns of the snail, which belongs to the same family, will grow again.

[2534] This account of the nautilus, Cuvier says, the Argonauta argo of Linnæus, wonderful as it may appear, has been often confirmed by modern observation.

[2535] This, Cuvier says, is not a membrane between the two feet or tentacles, but a distinct membranous delatation of the extremity of each of those two organs.

[2536] These vessels have been already remarked upon in Note 33 to c. 5 of the present Book.

[2537] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 61.

[2538] From ὄζω, “to emit an odour.” This was a small kind of polypus.

[2539] Cuvier remarks that, in this Chapter, there are many details relative to the polypus, that have not been observed by modern naturalists; but they may have been observed by the Greeks, upon whose shores and islands the animal was much more frequently to be found than in the west of Europe.

[2540] Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 260, describes the battles of these animals with the polypus. He also says, B. iii. c. 198, that they are attracted by the smell of the flesh of the polypus, and so are easily taken.

[2541] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 59.

[2542] Oppian, Halieut. B. i. l. 551, says, that they hardly live a year; and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 28, states to a similar effect.

[2543] Basil attributes a similar craftiness to the crab; Hexaem. Homil. vii.

[2544] The fishermen at the present day, upon the coast of Normandy, say that the polypus, which they call the chatrou, is a most formidable enemy to swimmers and divers; for when it has embraced any of the limbs with its tentacles, it adheres with such tenacity, that it is quite impossible for a person to disengage himself, or to move any of his limbs.

[2545] In Spain; see B. iii. c. 3. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 13, tells a similar story about a polypus at Puteoli.

[2546] “Lacus;” large tubs used in the process of pickling. This story, Cuvier observes, is only surpassed by those told by the Norwegians relative to the “kraken” of their seas, which, according to some versions of the fable, is a polypus of such vast size, that sailors have sometimes mistaken it for an island.

[2547] “Nassis.” The “nassa” was a contrivance for catching fish by the junction of osier or willow rods. It was probably made in the shape of a large bottle with a narrow mouth, and placed with the mouth facing the current. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 8, states, that the fishermen, when they were desirous of bringing the fish out of their holes, were in the habit of rubbing the mouth of the holes with salted flesh.

[2548] Oppian, Halieut. B. i. c. 310, tells a story of a polypus, of the ozæna species, that was in the habit of climbing trees, and plundering the fruit.

[2549] “Afflatu terribili.” This, as Hardouin says, may either mean its bad smell, or stinking water, ejected from its canal.

[2550] Its arms or feelers. The amphora, as a measure of capacity, held about nine English gallons.

[2551] “Caliculis;” literally, “little glasses.” Its “acetabula,” or suckers, are so called from their peculiar shape.

[2552] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 2, says the same; but, as Hardouin observes, he must mean the Ionian sea.

[2553] Cuvier says, that this is only a reproduction, under another name, and with other details, of the story of the nautilus or argonauta; but under the impression that the polyp is not the animal which owns the shell, but is only its associate. It has also been asserted in modern times, he says, that the polyp has seized this shell by force from some other animal, in order to convert it into its boat; but the opinion has not been adopted, as the shell of the nautilus has been never found in the possession of any other animal.

[2554] Probably borrowed from the Greeks, who called it ἄκατος. It is supposed to have been a small boat, similar to the Roman “scapha;” like our “skiff” probably.

[2555] The “rostrum” of the ancient ships of war.

[2556] “Palmulis.” This word also means the blade or broad part of an oar; in which sense it may, perhaps, be here taken.

[2557] “Locusta;” literally, the “locust” of the sea. By this name is meant, Cuvier says, the “langouste” of the French (our cray-fish), which has no large forcipes, and has a thorax covered with spines; the Palinurus quadricornis of the naturalists. This is clearly the κάραβος of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 23; for we generally find it thus translated by Pliny, when he borrows anything from that philosopher. We know that the body of this animal was spiny, from the fact that Tiberius, as we learn from Suetonius, cruelly caused the face of a fisherman who had offended him, to be rubbed with a locusta.

[2558] Aristotle, and Theophrastus, in his “Treatise on Animals which conceal themselves,” state to a similar effect.

[2559] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 4, states to a similar effect.

[2560] Aristotle, loc. cit., and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 25, state to the same effect.

[2561] Hardouin says, that this must be only understood of the kind of crab known as the “astacus;” that being the one mentioned by Aristotle, in the passage from which Pliny has borrowed.

[2562] He mentions, in B. ii. c. 41, the effect which the rays of the moon have upon the growth of shell-fish.

[2563] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 2, has a somewhat similar passage. “The kinds of crabs are numerous, and not easily to be enumerated. First, there are those known as maiæ, then the paguri, which are also called ‘heracleotici;’ and, after them, the river crabs. There are others, again, of a smaller size, and which, for the most part, are known by no name in particular.”

[2564] This is, no doubt, the cray-fish, the same animal that has been called the “locusta” in the preceding Chapter. Aristotle states, B. iv. c. 8, that the carabus has the thorax rough and spiny. It is most probable, that it is from this name that our word “crab” is derived.

[2565] Cuvier says, that the astacus, which is very accurately described by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 8, is indisputably the homard of the French (the common lobster of the English); the Cancer gammarius of Linnæus. Pliny, in another place, B. xxx. c. ii., describes it himself under the name of elephantus.

[2566] Cuvier remarks, that according to Aristotle, B. iv. c. 2, the maiæ are in the number of the καρκίνοι, or crabs that have a short tail concealed beneath the body, being those of the largest kind. The same philosopher, De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 8, adds, that these have also short feet and a hard shell. Cuvier says, that many writers have applied this name to the crabs at the present day belonging to the genus inachus, and more especially the Cancer maia of Linnæus. He is more inclined, however, to think that the maia was the common French crab, known as poupart or tourtue, the Cancer pagurus of Linnæus.

[2567] Hardouin says, that these are the same that the Venetians were in the habit of calling “cancro poro,” the last word being a corruption, as he thinks, of pagurus. Aristotle says, loc. cit., that they were crabs of middling size.

[2568] Or Heracleotic crabs. Aristotle says, De Partib. Anim. B. iv. c. 8, that these crabs had shorter feet and thinner than those of the maiæ. Cuvier suggests, that these may be the commonest kind of crab, the Cancer mænas of Linnæus, or a species very similar.

[2569] “Leones.” This name is not found in Aristotle’s account, but it is found in Athenæus, B. iii. c. 106; and in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xiv. c. 9. According to Diphilus, as quoted by Athenæus, it was of larger size than the astacus. Ælian describes it as more slender in shape than the cray-fish, and partly of a bluish colour, and with very large forcipes, in which it resembles, Cuvier says, the homard of the French. It is possible, however, he adds, that it may have been only a second name given to the astacus already mentioned; as both Pliny and Ælian, who were not critical observers, are very liable to make errors in names.

[2570] Aristotle, Cuvier observes, states the carcini, or crabs, have no tail, the fact being that the tail is extremely small, and is concealed, as it were, in a furrow in the under part of the body. The cray-fish, on the other hand, has a large and broad tail.

[2571] Ἱπποὶ. The more common reading is ἱππεῖς, “horsemen.” Cuvier thinks, that in all probability, these are a kind of crab with very long legs, vulgarly known as the sea-spider; the Macropodia and the Leptopodia of Linnæus.

[2572] Hardouin remarks, that Aristotle says this only of the carabi, or cray-fish, and not of the crabs in general; and that, on the contrary, in B. v. c. 7, he says, that in the crab the male does not differ in conformation from the female, except in the opercule. There seems, in reality, to be no foundation for the statement here made by Pliny.

[2573] Both in the crab and the cray-fish, Aristotle says.

[2574] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 24, calls this kind of crab δρομίας, the “runner,” from the great distance it is known to travel. He says, that they meet together, coming in one by one, at a certain bay in the Thracian Bosporus, where those who have arrived wait for the others; and that on finding that the waves of the Euxine are sufficiently violent to sweep them away, they unite in a dense body, and then waiting till the waters have retired, make a passage across the straits.

[2575] Cuvier remarks, that Hardouin is correct in considering this the same as the crab known in France as Bernard the Hermit (our hermit-crab), the Cancer Bernardus of Linnæus, a species of the genus now known as the Pagur. This animal hides its tail and lower extremities in the empty shells of whelks, or other univalves. Cuvier suggests that our author committed a slip of the pen, in using the word oyster here for shell-fish. This is the καρκίνιον, probably, of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 15, and De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 8; and it is most probable that, as Cuvier states, the real πιννοτήρης of Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 4, and B. v. c. 14, was another of the crustacea, of which Pliny speaks under the same name in c. 66. This last is a small crab, that lives in the shells of bivalves, such as mussels, &c., but not when empty. See the Notes to c. [66].

[2576] This circumstance is more fully treated of in B. xxxii. c. 19.

[2577] Our author speaks rather more guardedly here than usual; and Hardouin seems almost inclined to believe the story. Ovid also alludes to this story in the Met. B. xv. l. 370, et seq. “If you take off the bending claws from the crab of the sea-shore, and bury the rest in the earth, a scorpion will come forth from the part so buried, and will threaten with its crooked tail.”

[2578] Of animals covered with a thin crust.

[2579] The sea-urchin, the herisson de mer of the French, and the Echinus of Linnæus.

[2580] Cuvier remarks, that it does not use the spines or prickles for this purpose, but that it moves by means of tentacules, which it projects from between its prickles.

[2581] The Echinus cidaris of Linnæus; with a small body, and very long spines. The name, according to Hardouin, is from the Greek, meaning the “mother of the echini.”

[2582] See B. iv. c. 17.

[2583] The same, Cuvier says, with the Echinus spatagus of Linnæus.

[2584] Not “ova,” Cuvier says, but “ovaria” rather. Each urchin has five “ovaria,” arranged in the form of stars. They are supposed to be hermaphroditical, but there is considerable doubt on the subject.

[2585] The mouth of the sea-urchin, armed with five teeth, is generally turned to the ground, Cuvier says.

[2586] Plutarch, in his Book “on the Instincts of Animals,” Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 225, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 44, all mention this.

[2587] This idea probably arose from the fact of their being sometimes found with stones sticking between their spines or prickles.

[2588] The thin-crusted animals.

[2589] Known to us as periwinkles.

[2590] It is now known, thanks to the research of Swammerdam, that the black points at the extremity of the great horns of the land snail, or Helix terrestris, and at the base of them in the water snail, are eyes.

[2591] “Pectines in mari;” literally, “sea-combs.” The French still call them by a similar name, “peignes.” They are known also in France as “coquilles de St. Jaques,” or St. James’s shells; probably, because worn by pilgrims who had visited the shrine of St. Jago, at Compostella. Indeed, the scallop shell was a favourite emblem with the palmers and pilgrims of the middle ages, who were in the habit of wearing it on their return in the hat.

[2592] He Latinizes the Greek name, calling it “unguis”—“a nail;” and, according to Varro, they were so called from their resemblance to the human nail. Pliny mentions them again in c. 87 of this Book, and in B. xxxii. c. 53, where he states that they are also called “dactyli,” or “fingers.” Cuvier says, that under this name are meant the pholades, a bivalve shell-fish, which give forth a very brilliant light.

[2593] Univalves, with a thick spinous shell.

[2594] The flat shell-fish, for instance, according to Cuvier, of the genus patella, or lepas.

[2595] Other fish of the genus patella, only more concave; the haliotes, for instance.

[2596] Forming a prolonged cone, Cuvier says, like the cerites.

[2597] The mouth of which is shaped like a crescent; such as the helices, Cuvier says.

[2598] The nerites, Cuvier says, which are cut into two hemispheres.

[2599] Such as many of the whelks, Cuvier says.

[2600] The whelks that have the edge turned inwards, so that one lip appears to fold under the other.

[2601] As no two naturalists might probably agree as to the exact meaning of the terms here employed, it has been thought advisable to give the passage as it appears in the original: “Jam distinctione virgulata, crinita, crispa, cuniculatim, pectinatim divisa, imbricatim undata, cancellatim reticulata, in obliquum, in rectum expansa, densata, porrecta, sinuata, brevi nodo legatis, toto latere connexis, ad plausum apertis, ad buccinum recurvis.”

[2602] In allusion, probably, to the streaks or lines drawn upon the exterior of the shell.

[2603] With the mouth wide open, like that of a person in the act of applauding.

[2604] By “ad buccinum recurvis,” he probably alludes to a whelk, or fish with a turbinated shell, resembling the larger conch or trumpet shell, which Triton is sometimes described as blowing.

[2605] Probably some of the Cypræa; which have been already alluded to in Note 6 to c. 41 of the present Book. Cuvier remarks, that there are many of the univalve shell-fish that float on the surface of the water, but none, with the exception of the argonauta or nautilus, are known to employ a membranous sail.

[2606] Cuvier says, that he has been informed that the scallop, by suddenly bringing together the valves of its shell, is able to make a bound, and leap above the surface of the water.

