Thirty Years' View (Vol. 1 of 2) / or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850

by Thomas Hart Benton

INDEX TO VOL. I.

A
A. B. Plot, The.—
Charges against Wm. H. Crawford, [35];
the A. B. papers, a series of articles which appeared in the newspapers, [35];
expectation of the accuser that matter would lie over until after the Presidential election, [35];
immediate action, [35];
committee appointed, [35];
answer of Crawford, [35];
its character, [35];
who written by, [35];
proceeding in the case, [35];
testimony of Edwards, [36];
his proceedings, [36];
report of committee, [36].
Adams, John, decease of, [87];
sketch of his character, [87].
Adams, John Quincy, Secretary of State, [7];
his diary relative to the unanimity of the cabinet on the Missouri question, [8];
connection with the treaty of 1818, [15];
on internal improvements, [22];
candidate for the Presidency in 1824, [44];
commencement of his administration, [54];
his inaugural address, [54];
grounds of opposition, [54];
the majority of the Senate opposed, [55];
strong minority of the House opposed, [55];
position of the two Houses with regard to the President, [91];
contest for Speaker, [92];
organization of the committees, [92];
contents of the President's message, [92];
its notice of the Panama Congress, [92];
the finances, [93];
uselessness of retaining a balance in the treasury, [93];
members of the two Houses, [93];
array of business talent, [94];
three classes of men: men of speech and judgment, men of judgment and no speech, men of speech and no judgment, [94];
on the Committee of Bank Investigation, [241];
his position on the slavery question, [686].
Affairs, how changed by the War of 1812, and their subsequent aspect.—
War of 1812, [1];
necessity and importance, [1];
changes it produced in American policy, [1];
state of the finances and currency under which it struggled, [1];
its termination with respect to its causes, [1];
gold ceased to be a currency, [1];
silver banished, [1];
local banks, [1];
suspension of specie payments, [1];
Treasury notes resorted to, [1];
depreciation, [1];
their use, [1];
the Government, paralyzed by the state of the finances, forced to seek peace, [1];
impressment the cause of the declaration of the war, [1];
first time in modern history that a war terminated by a treaty without a stipulation as to its cause, [1];
treaty of 1807, why rejected by the President, [1];
its importance, [1];
the war showed the British Government that the people of the United States would fight on the point of impressment, [2];
no impressment since, [2];
causes of the success of the war, in spite of the empty treasury, [2];
exemption held by right and by might, [2];
the financial lesson taught by the war, [2];
the lesson when availed of, [2];
its effects, [2].
The second Bank grew out of the war, [2];
currency of the constitution not thought of, [2];
national bank regarded as the only remedy, [2];
its constitutionality, [2];
the word "necessary," [2];
Hamilton's grounds for a bank, [2];
difficulties of the finances during the second war ascribed to the want of a bank, [3];
concessions of its old opponents, [3];
many subsequently convinced the constitutional currency had not had a fair trial, [3];
national bank shown to be unnecessary by the Mexican war, [3];
constitutional question decided, [3].
Protection of American industry as a substantive object grew out of the war, [3];
incidental protection always acknowledged and granted, [3];
domestic manufactures wanted, during the non-importation period of the embargo and hostilities, [3];
want of articles of defence felt during the war, [3];
protection for the sake of protection carried in 1816, [3];
course of legislation reversed, [3].
Question of internal improvements developed by the war, [3];
want of facilities for transportation felt in military operations, [3];
the power claimed as an incident to the greatest powers, [3];
found in the word "necessary," [3];
complicated the national legislation from 1820 to 1850, [3];
the question does not extend to territories, [4];
no political rights under the constitution, [4];
rivers and harbors—internal improvement of based on the commercial and revenue clause, [4];
the restriction contended for, [4].
Boundaries between the treaty-making power and the legislative departments a subject of examination, [4];
the broad proposition, [4];
the qualification, [4];
a vital one, [4];
which department to judge of encroachments by the other? [4];
discussions in Congress, between 1815 and 1820, on this point, [4].
The doctrine of secession was born of the war of 1812, [4];
the design imputed to the Hartford Convention, [4];
its existence raised the question, [4];
the right then repudiated by the democracy, [4];
language respecting it then south of the Potomac, [4];
the question thus far compromised, not settled, [5].
Slavery agitation took its rise about 1819, [5];
manner in which it was then quieted, [5];
the compromise a clear gain to the anti-slavery side, [5];
a southern measure, [5];
its features, [5].
Debt created by the war, [5];
amount of the public debt at its close, [5];
the problem to be solved was whether a public debt could be paid in time of peace, [5].
Public distress becomes a prominent feature of subsequent years, [5];
expansion and collapse of the bank, [5];
gloom of 1819 and 1820, [5];
commercial proceedings, [5];
legislative proceedings, [5];
distress the cry—relief the demand, [6];
good results of the war, [6].
Amendment of the Constitution.—
Mistakes of European writers on our system of Government, [37];
Thiers and De Tocqueville, [37];
the electors but an instrument to obey the will of the people, [37];
electors useless, [37];
amendment proposed, [37];
views of the convention which framed the constitution, [37];
Benton's remarks on a direct vote of the people for President, [37];
"evil of the want of uniformity in the choice of Presidential electors endangers the rights of the people, [37];
the district system, [38];
origin of the general ticket system 10 States, [38];
objection to a direct vote of the people considered, [38];
whence it is taken, [39];
admit its truth, what then? [39];
better officers elected, [39];
ancient history, [39];
triumph of popular elections, [39];
other objections to intermediate electors, [40];
time and experience condemn the continuance of the electoral system, [40];
even if the plan of the constitution had not failed, it is better to get rid of the electors, [40];
historical examples, [41]."
An attempt to give the election of President and Vice-President to the direct vote of the people, [78];
various propositions offered, [78];
committee appointed to report, [78];
plan reported by the committee, [78];
its prominent features, [79];
abolition of the electors and direct vote of the people—a second election between the two highest—uniformity in the mode of election, [79];
advantages of the plan, [79].
Exclusion of Members of Congress from Civil Office appointments.—
Inquiry into the expediency of amending the Constitution so as to exclude members from appointment to civil office moved, [82];
motion only applied to the term for which they were elected, [82];
committee report that the exclusion should extend to the Presidential term during which the member was elected, [83];
proceedings of the convention that framed the constitution, [83];
other conventions, [83];
extracts from the proceedings of Federal Convention, [83];
early jealousy on this point, [83];
provisions for the independence of the two Houses, [83];
instance of the observance of these provisions, [84];
instance of the contrary, [84];
the Constitutional limitation a small restraint, [84];
views of the "Federalist," [84];
what has been the working of the Government? [85];
the effects of legislation, [85];
other evils resulting from the appointment of members to office, [85];
the independence of the departments ceases between the Executive and Legislative, [86];
examples of early Presidents, [86].
Anderson, Richard C., Jun., Representative from Kentucky, [7];
nominated minister to Panama, [66].
Appropriation for Defences and Fortification Bill.—
Preparation recommended in the message, [554];
referred and reported on, [554];
resolved unanimously that the treaty with France be maintained and its execution insisted on, [554];
and that preparations ought to be made to meet any emergency, [554];
appropriation of three millions inserted in the Fortification bill, [554];
rejected in the Senate, [554];
House insist, [554];
Senate adhere, [554];
remarks of Mr. King, of Alabama, [554];
this motion never resorted to until more gentle means have failed, [554];
are gentlemen prepared to take upon themselves such a fearful responsibility as the rejection of this bill? [554];
in what does it violate the constitution [555];
appropriations under Washington's administration, [555];
adherence carried, [555];
conference asked by the House, [555];
committees disagree, [555];
question as to the hour of the termination of the session, [555];
remark of Mr. Cambreleng, [556];
responsibility put on the Senate, [556].
Archer, William S., Representative from Virginia, [7];
on reference of the bank memorial to a select committee, [234].
Arkansas Territory, cession of a part of to the Cherokees—
Reasons for making her a first-class State, [107];
a treaty negotiated altering the western boundary, [107];
can a law of Congress be abolished by an Indian treaty? [107];
is it expedient to weaken the future State? [107];
supremacy of the treaty-making power considered, [107];
power in Congress to dispose of territory, [108];
the treaty ratified, [108]; a southern measure, [108];
twelve thousand square miles taken off of slave territory, [108];
object to assist in inducing the removal of the Cherokees, [108];
what became of the white inhabitants, [109];
bought by the government, [109].
Arkansas and Michigan, admission of.—
Application for an enabling act, [627];
Congress refuse to pass it, [627];
people hold conventions on their own authority and form constitutions, [627];
message communicating the constitution of Michigan, [627];
referred, also a memorial entitled from the "Legislature of Michigan," [627];
objection to its title, [628];
bill reported, [628];
objections, [628];
remarks of Mr. Buchanan, [628];
bill passed and sent to the House, [628];
the practice of admitting a free and slave State together, [629].
Application of Arkansas taken up, [629];
remarks of Mr. Swift against the admission, on the ground of slavery, [629];
do. of Mr. Buchanan in favor of her admission, [629];
Prentiss opposes the admission on the ground of the revolutionary manner in which the State had held her convention, [630];
remarks of Mr. Morris, [630];
bill passed and sent to the House, [631].
Moved in the House to postpone the Michigan to take up the Arkansas bill, [631];
remarks of Mr. Thomas, [631];
the point of jealousy between some Southern and Northern members revealed, [631];
remarks on the motion to refer both bills and combine them in one, [631];
Lewis's remarks on giving the Arkansas bill the priority of decision, [632];
further debate, [633];
bills referred to the Committee of the Whole, [634];
points of the debate—
First, the formation of constitutions without the previous assent of Congress;
Second, the right of aliens to vote before naturalization;
Third, the right of Arkansas to be admitted with slavery by virtue of the rights of a State—of the treaty of Louisiana and of the Missouri Compromise, [634], [635], [636];
an account of the session of twenty-four hours, [636];
bill put to vote, [637];
struggle to bring the bills to a vote not to pass them, [637];
causes, [637];
one special one, [637].
Astor, John Jacob.—His colony at Astoria, [13], [109].
Austin, Moses, founder of the Texas Colony, [674].
B
Baldwin, Henry, Representative from Pennsylvania, [7];
coadjutor with Clay on the Missouri question, [10];
appointed Justice of the Supreme Court, [120].
Bank of the United States.—
When charter of first expired, [1];
origin of the second, [2];
its course in 1819, [5].
Constitutionality and expediency called in question in, General Jackson's first message, [158];
suggestion of one founded on the credit and revenues of the Government, [158];
a gold currency and an independent treasury suggested to General Jackson, and approved at once, [158];
cause of a resort to the deposit system, [158];
the idea of a government fiscal agent stigmatized, [158];
reports of committees, [158];
war of the bank commenced, [158];
its alliance with the opposition, [158];
its power, [158];
statement of its president, [159];
its power to ruin and destroy local banks, [159].
Ceaseless activity in behalf of the bank, since the President's message in 1829, [187];
little done on the other side, [187];
current all setting one way, [187];
failure of attempts to counteract it, [187];
permission asked to introduce a resolution against the re-charter, [187];
speech on the occasion, showing that the institution had too much power over the people and the government—over business and politics; and disposed to exercise it against freedom and equality, [187];
proposal to revive the currency of the constitution, [187];
"willing to see the currency of the government left to the hard money intended by the constitution," [187];
every species of paper left to the State governments, [187];
experience of France and England, [187];
a hard money party against a paper party, [187];
justification for bringing forward the question of renewal, [188];
the reports on previous resolutions offered at the close of each session and all in favor of renewal, [188];
then followed the message of President Jackson, [188];
its reference, [188];
report, etc., [188];
the conduct of the bank and its friends second ground for justification, [188];
these proceedings, [189];
an example drawn from the British Parliament, [189];
remarks of Sir Henry Parnell, [189];
do. of Mr. Hume, [189];
do. of Mr. Edward Ellice, [189];
do. of Sir William Pulteney, [190];
it is said the debate will injure the stockholders, depreciate the value of their property, and that it is wrong to sport with vested rights, [190];
the stockholders know the facts and such assertions absurd, [190];
the institution has forfeited its charter and may be shut up any hour, [190];
the case of the Bank vs. Owens, [190];
parliamentary rule requiring members to withdraw who have an interest in the subject of discussion, [191].
The bank is an institution too great and powerful to be tolerated in a government of free and equal laws, [191];
on renewal, its direct power must speedily become boundless and uncontrollable, [191];
authorized to own and issue ninety millions, [191];
its indirect power, [191];
to whom is all this power granted? [191];
by whom is it to be exercised? [191];
it will become the absolute monopolist of American money, [191];
what happened in Great Britain in 1795, [192];
letter of the bank directors to Pitt, [192];
condition of Great Britain at that time, [192];
it subdued the minister to the purposes of the bank, [192];
for twenty years the bank was the dominant power in England, [192];
cannot the Bank of the United States act in the same way? [192].
Its tendencies are dangerous and pernicious to the government and the people, [192];
the heads of each mischief, [192], [193].
The exclusive privileges and anti-republican monopoly which it gives the stockholders, [193];
the exclusive legal privileges it gives, [193];
twelve enumerated, [194];
their effect and bearing, [194];
compensation made by the Bank of England for undrawn balances, [194];
amount of undrawn balances, [194];
injury suffered by the people on account of the uncompensated masses of public money in the hands of the bank, [195];
to discredit and disparage the notes of all other banks by excluding them from the collection of the revenue, [196];
the power to hold real estate, receive rents, &c., [197];
effect of this vast capacity to acquire and legal power to retain real estate, [197];
the power to deal in pawns, merchandise, and bills of exchange, [198];
to establish branches in the different States without their consent and in defiance of their resistance, [199];
exemption of the stockholders from individual liability, [199];
to have the United States for a partner, [200];
extract from the speech of Pulteney, [200];
amount of stock owned by foreigners, [201];
exemptions from due course of law for violations of its charter, [201];
these privileges secured by a pledge of the public faith to charter no other bank, [202];
the government from which we have made this copy has condemned the original, [202];
correspondence between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Bank directors, [203];
how was this Babylon prostrated? [204];
effect of the speech, [204];
how it was received, [204];
leave refused, [205].
Statement that the bank has failed in furnishing a uniform currency, [220];
it vicious and illegal currency, [220];
origin of the practice, [220];
leave to bring in a resolution declaring it illegal asked for, [220];
reasons, [220];
"the resolution expresses its own object, [221];
the currency arraigned, [221];
the points of incompatibility between this currency and the requisites of the charter, [221];
fourteen points stated, [221];
the currency fails at every test, [221];
these orders cannot serve as currency because they are subject to the law of endorsed paper, [222];
being once paid they are done with, [222];
operations of the bank in 1817, [222];
origin of the branch bank orders, [223];
this currency ought to be suppressed, [223];
the fact of illegality sufficient to require it, [223];
pernicious consequences result from it, [223];
the branch bank orders are not payable in the States in which they are issued, [223];
practice of the Bank of Ireland, [224];
leave refused, [224].
Message of the President in 1829-30, [224];
its remarks relative to the bank, [224];
the position of the constitutional question, [224];
the democracy opposed not only the bank but the latitudinarian construction which would authorize it, [225];
it was the turning point between a strong and splendid government on one side and a plain economical government on the other, limited by a written constitution, [225];
the construction was the main point, [225];
effect of the message on the democracy of the country, [225];
the contest at hand, [225];
violent attacks upon the President, [226];
remark of M. Tocqueville on President Jackson and the bank, [226];
every word an error, [226];
examined, [226];
application for a renewal of the charter when and why made, [226];
action of friends of Jackson and the bank, [227];
memorial for renewal presented, [227];
course of events, [227];
error of De Tocqueville exposed, [228];
another extract, [228];
its errors exposed, [229];
consequences of refusing the re-charter, [229].
Re-charter.—Convention of the National Republicans to nominate a President, [232];
the nominations, [232];
addresses of the convention, [232];
remarks relative to the-bank, [232];
"its beneficial character, [232];
no pretext of any adequate motive is assigned for the President's denunciation, [233];

are the people ready to destroy one of their most valuable institutions to gratify the caprice of the President? [233]."
The Bank question presented as an issue of the election by its friends, [233];
two classes of friends, [233];
one friends of the President, the other against him, [233];
how the consent of the former was obtained, [233];
memorial for re-charter presented, [233];
referred to a select committee in the Senate, [233];
referred to the Committee of Ways and Means in the House, [233];
reason of the difference, [233];
motion to refer to a select committee, [234];
remarks, [234];
this measure entirely disconnected from the Baltimore convention, [234];
"a select committee the proper one, [234];
the course in such cases, [234];
the question should not be taken up at this session, [234];
the stockholders left the application discretionary with the directors, [235];
it will divide the whole country, [235];
the bank has been charged with using its funds and those of the people in operating upon and controlling public opinion, [235];
this of sufficient consequence to demand an accurate inquiry, [235];
charged with violating its charter, [235];
other charges, [235];
memorial referred to Committee of Ways and Means, [235].
Investigation ordered.—
Course necessary to be pursued by the opposition, [235];
to prepare the people to sustain the veto, [235];
policy of the bank leaders, [236];
reasons for taking up the investigation in the House, [236];
motion for inquiry made, [236];
manner in which the motion was treated, [236];
resistance to investigation, [236];
"a re-charter is asked, yet the friends of the bank shrink from inquiry, [236];
the inference which might be drawn from this resistance, [237];
what is the ground of opposition? [237];
how the memorial was treated in the other House, [237];
result of the examination in 1819, [237];
three years after it went into existence, it was on the verge of bankruptcy, [237];"
right of either House to make the inquiry, [237];
the misconduct of the bank in numerous instances, [237];
list of accusations against the bank, [238];
the friends of the bank obliged to declare in favor of examination, [238];
modes of investigation proposed, [239];
restrictions proposed to the inquiry, [239];
remarks upon the manner in which the proposed inquiry has been treated by the House, [239];
remarks on modes adopted by the bank for extorting usury, [240];
another mode makes the loan take the form of a domestic bill from the beginning, [240];
effect of the debate on the bank with the country, [240];
speakers against the bank, [240];
advocates of the bank, [241];
the Committee of Investigation, [241];
its composition, [241];
three reports, [241];
their character, [241].
The three per cent. debt.—
This a portion of the revolutionary debt standing at sixty-four, [242];
money in the bank to pay it, [242];
the money retained to sustain the bank and the debt not paid until it rose to par, [242];
remarks on the course of the bank, [242];
the loss to the people, [243].
Bill for re-charter reported.—
Remarks relative to previous charters, [243];
former course of Webster, [243];
his defence of his present position, [243];
"the years that have passed, [248];
the effects of experience, [243];
action of Calhoun in procuring the present charter, [244];
the vote of Webster against it, [244];
his views, [244];
evils of a disordered currency, [244];
the small note currency cause of the small amount of specie in the country, [244];"
the grant of exclusive privileges and the bonus required opposed, [245];
remarks upon them, [245];
the present application of the bank opposed, [245];
"some years before the charter expires, [245];
now late in the session, [245];
not time to do justice to the subject, [245];
other subjects of more immediate and pressing interest must be thrown aside, [245];
an unfinished investigation presents another reason for delaying the final action of Congress on this subject, [245];
the people have no opportunity to make up their minds on the information now printed, [246];
this question belongs to the Congress elected within the next census, [246];
looks like usurpation on the part of this Congress, [246];
different representation in the next Congress, [246];
a charter should be granted with as little invasion of the rights of posterity as possible, [246];
this question must effect the presidential election if not decide it, [246];
take a lesson from the monarchical parliament of England, [247]."
A motion declaratory of the right of the States to admit or deny the establishment of branches of the mother bank within their limits, offered, [247];
remarks, [247];
"if this amendment is struck out it is tantamount to a legislative declaration that no such rights existed, [247];
decision of the Supreme Court on the right of the States to tax the branches, [247];
this is the supremacy of the bank and the degradation of the States, [247];
the argument that these branches are necessary to enable the Federal Government to carry on its fiscal operations and therefore ought to be independent of State legislation, is answered by the determination of Congress itself, [247];
every thing is left to the bank itself except the branch at this place, [247];
the establishment of branches is a mere question of profit and loss to the bank, [247];
point of the question, [247];
motion rejected.
Motion to strike out the exclusive privileges and to make the stockholders liable, [248];
"example of the Scottish banks, [248];
the excellence of their plan, [248],
clauses granting exclusive privileges, [248];
the establishment of any other bank by the United States prohibited during the existence of the charter, [248];
this is contrary to the genius of our Government, [249];
the restriction upon future Congresses is at war with every principle of constitutional right and legislative equality, [249];
is this Congress to impose restrictions upon the power of their successors? [249];
in nine months this Congress is defunct, [249];
the renewed charter will not take effect till three years after the full representation of the next Congress in power, [249]."
All amendments proposed by the opponents of the bank voted down, [250];
the interest of members of the Senate as stockholders, [250];
bill passed in the Senate and House, [250].
The Veto.—
"If this government sells exclusive privileges, it should at least exact for them as much as they are worth in the market, [251];
the present value of the monopoly is seventeen millions, and the act proposes to sell it for three, [251];
how can the present stockholders have any claim to the special favor of the Government? [251];
this act does not permit competition in the purchase of this monopoly, [251];
not just to set others aside and grant this privilege to the few who have been fortunate enough to secure the stock, [251];
"the force of precedents for constitutionality argued against, [252];
decision of the Supreme Court, [252];
examined [252];
remarks, [252];
"precedence is a dangerous source of authority, and should not be regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power except where the acquiescence of the people and the States is well settled, [253];
precedents are really against the bank, [253];
if the opinion of the Supreme Court covered the whole ground of this act, it ought not to control the coordinate authorities of this Government, [253];
in the case relied on, the Supreme Court have not decided that all the features of this corporation are compatible with the constitution, [253];
the misconduct of the institution, both in conducting its business and in resisting investigation, [253];
suspicions are entertained and charges made of gross violations of the charter, [253];
the recommendation of a majority of the committee, [253];
additional reason for less haste and more caution, [253]."
The great speeches from the advocates of the bank now made to repel the effects of the veto, [254];
a transfer of the question to the political arena, [254];
to the presidential election, [254];
frightful distress predicted, and a change of the chief magistrate the only means of averting the calamity, [254];
remarks of Webster on this point, [254];
remarks of White upon the bank taking the lead of a political party, [254];
the distress pictured by Clayton, [254];
the winding up of the bank, with regard to time, [255];
case of the previous bank, [255];
menace of distress from the bank if denied a renewal, entirety gratuitous, [255];
vehement declamation against the veto, [255];
remarks of Clay on the veto power, [255];
reply of Benton, [255];
objects of the vetoes of the French king, [256];
"the fable of the cat and the eagle, [256];
why debate the bank question, now it is vetoed, and not debate it before? [257];
the bank is finished, why debate it now? [257];
the bank is in the field, fearful and tremendous combatant in the presidential election, [257];
the Great West is selected as the theatre of her operations, [257];
ruin is to be the punishment of the West, if she votes for Jackson, [257];
the bank debt has been created for electioneering purposes, [258];
this point examined, [258];
the establishment of several new branches and the promise of more, [259];
the alleged necessity for the prompt and vigorous collection of this debt, if the charter is not renewed, [259];
the opinion of the Senator from Kentucky, about the legality of this trust, [259];
once in every ten years the capital of this debt is paid in interest, [259];
the ruinous drain of capital in hard money from the West, [259];
the old banks of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, defended from the aspersions cast on them, [260];
manner in which the charter was pushed through, pending an investigation, [260];
the foreign stockholders of the bank, [260];
the bank a monopoly, [261];
English authority for calling the Bank of England a monopoly, and the British bank in America is copied from it, [261];
the President's idea of his oath, [261];
his independence in construing the constitution, [262];
the drain upon the resources of the West, made by the bank, [262];
address to the Jackson bank men, [262];
address to the West, [262];
the dangerous power of the bank and the present audacity of her conduct, [263]."
"Dissatisfaction expressed that the speeches of some Senators fill the galleries, and those of others empty them, [263];
charged with a want of courtesy to the President, [263];
charges of the Senator from Missouri, once against the President, [263].
"No adjourned question of veracity between the Senator from Missouri and the President, [264];
the prediction charged upon the Senator from Missouri, [264];"
further debate, [264];
direful picture of distress drawn, [265].
Delay in paying the three per cents.—
Message recommended that the United States stock should be sold, and that a committee be appointed to investigate its condition, [287];
referred to a special committee of friends of the bank, [287];
objected that the committee should not proceed until the report of the agent of the Secretary of the Treasury was made, [287];
its depreciation of the stock, [287];
this objection fallacious, [287];
the loss of the bank, by depreciation, stated at half a million, [288];
nothing before the House to make an inquiry into the condition of the bank desirable, [288];
eventual ability to discharge all its obligations, is not of itself sufficient to entitle the bank to the confidence of the Government, [288];
what was the Executive complaint against the bank? [288];
that it had interfered with the payment of the public debt, [288];
effect of the charges upon the feelings of the corporators, [288];
the report of the agent, [288];
the exhibit contrasted with its actual state, [288];
a large surplus presented for the stockholders, [289];
the report a mere compendium of the bank returns, [289];
proceedings of the bank with regard to the three per cents, [289];
investigation referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, [289];
report, [289];
public deposits reported entirely safe, [289];
resolution to continue the deposits in the bank offered, [289];
debate, [289];
the bank exceeded its legitimate authority in relation to the three per cents, [290];
had the bank promptly paid the public money deposited in its vaults when called for, [290];
proceedings of the bank, [290];
resolution carried, [291];
loss by the manner the three per cents were paid, [291].