[2607] Ajasson says, that the words “purpuras, conchylia,” here signify not the fish themselves, but the various tints produced by them; the purpura and the conchylium being, in fact, exactly the same fish, though, as will be explained in c. 60 of the present Book, by various modes of treatment, various colours were extracted from them. See also B. xxi. c. 22.

[2608] Dalechamps notices here an ancient proverb, which says, “Qui nare vult, se exuit.” “He who wishes to swim, takes off his clothes.”

[2609] In c. 2 of the present Book.

[2610] In B. vi. cc. 24 and 28.

[2611] See B. vi. c. [2]3. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xv. c. 8, says to the same effect, but calls it “Perimuda, a city of India.”

[2612] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. x. c. 13. It has been already remarked, in the sixth Book, that the ancients looked upon the Persian Gulf as forming part of the Erythræan or Red Sea.

[2613] The pearl itself, Cuvier says, is nothing else but an extravasation, so to say, of the juices, whose duty it is to line the interior of the shell, to thicken and so amplify it; and consequently, it is produced by a malady. It is possible, he says, for them to be found in all shell-fish; but they have no beauty in them, unless the interior of the shell, the nacre, or, as we call it, the mother of pearl, is lustrous and beautiful itself. Hence it is, that the finest of them come from the east, and are furnished by the kind of bivalve, called by Linnæus, “Mytilus margaritiferus,” which has the most beautiful mother of pearl in the interior that is known. The parts of the Indian sea which are mentioned by Pliny, are those in which the pearl oyster is still found in the greatest abundance.

[2614] All this theory, as Cuvier says, is totally imaginary.

[2615] Isidorus of Charax, in his description of Parthia, commended by Athenæus, B. iii., says, on the other hand, that the fish are aided in bringing forth, by rain and thunder.

[2616] From the Greek φυσήμα, “air-bubble.”

[2617] It sometimes happens, Cuvier says, that the secretion which forms the mother-of-pearl makes tubercles in the interior of the shell, which are the pearls adhering to the shell here spoken of.

[2618] Persius alludes to this in Sat. ii. l. 66. “Hæc baccam conchæ rasisse;” “to file the pearl away from its shell.”

[2619] From this passage we learn that the “tympana,” or hand-drums of the ancients, were often of a semiglobular shape, like the kettle-drums of the present day.

[2620] Cuvier remarks that this is not the fact: the concretions are perfectly hard before the animal leaves the water.

[2621] Isidorus of Charax, as quoted by Athenæus, B. iii.; and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. x. c. 20, make similar statements. Rondelet, in his treatise on Testaceous Fishes, B. i., complains of Pliny using the word “videt,” “sees,” in the present passage; but, as Hardouin says, he only uses it in a free sense, meaning, “is aware of the approach of,” or “has a perception of.”

[2622] Isidorus of Charax, in Athenæus, B. iii., tells a similar story; but modifies it by saying that the fish sometimes cuts off the fingers of the divers, and not the hands.

[2623] “Canes marini.” He calls by this name the same animal that a little further on he describes by the name of “canicula,” “dog-fish;” alluding, probably, under that name to various species of the shark. Procopius, in his book, De Bell. Pers. B. i. c. 4, has a wonderful story in relation to this subject. He says, that the sea-dogs are wonderful admirers of the pearl-fish, and follow them out to sea; that when the sea-dogs are pressed by hunger, they go in quest of prey, and then return to the shell-fish and gaze upon it. A certain fisherman, having watched for the moment when the shell-fish was deprived of the protection of its attendant sea-dog, which was seeking its prey, seized the shell-fish, and made for the shore. The sea-dog, however, was soon aware of the theft, and making straight for the fisherman, seized him. Finding himself thus caught, he made a last effort, and threw the pearl-fish on shore, immediately on which he was torn to pieces by its protector.

[2624] Such, for instance, as Megasthenes, quoted by Arrian in his Indica, and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xv. c. 8.

[2625] Hardouin suggests that a preferable reading to “vetuslate,” would be “venustate,” by its beauty; and indeed, Ælian, in the corresponding passage, Hist. Anim. B. xv. c. 8, says, that the chief is remarkable “for its size, and the extreme beauty of its colours.”

[2626] “Nucleos.” The Greek authors occasionally call them “stones” and “bones.” Tertullian calls them “maladies of shell-fish and warts”—“concharum vitia et verrucas.”

[2627] Cuvier says, that the most efficient mode of extracting all the concretions that may happen to be concealed in the body of the animal, is to leave the flesh to dissolve in water, upon which the concretions naturally fall to the bottom.

[2628] Isidorus and Solinus, however, say that the pearl is so called, because two are never found together. The derivation given by Pliny is, however, the more probable one. From the Latin “unio,” comes our word “onion;” which, like the pearl, consists of numerous coats, one laid upon the other.

[2629] Hence we must conclude that the word “margarita” is not of Greek, but Eastern origin.

[2630] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xv. c. 8, says, that the Indian pearls, and those which come from the Red Sea, are the best.

[2631] The laminæ of the lapis specularis, described by Pliny, B. xxxvi. c. 45.

[2632] “Exaluminatos.” It is clear from this passage that Pliny was acquainted with our alum, as he here clearly implies that the alum known to him was of a white colour. Beckmann, however, in his History of Inventions, asserts that our alum was certainly not known to the Greeks and Romans, and that their “alumen” was nothing else but vitriol, the green sulphate of iron, and that not in its pure state, but such as forms in mines. Pereira, however, in his Materia Medica, says, that there can be little doubt that Pliny was acquainted with our alum, but did not distinguish it from sulphate of iron, as he informs us that one kind of alum was white, and was used for dyeing wool of various colours. It is mentioned more fully in B. xxxv. c. 52, where he speaks of its use in dyeing.

[2633] These alabaster boxes for unguents are mentioned by Pliny in B. xxxvi. c. 12. They were usually pear-shaped; and as they were held with difficulty in the hand, on account of their extreme smoothness, they were called ἀλάβαστρα, from ἀ, “not,” and λαβέσθαι “to be held.” The reader will recollect the offer made to our Saviour, of the “alabaster box of ointment of spikenard, very precious.” Matt. xxvi. 7. Mark xiv. 3.

[2634] Seneca, Benef. B. vii. c. 9, speaks of them as hanging in tiers from the ears of the Roman matrons, two and two; and he says that they are not satisfied unless they have two or three patrimonies suspended from each ear.

[2635] From their resemblance to “crotala,” used by dancers, and similar to our castanets.

[2636] That the pearls as fully bespeak the importance of the wearer, as the lictor does of the magistrate whom he is preceding. The honour of being escorted by one or two lictors, was usually granted to the wives and other members of the imperial family.

[2637] Even on the “socculus,” or “soccus,” a shoe or slipper which did not require any “obstragulum,” or tie. We find from Seneca, De Ben. B. ii. c. 12, and Pliny, B. xxxvii. c. 6, that Caligula wore gold and pearls upon his socculi.

[2638] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xv. c. 8, states to this effect from Juba.

[2639] They are found also, Ajasson says, at the present day, in some of the coldest rivers and torrents of Auvergne.

[2640] Or “pinna,” the Greek name of this kind of pearl oyster.

[2641] Cuvier remarks, that he is here probably speaking of some spiny bivalve, perhaps the Spondylus of Linnæus.

[2642] “Grandini.” But Hardouin thinks, and probably correctly, that the meaning here of the word is the “measles of swine;” for Androsthenes, in Athenæus, B. iii., has a similar passage, in which he says: “The stone (i. e. pearl) grows in the flesh of the shell-fish, just as the measles grow in the flesh of swine.”

[2643] He is also mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 12, and B. xxxvii. cc. 9, 11, 23, 35, and 50, as a writer on gems; but nothing else seems to be known of him.

[2644] Cuvier observes, that most of the rivers and lakes of the north of Europe possess the mya margarifera: the pearls of which, though much inferior to those of the East, are sufficiently esteemed to be made an article of commerce. Bad pearls, of a dead marble colour, are also very frequently found in the mussels taken off our coasts. Pearls have in modern times declined very considerably in value; those of about the size of a large pea can be purchased, of very fine quality, for about a guinea each, while those of the size of a pepper-corn sell at about eighteen-pence. Seed pearls, of the size of small shot, are of very little value. Tavernier speaks of a remarkable pearl, that was found at Catifa, in Arabia, the fishery probably alluded to by Pliny, in C. 54, and which he bought for the sum of £110,000, some accounts say £10,000, of our money. It is pear-shaped, the elenchus of the ancients, regular, and without blemish. The diameter is .63 of an inch, at the largest part, and the length from two to three inches. It is said to be in the possession of the Shah of Persia.

[2645] Tacitus, in his Agricola, says that pearls of a tawny and livid colour are thrown up on the shores of Britain, and there collected. Suetonius absolutely says, c. 4, that Julius Cæsar invaded Britain in the hope of obtaining pearls, in the weight and size of which he took considerable interest.

[2646] By the inscription placed beneath the thorax, or breast-plate.

[2647] The grand-daughter of M. Lollius, and heiress to his immense wealth. She was first married to C. Memmius Regulus; but was divorced from him, and married to the Emperor Caligula, who, however, soon divorced her. At the instigation of Agrippina, Claudius first banished her, and then caused her to be murdered. A sepulchre to her honour was erected in the reign of the Emperor Nero.

[2648] Caligula.

[2649] Or rather “betrothal entertainment,” “sponsalium cœna.” The “sponsalia” were not an unusual preliminary of marriage, but were not absolutely necessary.

[2650] 7,600,000 francs, Hardouin says; which would make £304,000 of our money.

[2651] “Ipsa confestim parata mancupationem tabulis probare.”

[2652] He was proprætor of the province of Galatia, Consul B.C. 21, and B.C. 16 legatus in Gaul; where he suffered a defeat from certain of the German tribes. He was afterwards appointed by Augustus tutor to his grandson, C. Cæsar, whom he accompanied to the East in B.C. 2. He was a personal enemy of Tiberius, which may in some measure account for the bad character given him by Velleius Paterculus, who describes him as more eager to make money than to act honourably, and as guilty of every kind of vice. Horace, on the other hand, in the ode addressed to him, Carm. iv. 9, expressly praises him for his freedom from all avarice. His son, M. Lollius, was the father of Lollia Paulina.

[2653] This does not appear to be asserted by any other author; but Velleius Paterculus almost suggests as much, B.ii., “Cujus mors intra paucos dies fortuita an voluntaria fuerit ignoro.” It was said that he was in the habit of selling the good graces of Caius Cæsar to the Eastern sovereigns for sums of money.

[2654] “Fercula.” See vol. i. p. 400, Note 3447.

[2655] “Unam imperii mulierculam accubantem.”

[2656] A fourth of the sum mentioned in Note [2650].

[2657] “Corollarium.”

[2658] “Et consumpturam eam cœnam taxationem confirmans.”

[2659] “It was because pearls are calcareous, that Cleopatra was able to dissolve hers in vinegar, and by these means to gain a bet from her lover, as we are told by Pliny, B. ix. c. 58, and Macrobius, Sat. B. ii. c. 13. She must, however, have employed stronger vinegar than that which we use for our tables; as pearls, on account of their hardness and their natural enamel, cannot be easily dissolved by a weak acid. Nature has secured the teeth of animals against the effect of acids, by an enamel covering, which answers the same purpose; but if this enamel happens to be injured only in one small place, the teeth soon spoil and rot. Cleopatra, perhaps, broke and pounded the pearls pearl; and it is probable that she afterwards diluted the vinegar with water, that she might be able to drink it; though dissolved calcareous matter neutralizes acids, and renders them imperceptible to the tongue. That pearls are not peculiar to one kind of shell-fish, as many believe, was known to Pliny.” Beckmann’s History of Inventions, vol. i. p. 258, note 1, Bohn’s Ed. We may remark, however that as the story is told by Pliny, there is no appearance that Cleopatra pounded the pearl. It is more likely that she threw it into the vinegar, and immediately swallowed it, taking it for granted that it had melted.

[2660] Macrobius, Saturn. B. iii. says, “Monatius” Plancus. His name was in reality Lucius Munatius Plancus. He afterwards deserted Antony, and took the side of Octavianus; and it was on his proposal that Octavianus received the title of Augustus in B.C. 27. He built the temple of Saturn, in order to secure the emperor’s favour. It is not known in what year he died.

[2661] “Omine rato.” He means, that in the result, it was only too true that Antony was “victus,” conquered, and that by his enemy Octavianus.

[2662] Claudius, or Clodius Æsopus, was the most celebrated tragic actor at Rome in the time of Cicero, and was probably a freedman of the Clodian family. Horace and other authors put him on a level with Roscius. From Cicero we learn that his acting was characterized chiefly by strong emphasis and vehemence. Cicero characterizes him as a “summus artifex,” a “consummate artist.” He was a firm friend of Cicero, whose cause he advocated indirectly more than once during his banishment from Rome. It appears from Pliny, B. x. c. 72, that he was far from frugal, though he left a large fortune to his spendthrift son, Clodius Æsopus. This man, among his other feats, dissolved in vinegar (or at least attempted to do so), a pearl worth about £8000, which he took from the ear-ring of Cæcilia Metella. It is alluded to by Horace, B. ii. Sat. iii. l. 239.