Sale of Stock in the.—
Sale of United States stock in all corporate companies recommended by the President, [294];
partnership of government with corporations condemned, [294];
bill introduced, [294];
moved to reject it, [294];
debate, [294];
indication at this persecution of a national institution, [294];
indignities to which members were subjected who presumed to take any step concerning the bank which militated against that corporation, [295];
a plain business proceeding, [295];
an isolated proposition, [295];
the bill summarily rejected, [295];
fifty members borrowers of the bank, [296];
the same thing had happened once before, [296];
proposed in 1827 to sell the stock solely on the ground of public advantage, [296];
remarks on this proposition at the time, [296];
reflections, [296].
Removal of the Deposits.—
Order for removal issued by the Secretary of the Treasury, [373];
the President's own message, [374];
reports of directors to the President, [374];
extracts from them, [374], [375];
resolutions adopted by the board, [376];
further outrages of the bank, [376];
the exchange committee of the banks, [376];
paper read by President Jackson to his Cabinet, [376];
extracts, [377], [378];
impression produced by the removal, [379].
Proceedings of the Bank on the removal of the Deposits.—
The reference of the President's paper to a committee, [379];
report, [379];
extracts, [379];
its temper, [379];
gives the lead to proceedings in Congress, [380];
the violations of law and the constitution referred to, [380];
amount of the charges against the President by the bank, [381].
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury relative to removal of the Deposits.—
Reasons for the cessation of deposits in the bank, [381];
the duty of the Secretary, [381];
no prospects of a renewal of the charter, [382];
other reasons, [383];
the board of directors, [383];
authority of the Secretary to remove the deposits, [384];
the deposit banks, [385];
difficulty of obtaining the deposit banks, [385];
power of the Bank of the United States, [385].
In the Senate.—
Report considered, [393];
proposed, that the Senate act upon it at once without the intervention of a committee, [393];
the House the proper place to investigate the charges made in that report, [393];
resolution offered, [393];
referred, [394];
report, [394];
remarks on the despotism of the committee, [394];
reply, [394];
report drawn by the counsel for the bank, [394];
inefficiency of the resolution, [395];
no action proposed, [395];
resolution adopted, [395].
Resolution subsequently proposed again with another requiring the return of the deposits to the bank, [396];
remarks, [396];
impropriety of the resolutions so near the close of the session, [396];
other considerations, [397];
resolutions adopted, [397];
sent to the House and not taken up, [397].
In the House.—
Report of the Secretary, memorial of the bank, and of the government directors referred, [398];
report, [398];
adopted, [398].
Government Directors, their Nomination and Rejection.—
Opposition manifested to four of the five nominated, [385];
resolution of inquiry into their fitness, &c., offered and rejected, [385];
four rejected, [386];
no complaint against them except from the bank, [386];
rejected for the report made to the President, [386];
re-nominated, [386];
message, [386];
extracts, [387], [388];
question raised as to which was the nominating power for bank directors, the President and Senate or the Bank and Senate, [388];
determination to try this question, [389];
message referred to a committee, [389];
report against the re-nominations, [389];
the absolute right of the Senate to reject, [389];
their privilege to give no reasons, [389];
the general policy of making re-nominations, [389];
extracts, [389];
memorial of the rejected directors, [389];
extracts, [390];
their rights and duties as government directors, [390];
opinion of Alexander Hamilton relative to government directors, [391];
opinion of Alexander J. Dallas, [391];
reasons why the motion to strike out government directors was resisted when the charter was under consideration, [391];
they are the guardians of the public interest, and to secure a just and honorable administration of the affairs of the bank, [391];
the nominations again rejected, [392];
reasons kept secret, [392];
motion made to publish the proceedings, [392];
lost, [392];
remarks on the Report of the Committee of Investigation relative to the Exchange Committee, [392].
Call on the President for a copy of the paper read to his Cabinet.—
Request to be informed if it was genuine, [399];
and if so to furnish a copy, [399];
Senate not the branch of the Legislature to call for this document, [399];
uses to which the paper might be put, [399];
it cannot be rightfully called for, [399];
resolution passed, [400];
answer of the President, [400];
denied the right to call, &c., [400].
Attempted Investigation.—
Select Committee appointed in the House to investigate the affairs of the United States Bank, [458];
objects to be ascertained, [459];
authority given to the committee, [459];
right of the House to make the investigation, [459];
proceedings of the bank to defeat investigation, [459];
report of committee, [459];
extracts, [460];
treatment of their call for certain books, [461];
action under subpœnas, [461];
a warrant recommended for the apprehension of the president and directors, [461];
the committee of 1819, [462].
Investigation by the Senate.—
Since much ground lost in public opinion by resisting the investigation of the House to retrieve the bank, an investigation commences in the Senate, [470];
committee moved, [470];
view of this act of the Senate, [471];
the members of the committee defenders of the bank, [471];
the only semblance of precedent, [471];
called the "Whitewashing Committee," [471].
Downfall of the Bank.—
Copy of resolutions of its stockholders, [471];
extracts from Philadelphia papers, [472];
report of the Finance Committee, [481];
its friendly reception, [481];
its contents, [481];
its declarations contradicted by Senator Benton, [482];
extracts, [482];
imputations upon the President, Vice-President, and Senator Benton, [482];
committee departed from the business with which they were charged, [483];
the charge of hostility to the bank on the part of the President, [483];
defends the Secretary of the Treasury against the imputations of the report, [484];
misconduct of the bank shown from recent facts, [484];
the abduction of a million and a half from New Orleans, [485];
the report ex-parte, [486];
reply in defence of the report, [486];
extracts, [486].
See Jackson's Administration.
Banks in the District, recharter of.—
Speech of Senator Benton, [658];
"the charters wrong, [658];
no bank of circulation ought to be authorized in this district, [659];
none to furnish other currency than large notes should be chartered anywhere, [659];
ameliorations in charters proposed to be granted in order to render them less dangerous to the community, [659];
liability of the stockholders, [659];
bank stock to be subject to taxation like other property, [659];
to issue no notes less than twenty dollars, [659];
the charters to be repealable at the will of Congress, [659];
evil of small notes classed under three heads, [660];
the banishment of gold and silver counterfeiting and throwing other burdens of losses upon the poorer classes, [660];
the basis of circulation throughout the country should be hard money, [662];
the true idea of banks seemed to be lost in the country, [663];
the faculty of issuing paper money renders banks dangerous, [663];
progress of banking business is alarming and deplorable in the United States, [663];
the burdens which the banks impose on the people, [664];"
recharter carried, [665].
Barbour, James, Senator from Virginia, [7];
governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
on the Virginia resolutions, [35];
Secretary at War, [55];
negotiates treaty with the Cherokees, [107].
Barbour, Philip P., Representative from Virginia, [7];

on selling the stock of the United States in the bank, [296];
his character, [296].
Barry, William T., Postmaster General, [120];
appointed Minister to Spain, [181].
Bayard, James, Commissioner at Ghent, [91].
Benton, Thomas H., instigator of the clause prohibiting legislative interference with slavery in the constitution of Missouri, [8];
his first experience in standing "solitary and alone," [16];
views relative to the settlement of Oregon, [13];
first suggests sending ministers to Oriental nations, [14];
denounces the treaty of 1818, [15], [17];
moves amendment to the constitution, [37];
visit to Jefferson, [43];
offers a bill to occupy Columbia river, [50];
remarks on the treaty with the Creeks, [61];
on the duty on indigo, [97];
on the sale of the public lands, [103], [130];
on slavery, [136];
on the peroration of Webster, [142];
on the regulation of commerce, [151];
the repeal of the alum salt tax, [155];
on the Bank of the United States, [187];
his silence relative to the nomination of Van Buren as Minister to England, [218];
letter to Van Buren, [218];
on the illegal currency of the Bank of the United States, [220];
on government expenses, [231];
against the exclusive privileges of the bank, [245];
reply to Clay on the veto power, [255], [256];
on the compromise tariff bill, [319];
on home valuation, [324];
on Missouri resolutions, [360];
on report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [393];
on the removal of the deposits, [406];
gives notice of the expunging resolution, [428];
on a gold currency, [436];
on public distress, [462];
on the Report of the Senate Committee to investigate the affairs of the bank, [482];
relative to the expunging resolutions of Alabama, [524];
on the Branch Mints, [551];
on distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, [560];
on the memorial to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, [577];
on French affairs, [591];
on abolition petitions, [617];
on the Expunging resolution, [645];
on distribution of the land proceeds, [649], [652];
on rechartering the district banks, [658];
on Texas Independence, [670];
on the specie circular, [677];
on revision of the specie circular, [695], [701];
on the salt tax, [714];
on the Expunging resolution, [719].
Berrien, John M., remarks on the treaty with the Creeks, [62];
attorney-general, [120];
resigns his seat in the cabinet, [181].
Bibb, George M., on home valuation, [324];
on the French spoliation bill, [487].
Birthday of Jefferson and the doctrine of nullification, [148].
Blair, Francis P., how led to establish the Globe newspaper, [130].
Bloomfield, Joseph, Representative from New Jersey, votes for the admission of Missouri, [9].
Bouldin, James W., on the admission of Arkansas, [631].
Branch, John, Secretary of the Navy, [120];
resigns his seat in the cabinet, [181].
Branch Mints at New Orleans and in the Southern gold regions.—
Bill reported, [550];
opposed by Mr. Clay, [550];
unwise and injudicious to establish these branches, [550];
indefinite postponement moved, [550];
no evil in the nullification of mints, [550];
the present one sufficient, [551];
the measure would be auxiliary to the restoration of the metallic currency, [551];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [551];
"constitutional right to establish these mints, [551];
an act of justice to the South and West, [551];
give the mint five or six branches and nobody would want the bank paper, [552];
the idea of expense on such an object scouted, [552];
for the greater part of the gold currency is in the vaults of the bank, [552];
what loss has the Western people now sustained for want of gold? [552];
in favor of measures that will put down small paper and put up gold and silver, [552];"
postponement lost, [553];
other motions made and lost, [553];
bill passed, [553].
British West India Trade, recovery of.—Account of this trade, [124];
six negotiations carried on between the United States and Great Britain on this subject, [124];
limited concessions only obtained, [125];
a primary object with Washington, [125];
his letter of instructions to Gouverneur Morris, [125];
a prominent point in our first negotiation in 1794, [125];
attempts of 1822 and 1823, [125];
remarks on the negotiation of 1822, [125];
effect of the word "elsewhere," [126];
attempts of Mr. Adams' administration to negotiate, [126];
effects of his failure, [126];
Gallatin's interview with Mr. Huskisson, [126];
despatch, [126];
facts communicated to Congress by President Adams, [127];
the case presented hopeless, [127];
the loss of this trade an injury to the country, [127];
the position of General Jackson, [127];
minister sent to London, [127];
reasons given for a renewed application, [128];
point of right waived, [128];
the trade recovered, [128];
the trade under the act of Parliament, [128];
the grounds of success, [128].
Brown, Bedford, for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216];
on the branch mints, [551];
on abolition petitions, [612].
Brown, James, Senator from Louisiana, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Buchanan, James, presents memorial of the Society of Friends, [576];
on French affairs, [590];
in favor of the admission of Arkansas, [630];
on distribution of the land proceeds, [708].
Burke, Edmund, on the sale of the crown lands, [102].
Burr, Col. Aaron, decease of.—Brilliant prospects ending in shame, [681];
in the expedition with Arnold, [681];
the opinion of Washington, [681];
position at the close of the presidential election of 1800, [681];
his character as regarded by his compeers, [682];
his talents, [682];
the fate of Hamilton, [682].
Burton, Hutchins G., Representative from North Carolina, [7];
governor, [7].
Bush, Henry, Representative from Ohio, [7].
Butler, Benjamin F., nominated Secretary of the Treasury, [470].
Butler, Thomas, Representative from Louisiana, [7].
C
Calhoun, John C., Secretary at War, [7];
on internal improvement, [22];
candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1824, [45];
rupture with Jackson, [167];
his friendship for Jackson, [218];
on the compromise tariff bill, [315];
on home valuation, [324];
offers nullification resolutions, [334];
on the principles of nullification, [335];
on distribution of proceeds of land sales, [364], [651], [709];
on the removal of the deposits, [411];
on the plan of relief, [484];
on the expunging resolutions of Alabama, [526], [527];
on the branch mints, [553];
on the combination of the slave States, [585];
on French affairs, [591];
on abolition petitions, [611], [614], [619];
on the independence of Texas, [667];
on the Expunging resolution, [728].
Cambreleng, C. C., on the Committee of Bank Investigation, [241];
on the fortification bill, [556].
Campbell, John W., Representative from Ohio, [7].
Cannon, Newton, Representative from Tennessee, [7];
governor, [7].
Carroll, Charles, decease of; last of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, [476];
fate of other signers felicitous, [477];
his career, [477];
not present on the day of signing, [477];
signed afterwards, [477];
incident, [477].
Carson, Kit, application for a commission in the army, [183].
Cass, Lewis, Secretary at War, [181].
Chambers, E. F., against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
Chandler, John, Senator from Maine, [9];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9].
Chesapeake Canal discussed, [22].
Clarke, Gen., treaties with the Indians, [29].
Clay, Henry, Representative from Kentucky, [7];
efforts for the declaration of war in 1812, [6];
moves a joint committee of both Houses on the admission of Missouri, [9];
often complimented as the author of the Compromise of 1820, [10];
selects the members of the joint committee in the House, [10];
his coadjutors, [10]; movement against the treaty of 1818, [17];
on internal improvement, [22];
address to Lafayette, [30];
on public distress, [32];
lays before the House the note of Vivian Edwards, [34];
appoints committee on charges against Crawford, [35];
candidate for the Presidency in 1824, [44];
letter to Benton relative to declaring his intention previously to vote for Adams, [48];
Secretary of State, [55];
Commissioner at Ghent, [91];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
nominated for the Presidency, [232];
remarks on the veto power, [255], [256];
on the origin of the protective policy, [267];
report relative to the public lands, [275];
candidate for the Presidency, [282];
on the Compromise Tariff bill, [313];
on Kendall cotton, [319];
on distribution of proceeds of land sales, [363];
on report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [393];
on the removal of the deposits, [402];
on the expunging resolutions of Alabama, [525], [527];
on the bill to suppress incendiary publications, [586];
on distribution of land proceeds, [707];
on the Expunging resolution, [729].
Clay, Mrs., her appearance on the evening previous to the duel between Clay and Randolph, [74].
Clayton, J. M., against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the coming distress of the people, [254];
on home valuation, [324]-326;
on French affairs, [594];
moves a committee of investigation on the Bank affairs, [236];
on the committee to investigate the affairs of the U. S. Bank, [241].
Cobb, Thomas W., Representative from Georgia, [7].
Cooke, John, Representative from Tennessee, [7].
Coles, Edward, publishes correction of errors relative to the passage of the ordinance of 1787.
Columbia River, occupation of, bill to authorize the President to take possession and occupy the country offered, [50];
object of the British, [50];
the British pretensions examined under their own exhibition of title, [50], [51], [52], [53];
title as claimed by the United States, [54].
Combination against General Jackson.—See Bank of the United States.
Commerce, regulation of.—The power which is given to Congress by the constitution, [149];
not yet been executed in the sense intended by the constitution, [149];
views of Mr. Jefferson, of Madison, Hamilton, &c., [149];
remarks, [149];
the principle of the regulation was to be that of reciprocity, [150];
mode of acting, [150];
object to carry out these views on the extinction of the public debt, [150];
bill to revive the policy of the Madison resolutions, [150];
Madison's remarks, [150];
"the commerce of the United States not on that respectable footing to which its nature and importance entitled it, [150];
situation of things previous to the adoption of the constitution, [150];
effects to be produced by the resolutions proposed, [150];
advantageous position this country is entitled to stand in, [150];
our country may make her enemies feel the extent of her power, [150];"
"bill proposed, [151];
to provide for the abolition of duties, [151];
the title of the bill, [151];
the bill, [152];
the first section, [152];
contains the principle of
abolishing duties by the joint act of the Legislative and Executive departments, [152];
the idea of equivalents, [152];
in what way may the restriction on our commerce be best removed, regulated, or counteracted? [152];
two methods, [152];
friendly arrangements, [152];
the plan proposed, [152];
benefits resulting from an abolition of duties, [153];
do not our agriculture and manufactures require better markets abroad than they possess at this time? [153];
the merits of the plan, [153];
its success, [153];
advantages arising from a payment of the public debt, [153];
the treaties should be for limited terms, [154];"
remarks, [154].
Committee on the charges against W. H. Crawford, [35];
on amendments to the constitution, [78];
on the reduction of Executive patronage, [80];
on the application of the bank for a renewal of its charter, [233];
House, to whom was referred the memorial of the bank, [235];
of investigation into the affairs of the U. S. Bank, [241];
to investigate the affairs of the bank, [458], [470];
on incendiary publications, [580];
on abolition petitions, [621].
Congress, [22]d, its members, [208];
their talent, [208];
commencement of 24th, [568];
when does the term of its session expire? [598], [599].
Cook, Daniel P., Representative from Illinois, [7].
Crawford, William H., Secretary of the Treasury, [7];
devises a measure of relief for the public land debtors, [12];
on internal improvement, [22];
charges against, [35];
candidate for the Presidency in 1824, [44];
declines the Secretaryship of the Treasury tendered by Adams, [55];
letter to Mr. Forsyth, [182].
Crittenden, John J., on the recision of the specie circular, [698].
Crooks, Ramsey, founder of the colony at Astoria, [13].
Crowell, John, Representative from Alabama, [7].
Cumberland Road discussed, [22].
Cushing, Caleb, on the admission of Arkansas, [632].
D
Dallas, George M., presents memorial for a renewal of the bank charter, [227];
remarks, [227];
on the operation of the Tariff, [270];
on home valuation, [324].
Dane, Nathan, claimed as the author of the ordinance of 1787, [133].
Daniel, on the Virginia resolutions, [351].
Davis, John, on the compromise tariff bill, [310].
Debt, public, amount of at the close of the second war, [5].
Deposit Bank bill, to regulate the custody of the public money, [553];
bill once defeated in the Senate, [553];
sent up again and passed, [553].
Dickens Asbury, writes the answer of Crawford to charges against him, [35].
Distribution of the Revenue.—
These propositions first opposed and afterwards favored by Mr. Calhoun with the salvo of an amendment to the constitution, [556];
committee of inquiry appointed, [556];
basis upon which the committee was proposed, [557];
first meeting and a sub-committee appointed, [557];
the report an ingenious and plausible attack upon the administration, &c., [557];
debate on the report, [557];
expenses doubled from extraordinary objects, not belonging to the Government, temporary in their nature and transient, [557];
the distribution of the surplus and the amendment of the constitution, [557];
distribution the only practical depletion of the Treasury and remedy for the corruptions which an exuberant Treasury engendered, [557];
no minority report made, [557];
custody of the public moneys not illegal, [557];
opponents of the Administration defeated the Deposit Regulation bill, [557];
the report, [557];
"what is to be done with the surplus? [557];
existence of our institutions and the liberty of the country may depend on the success of this investigation, [558];
danger from excess of patronage arising from excess of revenue must be temporary, [558];
the Government in a state of passage from an excess of revenue to a limited revenue, [558];
objects of investment, [558];
objections to distribution, [558];
effects of distribution, [558];
reasons for suggesting this proposal, [559]."
Reply of Senator Benton, [559];
"proposition in the report to amend the constitution for eight years to enable Congress to make the distribution, [560];
eclipses all other propositions, [560];
predictions from the same source of a deficiency of the revenue, [560];
anecdote, [560];
the Treasury was to be bankrupt and the currency ruined, [560];
the amendment of the constitution, [561];
this scheme an old acquaintance on this floor, [561];
the statement of a surplus examined, [561];
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [562];
it is said there is no way to reduce the revenue before the end of 1842 without violating the compromise, [563];
sources from which a large reduction could be made, [563];
it is said there is no possibility of finding an article of general utility on which the surpluses could be expended, [564];
several useful, necessary, and exigeant measures, [564];
defenceless state of the country, [564];
fortifying the coasts, [564];
message of President Monroe in 1822, [565];
extracts, [566];
remarks upon the extracts, [566], [567];"
no vote ever taken on the amendment to the constitution, [567];
deficiency in the Treasury, [567];
distribution afterward took place without the amendment, [567].
Extract from the National Gazette attributed to Nicholas Biddle, [649];
distribution nearly become a party measure, [649];
the plans proposed, [649];
remarks of Senator Benton, [649];
introduces an antagonistic bill, devoting the surplus money to the public defences, [649];
making an issue between the plunder of the country and the defence of the country, [649];
every surplus dollar required for the defences, [650];
bill passed Senate, [651];
sent to the House, [651];
course adopted to secure votes in the House, [651].
Scheme of deposit with the States, [651];
objections, [651];
vote on the passage of the bill, [652];
objections urged against the bill, [652];
attempt to debauch the people, [653];
consequences must be deplorable and destructive to the Federal Government, [654];
the progress of the distribution spirit, [654];
the measure goes to sap the foundations of the Federal Government, [655];
is it wise to throw away this money? [656];
nothing but evil in this fatal scheme, [657];
bill passes the House, [657];
feelings of the President on approving of the act, [657].
Moved that a bill be brought in to release the States from all obligations ever to return the dividends under the deposit act, [707];
motion condemned at the outset, [707];
laid on the table, [707];
Clay's movement to revive the land distribution bill, [707];
his remarks, [707];

a substitute reported, [708];
kindred schemes, [708];
Calhoun's proposition, [708];
debate, [708];
Calhoun in reply, [709];
proposition rejected, [710];
Allen's proposition, [710];
laid on the table, [710];
deposit clause attached to the appropriation bill, [711];
struck out in the Senate, [711];
lost, [712].
Delaware.—Her position in relation to slavery, [10].
De Tocqueville, errors of, [159];
errors respecting the House of Representatives, [205];
errors respecting Bank of the United States, [226], [228].
Duel between Clay and Randolph.—
Interview between Randolph and Benton, [70];
Randolph declares he shall not fire at Clay, [70];
circumstances of the delivery of the challenge, [70];
reasons for refusing to fire at Clay, [70];
meaning of "two pledges" referred to by Mr. Randolph, [71];
conduct of Randolph, [71];
characteristics, [71];
Randolph's letter of acceptance, [71];
protest of Randolph, an explanation, [71];
further communications, [72];
remarks on Randolph's speech in the Senate, [72];
attempt of the seconds to delay the meeting, [72];
the report of Randolph's remarks made to Clay, [73];
inquiry between the seconds as to the cause of the quarrel, [73];
further views on the speech, [73];
"Puritan and blackleg," [73];
place of the duel, [73];
interview between Benton and Clay, [74];
subsequent interview between Benton and Randolph, [74];
Randolph arranging his worldly affairs, [74];
Randolph at the bank, [74];
the pieces of gold, [75];
manner in which the word was to be given, [75];
the preparations on the ground, [75];
an accidental discharge of a pistol, [75];
Randolph's remark, [75];
after the first fire Benton interposes, [76];
Clay's answer, [76];
Randolph's feelings and remarks, [76];
the second fire of Clay, [77];
Randolph fires in the air, [77];
reconciliation and gratification of the parties, [77];
the gold seals of Hamilton, Tatnall, and Benton, [77].
Duncanson, J. M., interview with Gen. Duff Green, [128].
Duval, Judge of Supreme Court, [8].
E
Earle, Elias, Representative from South Carolina, [7];
Governor, [7].
Eaton, John H., Secretary at War, [120];
resigns his seat in the Cabinet, [181];
appointed Governor of Florida, [181];
Minister to Spain, [181].
Edwards, Weldon N., Representative from North Carolina, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Edwards, Ninian, note of, [34];
brought back from his mission to Mexico, by the Sergeant-at-Arms, [35].
Election of 1832.—
The candidates, [282];
a question of systems and measures tried in the persons of those who stood out boldly in their representation, [282];
the defeat of Clay, [282];
the success of Jackson, [282];
the point and lesson of the Vice-Presidential election, [282];
the vote, [282];
Anti-masonic excitement, [282];
its result, [283].
Elliott, John, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
remarks on the removal of the Indians, [27].
Ellmaker, Amos, candidate for the Presidency, [282].
Eustis, William, Representative from Massachusetts, [7];
of revolutionary memory, [7].
Ewing, Thomas, against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the specie circular, [694].