[2663] Or “conchylium.” We find that Pliny generally makes a difference between the colours of the “murex,” or “conchylium,” and those of the “purpura,” or “purple.” Cuvier says, that they were the names of different shell-fish which the ancients employed for dyeing in purple of various shades. It is not known exactly, at the present day, what species they employed; but it is a fact well ascertained, that the greater part of the univalve shell-fish, more especially the Buccini and Murices of Linnæus, distil a kind of red liquid. The dearness of it arose, Cuvier thinks, from the remarkably small quantity that each animal afforded. Since the coccus, or kermes, he says, came to be well known, and more especially since the New World has supplied us with cochineal, we are no longer necessitated to have recourse to the juices of the murex.

[2664] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14, says, “about six.” The murex of Pliny is the κήρυξ of Aristotle.

[2665] Aristotle says, that the purple consists of three parts, the upper being the τράχηλος, or neck; the middle the μήκων, or poppy; and the lower the πυθμήν, or trunk; and that the juice lies between the first and second of these parts, or the throat. This juice, which Pliny calls “flos,” “flower,” “ros,” “dew,” and “succus,” “juice,” is distilled, Cuvier says, not from the fauces of the animal, but from the mantle or membranous tissue which lines the shell.

[2666] See B. v. c. 7. See also B. vi. c. [36].

[2667] Which preceded the Roman consuls, who were clothed with the toga prætexta, the colour of which was Syrian purple.

[2668] Hardouin seems to think that “majestate pueritiæ” means “children of high birth;” but it was the fact that all children of free birth wore the prætexta, edged with purple, till they attained puberty. It is much more probable that by these words Pliny means the “majesty of youth,” in its simplicity and guileless nature, that commands our veneration and respect.

[2669] He means that the purple laticlave or broad hem of the senator’s toga distinguished him from the eques, who wore a toga with an angusticlave, or narrow hem.

[2670] From Cicero, Epist. Ad. Attic. B. ii. Ep. 9, we learn that purple was worn by the priests when performing sacrifice. Ajasson, however, agrees with Dalechamps in thinking that this passage bears reference to the consuls, who wore purple when sacrificing to the gods.

[2671] The prætexta, for instance, the laticlave, the chlamys, the paludamentum, and the trabea.

[2672] On the occasion of a triumph, the victor was arrayed in a “toga picta,” an embroidered garment, which, from the present passage, would appear to have been of purple and gold. Pliny tells us, B. xxxiii. c. 19, that Tarquinius, on his triumph over the Sabines, wore a robe of cloth of gold.

[2673] Aristotle says the same, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14, and De Partib. Anim. B. ii. c. 17. Cuvier says, that the buccinus and murex have a long neck, in which there is a tongue armed with little teeth, but very sharp, by means of which the animal is enabled to pierce other shell-fish.

[2674] “Conchylia;” other fish of the same kind apparently; as Pliny uses the word “conchylium” synonymously with “murex.”

[2675] “Præmia vitæ suæ.”

[2676] Cuvier says that the buccini, properly so called, have at the bottom of the orifice of the shell an incision, which is the characteristic of the genus. Our whelks are the best known specimen of the buccinum that we have. They received their name, he says, from the buccinum, or buccina, the conch-shell, (with which Triton is commonly painted), and that in its turn was so called from its resemblance to a buccina, trumpet or herdsman’s horn.

[2677] It is not the tongue, Cuvier says, that occupies this passage, but a prolongation of the skin or coat that envelopes the animal, and its office is to conduct to the branchiæ the water necessary for the purposes of respiration.

[2678] This description, Cuvier says, is applicable to the Murex brandaris, the Murex tribulus of Linnæus, and other species that denote their growth by the increase of the spirals furnished with spines.

[2679] Or “deep sea” purples. Dalechamps remarks, that Pliny here unwittingly gives to the purples in general, a name which only belonged to one species; there being some that only frequent the shore, and are not found out at sea.

[2680] “Lutensis.”

[2681] “Algensis.”

[2682] “Tæniensis.”

[2683] “Calculensis.”

[2684] From the Greek διαλυτὸς, “free,” or “roving;” in consequence of its peculiar mode of life.

[2685] Nassis. See Note [2547] in p. 421.

[2686] “Quum cerificavere.” Cuvier remarks that Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14, says, that these shell-fish make “waxen combs,” meaning thereby collections of cells, similar to those formed by the bee; and it is to this notion that Pliny refers in the use of the word “cerificavere.” It is the fact, Cuvier says, that the univalve sea shell-fish, and more particularly the buccini and the murices, envelope their eggs with glutinous vesicles of varied forms, according to the respective species; which, when massed together, may be not inappropriately termed “combs.”

[2687] In c. 60. As Cuvier remarks, with considerable justice, this description by Pliny of the process of dyeing in purple, is very difficult to explain, seeing that the art is now entirely lost. Reaumur, he says, made some attempts at dyeing with a small buccinum found off the French coasts, the Buccinum lapillus of Linnæus; but without any result.

[2688] About twenty ounces.

[2689] Because iron or brazen vessels might impart a tinge to the colour. The same would probably be the case if the word “plumbo” were to be considered as signifying “lead.” As, however, Pliny uses this word in the signification of “tin,” it is most probable that that is his meaning. Littré, however, translates the word “plombe,” “lead.”

[2690] Hardouin says, that the weight of the contents of the amphora would be about eighty pounds: it would therefore take eight thousand pounds of material to make five hundred pounds of dye. The passage, however, which runs as follows, “Fervere in plumbo, singulasque amphoras centenas ad quingentenas medicaminis libras æquari,” may be rendered, “It is then set to boil in vessels of tin, and every hundred amphoræ of water ought to be proportioned to five hundred pounds of the material;” indeed, this is probably the correct translation, though Littré, who is generally very exact, adopts that given in the text.

[2691] “Alligatur:” which word may also mean, that mixed with the buccinum, it will hold fast, and not speedily fade or wash out.

[2692] So called from the gem of that name; see B. xxxvii. c. 40.

[2693] Aἵματι πορφυρέῳ. Il. Ρ. l. 360, for instance.

[2694] The “trabea” was similar in cut to the toga, but was ornamented with purple horizontal stripes. Servius mentions three kinds of trabea; one wholly of purple, which was sacred to the gods, another of purple and white, and another of purple and saffron, which belonged to the augurs. The purple and white trabea was the royal robe, worn by the early kings, and the introduction of which was assigned to Romulus. The trabea was worn by the consuls in public solemnities, such as opening the temple of Janus. The equites also wore it on particular occasions; and it is sometimes spoken of as the badge of the equestrian order.

[2695] The latus clavus, or laticlave, was originally worn on the tunic, and was a distinctive badge of the senatorian order. It consisted of a single broad band of purple colour, extending perpendicularly from the neck down the centre of the tunic. The right of wearing the laticlave was given to children of the equestrian order, at least, as we learn from Ovid, in the reign of Augustus.

[2696] Hardouin says, that in his time there were still to be seen the remains of the ancient dyeing houses at Tarentum, the modern Otranto, and that vast heaps of the shells of the murex had been discovered there.

[2697] Cloths doubly dyed, or twice dipped: from the Greek δὶς, twice, and βάπτω, to dip.

[2698] “Triclinaria.” This word probably signified not only the hangings of the table couches, but the coverings, and the coverlets which were spread over the guests while at the meal.

[2699] “Pro indiviso.”

[2700] “Dimidia et medicamina adduntur.” This, no doubt, is the sense of the passage, as it is evident that only a thinner dye was required for tint, though at first sight it would appear as though one-half more were required for the same quantity of wool. The quantity therefore would be 155½ pounds of dye to fifty pounds of wool.

[2701] “Tantoque dilutior, quanto magis vellera esuriunt.” This seems to be the meaning of the passage: some commentators would read “dilucidior” for “dilutior,” and it would appear to be preferable.

[2702] There can be little doubt that Salmasius is right in his conjecture that the reading here should be “quingentos,” “five hundred,” instead of “quinquagenos,” “fifty:” as it is evident from what Pliny has said in previous Chapters, that the juices of the pelagia were considerably more valuable than those of the buccinum.

[2703] He states this by way of warning to those who are in the habit of paying enormous prices for dyes, such as one hundred denarii for a pound, as mentioned in the last Chapter.

[2704] This is mentioned more fully in B. xvi. c. 84.

[2705] See B. xxxiii. c. 23. Electrum was an artificial metal, resembling amber in colour, and consisting of gold alloyed with one-fifth part of silver.

[2706] See B. xxxiv. c. 3. It was a mixture of gold, silver, and copper.

[2707] Described at the end of c. 62.

[2708] “Nomen improbum.”

[2709] From the Greek ὕσγινος, after the herb hysge, which was used in dyeing. Judging from the present passage, it would almost appear to have been the colour now known as puce. See B. xxi. c. 36 and c. 97; and B. xxxv. c. 26.

[2710] See B. xvi. c. 8, and B. xxiv. c. 4.

[2711] See B. iv. c. 35.

[2712] This is in reality the Coccus ilicis of Linnæus, a small insect of the genus Coccus, the female of which, when impregnated, fastens itself to a tree from which they derive nourishment, and assumes the appearance of a small grain: on which account they were long taken for the seeds of the tree, and were hence called grains of kermes. They are used as a red and scarlet dye, but are very inferior to cochineal, which has almost entirely superseded the use of the kermes. The colour is of a deep red, and will stand better than that of cochineal, and is less liable to stain.

[2713] Or pina. The Pinna marina, Cuvier says, is a large bivalve shell-fish, which is remarkable for its fine silky hair, by means of which it fastens itself to the bottom of the sea.

[2714] The poet Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 186, relates the same story about the pinna and its protector; which is also mentioned by Cicero, Plutarch, and Aristotle.

[2715] We have already had an account of one pinnotheres, in c. 51. Some of the editions, however, make a difference in the spelling of the name, and call the animal mentioned in the 51st Chapter, “pinnotheres,” and the one here spoken of, the “pinnoteres,” the “guardian of the pinna;” from the Greek verb τηρέω, “to keep,” or “guard.” “Pinnophylax” has the same meaning.

[2716] Cuvier says, that in the shell of the pinna, as, in fact, of all the bivalves, there are often found little crabs, which are, as it were, imprisoned there; and that it is this fact that has given rise to the story of the treaty of amity between these two animals, which appears in various authors, and is related in various forms, which only agree in being devoid of truth. Cuvier says that a careful distinction must be made between the pinnotheres of this Chapter, the one of which Aristotle makes mention, and that which is mentioned by Pliny in c. 51, the hermit-crab of the moderns. There can, however, be but little doubt that they are different accounts of the same animal.

[2717] The whole, nearly, of this Chapter is taken from Aristotle, B. v. c. 16.

[2718] Plutarch speaks of this fish, in his “Treatise on the Instincts of Animals;” also Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 62. The Raia torpedo of Linnæus, Cuvier says, has on each side of the body a galvanic organ, which produces an electric shock, similar to that communicated by the use of the Leyden vial. By this means it baffles its enemies, and drives them away; or else, having stupefied them, devours them at its leisure.

[2719] Cuvier confirms this statement. The liver of the torpedo, he says, is very delicate eating, as, indeed, is that part in most of the ray genus.

[2720] Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 86; Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 24; and Cicero, De Nat. Deor. make mention of this.

[2721] The Lophius piscatorius of Linnæus, the baudroie of the French. This is a fish, Cuvier says, with a large wide mouth, and having upon the top of the head moveable filaments, surmounted by a sort of membranous lashes. It seems that it is the fact that it buries itself in the sand, and then employs the artifice here mentioned by Pliny, for the purpose of attracting the fish that serve as its food.

[2722] Or turbot. This fish, the Pleuronectes maximus of Linnæus, and the Squalus squatina of Linnæus, presents no sufficiently distinct filaments at the extremity of the fins to justify what Pliny says. But the word “rhombus,” Cuvier says, which ordinarily means the common turbot, here means the psetta of the Greeks, the Pleuronectes rhombus of Linnæus, which has the anterior radii of the dorsal fin separated, and forming small filaments. For an account of the psetta, see c. 24, p. [396].

[2723] The sting-ray, the Raia pastinaca of Linnæus. This fish, Cuvier says, has upon the tail a pointed spine, compressed and notched like a saw, which forms a most dangerous weapon. It is again mentioned in c. 72 of the present Book, under its Greek name of “trigon.”

[2724] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 17, and B. ix. c. 51; Oppian, Halieut. B. ii. l. 424; and Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 35, make a similar statement as to the scolopendra.

[2725] The animal, Cuvier says, which is here mentioned as the scolopendra, is in reality of the class of worms that have red blood, or annelides, such, for instance, as the Nereides of larger size. These having on the sides tentacles, which bear a strong resemblance to feet, and sharp jaws, might, he says, be very easily taken for scolopendræ. They have also a fleshy trunk, often very voluminous, and so flexible that it can be extended or withdrawn, according to the necessities of the animal. It is this trunk, Cuvier thinks, that gave occasion to the story that it could disgorge its entrails, and then swallow them again.