Expenses of Government.—
Expenses from 1820 to 1831, [230];
comparison with the present day, [230];
remarks, [230];
"it is said that since 1820 the expenses have nearly doubled, [230];
excepting four years the expenses have not increased, [230];
cause of reduced expenditures in certain years," [230];
error in the basis of calculation, [231];
"two great and broad facts in view, [231];
expenditures for different years, [231];
object to show a great increase in a short time," [232];
important to know the correct expenses, [232].
Expunging resolution, notice of by Senator Benton, [428].
Do. of Alabama.—
Resolutions of the General Assembly of Alabama, entreating their Senators to use their best endeavors to cause to be expunged from the Journal of the Senate the resolve condemnatory of President Jackson for the removal of the deposits, [524];
several States had already given instructions, [524];
inquiry of Mr. Clay relative to the intention of the Senator from Alabama relative to the resolutions, [524];
reply of Mr. Benton, [524];
the notice given by him at the time of passing the condemnatory resolution, [524];
reasons for giving the notice, [524];
answer to the inquiry of Mr. Clay, [525].
Remarks of Mr. King, [525];
"surprised at the question," [525];
bound to obey instructions, [525];
if the gentleman from Missouri declined, he should at the proper time bring forward an expunging resolution, [525];
further remarks, [525];
Mr. Clay's remarks, [525];
"no motion accompanies these resolutions, [525];
the inquiry a natural one, [525];
a hope that the resolutions would be withdrawn, [526];
if, after consulting precedents, the Senator from Alabama should deem proper to offer them, they would be entitled to consideration, [526];
until then, his duty to resist such an unconstitutional procedure as the reception of these resolutions," [526].
"Decline to accede to this proposition, [526];
object to carry out his instructions, [526];
at a proper time a distinct proposition would be presented on this subject," [526].
Moved to lay the resolutions on the table, by Mr. Calhoun, [526];
object to give the Senator an opportunity to prepare a rescinding resolution, [526];
curious to see how such a proceeding would be reconciled with the independent existence of the Senate, [526];
how is it proposed to repeal a journal? [526];
the only course left is to declare that the principle upon which the Senate acted is not correct, [526];
what is the principle to be overthrown but that "we have a right to express our opinions," [526];
then it comes to this, that the Senate had no right to express its opinion in relation to the executive, [526];
"the king can do no wrong," [526];
this is the very question in which the expunging our legislative freedom and independence is to be agitated, [527];
a question or the utmost magnitude, [527];
none of deeper or more radical importance, [527].
The question on receiving the resolutions, [527];
the case of Georgia legislative proceedings, [527];
the case of Wilkes, in the British House of Commons, [527];
no doubt of the power of the Senate to repeal, [527];
have we not it in our power to retrace our steps when we have done wrong, or to correct our journal, which asserts what is not true? [527];
the democratic party of the country had declared the facts of the journal to be false, [527];
the party to which Mr. Calhoun belongs, [527];
resolution laid on the table, [528];
reception and printing refused to a resolution of a sovereign State, [528].
Expunging Resolution of Senator Benton, [528];
extremely distasteful to a majority of the Senate, [528];
characterized as an indictment which the Senate itself was required to try, and to degrade itself in its own condemnation, [528];
remarks, [528];
this bitterness aggravated by the course which the public mind was taking, [528];
resolutions of several States had arrived, instructing their Senators to vote for the expurgation, [529];
speech of Senator Benton on the motion, [529];
time of presenting the criminal resolution, [529];
length of its discussion, [529];
date of its passage, [529];
an announcement of a series of motions for its expurgation, [529];
this step considered for four months, [529];
was expurgation the proper mode, [529];
the criminating resolution combined all the characteristics of a case which required erasure and obliteration, [529];
a case of the exercise of power without authority and without jurisdiction, [529];
other modes of annulling the resolution not proper in this case, [529];
they would imply rightful jurisdiction, a lawful authority, a legal action, though an erroneous judgment, [529];
it is objected that the Senate have no right to expunge any thing from its journal, [529];
it is said we have no right to destroy a part of the journal, [529];
to expunge, it is said, is to destroy, [529];
not so, [529];
it is incorporated in the expunging resolution, and lives as long as that lives, [529];
the case of the Middlesex election, [529];
the resolution to expel John Wilkes expunged from the journals of the House of Commons, [529];
words of the resolution, [530];
annually introduced from 1769 to 1782, and passed, [530];
the history of the case not lost, [530];
the resolution adopted in the Senate of Massachusetts during the late war, adverse to the celebration of our national victories, [530];
expunged ten years afterward, [530];
the Senate tried President Jackson a year ago, now it is itself nominally on trial before itself, but in reality before America, Europe and posterity, [530];
the proceedings of this day will not be limited to the present age; they will go down to posterity, [530];
the first President who has received the condemnation of the Senate for the violation of the laws and constitution which he is sworn to observe, [530];
the argument of public opinion in the case of the Middlesex election, [530];
extract from Wilkes' speech, [530];
do. from Fox's speech, [531];
an English Whig of the old school acknowledges the right of the people to instruct their representatives, [531];
acknowledges the duty of Parliament to obey the voice of the people, [531];
the voice of the people of the United States has been heard on this subject, [531];
the resolution should be expunged because it is illegal and unjust, [531];
illegal because it contains a criminal charge, [531];
the first step taken in the House on an impeachment, [531];
the British Parliament practise an impeachment to which our constitution is conformable, [532];
the injustice of the resolution shown, [532];
this point examined, [522];
the resolution vague and indefinite, [532];
the law should be specified and the clause of the constitution violated, [532];
Giles' accusation against General Hamilton, [532];
different forms in which the resolution was presented, [533];
reasons of such extraordinary metamorphoses, [533];
opportunity for any Senator to speak who would undertake to specify any act in which the President had violated the constitution, [533];
the resolution was unwarranted by the constitution and laws, [533];
subversion of the rights of defence which belong to an accused and impeachable officer, [533];
of evil example, [534];
speech of Mr. Macon on the vote of approbation, [534];
the resolution passed at a time and under circumstances to involve the political rights and pecuniary interests of the people of the United States in serious injury and peculiar danger, [534];
this condemnation of the President indissolubly connected with the cause of the bank, [534];
instructions sent to the branch banks contemporaneously with the progress of the debate on the criminating resolution, [535];
extracts, [535];
six positions taken, [536];
no new measures to destroy the Bank, [537];
the President harbored no hostile and revengeful designs against the bank, [538];
not true that there was any necessity for the curtailment ordered in January, [539];
no excuse or apology for doubting the rates of exchange, breaking up the exchange business in the West, and concentrating the collection of exchange on the four great commercial cities, [540];
the curtailments of these exchange regulations were political and revolutionary, and connect themselves with the contemporaneous proceedings of the Senate for the condemnation of the President, [540];
the case of the Western branches, [542];
evidence drawn from the bank itself, [543];
extracts from Mr. Biddle's letters, [543], [544];
article in the National Gazette, [545];
the distress of the country occasioned by the bank of the United States and the Senate of the United States, [546];
history of the reduction of the deposits, [546];
in 1819 the bank was unconnected with politics, [546];
further proof that the Senate and the bank, and the Senate more than the bank, produced the distress during last winter, [547];
two instances of the bank creating wanton pressure, [547];
the resolution which it is proposed to expunge," [549].
The expunging resolution laid on the table, [549];
called up on the last, [549];
motion to strike out the word "expunge" and insert "rescind, reverse, and make null and void," [549];
the friends of the expunging resolution astonished, [549];
an expurgation of the journal would be its obliteration, [549];
inconsistent with the constitutional injunction "to keep a journal," [549];
the mover of the expunging resolution yields, [550];
carried, [550];
exultation of Mr. Webster that the word "expunge" was expunged, [550];
remarks, [550];
the original expunging resolution renewed, [550].
Remarks of Senator Benton, [645];
"the condemnation of the President co-operative with the conspiracy of the bank to effect the most wicked scheme of mischief exhibited in modern times, [646];
President Jackson has done more for the human race than the whole tribe of politicians put together, [646];
his services to the country, [647];
no parallel to Jackson crushing the bank except in the Roman Consul crushing Catiline, [647];
further remarks, [648]."
Less than three years were sufficient to express public sentiment in favor of reversal, [717];
notice of the intention to bring up the resolution, [718];
the resolution, [718];
remarks of Senator Benton, [719];
"the change in public sentiment, [720];
ascertained, [720];
how far should the expression of this will be conclusive of our action, [720];
the terror of Jackson's administration and its effect for good or evil on the country," [721], [722], [723], [724], [725].
Meeting of democratic Senators, [727];
final measures taken, [727];
debate on the motion to take up the subject, [727];
the speakers, [727], [728];
feelings of the opposition, [728];
expressions of Calhoun, [728];
feeling and expressions of Clay, [729];
Webster's protest against the act, [730];
resolution passed, [730];
the expunging done in open Senate, [730];
excitement in the galleries, [731];
dinner given by President Jackson, [731].
F
Farnham, Russell, founder of Colony at Astoria, [18].
Finances.—Distress of the Government in 1820, [11];
economy forced upon it, [11];
army reduced from 10,000 to 6,000 men, [11];
naval appropriation reduced one half, [11];
twenty-one millions more than double the amount required for the actual expenses of the government, [11];
how expended, [11];
mistake to suppose an amount necessary to be left in the Treasury as a reserve, [11].
Florida, Treaty and Cession of Texas.—
Treaty of 1818, giving up Texas and acquiring Florida, [15];
its denunciation, [15];
action of Monroe's Cabinet, [15];
treaty approved by the country, [15];
points of the treaty, [15];
letter of Monroe to General Jackson, [15];
repugnance of the Northeast to see the aggrandizement of the Union on the South and West, [16];
extent of this feeling, [16];
views of Jefferson and Jackson on the cession of Texas, [16];
Spain fails to ratify, [16];
negotiations revived, [16];
treaty ratified, [17];
movement against the treaty, [17];
change in the relations of Spain and Mexico, [17];
treaty with Mexico, [17];
three times ratified by the Senate, [17];
how the territory was got back, [17];
extinguished slave territory nearly, [17];
Indian treaties, [18];
largest territorial abolition of slavery ever effected, [18];
how received at the South, [18];
the inside view, [18].
Floyd, John, Representative from Virginia, [7];
moves a proposition for the settlement of Columbia river, [13];
his character, [13].
Foot, Samuel A., resolution of inquiry relative to public lands, [130];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
Forsyth, John, on the donation to the Greeks, [63];
for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216];
on the Compromise tariff bill, [315];
Secretary of State, [477].
Frelinghuysen, Theodore, against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
French and Spanish Land Claims, settlement of.—
State of titles in Louisiana on its transfer to the United States, [219];
the treaty protected every thing that was property, [279];
the question was to apply it to the land titles, [279];
boards of commissions established, [279];
their operation, [279];
defects, [279];
the act of 1832, [280];
its first section, [280];
its successful operation, [280].
French Indemnity.—
Special communication from the President, [588];
French fleet approaching the coast, [588];
implying a design to overawe the government or to be ready for expected hostilities, [588];
remarks of the message on the subject of an apology, [588];
a private attempt to obtain a dictated apology, [588];
an attempt made to get this refused apology placed on the archives of the government, [588];
statement of the message, [589];
the interdiction of our ports to the entry of French vessels and French products recommended, [589];
nature of the treaty that had been formed, [589];
stipulated for reduction of duties on wines by our government and the payment of indemnity by France, [589];
advantages to France, [590];
reasons of such delay on the part of France, [590];
extract relative to the French armament, [590].
Calhoun charges upon the President a design to have war with France, [591];
Benton asserts that the conduct of the Senate at its last session had given to the French question its present hostile aspect, [591];
remarks, [591];
conduct of France insulting to us, [591];
an example from French history, [591];
a party in the French Chambers working to separate the President from the people of the United States, and to make him responsible for the hostile attitude of the two countries, [592];
comments on the approach of the French fleet, [593];
the present state of affairs charged upon the conduct of the Senate, [593];
defence of Senators, [594];
the Senate charged with the loss of the defence bills at the last session, [595];
defence of the Senate by Webster, [596];
further discussion on the time when the second session of Congress expires, [598], [599];
American arming declared to be war on our side, [600];
denied, [600].
British Mediation.—
Message informing the Senate that Great Britain had offered her friendly mediation between the United States and France, [600];
suspension of retaliatory measures recommended, [600];
all points in the controversy involving the honor of the United States excepted, [600];
motives of the offer, [600], [601];
reflections upon this subject, [601].