[2726] This fish, Cuvier says, was doubtless a species of squalus; which have the power, in consequence of the sharpness of their saw-like teeth, of cutting a line with the greatest ease. It is mentioned by Aristotle, B. ix. c. 52; Ælian, Var. Hist. B. i. c. 43; and Oppian, Halieut. B. iii. l. 144.

[2727] The fish that has been previously mentioned in c. 17 of this Book, under the name of silurus.

[2728] “Aries.” The Delphinus orca of Linnæus. See c. [4] of the present Book.

[2729] The zoöphytes, or the zoödendra.

[2730] The wandering urticæ, or sea-nettles, are the Medusæ of Linnæus, the stationary nettle is the Actinia of the same naturalist.

[2731] “Carnosæ frondis his natura.”

[2732] Many species of the medusæ, Cuvier says, and other animals of the same class, the physalus more especially, cause an itching sensation in the skin when they are touched. This is noticed also by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. vii. c. 35; and by Diphilus of Siphnos, in Athenæus, B. iii.

[2733] This is true, Cuvier says, and more especially with reference to the actiniæ. They have the mouth provided with numerous fleshy tentacles, by means of which they can seize very small animals which come within their reach, which they instantly swallow.

[2734] Cuvier says, that this is the case more especially with the medusæ and the physali.

[2735] “Ora ei in radice.” Aristotle, however, says, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 5, and B. viii. c. 3, that the sea-nettle has the mouth situate ἐν μέσῳ, “in the middle of the body.” Hardouin attempts to explain the passage on the ground that Pliny has made a mistake, in an endeavour to suit his similitude of a tree to the language of Aristotle. Cuvier says, that there exists one genus or species of the medusæ, which appears to feed itself by the aid of an apparatus of branches, and is divided into such a multitude of filaments, almost innumerable, that it bears a strong resemblance to the roots of a tree or vegetable. It is this kind, he says, that he has called by the name of “Rhizostomos.”

[2736] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 3, says the same; though, on the other hand, in the Fourth Book, he says that the animal has no excrements, although it has a mouth, and feeds.

[2737] Cuvier remarks, that there are a great many more than three kinds of sponges, but that Pliny here is only enumerating those which were employed for domestic use.

[2738] In the singular, “tragus,” from the Greek τραγὸς, a goat, on account of their strong smell, which they contract from the mud and slime in which they are found.

[2739] Probably from the Greek μάνος, “rare,” “in small quantities;” in allusion to the comparative rarity of this kind of sponge.

[2740] A term merely used, as Cælius Rhodiginus says, to denote the strength of its texture.

[2741] Cuvier says, that though sometimes shells and small animals are found lodged in the sponge, they do not afford it any nourishment. Having no mouth, it can only live and increase by the inhalation of substances dissolved in the water of the sea.

[2742] “Sensere.” Cuvier says, that many observers have stated that this is the only sign of animal life that the sponge affords; but that Grant assures us that it does not even afford that. The fact is, however, that “the sponge itself is a cellular, fibrous tissue, produced by small animals, almost imperceptible, called polypi, and living in the sea. This tissue is said to be covered in its native state with a sort of semifluid thin coat of animal jelly, susceptible of a slight contraction or trembling on being touched; which, in fact, is the only symptom of vitality displayed by the sponge. After death, this gelatinous substance disappears, and leaves only the skeleton or sponge, formed by the combination of a multitude of small capillary tubes, capable of receiving water in the interior, and of becoming thereby distended. Though different in their nature, sponges are analogous in their formation to coral. On being examined with a power of about 500 linear, the fleshy matter of the living sponge is to be distinctly observed, having in its interior gemmæ, which are considered to be the young. These are occasionally given off from the mass of living matter. The greater portion of the mass of sponge consists of small cylindrical threads or fibres, varying in size. The spiculæ are not found within these, but in the large and flattened fibres, and varying in number from one to three or more, imbedded in their substance.” From Brande’s Dictionary.

[2743] See B. iv. c. 17.

[2744] This, to the end of the Chapter, is almost verbatim from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 17.

[2745] See B. iv. cc. 8, 10.

[2746] Ἀπλυσίαι, from ἀ, “not,” and πλύνω, “to wash.” These aplysiæ or halcyones, Cuvier says, are a kind of sponge, of too thick and compact a nature to admit of their being washed. It is arbitrarily, he says, that Linnæus has applied this name to a species of the molluscæ, which is, in reality, the sea-hare of the ancients.

[2747] It is pretty clear that under the name of “canicula,” “dog-fish,” or “canis marinus,” “sea-dog,” Pliny includes the whole genus of sharks.

[2748] Rondelet and Dalechamps absolutely interpret this passage as though it were the dog-fish and flat-fish over whose eyes this cloud comes, and the latter proceeds to describe it as a malady which hinders the fish from taking its own part in the combat. Hardouin, however, detects this absurdity, and justly reprehends it; though it must be confessed that there is some obscurity in the passage, arising from the way in which it is worded.

[2749] Cuvier thinks it not improbable that it may have been some of the large rays that were seen by the divers, and more especially, the largest of them all, the Cephalopterus.

[2750] “Stilos.”

[2751] Cælius Rhodigonus, B. xxv. c. 16, states that the divers for sponges were in the habit of pouring forth oil at the bottom of the sea, for the purpose of increasing the light there; and Pliny states the same in B. ii. c. 106.

[2752] Cuvier says, that the name of “sacred fish” has been given to several fish of very different character; such as the anthias, or aulopias of Aristotle, B. ix. c. 37, the pompilus and the dolphin (Athenæus, B. vii.), because it was thought that their presence was a guarantee against the vicinity of dangerous fish. The authors, however, that were consulted by Pliny, seem to have given this name to the flat-fish, the Pleuronectes of Linnæus; and in fact, unprovided as they are with any means of defence, their presence is not unlikely to prove, in a very great degree, the absence of the voracious class of fishes.

[2753] It is singular that Pliny, after his numerous stories as to the sensitiveness of numerous bivalves, should make this statement in reference to the oyster; for, on the contrary, as Cuvier says, the oyster, in common with the other bivalves, is extremely sensitive to the touch.

[2754] Cuvier says, that the different zoöphytes, the sea-star, at least, are far from having the life of vegetables only; for that they are real animals, which have the sense of touch, a voluntary power of motion more or less complete, and seize and devour their prey. It is not, however, very well known, he says, what was the “holothurium” of the ancients. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 1, ranks it, as well as the oyster, among the animals which, without being attached to any object, have not the faculty of moving; and in his work, De Part. Anim. B. iv. c. 5, he adds, that the holothurium and the pulmo only differ from the sponge in being detached. Cuvier is of opinion, however, that they both belong to the halcyones, the round kinds of which easily detach themselves from the places upon which they have grown.

[2755] Pulmo, “the sea-lungs.”

[2756] Or, as we call it, the star-fish.

[2757] “Adeoque nihil non gignitur in mari.”

[2758] “Cauponarum.” “Caupona” had two significations; that of an inn where travellers obtained food and lodging, and that of a shop where wine and ready-dressed meat were sold. A lower kind of inn was the popina, which was principally frequented by the slaves and lower classes, and was mostly used as a brothel as well.

[2759] He alludes to various kinds of sea-animals, called sea-lice and sea-fleas. Cuvier says, that there are some crustacea which have been called sea-fleas and sea-lice, some of which kinds are parasites, and are attached to various fishes and cetacea. Thus, he says, a pycnogonum is commonly named “pediculus balænæ,” or the “whale-louse;” one of the calygæ is called the “fish-flea,” another the “mackerel-flea.” The name of sea-flea, he observes, has been given more especially to a very diminutive kind of shrimp, in consequence of its power of leaping from place to place.

[2760] Aristotle says, that the chalcis is greatly tormented by sea-fleas, which attach themselves to its gills. Cuvier remarks, that a great number of fish are subject to have the gills attacked by parasitical animals of the genus Lernæa or that of the monoculi of Linnæus, which have been divided into many classes since. They have nothing in common, he says, with the land-flea, except the name and the property of living at the expense of other animals.

[2761] The ancients, Cuvier says, speak of their chalcis as being of a similar nature to the thryssa and the sardine (Athenæus, B. vii.), gregarious fishes, which live both in the sea and in fresh water, and the flesh of which was salted. Hence he concludes that it was the same as the Clupea ficta of Lacepède, the “finte” of the French, and the agone of Lombardy, which unites all these characteristics, and is sometimes called the “sardine” of the Lago di Garda.

[2762] It is mentioned again in B. xxiii. c. 3. Cuvier says, that the sea-hare of the ancients is the mollusc to which Linnæus has injudiciously given the name of aplysia, which Pliny gives to certain of the sponge genus, and to which nomenclature of Linnæus the modern naturalists have assented. (See N. [2746], p. 456.) Its tentacles and its muzzle, he says, resemble the muzzle and ears of the hare, closely enough to have caused this appellation. As its smell is disagreeable, and its figure repulsive, a multitude of marvellous, and indeed fatal qualities, he says, have been ascribed to this animal, which fishermen still speak of, but which, nevertheless, are not confirmed by actual experience. The only true fact that can be alleged against it is, that it secretes from an organ, situate in its body, a kind of acrid liquid. As to the Indian sea-hare, the body of which was covered with hair, Cuvier professes himself quite at a loss to know what it might be; but he thinks that this name must have been given to some tetrodon, which may have received the name from the cleft in the jaw and the skin, bristling with fine and minute spines. The sailors, he says, attribute to the tetrodon certain venomous properties.

[2763] Cuvier says, that there is reason to believe that this is the same as the vive of the French (probably our weever), the Trachinus draco of Linnæus. This creature, with the spiny projections of its first dorsal fin, is able to inflict wounds that are extremely difficult to cure; not because they are venomous in any degree, but because the extremities being very minute, sharp, and pointed, penetrate deep into the flesh. See c. [43] of this Book.

[2764] Or sting-ray, mentioned in c. 40 and c. 67 of this Book; so called from the Greek τρυγὼν. Cuvier says, that this sting, or spine, is sharp, like a saw; and that when it has penetrated the flesh, it cannot be got out without enlarging the wound. This it is, and not its fancied poisonous qualities, that renders its wound so dangerous; and as for its action upon trees and iron, they are entirely fabulous.

[2765] Νοσήματα λοιμώδη, as Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 25, calls them.

[2766] Cuvier says, that there are some maladies by which individuals are attacked; but that it is not uncommonly the case that certain species are attacked universally, as it were, by a sort of epidemic. There was an instance of this, he says, in the lake of the valley of Montmorency, where numbers of the fish were suddenly to be seen floating dead on the surface, the skin of which was covered with red spots, while at the same time their flesh had become disagreeable to the taste, and unwholesome.

[2767] Cuvier says, that this is not the case in general; but that some, more especially those which are viviparous, actually do couple; while, on the other hand, in most, the male does nothing else but besprinkle with the milt the eggs which the female has deposited, as is stated by Pliny a little further on.

[2768] These belong to the cetacea; which, as Cuvier says, are now universally placed among the mammifera, and not among the fishes. They couple, he says, in the same manner as quadrupeds do in general.

[2769] As Aristotle says, “from those that are left the fishes are produced.”

[2770] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 12.

[2771] It has been calculated, Cuvier says, that a female cod, or sturgeon, produces in a year more than one hundred thousand eggs.

[2772] Cuvier says, that the eggs of the common fishes, of toads, frogs, &c., have no shells, but only a membranous tunic; and when they have been once fecundated, they imbibe the surrounding moisture, and increase till they produce the animal.

[2773] It is probable, Cuvier thinks, that this passage relates more especially to the ray genus, but that there is no very positive knowledge as to the mode in which they do couple. It is probable, he suggests, that they may do it in the manner above mentioned, by the attrition of the belly. As to the turtle genus, he says, it is certain that the male mounts the back of the female; and in some species the sternum of the male is concave, the better to adapt itself to the convex callipash of the female.

[2774] More properly, the physeter, passage, or orifice.

[2775] Cuvier remarks, that this account of the coupling of the cephalopodes is taken from Aristotle. He says, that he is not aware whether modern observation has confirmed these statements, and almost doubts whether, considering the organization of these animals, it is not almost more probable that they do not couple at all, and that the male, as in the case of most other fishes, only fecundates the eggs after they have been deposited by the female.

[2776] Cuvier says, that whatever may be the sense in which the word “mollia” is here taken, the assertion is not correct. The gasteropod molluscs, he says, whether hermaphroditical, or whether of separate sexes, couple side to side. The acephalous molluscs do not couple at all, and each individual fecundates its own eggs. The crustacea couple by attrition of the belly.

[2777] “Tadpoles.” There is both truth and falsehood, Cuvier says, in the statements here made relative to the tadpole. Frogs, he says, produce eggs, from which the tadpole developes itself, with a tail like that of a fish. The feet, however, are not produced by any bifurcation of the tail, but shoot out at the base of the tail, and in the same proportion that they grow, the tail decreases, till at last it entirely disappears.

[2778] Frogs, Cuvier says, conceal themselves in mud and slime during the winter, but, of course, are not changed into it.

[2779] “Quæ fuere.” Just in the same state, he probably means to say, in which they were when they were melted into slime, and not as they were when in the tadpole state.

[2780] All that is asserted here, Cuvier says, about the spontaneous operations of nature is totally false. Everything connected with the eggs and the generation of the mussel, the murex, and the scallop is now clearly ascertained.

[2781] “Acescente humore.” Hardouin has suggested that the proper reading may be “arescente humore”—“from moisture dried up;” for, he remarks, Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 18, states, that the “empides,” gnats formed from the ascarides in the slime of wells, are more frequently produced in the autumn season.

[2782] The apuæ, or aphyæ, Cuvier says, are nothing else but the fry of fish of a large kind.

[2783] Cuvier says, that some of the shell-fish deposit their eggs upon stakes and piles, which are driven down into the water among sea-weed, and the bottoms of old ships: but that many of them perish from the solutions formed by those bodies in a state of rottenness, or, at all events, are not produced from their decomposition.

[2784] “Ostreariis.” This was unknown to Aristotle, who, in his work De Gener. Anim. B. iii. c. 11, expressly denies that the oyster secretes any generative or fecundating liquid.

[2785] Cuvier says, that at the time of the oyster spawning, its body appears swollen in some parts with a milky fluid, which is not improbably the fecundating fluid. During this season the oyster is generally looked upon as unfit for food; among us, from the beginning of May to the end of July.

[2786] This, Cuvier remarks, is a mere vague hypothesis, as to the reproduction of the eel, without the slightest foundation. Pliny borrows it from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 9.

[2787] The squatina and the ray do not interbreed, Cuvier observes, any more than other fish; and the Squatina raia, or rhinobatis, (which was said to be their joint production), is a particular species, more flat in form than the squalus, and longer than the ray.

[2788] Ῥινόβατος, “the squatinoraia.”

[2789] “Lupus.” The Perca labrax of Linnæus; see c. [28] of the present Book.

[2790] The sardine. See c. [20] of the present Book.

[2791] See c. [71] of the present Book.

[2792] This name, Cuvier says, appears so rarely in the ancient writers, that it is difficult to ascertain its exact signification. The moderns, he says, have pretty generally agreed to give it to the carp, but without any good and sufficient foundation. It was a lake or river fish, which, as Aristotle says, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 14, deposited its eggs five or six times in the year, and which had a palate so fleshy, that it might almost be mistaken for a tongue, B. iv. c. 8, characteristics that appear well suited to the carp. But then, on the other hand, Oppian mentions it, Halieut. B. i., as a shore fish, implying apparently that it belonged to the sea; and Pliny himself, in c. 25 of the present Book, does the same, by his words, “hoc et in mari accidere cyprino.” The words “in mari,” however, he has added, of his own accord, to the account which he has derived from Aristotle.

[2793] The fish called the sea-scorpion. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11.

[2794] “Sola autumno, occasu Vergiliarum.” It seems questionable whether the reading should not be “solea:” “the sole in autumn, at the setting of the Vergiliæ.”

[2795] The Pleiades.

[2796] See c. [40] of the present Book.

[2797] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 11.

[2798] “Prosequitur afflatu.” Aristotle says that it pours over them its ink or atramentum, καταφυσᾷ τὸν θόλον.

[2799] Philostratus, Hist. B. v. c. 17, says that so full is it of eggs, that after it is dead they will more than fill a vessel far larger than the cavities of its head.

[2800] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 14.

[2801] Our periwinkles.

[2802] All the chondropterygian fishes, Cuvier says, have, in addition to their ovaries, real oviducts, which the ordinary fishes have not; the lower part of which, being detached, acts as the uterus, into which the eggs descend when they have gained their proper size: and it is here that the young ones burst forth from the egg, when the parent animal is viviparous.

[2803] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 13, says the same of the glanis, or silurus.

[2804] The Syngnathus acus of Linnæus. This fish, Cuvier says, and in general all of the same genus, has a channel situate under the tail, which is opened by two moveable valves. In this they deposit their eggs at the moment of excluding them. After this, the valves open, to give a passage to the eggs, or the young enclosed in them. This circumstance, he says, gave rise to the notion mentioned in the text.

[2805] Mentioned in c. 35 of the present Book. Cuvier says that the sea tortoises, or turtles, to which no doubt this animal belonged, do deposit their eggs much in the way here mentioned.

[2806] Both these fishes have been mentioned in c. 23 of the present Book.

[2807] Pliny means to say, Cuvier says, that all these fish are to be looked upon as females: and, in fact, he says, Cavolini discovered eggs and a milt in every one that he examined; so that they appear to have all the appliances of self-fecundation.

[2808] Or wheel-fish: from the Greek τροχὸς, “a wheel.” It is not clearly known what animal he alludes to under this name. Snails, Cuvier says, are hermaphrodites, and so is the helix, but still they require sexual connection for the purposes of reproduction. The greater part of the marine uni-valves, on the other hand, are of separate sexes; but the organ of the male being proportionally of great length, and coiled in part beneath its mantle, this fact may very possibly have given rise to the notion here mentioned by our author, that the animal impregnates itself.

[2809] This can only be understood, Cuvier says, as applying to those animals the young of which are still enveloped in the membranes of the egg; for in general, the young of fish, from the moment of their birth, have eyes of great beauty, and are remarkable for the quickness of their sight.

[2810] From the Greek παυσίλυπον, “grief-assuaging.” This was the name of a splendid villa belonging to Vedius Pollio, and which he bequeathed to Augustus. It was famous for its fish preserves; and it was here probably that Pollio kept his murenæ, previously mentioned by Pliny as being fed on human flesh. The vicinity is still called Monte Posilipo.

[2811] “Cæsaris piscinis.” This may either mean, preserves which had their name from Cæsar, or preserves which afterwards belonged to Cæsar. The work of Seneca, in which this circumstance was mentioned, is no longer in existence.

[2812] He was a contemporary of L. Crassus, and was distinguished for his great wealth, and his love of luxury and refinement, but possessed an unblemished character. His surname, Orata or Aurata, was given to him, it is said, because he was remarkably fond of gold-fish—auratæ pisces—though, according to other authorities, it was because he was in the habit of wearing two very large gold rings.

[2813] “Pensiles balineas.” This expression has been differently rendered by various commentators, but it is now generally supposed to refer to the manner in which the flooring of the bathing rooms was suspended over the hollow cells of the hypocaust or heating furnace. This is called by Vitruvius, “Suspensura caldariorum.”

[2814] “Ita mangonicatas villas subinde vendendo.”—By the use of the word “ita,” Pliny may possibly mean that he was in the habit of filling up the villas with the “balineæ pensiles,” which he had invented. “Mangonizo” was to set off or trim up a thing, that it might sell again all the better.

[2815] Varro speaks of those of Tarentum, as being the best. The Greeks preferred the oysters of Abydos; the Romans, under the empire, those of Britain.

[2816] It does not appear to be known what two bridges are here alluded to; the Sublician, or wooden bridge, was probably one of them, and, perhaps, the Palatine bridge was the other. The former was built by Ancus Martius.

[2817] For some further account of the British oyster, see B. xxxii. c. 21.

[2818] See B. xxxii. c. 21.

[2819] He was the first of this family, a branch of the Licinian gens, who bore the surname of Murena, from his love for that fish, it was said. He, like his father P. Licinius, attained the rank of prætor, and was a contemporary of the orator, L. Crassus.

[2820] “Euripum.”

[2821] “Xerxen togatum,” or “the Roman Xerxes,” in allusion to Xerxes cutting a canal through the Isthmus, which connected the Peninsula of Mount Athos with Chalcidice. See B. iv. c. 17, and the Note, vol. i. p. 300.

[2822] Probably the same person as the C. Hirrius Posthumius, who is mentioned as a voluptuary by Cicero, De Fin. B. ii. c. 22, § 70. Varro speaks of him, as expending the rent of his houses, amounting to twelve millions of sesterces, in bait for his murenæ.

[2823] This is, probably, the meaning of “quadragies” here, though it has been translated 400,000.

[2824] See B. iii. c. 9.

[2825] Porphyry, Tzetzes, and Macrobius relate the same story.

[2826] See B. vii. c. [18], and B. xxxv. c. 36. Her grandson, Caligula, is supposed to have hastened her death.

[2827] Hirpinius is the more common reading. He is mentioned in B. viii. c. 78. If the reading “Lupinus” is adopted, nothing seems to be known of this epicurean trifler.

[2828] Our periwinkles.

[2829] See B. iii. c. 17.

[2830] Off the coast of Africa, see B. v. c. 1. These periwinkles, or sea-snails, are again mentioned in B. xxx. c. 15.

[2831] “Sapa.” Must, or new wine, boiled down to one half, according to Pliny; and one third, according to Varro.

[2832] The “quadrans” contained three cyathi, and was the fourth part of a sextarius, which consisted of about a pint and a-half; in which case the contents of one of their shells would be no less than fifteen quarts!! A statement to which no credit can be attached, unless, indeed, the sea-snail was something quite different to our periwinkle.

[2833] Cuvier remarks, that nothing is known of the fish of the Euphrates here mentioned by Pliny from Theophrastus; as, indeed, all particulars relative to the fresh-water fish of foreign countries are the portion of Ichthyology with which we are the least acquainted. Judging, however, from what is stated as to their habits and appearance, they may he various species of the genus Gobius of Linnæus, and more especially the one called periophthalmus by Bloch. These species are in the habit of crawling along the grass on the banks of rivers.

[2834] Generally considered the same as our gudgeon. It is called “cobio” (from the Greek κωβιὸς), by Pliny, in B. xxxii. c. 53. It was a worthless fish, “Vilis piscis,” as Juvenal says.

[2835] What Heraclea, if that is the correct reading, is meant here, it is impossible to say. Cromna is mentioned in B. vi. c. 2.

[2836] Cuvier thinks, that Pliny here alludes to a species of loche, the Cobitis fossilis of Linnæus, which keeps itself concealed in the mud, and can survive a long time in it, after the water above it is absorbed. Hence it is often found alive in the mud of drained marshes, or in the dried-up beds of rivers.

[2837] Cuvier remarks, that many fish, the orifice of the gills of which, like those of the eel, is small, or which have in the interior of those parts organs proper for the preservation there of water, are able, like the eel, to live for some time on dry land; such, for instance, as the periophthalmi previously mentioned, the chironectes, the ophicephali, the anabas, and others; but it is difficult to say, he observes, of what species were those of the Lycus, which are here mentioned.

[2838] Or turtle. See c. [12] of the present Book.

[2839] It is most probable that Sillig is right in his supposition, that “quam” should be read “æquam;” otherwise it does not appear that any sense can be made of the passage. Schneider, in his commentaries upon Theophrastus, Sillig says, quite despaired of either amending or explaining this passage; which, however, with Sillig’s emendation is very easily to be understood.

[2840] In accordance with the opinion of Vossius and Sillig, we read here “in illis,” instead of the common, and most probably incorrect, reading, “in nullis.”

[2841] Pomponius Mela, B. i. c. 9., and Ovid, Met. B. i. l. 422, et seq., tell the same story, which, however, has no truth in it whatever.

[2842] B. v. c. 35.

[2843] Oppian, Halieut. B. iii. c. 305, et seq., tells a similar story as to the mode of taking the anthias, with some slight variation, however.

[2844] “Damni formulam editam.”

[2845] Cuvier says, that the star-fish, the Asterias of Linnæus, is covered with a callous shell without, and has within only the viscera and the ovaria, apparently without any muscles. Aristotle reckons it among the fishes which he calls ὀστρακοδέρματα, or hard-shelled fish; while, on the other hand, Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xi. c. 22, reckons it among the μαλακόστρακα, or soft-shelled fish.

[2846] Cuvier says, that Pliny has good reason to say that he does not know upon what authority this power has been attributed to the star-fish; as it is altogether fabulous.

[2847] “Or finger.” The same fish that have been mentioned as “ungues,” or “onyches,” in c. 51 of the present Book. They are a multivalve shell-fish, Cuvier says, which live in hardened mud or the interior of rocks, into which they burrow cavities, from which they cannot retreat; and they can only be taken by breaking the stone. They have a flavour like pepper, and give out a phosphorescent light. See the end of c. [51].

[2848] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 3. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 48.

[2849] Aristotle says, that the tail of the conger is bitten by the murena, but not that of the murena by the conger. Hardouin suggests that Pliny may have learned this fact from the works of Nigidius Figulus.

[2850] Cuvier remarks, that in another passage, B. xi. c. 62, Pliny states that the “musculus qui balænam antecedit” has no teeth, but only bristles in its mouth. Now, in B. xxxii. c. 53, he speaks of the musculus as among the largest of animals; from which Cuvier concludes it to have been a species of whale, probably the “rorqual” of the Mediterranean. In confirmation of this, he thinks that the word “antecedit,” in B. xi. c. 62. has not the meaning of “goes before,” but “exceeds in size;” though here it is spoken of as leading the whale; and Oppian, Ælian, Plutarch, Claudian, speak of the conductor of the whale as a little fish. He is of opinion, in fine, that either Pliny or some of the authors from which he has borrowed, have made a mistake in the name, and probably given that of “musculus,” which was really a large fish, to a small one, which was commonly supposed to attend on the movements of the whale.