French Spoliation Claim.—
Ground of examined, [91];
assumptions on which their payment by the United States rested, [487];
liability of the United States to become paymasters themselves, in cases where failing, by war or negotiation, to obtain redress they make a treaty settlement surrendering or abandoning the claims, [487];
this point examined, [487];
governments not bound to push such interests to the extremity of a war, [487];
ought not to go back thirty-four years and call in question the judgment of Washington's administration, [488];
another instance of abandonment, [488];
speech of Mr. Webster, [488];
grounds of the claims, [489];
speech of Mr. Wright, [489];
relations between France and the United States prior to the disturbances, [489];
stipulations of treaties, [490], [491];
origin of the claims which formed the subject of the bill, [491];
reference to acts of Congress to prove that war existed between the United States and France, [493];
the treaty of 1800, [495];
what object in the negotiation of 1800, [496];
liability of the United States, [496];
further remarks, [497], [498];
propositions established, [500];
the advocates of the bill concede that two positions must be established on their part to sustain it, [500], [501], [502], [503].
Speech of Mr. Webster, [505];
"essentially a judicial question, [505];
oldness of the claims, [505];

said most of them have been bought up, [505];
report of the Secretary of State presenting a general view of the history and character of these claims, [506];
before the interference of our government with them they constituted just demands against France, [507];
grounds upon which the claims are vested by the claimants, [507];
points admitted, [508];
propositions to be established, [508];
were these subsisting claims against France at the time of the treaty? [508];
these claims released and relinquished by the amendment of the treaty and its ratifications, [511];
these claims surrendered or released by the government on national considerations, [511];
further remarks," [512], [513], [514].
Speech of Mr. Benton, [514];
"the whole stress of the question lies in a few simple facts, [514];
assumed grounds on which the claims rest, [515];
on what grounds is it maintained that the United States received a valuable consideration for these claims? [515];
the case as between France and us relative to these claims, [515];
our obligation under the guarantee of France, [515];
the justice and validity of the claims themselves, [516];
how can the American people be pressed to pay these claims when it would be unreasonable to press France herself to pay them? [516];
it is said the United States have received full consideration from France for these claims, [517];
exertions made by the United States on behalf of these claims, [518];
what were the losses which led to these claims? [519];
one of the most revolting features of this bill is its relation to the insurers, [519];
what sum of money will this bill abstract from the treasury?" [520];
bill passed the Senate, [521];
lost in the House, [521];
claim agencies and assignments should be broken up, [521];
assignees and agents constitute a profession, [521].
G
Gaillard, John, Senator from South Carolina, [7];
President of the Senate, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
decease of, [77];
nearly thirty years in the Senate, [77];
nine times elected president of the Senate, [77];
his character as presiding officer, [77].
Gallatin, Albert, candidate for the Vice Presidency in 1824, [45];
commissioner at Ghent, [71];
negotiates for joint occupation of Oregon, [109];
interview with Huskisson, [126].
Giles, Wm. B., decease of, his peculiar talent, [683];
the Charles Fox of the House, [683];
his character, [683].
Gilmer, George, Representative from Georgia, [7];
Governor, [7];
action relative to the Cherokees, [165].
Globe Newspaper, the establishment of.—
An interview, [129];
scheme to set aside Gen. Jackson and run Mr. Calhoun for the next President, [129];
propositions, [129];
communicated to General Jackson, [129];
the Telegraph newspaper, [129];
Francis P. Blair, [129];
how brought to the notice of General Jackson, [129];
establishes the Globe newspaper, [130];
stand taken by, [182].
Gold currency, remarks of Mr. Benton upon a, [436];
bills to equalize the value of gold and silver and legalizing the tender of foreign coins in either, brought forward, [469];
the relative value of the two metals, [469];
experience of Mexico and South America, [469];
16 to 1, [469];
bill passed, [469];
its good effects, [469], [470].
Government, the, its personal aspect in 1820, [7].
Granny White, the case of, [105].
Grundy, Felix, offers anti-nullification resolutions, [34].
H
Hall, Thomas H., Representative from North Carolina, [7].
Hamar, Thomas L., on the admission of Arkansas, [634].
Hamilton, General, argument for a national bank drawn from the Indian War, [2].
Hamilton, James A., acts as Secretary of State, [119].
Hardin, Benjamin, Representative from Kentucky, [7].
Hartford convention.—Design of secession imputed to, [4].
Hayne, Robert Y., on revision of the tariff, [99];
on the duty on indigo, [99];
on sales of the public lands, [132];
debate with Webster, [138], [140];
in reply to Webster, [140];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on southern resistance to the tariff, [274].
Hendricks, William, Representative from Indiana, [7].
Hill, Isaac, on abolition petitions, [614].
Holmes, John, Senator from Maine, [7];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
Horsey, Outerbridge, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
House of Representatives.—
Errors of De Tocqueville, [205];
reputation of the work in Europe, [205];
immense superiority attributed to the Senate arising from the different manner of election, [205];
statement of De Tocqueville, [205];
its tenor to disparage democracy—to attack the principle of popular elections, [205];
advantage of extending instead of restricting the privilege of the direct vote, [206];
further remarks on his statement, [206];
every man of eminence has owed his first elevation to popular elections, [206];
experience of England, Scotland, Ireland and Rome, of the success of a direct vote, [206];
popular election the safest and wisest mode of election, [206];
the difference then between the two Houses has vanished, [206];
causes to account for an occasional difference, [206];
statesmen not improvised, [207];
time often required to carry measures, [207];
instance parliamentary reform, [207];
other great British measures, [207];
short service the evil of the House, [207];
instances of Adams and Randolph retaken up by the people when dropped from the Senate, [207];
this error disparages the controlling branch of our Government, [207];
the British House of Commons, [208];
the Senate now occupies prominent public attention, [208].
Hunter, William, Senator from Rhode Island, [7].
I
Imprisonment for debt, abolition of.—
Act of Congress passed to abolish all imprisonment on process issuing from the courts of the United States, [292];
effect of the example, [292];
report, [292];
extracts, [292];
"power of the creditor over the debtor in ancient Greece and Rome, [292];
the history of English jurisprudence furnishes the remarkable fact that for many centuries personal liberty could not be violated for debt, [292];
progress of imprisonment in England, [293];
further remarks," [293];
act passed, [293];
effect upon the States, [293];
imprisonment condemned by morality, by humanity, and by the science of political economy, [294].
Incendiary publications circulated by mail.—
Moved, that so much of the President's message as related to this subject be referred to a select committee, [580];
opposed, should go to the committee on post-offices and post-roads, [580];
object to secure a committee that would calmly investigate the whole subject, [580];
discussion relative to the committee, [580];
special committee appointed, [580];
bill and report, [580];
dissent of various members of the committee from the sentiments of the report, [581];
two parts exceptionable, [581];
the nature of the Federal Government founded in "compact" and on interference of non-slave States with slavery in other States, [581];
extracts from the report, [581], [582], [583];
insidiousness of the report consisted in the assumption of impending danger of the abolition of slavery in all the slave States, and the necessity for extraordinary means to prevent these dire calamities, when the fact was that there was not one particle of any such danger, [584];
the report foreshadows disunion, [584];
in vain to expect security or protection for the slaveholding States except from themselves, and concert only wanted among them to obtain this end, [584];
Calhoun recurs to secession for a new grievance, [585];
remark of Clay relative to the compromise of 1833, [585];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [586];
examination of the features of the bill, [586];
remarks of Mr. Clay on the bill, [586];
the bill not only unnecessary, but as a law of dangerous, if not a doubtful authority, [586];
whence did Congress derive the power to pass this law? [587].
Votes on the bill, [587];
three successive tie votes, [587];
yeas and nays called, [587];
the Vice-President called for, [587];
gives the casting vote for engrossment, [587];
remarks on the vote of various Senators, [587].
Indian Factory System.—
Its origin, [21];
objects, [21];
how carried on, [21];
its inside working, [21];
bill to repeal passed, [21];
shows how long the Indians and the Government may be cheated without knowing it, [21].
Indians, removal of.—
Large tracts held by the Indians in South and Western States in 1821, [27];
early policy of the Government, [27];
applications to the Federal Government incessant for their removal, [27];
what has become of the tribes in the older States? [27];
speech of Elliot, [27];
views of Jefferson, [28];
action of Monroe's administration, [28];
process for effecting the removal, [28];
bill passed, [28];
treaties ratified, [29];
the system of removal begun, [29].
Creeks, removal from Georgia.—
Agreement between the United States and Georgia, [58];
treaty of removal concluded in 1824, [58];
resisted by the nation, [59];
attempts to enforce it by the State of Georgia, [59];
interference of the Administration, [59];
new treaty negotiated, [59];
objections to it in the Senate, [59];
further negotiation, [59];
treaty ratified, [59];
an incident, [59];
remarks of Van Buren, [60];
remarks of Benton, [61];
others, [62], [63].
Cherokees, removal from Georgia.—
Facts of the case, [624];
combination of obstacles, [624];
proceedings relative to, [624];
treaty with the Cherokees, [624];
amount of the stipulation, [624];
treaty opposed in the Senate, [624];
protest from the Cherokee nation, [625];
proposition to reject the treaty, [625];
close vote, [625];
saved by free State votes, [626];
involved an extension of slavery, [626];
just and fraternal spirit of the free States to their southern brethren, [626].
Final removal of.—
This policy when commenced, [690];
completed, [690];
effects, [690];
extent of the removals, [690];
increase of area of slave population, [691];
conduct of the northern States, [691];
outcry against General Jackson, [691];
statements of De Tocqueville, [691];
remarks, [692];
amount of payments to the Indians, [692];
the smaller remote tribes, [693];
the Indian bureau, [693].
Indian sovereignties within States.—
Indian oligarchies set up in some of the States, [163];
remarks of President Jackson's message in 1829-30, [164];
"the condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within States, an object of much interest, [164];
has the General Government a right to sustain them in erecting an independent government within the limits of a State? [164];
reference to the constitution, [164];
their efforts discountenanced," [164];
passage of an act to enable their removal recommended, [164];
an old policy taken hold of by party spirit, [164];
proceedings in Georgia, [164];
proceedings of the Cherokees, [164];
action of Governor Gilmer relative to the suit of the Cherokees, [165];
charge of Judge Clayton to the Grand Jury of the Indian countries, [165];
address of Milner to the Foreign Missionary Society of London, [165];
remarks, [166];
the case of George Tassels, [166];
answer of Governor Gilmer to a request to make up a case before the United States Supreme Court, [166];
settlement, [166].
Ingham, Samuel D., Secretary of the Treasury, [119];
resigns his seat in the cabinet, [181].
Internal Improvements within the States, source of the question, [3];
New York canal finished, [22];
roads and canals all the vogue, [22];
candidates for the Presidency spread their sails, [22];
advocates of the measure, [22];
two prominent subjects discussed, [22];
extent of the design, [22];
Monroe's veto, [22];
the statement of the question, [22];
constitutional point how viewed in the message, [23];
the post-office and post-road grant of power, [23];
the war power, [23];
the power to regulate commerce, [24];
to pay debts and provide for the general welfare, [24];
to make laws necessary and proper, [25];
to make needful rules and regulations, [26];
the point on which Mr. Monroe yielded, [26];
the act for surveys passed, [26];
places recommended for improvement, [26];
veto message of Jackson, [26];
fate of the system, [27].
J
Jackson, Andrew, views on the cession of Texas, [16];
on internal improvement, [22];
candidate for the Presidency in 1824, [44];
message relative to a removal of the Indians, [164];
veto of Maysville road bill, [167];
letter to Van Buren, relative to his agency in the rupture of the cabinet, [217];
veto of the recharter of the bank, [251];
elected President, [282];
proclamation against South Carolina, [299];
retains the bill to distribute the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, [364];
veto, [365].
His administration.—
His inaugural address, [119];
his cabinet, [119];
members of Congress, [120];
Speaker, [121];
recommendations of his first annual message, [121];
"amendment of the constitution relative to elections of President and Vice President," [121];
remarks, [122];
amendment to the constitution too far removed from the people, [122];
events impressively urge it, [122];
not another example on earth of a free people surrendering the choice of their President, [122];
exclusion of members of Congress from office recommended, [122];
remarks of the message on this point, [122];
the policy recommended respecting the navy, [122];
instructions to Virginia Senators in 1800, [122];
the army and navy as found by President Jackson, [123];
recommendations relative to ship building, [123];
the inutility of the Bank of the United States asserted, [123];
remarks of the message, [123];
manner in which they were perverted, [123];
the finances, [124];
other recommendations, [124].