[2851] It is evident from this passage, that Pliny is speaking of a little fish here, and not one to which he would assign such bulk as is ascribed to the musculus in B. xxxii. c. 53.

[2852] See end of B. iii.

[2853] See end of B. [vii].

[2854] Caius Cilnius Mecænas, or rather Mæcenas, a descendant of the kings of Etruria, and of equestrian rank. He was the favourite minister of Augustus, and the friend and patron of Horace, Virgil, and most of the more deserving among the learned of his day. He is supposed to have written two tragedies, the Prometheus and Octavia; an epic poem, and a work on Natural History, to which Pliny frequently alludes, and which seems to have related, principally, to fishes and gems. He is also thought to have written some memoirs of the life of Augustus.

[2855] A rhetorician, who flourished in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. His school was attended by the elder Seneca, who had then recently removed to Rome from Corduba. He was regarded at Rome as a prodigy of learning, and gave lectures before he had assumed the toga virilis. He is supposed to have written poetry, and a history of the Carthaginian wars.

[2856] See end of B. ii.

[2857] Or “writer of Mimes.” Laberius Decimus was of equestrian rank, born about B.C. 107, and died B.C. 43. Half compelled, and half induced by the offer of a reward by Cæsar, he appeared on the stage, in his old age, as an actor of mimes. A few verses, and a prologue still in existence, are attributed to him.

[2858] Fabianus Papirius. See end of B. ii.

[2859] See end of B. [viii].

[2860] See end of B. ii.

[2861] L. Ælius Præconinus Stilo, a Roman of equestrian rank, one of the earliest grammarians, and also one of the most celebrated. He instructed Varro, and was one of Cæsar’s instructors in rhetoric. He received the name of Præconinus, from the circumstance of his father having been a “præco,” and that of Stilo, on account of his writings. He wrote commentaries on the songs of the Salii, and on the Twelve Tables, a work De Proloquiis, &c.

[2862] See end of B. ii.

[2863] See end of B. [vii].

[2864] L. Annæus Seneca. See end of B. vi.

[2865] See end of B. [vii].

[2866] A poet of Verona, who died B.C. 16, He wrote a poem upon birds, snakes, and medicinal plants, in imitation, probably, of the Theriaca of Nicander. There is a work, still extant, under his name, “On the Virtues of Herbs;” which, no doubt, belongs to the middle ages. He also wrote sixteen or more Books of Annals.

[2867] M. Valerius Messala Corvinus. He was born at Rome, B.C. 59. He joined the party of Cassius against Antony and Augustus, which last he defeated at the battle of Philippi. He afterwards served under Antony, and then Augustus; the centre of whose fleet he commanded at Actium. About two years before his death, which happened in the middle of the reign of Augustus, his memory failed him, and he was often unable to recollect his own name. He wrote a history, or rather, commentaries on the Civil wars after the death of Cæsar, and towards the close of his life composed a genealogical work “On the Families of Rome.” He also wrote poems of a satirical, and sometimes licentious character; and works on grammar, the titles of only two of which have come down to us. He was especially famous for his eloquence.

[2868] See end of B. [viii].

[2869] See end of B. [vi].

[2870] See end of B. ii.

[2871] See end of B. [viii].

[2872] See end of B. iv.

[2873] See end of B. ii.

[2874] See end of B. iii.

[2875] See end of B. ii.

[2876] Nothing whatever is known of him.

[2877] See end of B. iii.

[2878] Cuvier remarks, that the accounts given by the ancients of birds, are enveloped in greater obscurity than their information on quadrupeds, or fishes. The quadrupeds, he says, are not so numerous, and are known from their characteristics. The fishes also, which the ancients so highly esteemed as an article of food, were well known to them in general, and they have repeated occasions to speak of them: but as to the birds, the augurs were their principal informants. Pliny, in fact, often quotes their testimony; and we find, from what he says, that these men had not come to any agreement among themselves as to what were the names of divers species of birds, the movements of which announced, according to them, the success or misfortune of states equally with individuals. This portion, in fact, of the works of Pliny, Cuvier remarks, is an excellent commentary on the remark of Cicero, who, an augur himself, asked the question, how two augurs could look each other in the face without laughing. There are also several passages from Aristotle, who has, however, given but very little attention to the exterior characteristics of birds: it is only from the similarity of their habits and present names that we are able, in many cases, to guess what bird it is that is meant.

[2879] “Struthiocamelus;” from the Greek, signifying a “little sparrow,” and a “camel.” Cuvier remarks, that Pliny’s description is correct, and that he is only mistaken in a few slight particulars.

[2880] Pliny perhaps here uses the conjunction “vel” in the explanatory sense of “otherwise;” intending to distinguish Æthiopian Africa from the Roman province of that name.

[2881] Cuvier remarks, that there is some truth in this, so far as that the ostrich has only two toes, like the stag and other ruminating animals; but then they are unequal in size, and not covered with hoofs.

[2882] Father Lobo, in his account of Abyssinia, says that when the ostrich is running at great speed, it throws the stones behind with such violence, that they would almost seem to be thrown at those in pursuit.

[2883] An ostrich, Cuvier says, will swallow anything, but it is by no means able to digest everything. He says, that he has seen ostriches with the stomach ruptured by nails which they have swallowed, or dreadfully torn by pieces of glass.

[2884] It has been remarked by Diodorus Siculus, B. ii., that so far from displaying stupidity in acting thus, it adopts a wise precaution, its head being its most weak and defenceless part.

[2885] Cuvier states that its egg is equal to twenty-four to twenty-eight fowls’ eggs, and that he had frequently eaten of them, and found them very delicate.

[2886] “Ferunt.” With regard to this verb, Cuvier remarks, that it is equivocal; and that it is very possible that the writer intends to say, not that India and Æthiopia produce these marvellous birds, but that the people of those countries report or relate marvellous stories touching those birds. It is clear that he does not believe in the existence of the phœnix.

[2887] Cuvier remarks, that all these relations are neither more nor less than so many absurd fables or pure allegories, but that the description given is exactly that of a bird which does exist, the golden pheasant, namely. The description given is probably taken from the pretended phœnix that Pliny mentions as having been brought to Rome in the reign of Claudius. It is not improbable, he thinks, that this may have been a golden pheasant, brought from the interior of Asia, when the pursuits of commerce had as yet hardly extended so far, and to which those who showed it gave, most probably, the name of the phœnix. Ajasson is of opinion, that under the story of the phœnix an allegory was concealed, and thinks it may not improbably have been employed to pourtray the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. Bailly, Hist. de l’Astronomie, thinks that it bore reference to the great canicular year of the Egyptians.

[2888] Borrowed from Herodotus, B. ii. c. 73.

[2889] The MSS. vary considerably as to the number. Some make it 540 years, others 511, others 40, and others 560.

[2890] Mentioned also, B. vii. c. 57.

[2891] 532 years, according to Hardouin. Bailly says: “The first men who studied the heavens remarked that the revolution of the sun brought back the seasons in the same order. They thought that they observed that certain variations of the temperature depended upon the aspect of the moon, and attached different prognostics to the rising and setting of the stars, persuading themselves that the vicissitudes of things here below had regulated periods, like the movements of the heavenly bodies. From this arose the impression, that the same aspect, the same arrangement of all the stars, that had prevailed at the commencement of the world, would also attend its destruction; and that the period of this long revolution was the predestined duration of the life of nature. Another impression was the idea that the world would only perish at this epoch to be born again, and for the same order of things to recommence with the same series of celestial phenomena. Some fixed this universal renovation at the conjunction of all the planets, others at the return of the stars to the same point of the ecliptic; others, uniting these two kinds of revolutions, marked the term of the duration of all things at the moment at which the planets and the stars would return to the same primitive situation with regard to the ecliptic, or in other words, they conceived an immense period, which would include one or more complete revolutions of each of the planets. All these periods were called the ‘great year,’ or the ‘great revolution.’” Histoire de l’Astronomie Ancienne.

[2892] A.U.C. 657.

[2893] A.U.C. 789.

[2894] A public place in the Forum, where the comitia curiata were held, and certain offences tried and punished.

[2895] Cuvier remarks, that this passage is borrowed, with some changes, from Aristotle’s “History of Animals,” B. ix. c. 32, but that the account given by Pliny is not very easily explained, from the fact that the word eagle is not used by him in a rigorous acceptation of the word. Indeed it is only at the present day that any accurate knowledge has been obtained as to the different species of eagles, and the changes of colour to which they are subject with the advance of age; circumstances which have caused the species of them to be multiplied by naturalists. It is very doubtful, he says, whether Aristotle has distinguished the various kinds any better than Pliny; although Buffon, who himself was not very successful in distinguishing them, says that Aristotle understood more on the subject than the moderns.

[2896] Μελανάετος, or the “black eagle.” Cuvier says, that this description is copied exactly from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 32. This eagle, he says, cannot be, as is commonly supposed, the “common eagle.” It can only be, he thinks, the “small” eagle, the female of which, according to Nauman and Savigny, when it is old is almost all black, and without spots; only the young being spotted.

[2897] From the Greek πυγὴ ἀργὴ, “white tail.” Cuvier remarks, that this is copied exactly from Aristotle, except that he says nothing about the whiteness of the tail, which is an interpolation. The feathers as described agree with those of the common eagle, the Falco fulvus, which is strong enough to seize a fawn. As regards its habit, he says, of dwelling on plains, that would agree better with the Jean le blanc of the French, the Falco Gallicus; while the name of pygargus is commonly applied, at the present day, to the great sea-eagle, the Falco albicilla; which frequents lakes and the sea-shore, and therefore corresponds more nearly with the haliætus of Pliny.

[2898] Cuvier says, that he is almost tempted to believe that it is the balbusard, the Falco haliætus, that is here meant, as it has a black back, and lives in the vicinity of lakes. But then, he remarks, it lives on fish and not aquatic birds; while, on the other hand, the little eagle of Buffon, the Falco nævio, often seizes ducks and other aquatic animals. He is inclined then, notwithstanding the apparent confusion, to take this morphnos for the modern small eagle. The words μορφνὸς and περκνὸς signify “black.”

[2899] From the Greek, meaning “black wing.”

[2900] “Mountain stork.” Buffon thinks that this is the great brown vulture; Cuvier, the great white-headed eagle.

[2901] Γνήσιος. “True-born,” “genuine.” Cuvier thinks that this may be the royal or imperial eagle, Falco imperialis.

[2902] The great sea-eagle, according to Cuvier, the varieties of which (in age) are called by Linnæus “Falco albicaudus,” and “Falco ossifraga.”

[2903] See Lucan, B. ix. l. 902.

[2904] He contradicts himself, for he has already stated that it is the sixth species.

[2905] “Barbata.” Cuvier takes it to be the læmmer-geyer, or Gypaëtus, the only bird of prey that has a beard.

[2906] Or eagle-stone. See B. xxxvi. c. 39. He does not there mention that it is combustible. It is not impossible that pieces of aëtites, or ferruginous geodes, may have been found in an eagle’s nest.

[2907] Fora.

[2908] Albertus Magnus says that he knows this by actual experience: “credat Judæus.”

[2909] Ordinem.

[2910] See Virgil, Æn. B. xi. l. 755, et seq. By the “dragon,” he means some large serpent.

[2911] “Heroum.”

[2912] The great European vulture.

[2913] Their nests are seldom seen, in consequence of being concealed in the crags of the highest mountains, the Pyrenees, for instance.

[2914] “Three” seems a better reading. Aristotle says “two.”

[2915] Ovid, in his “Art of Love,” speaks of the use of eggs in purifications made by lovesick damsels. See B. ii. l. 330.

[2916] This story arises from the extreme acuteness of their power of smelling a dead body. The Egyptians said that the vulture foreknows the field of battle seven days.

[2917] Festus says, also, that it is the ossifrage, and was so called from the god Sancus.

[2918] Aristotle says ten.

[2919] A mere fable. Cuvier says that the ægithus of Aristotle was probably a kind of sparrow.

[2920] Said to be three in number; a mere fable. The buzzard probably is meant.

[2921] The family of the Buteones belonged to the gens Fabia.

[2922] Cuvier thinks that he means to identify this kind with the triorchis, of which Aristotle says that it is to be seen at all seasons.

[2923] See B. vi. c. [36].

[2924] Cuvier remarks, that we here find the art of falconry in its rough state. It was restored to Europe, no doubt, by the Crusaders. See Beckmann’s Hist. Inventions, vol. i. p. 201. Bohn’s Edition.

[2925] “Missas in sublime sibi excipere eos.” The meaning is very doubtful.

[2926] The whole of this passage is, most probably, a gloss or interpolation.

[2927] This is denied by Albertus Magnus.

[2928] Cuvier remarks, that Pliny has erroneously joined the account given by Aristotle of the cybindis, to that of the hybris, or ptynx. He takes the cybindis to be the “Strix Uralensis” of Pallas.

[2929] Cuvier says, that this notion is still entertained by the French peasantry.

[2930] This is not the case. It only lays in the nests of insectivorous birds.

[2931] Cuvier remarks, that this is not a very good reason; but we have not yet been able to find a better.

[2932] Cuvier denies this story, but says, that when the foster-mother is a very small bird, the young cuckoo will take the whole of her head in his beak when receiving food.

[2933] “Curse on your ill-betiding croak.” See “The Farmer’s Wife and the Raven,” in Gay’s Fables.

[2934] Aristotle says, that it was never to be seen in the Acropolis or Citadel of Athens.

[2935] Only the case with the large raven, or Corvus corax of Linnæus, the others living in flocks.

[2936] Doé says, that this is incorrect; the beak of the raven not being of a similar form to that of the pigeon.

[2937] Or else, “The Median guests.” It is not known to what he alludes. Alexander ab Alexandro says, that both Alexander the Great and Cicero were warned of their deaths by the raven.

[2938] “Noctua, bubo, ulula.” It is very doubtful what birds are meant by these names. Cuvier has been at some pains to identify them, and concludes that the noctua, or glaux of Aristotle, is the Strix brachyotas of Linnæus, the “short-eared screech-owl;” the bubo, the Strix bubo of Linnæus, and the ulula, the Strix aluco of Linnæus; our madgehowlet, grey or brown owl.

[2939] Seventh of March. The year of their consulship is not known.

[2940] Cuvier suggests, that it may be the coracias of Aristotle, our jackdaw probably, the Corvus graculus of Linnæus. It has been said, that in its admiration of shining objects, it will take up a burning coal; a trick which has before now caused conflagrations. Servius speaks of it as frequenting funeral piles.

[2941] A.U.C. 647.

[2942] “Spinturnix” and “clivia” were names given by the augurs probably to some kinds of birds.

[2943] Cuvier ridicules the excessive ignorance of the augurs. It is with the beak that the young bird breaks the shell.

[2944] See B. xxv. c. 5.

[2945] Picus, the son of Saturn, king of Latium. He was skilled in augury, and was said to have been changed into a woodpecker. See Ovid, Met. B. xiv. l. 314.; Virgil, Æn. B. vii. c. 187. See also Ovid, Fasti, B. iii. l. 37.

[2946] Valerius Maximus, B. v. c. 6, says, that seventeen members of this family fell at the battle of Cannæ.

[2947] “Oscines” and “alites.” This was a distinction made by the augurs, but otherwise of little utility, as all the birds with a note fly as well.

[2948] See the story of the eyes of Argus transferred to the peacock’s tail. Ovid, Met. B. i. l. 616.

[2949] It would be curious to know how the goose manifests its modesty, or “verecundia.” We are equally at a loss with Pliny to discover it.

[2950] Tribune of the people, B.C. 61. He was maternal grandfather of the Empress Livia. “Lurco” means a “glutton.”

[2951] About 12,270 francs, Ajasson says.

[2952] See B. viii. c. [19].

[2953] Possibly Media; Varro says, “Medicos.”

[2954] “Tripudia solistima.” An omen derived from the feeding of the fowls, when they devoured their food with such avidity, that it fell from their mouths and rebounded from the ground.

[2955] By the auspices which they afforded.

[2956] Mentioned by Cicero, De Divin. B. i.

[2957] The same too at Athens, in one of the theatres, in remembrance, Ælian says, of the victory gained by Themistocles over the Persians.

[2958] A.U.C. 676.

[2959] When the Capitol was besieged by the Gauls.

[2960] Near Patræ, in Achaia. Ælian gives his name as Amphilochus.

[2961] A singular quality in a goose. Ælian says, that Lacydes was a peripatetic philosopher, and that he honoured the goose with splendid obsequies, when it died.

[2962] See B. viii. c. [77]. Horace also mentions that they were fattened with figs.

[2963] “Lacte mulso.” Perhaps honey, wine, and milk.

[2964] In Gaul. See B. iv. c. 31.

[2965] “Gans” is still the German name. Hence our word “gander.”

[2966] This medicament is further treated of in B. xxix. c. 13.

[2967] “The Commagenian mixture.” For Commagene, see B. v. cc. 13 and 20.

[2968] The “goose-fox,” so called, according to Ælian, for its cunning and mischievous qualities; and worshipped by the Egyptians for its affection for its young. It is supposed by Cuvier to be the Anas Ægyptiaca of Buffon.

[2969] The Anas clypeata of Buffon, according to Cuvier.

[2970] The Tetrao tetrix of Linnæus, or heathcock.

[2971] The Tetrao urogallus of Linnæus, according to Cuvier.

[2972] The Otis tarda of Linnæus. Cuvier says, that it is not the case that they are bad eating, and remarks that birds have no marrow in the larger bones.

[2973] Doé thinks that the spinal marrow is meant.

[2974] B. iv. c. 18, and B. vii. c. 2.

[2975] In B. vii. c. 2, Pliny speaks of the Pygmies as living to the far East of India.

[2976] See B. iv. cc. 20 and 26; and B. vi. c. [2].

[2977] The “village of the Python,” or “serpent.” Gueroult suggests that this may he Serponouwtzi, beyond the river Oby, in Siberia.

[2978] Thirteenth of August.

[2979] M. Mauduit has a learned discussion in Panckouke’s Translation, vol. viii., many pages in length; in which he satisfactorily shows that this is not entirely fabulous, but that the wild swan of the northern climates really is possessed of a tuneful note or cadence. Of course, the statement that it only sings just before its death, must be rejected as fabulous.

[2980] The “mother of the quails.” Frederic II., in his work, De Arte Venandi, calls the “rallus,” or “rail,” the “leader of the quails.”

[2981] From γλωττὰ, “a tongue.” It is not known what bird is alluded to.

[2982] Bellon thinks that this is the proyer, or prayer, of the French; Aldrovandus considers it to be the ortolan.

[2983] Gesner suggests from “asinus,” an “ass;” its feathers sticking up like the ears of that animal. Dalechamps thinks it is because its voice resembles the braying of an ass; the name “otus” is from the Greek for “ear.”

[2984] Either hemlock or hellebore.

[2985] “Despui suetum.” See B. xxviii. c. 7. As Hardouin says, in modern times they are considered delicate eating; but Schenkius, Obsers. Med. B. i., states, that if the bird has eaten hellebore, epilepsy is the consequence to the person who partakes of its flesh.

[2986] See B. iv. c. 18.

[2987] A friend of Augustus, sent by him with proposals to Antony, B.C. 41.

[2988] The colour of the “factio,” or “party” of charioteers. See p. [217].

[2989] Galgulus.

[2990] Cuvier suggests, that these birds may have been the Tringa pugnax of Linnæus and Buffon, the males of which engage in most bloody combats with each other on the banks of rivers, in spring.

[2991] No doubt, as Cuvier says, this was the Numida meleagris of Linnæus, Guinea hen, or pintada. Cuvier remarks that they are very pugnacious birds.

[2992] See B. v. c. 22.

[2993] Cuvier suggests, that these birds may have been of the starling genus, perhaps the Tardus roseus of Linnæus.

[2994] The “hunter of flies.”

[2995] Suetonius says, that when Tiberius was staying at Rhodes, an eagle perched on the roof of his house; such a bird having never been seen before on the island.

[2996] See B. iii. c. 21.

[2997] It is still noted for its thieving propensities; witness the English story of the Maid and the Magpie, and the Italian opera of “La Gazza Ladra.” Cicero says, “They would no more trust gold with you, than with a jackdaw.” See also Ovid’s Met. B. vii. It is the Corvus pica of Linnæus.

[2998] “Mottled pies.”

[2999] See B. iv. c. 12.

[3000] Asia Minor, most probably. The assertion, though supported by Theophrastus, is open to doubt.

[3001] See B. viii. c. [8]3.

[3002] It was the nightingale that was said to be “Vox et præterea nihil;” “A voice, and nothing else.”

[3003] As there may be different opinions on the meaning of the various parts of this passage, it is as well to transcribe it for the benefit of the reader, the more especially as, contrary to his usual practice, Pliny is here in a particularly discursive mood. “Nunc continuo spiritu trahitur in longum, nunc variatur inflexo, nunc distinguitur conciso, copulatur intorto, promittitur revocato, infuscatur ex inopinato, interdum et secum ipse murmurat, plenus, gravis, acutus, creber, extentus; ubi visum est, vibrans, summus, medius, imus.”

[3004] 1227 francs, Ajasson says.

[3005] Something very similar to this, we often see practised by the water-warblers in our streets.

[3006] Cuvier supposes that this is one of the fly-catchers; the “Muscicapa atricapilla” of Linnæus, which changes in appearance entirely after the breeding season.

[3007] The “black-head.”

[3008] Cuvier thinks that this is the wall nightingale, the Motacilla phœnicurus of Linnæus, which is not seen in winter. On the other hand, the Motacilla rubecula of Linnæus, or red-throat, is only seen during the winter, and being like the other bird, may have been taken for it, and named “phœnicurus.”

[3009] This is not the case. Aristotle only says that it builds its nest of human ordure; a story probably without any foundation, but still prevalent among the French peasantry.

[3010] It has not been identified with precision. Pliny, B. xviii. c. 69 calls it a small bird. Some make it the popinjay; others, with more probability, the lapwing. Horace, B. iii. Ode 27, mentions it as the parra, a bird of ill omen.

[3011] The Oriolus luteus, or witwall, according to Linnæus.

[3012] White blackbirds (if we may employ the paradox) are a distinct variety, according to Cuvier, to be found in various countries, though but rarely.

[3013] This is from Herodotus, but it is incorrect. The black, or rather green ibis, Cuvier says, the Scolopax falcinellus of Linnæus, is found not only near Pelusium, but all over the south of Europe.

[3014] He alludes to the nightingale, mentioned in c. 43.

[3015] The king-fisher, or Alcedo ispida of Linnæus. There is no truth whatever in this favourite story of the ancients.

[3016] In copying from Aristotle, he has put “collum,” by mistake, for “rostrum,” the “beak.”

[3017] This bird in reality builds no nest, but lays its eggs in holes on the water side. The objects taken for its nest are a zoophyte called halcyonium by Linnæus, as Cuvier informs us, and similar in shape to a nest.

[3018] Or didapper.

[3019] The first is the common chimney swallow. This latter one, Cuvier says, is either the window swallow, the Hirundo urbica of Linnæus, or else the martinet, the Hirundo apus of Linnæus.

[3020] The bank swallow, or Hirundo riparia of Linnæus.

[3021] Cuvier thinks that this is either the remiz, the Parus pendulinus of Linnæus, or else the moustache, the Parus biarmicus of Linnæus.

[3022] Not moss, Cuvier says, but blades of grass, and the silken fibres of the poplar and other aquatic trees.

[3023] Cuvier thinks that it is the same bird as the vitiparra of Pliny.

[3024] Galgulus.

[3025] This story, in all its extravagance, is related first by Herodotus, and then by Aristotle, who has reduced it to its present dimensions, as given by Pliny.

[3026] Cuvier suggests that, if at all based upon truth, this may have been the case in one instance, and then ascribed to the whole species.

[3027] The Merops apiaster of Linnæus, or bee-eater.

[3028] Cuvier says that the red partridge, the Tetrao rufus of Linnæus, is meant.

[3029] The same wonderful story is told by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 5, and by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvii. c. 15.

[3030] “Metu.” Aristotle says, by sexual passion. The reading is probably corrupt here.

[3031] See B. xviii. c. 68; where he says that the summer solstice is past at the time of the incubation.

[3032] Cuvier takes this to be the kestril, or Falco tinnunculus of Linnæus, and considers it to be synonymous with the cenchris, mentioned in c. 73, and in B. xxix. c. 6, though Pliny does not seem to be aware of the identity.

[3033] Hirtius and Pansa. Frontinus, B. iii. c. 13. says that pigeons were sent by Hirtius to Brutus. At the present day, letters are sent fastened under their wings.

[3034] B. iii. c. 7.

[3035] “Without feet.” This was supposed to be the case with the martinet, the Hirundo apus of Linnæus.

[3036] Or “goat-sucker.” The Caprimulgus Europæus of Linnæus.

[3037] Cuvier says that this is the spoon-bill, the Platalea leucorodea of Linnæus. Some suppose it to be the bittern.

[3038] By nestling in the dust. Throwing dust over the body was one of the ancient modes of purification.

[3039] “Lustrant,” “perform a lustration.” This was done by the Romans with a branch of laurel or olive, and sometimes bean-stalks were used.

[3040] The linnet, probably.

[3041] The “bull.” This cannot possibly be the bittern, as some have suggested, for that is a large bird.

[3042] Supposed to be the Motacilla flava of Linnæus, the spring wagtail.

[3043] Hence the Latin name “psittacus.” From this, Cuvier thinks that the first known among these birds to the Greeks and Romans, was the green perroquet with a ringed neck, the Psittacus Alexandri of Linnæus.

[3044] Cuvier says that this is the jay, the Corvus glandarius of Linnæus; but that they are not more apt at speaking than the other kinds.