Breaking up of the Cabinet.—
Resignation of the members, [181];
courtesy of the proceeding, [181];
ground upon which the President placed the required resignations, [181];
the new cabinet, [181];
excitement in party politics, [181];
attack on Mr. Crawford, [181];
his answer, [181];
exposure of errors of the pamphlet of Calhoun, [181];
the words of Mr. Crawford, [182];
change in the course of the Telegraph newspaper, [182];
the stand taken by the Globe.—See Globe newspaper.
Twenty-second Congress, [208];
the Speaker, [209];
message, [210];
boundary between Maine and New Brunswick referred to the King of Netherlands, [210];
his opinion on the case, [210];
our claims with France, [210];
a treaty made, [210];
differences with Spain, [210];
claims against Naples, [211];
our demands on the Sicilies, [211];
relations with Russia, [211];
effect of our treaty with Austria, [211];
China and the East Indies, [212];
Mexico, [212];
Central America, [212];
South American powers, [212];
state of the finances, [213];
insolvent debtors to the Government, [213];
election of President and Vice President by a direct vote of the people, [213];
the bank of the United States, [213].
Message after a second election, [283];
wholly confined to business topics, [283];
the finances, [283];
extinguishment of the national debt, [283];
reduction of burthens on the people, [283];
protection should be limited to a few articles of indispensable necessity, [284];
views on the public lands, [284];
should cease to be a source of revenue soon as practicable, [284];
the federal title should be extinguished in the States, [284];
donations or sales at barely reimbursing prices is the wise policy of the government, [284];
after a fixed day the surrender of that unsold should take place, [284];
advantages of this course, [284];
removal of the Indians nearly consummated, [285];
obstacles to the removal of the Indian tribes, [285];
the removals seized upon by party spirit, [285];
Congress appealed to and refused to intervene, [285];
the Supreme Court appealed to and refused the application, [285];
the case of the missionaries, [285];
the case of Tassells, [285];
interference in the affairs of Georgia, [286];
an intimation given of the insolvency of the bank and the insecurity of the public deposits, [286];
this intimation received with scorn by the friends of the bank, [286];
conduct of the bank in relation to the payment of five millions of the three per cent. stock, [286];
the attitude of South Carolina, [286];
opposition to the revenue laws, [286].
Message to 23d Congress, [371];
the state of the finances, [371];
remarks relative to an economical administration, [371];
reasons for the removal of the public deposits, [371];
amendments to the constitution recommended, [372];
remarks on conventions, [372].
Combination against General Jackson.—
Incident in the career of Mr. Fox, leader in the House of Commons, [400];
union against Gen. Jackson, [400];
their movements take a personal and vindictive character, [400];
power of the bank to produce distress, [401];
speakers, [401];
the business of the combination divided—distress and panic the object, [401];
the friends of General Jackson, [401];
speech of Mr. Clay on the removal of the deposits, [402].
"In the midst of a revolution, hitherto bloodless, [402];
the Judiciary has not been exempted from the prevailing rage for innovation, [402];
a large proportion of the good nod enlightened men of the Union are yielding to sentiments of despondency, [402];
at the close of last session the power of Congress over the purse was left untouched, [403];
after all the testimonies of the safety of the public money, who would have supposed that the place would have been changed? [403];
by virtue of whose will, power, dictation, were the deposits removed? [404];
the President has no power over the Public Treasury, [404];
some of the tremendous consequences which may ensue from this high-handed measure, [405];
what security have the people against the lawless conduct of the President? [405];
the instance of Cæsar, [405];
what is it our duty to do?" [406];
remarks in reply, [406].
"The first of the resolutions a direct impeachment of the President, [406];
we are trying an impeachment, [406];

the Senate should consider well before they proceed further, [407];
the right of the President to dismiss his secretaries, [407];
two other impeachments going on at the same time, [407];
the President on trial for a high crime, [407];
for a misdemeanor, [408];
the Secretary of the Treasury on trial, [408];
the charge of being the instrument of the President, [408];
people called upon to rise and drive the Goths from the capitol, [409];
the bank was not the Treasury of the United States, [409];
fourteenth article of the bank charter, [409];
the legal existence of the Treasury brought out by the debates," [410].
Union of Clay and Calhoun against Jackson, [411];
speech of Calhoun, [411];
gives Clay assurance of aid, [411];
the robbery of the Treasury, [411];
the revolution not to go backwards, [412];
entirely owing to the military nod nullifying attitude of South Carolina that the compromise was passed, [412];
a political coalition to act against Gen. Jackson, [412];
opposition to the "usurpations" of the President, [413];
contempt and scorn at the Secretary's reasons for removing the deposits, [413];
the removal of Secretary Dunne an abuse of power, [413];
Calhoun's independence of the bank, [414];
Clay disclaims all connection with the bank, [414];
the list of Congressional borrowers or retainers large, [415].
Message to Congress in 1834, [477];
relations with France, [477];
the indemnity stipulated in the treaty has not been paid, [477];
extracts, [477];
question of waiting on the action of France, or of action on our part, referred to Congress, [478];
United States should insist on a prompt execution, [478];
consequences considered, [478];
collision with France to be regretted on account of her position with regard to liberal institutions, [478];
condition of the finances, [479];
freedom from public debt, [479];
seizure of the dividends due the United States on stock, by the bank, [479];
other proceedings of the bank, [480];
criminality of the bank in making the distress, [480];
bank losses commenced at this period, [480];
selling the stock in the bank, [480];
law relative to public deposits, [480];
increase of the gold currency, [481];
reform in the Presidential election, [481].
Meeting of twenty-fourth Congress, [568];
choice of Speaker, [569];
message of the President, [589];
"relations with France, [569];
origin of our claims against France, [569];
extent of the injuries we received, [569];
an affair of uninterrupted negotiation for twenty years, except a short time when France was overwhelmed by the military power of United Europe, [569];
subject brought up in the message of 1829, [570];
exceptions taken to the message by the French Government, [570];
the justice of the claims recognized and the amount stipulated in the treaty of 1831, [570];
its ratification, [570];
delays of the French Government in their action upon the subject of its fulfilment heretofore stated, [570];
expectations founded on the promises of the French Government not realized, [571];
consultation with Congress relative to measures for reprisal, [571];
regarded as an insult by the French Government, [571];
recall of their Minister and suspension of all diplomatic intercourse, [571];
having vindicated the dignity of France, they next proceeded to illustrate her justice, [571];
bill passed in the Chamber of Deputies to make the appropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty, [571];
a stipulation that the money should not be paid until it was ascertained that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character towards France, [571];
this point ascertained, [572];
subsequently the bill amended to require a satisfactory explanation of the President's message," [572];
the apology repulsed by the President as a stain on the national character, [572];
injurious effects of the loss of the fortification bill in the previous Congress, [572];
the humane policy which governed the United States in the removal of the Indians, [573];
the revival of the gold currency and its influence on the industry of the country, [573];
increase of specie in the country, [573];
the transportation of the mails by railroad and the extortion of the companies, [574];
the transmission by mail into the slave States of incendiary publications tending to excite servile insurrection, [574];
reform in the mode of electing the two first officers of the Republic, [575].
Foreign Diplomacy.—Most alarm felt from this part of his administration by the opponents of his election, [601];
no part more successful, beneficial, and honorable, [601].
The British West India trade recovered, [602].
The French Indemnity treaty, [602];
efforts previously for redress, [602];
the message, [602];
Rives sent as Minister, [602];
the treaty, [602];
further proceedings, [603].
The Danish treaty of indemnity for spoliations on American commerce, [603];
consisted of illegal seizures and confiscations of American vessels in Danish ports during the time of the British orders in Council and the French decrees, [603];
negotiations of J. Q. Adams' administration, [603];
subsequent success of the negotiations, [603].
Neapolitan indemnity treaty for spoliations on American commerce, [603];
previous efforts to obtain indemnity, [603];
cause of delay, [604];
embarrassments, [604];
success, [604].
Spanish indemnity treaty for causes of complaint since 1819, [604];
Spanish blockades of ports of South American colonies, [604];
state of negotiations, [604];
success, [605].
Russian commercial treaty, none before negotiated, [605];
many previous efforts, [605];
every thing else granted but a commercial treaty, [605];
final success of negotiations, [606].
Portuguese indemnity for seizures during the blockade of Terceira, [606];
treaty made, [606];
inability of Portugal to pay, [606];
time extended and payment made, [606].
Treaty with the Ottoman Empire made in 1831, [606];
first treaty with that power, [606];
still further treaty in relation to our commerce needed, [607];
stipulations, [607];
success, [607].
Renewal of the treaty with Morocco, [608].
Treaty with Siam, [608].
Treaty with Sultan of Muscat, [608].
Last message, [684];
recapitulation of the auspicious state of things at home and abroad, [684];
the deposit act, [684];
the distribution scheme, [685];
effects, [685];
issuance of the Treasury circular, [685];
attack upon the circular in Congress, [686];
Seminole hostilities in Florida, [686];
the stock in the Bank of the United States, [687];
the delay of appropriations, [688];
mail contracts with railroads, [688];
supervision over the Indian tribes, [689];
the mode of the Presidential election, [689].
Farewell address of President Jackson, [732];
on disunion, [732];
his apprehensions, [733].
Conclusion of his administration, [733];
remarks and reflections, [733], [734];
appearance at the inauguration of Van Buren, [735];
his reception, [735];
his retirement, [735];
his decease, [736];
his first appearance to the writer, [736];
first interview, [736];
intercourse, [736];
Mrs. Jackson, [737], [739];
his character, [737], [738];
elected Major-General in Tennessee, [738];
nephews, [739].
Jackson and Calhoun, rupture between.—
Pamphlet of Mr. Calhoun relative to, [167];
its title, [167];
its contents, [167];
the case as it was made out in the pamphlet an intrigue on the part of Van Buren to supplant a rival, [168];
this case confronted by Jackson, [168];
his previous opinion of Calhoun, [168];
the reply of Jackson never published heretofore, [168];
how it came into the possession of Benton, [168];
letter of Kendall, [168];
contents of Jackson's exposition, [168];
justification of himself under the law of nations and the treaty with Spain for taking military possession of Florida, [168];
do. under the orders of Monroe and Calhoun as Secretary of War, [168];
a statement of Mr. Calhoun's conduct towards him in all that affair of the Seminole War, &c., [169];
"introduction, [169];
extracts from orders, [169];
letter of Calhoun, [169];
Jackson's letter to Monroe, [169];
manner of the reception the letter, [170];
reply by John Rhea, [170];
circumstances under which Jackson entered Florida, [170];
conduct of the Spanish authorities, [171];
the impressions under which Jackson acted, [171];
his dispatch to the Secretary of War, [172];
acted within the letter and spirit of orders, and in accordance with the secret understanding of the Government, in taking possession of St. Marks and Pensacola, [172];
letters to the Secretary of War, [172];
no replies of disapprobation, [172];
statements of a Georgia journal, [173];
no reason to doubt Mr. Calhoun's approval, [173];
further evidence, [173];
letter of Col. A. P. Hayne, [173];
his impressions derived from Mr. Calhoun, [174];
informed that Calhoun was the instigator of the attacks upon him, [174];
and that Crawford was unjustly blamed, [174];
statement of Mr. Cobb, [174];
inquiries of Col. Hamilton of Mr. Calhoun, [174];
private letter of Gen. Jackson to Mr. Calhoun, [174];
Calhoun's reply, [175];
recapitulation, [175];
how the suspicions of Gen. Jackson were wakened against Mr. Calhoun, [175];
statement of Mr. T. Ringold, [175];
the statement of Mr. Crawford obtained, [175];
inquiry relative to its correctness, of Calhoun, [175];
his reply, [175];
note, [175];
united testimony of the Cabinet, [176];
toast of Calhoun by Gen. Jackson, [177];
the report on the resolutions of censure in the House, [177];
its bitterness due to Mr. Calhoun, [177];
proceedings of Mr. Leacock, [177];
Calhoun's secret communications to him, [178];
report of Mr. Leacock, [178];
a darker shade added, [178];
success of Calhoun's management thus far, [179];
the mask worn by Mr. Calhoun, [179];
further statements," 180;
calamitous events followed this rupture, [180];
Crawford's words relative to the production of the private letter of Jackson to Monroe in the Cabinet meeting, [180].
Jackson, attempted assassination of.—
The President and Cabinet attend the funeral of William E. Davis, [521];
circumstances of the attempt to shoot the President, [521];
the assailant knocked down and secured, [521];
the prisoner, [521];
the pistols, [521];
prisoner examined by physicians relative to the soundness of his mind, [522];
report of physicians, [522];
diseased mind acted upon by a general outcry against a public man, [523];
not tried, but treated as insane, [524].