[3045] Cuvier remarks, that these can only be monstrosities.

[3046] Britannicus, the son of Claudius, and Nero, his stepson.

[3047] In the eighth region of the city.

[3048] The nephew and son of Tiberius.

[3049] Festus says that the “fane of Rediculus was without the Porta Capena; it was so called because Hannibal, when on the march from Capua, turned back (redierit) at that spot, being alarmed at certain portentous visions.”

[3050] P. Cornelius Scipio Æmilianus Africanus Minor, the younger son of L. Æmilius Paulus, the conqueror of Macedonia. It is doubtful whether he died a natural death, or was privately assassinated by the partisans of the Gracchi. His wife, Cornelia, and his mother, Sempronia, were suspected by some persons.

[3051] 28th March.

[3052] One would hardly think that there was anything wonderful in a crow being very black.

[3053] The “one-horned.”

[3054] Most probably in Asia Minor, and not Eriza in India.

[3055] Cuvier is inclined to think that the Anas tadorna approaches most nearly the description given here. From Ovid’s description of their hard and pointed bills and claws, it would appear that a petrel (Procellaria), or else a white heron (Ardea garzetta), is intended; but these birds, he remarks, do not make holes in the earth. Linnæus has given the name of Diomedea exulans to the albatross, a bird of the Antarctic seas, which cannot have been known to the ancients.

[3056] B. iii. c. 29.

[3057] See Ovid’s Met. B. xiii.

[3058] Albertus Magnus says that swallows can be tamed.

[3059] The Fulica porphyrio of Linnæus, the Poule sultane of Buffon.

[3060] Literally, “the blood-red foot.” Cuvier says that this description may apply to the sea-pie or oyster-eater, the Hæmatopus ostralegus of Linnæus, or else the long-legged plover, the Charadrius himantopus of Linnæus, but most probably the latter, more especially if the reading here is “himantopus,” as some editions have it.

[3061] “Muscæ,” “flies,” is a mistake of the copyists, Cuvier thinks, for “musculi,” “mussels.”

[3062] More especially the Larus parasiticus, Cuvier says.

[3063] Dalechamps thinks that this story bears reference to the chatterer (the Ampelis garrulus of Linnæus), the ends of certain feathers of the wings being extended, and of a vermilion colour: but Cuvier looks upon Pliny’s account as almost nothing more than a poetical exaggeration.

[3064] A species of duck, Cuvier thinks. from Aristophanes we learn that they were common in the markets of Athens. Cuvier suggests that it may, have been the Anas galericulata of Linnæus, the Chinese teal, which the Parthians may have received from the countries lying to the east of them.

[3065] “Phasiana,” so called from the river Phasis.

[3066] A variety of the guinea fowl; probably the Numida Meleagris of Linnæus.

[3067] Literally, the “red-wing.” The modern flamingo.

[3068] Buffon thinks that this is the grouse of the English, the Tetrao Scoticus of the naturalists; but Cuvier is of opinion that it is either the common wood-cock, the Tetrao bonasia of Linnæus, or else the wood-cock with pointed tail, of the south of Europe, the Tetrao alchata of Linnæus, most probably the latter, as the male has black and blue spots on the back; a fact which may explain the joke in the “Birds” of Aristophanes, where a run-away slave who has been marked with stripes, is called an attagen. By some it is called the “red-headed hazel-hen.”

[3069] In allusion, perhaps, to the words of Horace, Epod. ii. 54.

Non attagen Ionicus

Jucundior, quam lecta de pinguissimis

Oliva ramis arborum.

[3070] Literally, the “bald crow.” Pliny, B. xi. c. 47, says that it is an aquatic bird: and naturalists generally identify it with the cormorant, the Pelecanus carbo of Linnæus.

[3071] Literally, the red crow, the chocard of the Alps, the Corvus pyrrhocorax of Linnæus.

[3072] The “hare’s foot.” Identical with the snow partridge, the Tetrao lagopus of Linnæus; it is white in winter.

[3073] The same bird, Cuvier says, as seen in summer, being then of a saffron colour, with blackish spots.

[3074] Cuvier remarks, that the green courlis, the Scolopax falcinellus of Linnæus, which is not improbably the real ibis of the ancients, is by no means uncommon in Italy.

[3075] “Novæ aves.” The grey partridge, Hardouin thinks.

[3076] Flamingo.

[3077] See B. xi. c. 44.

[3078] Scythia and Æthiopia ought to be transposed here, as the griffons were said to be monsters that guarded the gold in the mountains of Scythia, the Uralian chain, probably.

[3079] Literally, the “goat Pan.” Cuvier thinks that the bird here alluded to actually existed, and identifies it with the napaul, or horned pheasant of Buffon, the penelope satyra of Gmell, a bird of the north of India, and which answers the description here given by Pliny.

[3080] See Ovid, Met. B. v. l. 553.

[3081] A kind of crested lark.

[3082] The Strix scops, probably, of Linn. See the Odyssey, B. v. l. 66.

[3083] Those called Orchia, Didia, Oppia, Cornelia, Antia, and Julia namely.

[3084] Repositoria. See B. xxxiii. c. 49. See also B. ix. c. [13].

[3085] Valerius Maximus, B. ix. c. 1, tells this story of the profligate son of Æsopus.

[3086] B. ix. c. 59.

[3087] “Hominum linguas,” Pliny says; a singularly inappropriate expression, it would appear.

[3088] See B. viii. c. [37].

[3089] The tinnunculus, probably, of c. 52.

[3090] B. ii. Sat. 4, l. 12. “Longa quibus facies ovis erit, ille memento. Ut succi melioris, et ut magis alba rotundis.”

[3091] Aristotle says just the reverse: but Hardouin thinks that the passage in Aristotle has been corrupted.

[3092] This, Cuvier says, in reality is not the umbilical cord, but the chalasis, a little transparent and gelatinous ligament, by which the yolk is suspended like a globe. The true umbilical cord of the bird only makes its appearance after an incubation of some days.

[3093] Produced in the territory of Adria. See B. iii. c. 18.

[3094] Cuvier says, that after an egg has been set upon for some days, the heart of the chicken may be seen like a small red speck, that palpitates; but that no such thing is to be seen before incubation.

[3095] Cuvier remarks, that the chicken is not formed exclusively from the white, and that the yellow is gradually displaced by it, as the chicken increases in size.

[3096] Cuvier tells us, that in the Memoirs of the Academy of St. Petersburgh, there is a memoir by Wolf, entitled Ovum simplex gemelliferum, in which these twin chickens are described with great exactness.

[3097] More generally eleven or thirteen in this country.

[3098] To secure their being more equably covered.

[3099] Or rather, will produce chickens hideously deformed. This trick is sometimes practised among the country people against those to whom they owe a grudge.

[3100] Aristotle says with a straw mat.

[3101] Similar, probably, to our bantam.

[3102] In consequence, probably, of their smallness, and want of sufficient warmth.

[3103] The pip.

[3104] Meaning the “urine-egg.”

[3105] Or “wind” eggs. See cc. [75] and [80].

[3106] The white heron.

[3107] So called from its soaring towards the stars.

[3108] The tawny or black heron.

[3109] Possibly the night-hawk. Sillig says, that in the corresponding passage of Aristotle it is αἰτώλιος.

[3110] “Dog’s-urine.” See the last [Chapter].

[3111] Hardouin asserts that this is the fact.

[3112] This is probably fabulous.

[3113] B. vii. c. 4.

[3114] Justly called by Juvenal, “meretricem Augustam,” Sat. vi. l. 118.

[3115] B. viii. c. 54.

[3116] Probably the goldfinch.

[3117] A kind of large hound.

[3118] The number that they bear.

[3119] See B. viii. c. [81].

[3120] B. viii. c. 10, and in the present Chapter.

[3121] B. vii. c. 13.

[3122] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 37, does not quite say this. He says that the young ones looked “as if” they were pregnant, οἷον κύοντα.

[3123] Ovid, Met. B. xv. l. 389, makes mention of this belief.

[3124] See the following Book.

[3125] Known by us as the razor-sheath.

[3126] Martial alludes to these fish-preserves, and the fish coming upon hearing their name, B. iv. Ep. 30, and B. x. Ep. 30.

[3127] A species of origanum.

[3128] As in the case of the galgulus, mentioned in c. 50.

[3129] See c. [33] of the present Book, as to quails.

[3130] As to these monkies, see B. xviii. c. 30, and c. 80.

[3131] I. e. lay by a store.

[3132] B. viii. c. 34.

[3133] Probably the ermine. See B. viii. c. [55].

[3134] Pliny alludes to dogs, cats, and similar mammifera, as having serrated teeth; the term, however, is quite inappropriate.

[3135] See B. viii. c. [79].

[3136] Probably the chlorion of c. 45.

[3137] Supposed to be the golden-crested wren.

[3138] An insect. See B. xi. c. 42, if, indeed, this is the same that is there mentioned, which is somewhat doubtful.

[3139] It is not known what bird is meant: perhaps the titmouse.

[3140] A kind of hawk or falcon.

[3141] Species unknown.

[3142] Probably the spring wag-tail.

[3143] In B. viii. c. 22.

[3144] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 10, maintains the contrary. But in B. vii. he asserts that infants do dream.

[3145] See Lucretius, B. iv. l. 914, et seq.

[3146] M. Manilius, mentioned in c. 2. Nothing certain is known of him, but by some he is supposed to have been the senator and jurisconsult of that name, contemporary with the younger Scipio. The astronomical poem which goes under his name was probably written at a much later period.

[3147] See end of B. iii.

[3148] See end of B. v.

[3149] A famous soothsayer, who predicted to Galba, as we learn from Tacitus, the dangers to which he was about to be exposed. He wrote on the science of Divination, as practised by the Etruscans.

[3150] See end of B. [vii].

[3151] A Roman legislator, proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis, and long a favourite of Augustus. According to Aulus Gellius, his works were very numerous. He also wrote a treatise on the Etruscan divination.

[3152] Trogus Pompeius. See end of B. [vii].

[3153] See end of B. [vii].

[3154] See end of B. ii.

[3155] See end of B. [ix].

[3156] See end of B. [vii].

[3157] See end of B. ii.

[3158] See end of B. ii.

[3159] He was the most ancient writer of Roman history in prose. His history, which was written in Greek, is supposed to have commenced with the arrival of Æneas in Italy, and to have come down to his own time. He was sent by the Romans to consult the oracle at Delphi, after the battle of Cannæ.

[3160] The famous poet and writer on the Epicurean philosophy. He was born B.C. 98, and slew himself B.C. 54.

[3161] See end of B. [vii].

[3162] Q. Horatius Flaccus, one of the greatest Roman poets.

[3163] Nothing is known of this writer; indeed, the correct reading is a matter of doubt.

[3164] See end of B. iii.

[3165] Father and son, who wrote treatises on agriculture, as we learn from Columella.

[3166] See end of B. [vi].

[3167] A writer on agriculture, mentioned by Columella.

[3168] A priestess of Delphi, said to have been the inventor of hexameter verse. Servius identifies her with the Cumæan Sibyl. Pliny quotes from her in c. 8, probably from some work on augury attributed to her. A work in MS. entitled “Orneosophium,” or “Wisdom of Birds,” is attributed to Phemonoë. She is said to have been the first to pronounce the celebrated Γνῶθι σεαυτὸν, commonly attributed to Thales.

[3169] An Athenian comic poet of the New Comedy, born either at Soli in Cilicia, or at Syracuse. Plautus has imitated several of his plays.

[3170] Nothing is known of this writer, who wrote a poem on ornithology, as here stated. Athenæus is doubtful whether the writer was a poet, Bœus, or a poetess, Bœo.

[3171] Nothing is known of this writer.

[3172] See end of B. ii.

[3173] See end of B. iii.

[3174] See end of B. iv.

[3175] The Greek tragic poet of Athens, several of whose plays still exist.

[3176] See end of B. [viii].

[3177] King Attalus III. See end of B. [viii].

[3178] See end of B. [viii].

[3179] See end of B. [viii].

[3180] See end of B. [viii].

[3181] See end of B. [viii].

[3182] See end of B. [viii].

[3183] See end of B. [viii].

[3184] See end of B. [viii].

[3185] See end of B. [viii].

[3186] See end of B. [viii].

[3187] See end of B. [viii].

[3188] See end of B. [vi].

[3189] See end of B. [viii].

[3190] See end of B. [viii].

[3191] See end of B. [viii].

[3192] See end of B. ii.

[3193] See end of B. [viii].

[3194] See end of B. ii.

[3195] Of this writer nothing whatever seems to be known.

[3196] See end of B. [viii].

[3197] See end of B. v.

[3198] See end of B. [viii].

[3199] See end of B. [viii].

[3200] See end of B. [viii].

[3201] Cassius Dionysius of Utica, flourished B.C. 40. He condensed the twenty-eight books of Mago into twenty, and dedicated them to the Roman prætor Sextilius.

[3202] See end of B. [viii].

[3203] See end of B. [viii].

[3204] See end of B. ii.

[3205] See end of B. [vii].

[3206] See end of B. [vii].

END OF VOL. II.

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