Jackson, President, Senatorial Condemnation of.—
Clay and Calhoun the leading spirits in this measure, [423];
the resolution passed, [423];
irrelevance of the resolution to any right or duty of the Senate, [423];
its effect, [423];
composure of President Jackson, [424];
course of his friends, [424];
mischief of the distress, [424];
the Protest of the President, [425];
its contents, [425];
extracts, [425];
"it wants both the form and substance of a legislative measure, [425];
the whole phraseology judicial, [425];
its charges, [425];
in substance an impeachment of the President, [425];
this impeachment originated in the Senate without the aid or concurrence of the House, [426];
Senators from three States voted contrary to the sense of their legislatures, [426];
words of the Protest, [427];
an appeal to his private history for the patriotism and integrity of his life," [427];
the excitement which ensued upon its reading in the Senate, [427].
Notice of the Expunging resolution given, [428];
remarks, [428];
"instance of the House of Commons, [428];
the question brought before the American people, [428];
motion to reject the President's message, is the question, [429];
the charges of the resolution, [429];
speeches in support of the resolution, [430];
three characters in which the Senate can act, [430];
one of the most difficult and delicate tasks in the convention was to select a court for the trial of impeachments, [430];
it is an object not more to be desired, than difficult to be obtained, [431];
further remarks, [431];
the Star Chamber Court, [432];
what occasion has the Senate, sitting as a court of impeachment, for the power of execution," [432];
motion carried, [432];
reasons for the Senate's refusal, [433].
Jefferson, Thomas, rejects the treaty of 1807, [1];
his idea of a commercial communication with Asia, [14];
his interview with the traveller Ledyard, [14];
seeks discovery of the Columbia river, [14];
projects the expedition of Lewis and Clarke, [14];
views on the cession of Texas, [16];
letter to Dr. Breckenridge, [16];
as a statesman, [28];
remarks on future French affairs, [31];
remarks on the road from Georgia to New Orleans, [43];
decease of, [87];
character, [87], [88];
his connection with the doctrine of nullification, [148].
Jesup, Gen., second to Mr. Clay in the duel with Randolph, [70];
his statement, [70].
Johnny, the servant of Randolph, anxiety for his master at the duel between Randolph and Clay, [75].
Johnson, Charles, on reference of the Bank memorial to a select committee, [235].
Johnson, Henry, Senator from Louisiana, [7];
governor, [7].
Johnson, Richard M., Senator from Kentucky, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
Judge of Supreme Court, [8].
On committee of bank investigation, [241];
reports on imprisonment for debt, [292].
Joint Committee of both Houses on the admission of Missouri, [9].
Jones, Francis, Representative from Tennessee, [7].
K
Kendall, Amos, letter to Calhoun, [168];
Postmaster General, [181].
King, Rufus, Senator from New York, [7];
appointed Minister
to England, [57];
long service in the Government, [57];
his manners, [57];
dress, [57];
courtesy between him and Van Buren, [57];
his suggestions to Senator Benton, [58];
his statement of the sentiment of the revolutionary period, [58].
King, William R., Senator from Alabama, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
on the Expunging resolutions of Alabama, [525], [526], [527].
King, John P., on abolition petitions, [613], [617];
on the independence of Texas, [666].
Kremer, George, avowed author of an anonymous publication against Clay; [71].
L
Lafayette, his visit.—
An absence of forty years, [29];
manner of his reception, [29];
address of Speaker Clay, [30];
Lafayette in the presence of posterity, [30];
appropriation of money and land to Lafayette, [30];
the grants opposed [30];
reasons, [30];
advocated, [31];
his sacrifices, [31];
views of Jefferson, [31];
return of Lafayette to France, [31].
Lanman, James, the case of.—On the expiration of the Senatorial term of Lanman, the Legislature of Connecticut failing to elect, the governor appointed him, [56];
debate on the validity of the appointment, [56];
not a case in which a governor can fill a vacancy, the vacancy foreseen, not happened, [56];
precedents reported to the Senate, [56];
unsatisfactory, [56];
motion to admit, rejected, [56].
Lawrence, Richard, attempts to assassinate President Jackson, [521].
Leake, Walter, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Ledyard, John, attempts the discovery of the Columbia river, [14].
Letcher, Robert P., moves the compromise tariff bill, [309].
Lewis, of North Carolina, on the admission of Arkansas, [632].
Livingston, Edward, Secretary of State, [181].
Lloyd, Edward, Senator from Maryland, [7];
governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Logan, William, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Lowndes, William, Representative from South Carolina, [7];
weight of his opinions, [8];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
decease, [18];
his character, [18].
Lowrie, Walter, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
M
Macaulay, his description of removals from office, [162].
Macon, Nathaniel, Senator from North Carolina, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
opposes the grants to Lafayette, [30];
his vote for Vice-President in 1824, [45];
answer relative to the authorship of the report on the Panama mission, [68].
Retirement of, [114];
his temperament, [114];
fixed the time for his retirement long before, [114];
his resignation, [114];
his death, [114];
his character, [114];
sketch of his life, [115];
enters the army, [115];
refuses to leave the camp for the legislative assembly of his native State, [115];
the battle of Guilford, [115];
Macon's civil life, [116];
his political principles, [116];
disregard of wealth, [117];
his friendships, [117];
his executor, [117];
codicil to his will, [117];
his charity, [118];
his dress, [118];
his disinterestedness, [118];
his simplicity, [118];
letter on the Military Academy, [182];
his character, [534].
Madison, James, yields in favor of the second bank, [3];
on the regulation of commerce, [156];
his veto of an internal improvement bill, [167];
his letter on slavery agitation, [609];
remarks, [623];
decease of—time of his death, [678];
remarks of Dr. Witherspoon, [678];
his talent, [677];
his writings, [679];
characteristics, [679].
McGuire, J. C., publishes a quarto volume of Madison's letters, [149].
Mangum, Willie P., on the branch Mints, [550].
Marcy, William L., for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216].
Marshall, John, Chief Justice, [7];

administers the oath of office to Jackson, [119];
decease of Chief Justice, [681];
his character, [681];
his speech in the case of Jonathan Robbins, [681].
McDuffie, George, moves amendment to the constitution, [37];
expresses the views of the South on the revised tariff, [100];
on revision of the tariff, [100];
on the Committee of Bank Investigation, [241].
McIntosh, William, Chief of Creek Indians, [58];
negotiates a treaty, [58].
McLane, Louis, Representative from Delaware, [7];
sent Minister to England, [127];
Secretary of the Treasury, [181].
McLean, John, Postmaster General, [7];
Postmaster-General, [58];
appointed Justice of the Supreme Court, [120].
McKinney, Thomas L., superintendent of the Indian factory system, [21].
Meigs, R. J., coadjutor with Clay on the Missouri question, [10].
Memorial of the Bank Directors to Congress relative to the removal of the public deposits, [379];
of the rejected Government Directors of the Bank to Congress, [389].
Mercer, Charles Fenton, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Message on the South Carolina proceedings, [303];
relative to the distribution of the proceeds of the sale of public lands, [365];
to twenty-third Congress, [369];
on the renomination of the Bank Directors, [386].
Metcalfe, Thomas, Representative from Kentucky, [7];
governor, [7].
Michigan, admission of. See Arkansas.
Military Academy.—
Numerous desertions in the army, [182];
difficulty to find a remedy for the evil, [182];
letter from Mr. Macon, [182];
not a government in the world so unfriendly to the rights of the people as ours since the establishment of the West Point Institution, [182];
officers rise from the ranks in all countries of Europe, [183];
returns to Parliament, [183];
how is it in our service? [183];
difficulty of obtaining a commission for a citizen in the regular regiments, [183];
case of Hermann Thorn, [183];
admitted to service in Austria, [183];
case of Kit Carson, [183];
rejected because he did not come through the West Point gate, [183];
this rule of appointment become the law of the land, [183];
popular opposition to the institution, [184];
it is said Washington was the founder of the institution, [184];
the institution of his day a very different affair, [184];
explained, [184];
all was right until 1812, [184];
extract from the act of 1812, [184];
the deception of the clause, [184];
other deceptions which follow, [185];
this establishment is mainly a school for the gratuitous education of those who have influence to get there, [184];
gratuitous instruction to the children of the living is a vicious principle, [185];
vital objections to the institution, [185];
a monopoly of the appointments how effected, [185];
the President and the academy are the real appointing power, and the Senate an office for the registration of appointments, [186];
act of 1812 rests its constitutionality on fictions, [186];
the title of the act fictitious, [186];
its title, [186];
our academy an imitation of European military schools, [186];
the remedy for these evils is to repeal the act of 1812, [186].
Attempted Inquiry into.—
Organized under the act of 1812, [638];
movements against early commenced, [638];
committee appointed, [638];
report [638];
no attention given to it, [638];
other motions, [638];
debate, [639];
a monopoly for the gratuitous education of the sons of the
rich and influential, [639];
some rule should apply to the army as applies to members of Congress, [640];
further efforts to obtain an investigation, [640];
attack on the appropriation resorted to, [641];
remarks of Franklin Pierce, [641];
"grounds of opposition, [641];
why has this investigation been resisted? [641];
from the middling interest comes the most efficient support in trying periods, [642];
exclusiveness of the institution, [642];
the military academy not calculated to make the army effective, [642];
the institution in the times of Washington, &c., and the institution as it is now, [643];
gratuitous education in Great Britain examined, [644];
further remarks," [645].
A clause in the appropriation bill for the purchase of forty horses, &c., erection of a building, a riding house in bad weather, [712];
struck out, [712];
opposition to its restoration, [712], [713];
further debate, [714].
Missouri, admission of.—
Exciting question of session of Congress of 1820-'21, [8];
the state admitted without restriction, [8];
the compromise, [8];
work of the South, [8];
unanimity of the President's cabinet, [8];
unanimity of the Senate on the compromise, [8];
its constitutionality called in question, [8];
Senators voting for it, [8];
vote in the House, [8];
the increase of slave States avowed to be a question of political power between the two sections of the Union, [8];
provision in the Missouri Constitution forbidding Legislative interference, [8];
clause authorizing the prohibition of the emigration of free people of color, [9];
its treatment by Congress, [9];
the real point of objection, [9];
application for admission presented and referred, [9];
report of committee, [9];
resolution rejected, [9];
its fate in the Senate, [9];
House reject the resolution of the Senate, [9];
joint committee ordered and appointed in both Houses, [9];
report, [9];
adopted in the House, [9];
in the Senate, [10];
compliance of the General Assembly of Missouri, [10];
defeat of the attempt to restrict a State from having slaves if she chose, [10];
the real struggle, object of, [10];
the objectionable clause, how since regarded, [10];
excitement of the occasion, [10];
a federal movement, [10];
sentiments of the northern democracy, [10];
a movement for the balance of power, [10].
Missouri resolutions.—
Not now discussed, [360];
the old confederation was a league with a legislature acting on sovereignties, [361];
the Federalist on the defects of the old system, [361];
on the certain destruction of the Union when the sword is once drawn between the members, [361];
advantage of working if the laws operate on citizens and not on States, [361].
Missouri Question, extension of.—
Object to extend the boundary on the Missouri river, [626];
difficulties, [626];
threefold, [626];
a bill for the alteration of the compromise line and the extension of the boundary reported, [627];
passed both Houses, [627];
this was the answer which northern members gave to the imputed design of abolishing slavery, [627].
Mitchell, George E., on reference of the bank memorial, to a select committee, [284].
Monroe, James, negotiates the treaty of 1807, [1];
efforts for the declaration of war in 1812, [6]: President, [7];
letter showing the unanimity of his cabinet on the Missouri question, [8];
his letters to Jackson on the cession of Texas, [15];
ditto to Jefferson, [16];
cause of these letters, [17];
veto on internal improvement bill, [22];
veto of Cumberland road bill, [167];
decease of, his place in history, [679];
his character, [679];
genius, [679];
discretion, [679];
foundation of his political career, [680];
remark of Jefferson, [680];
his career, [680].
Monroe doctrine, [67].
Moore, Gabriel, anecdote respecting the rejection of Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215].
Morris, Thomas, on abolition petitions, [612].
N
New Mexico, internal trade with.—All foreign ingress cut off until 1821, [41];
intercourse between Missouri and the "Western Internal Provinces," [41];
a branch of interior commerce, [41];
a bill brought into the Senate to open road and to afford protection against the savages, [41];
statement of facts relative to the trade, [41];
precedents for the construction of a road, [42];
remarks of Mr. Jefferson on the road from Georgia to New Orleans, [43];
the foreign part of the road the point of difficulty, [43];
moved to strike out the extra territorial part of the national highway, [43];
views of Senators, [43], [44];
bill passed, [44];
road to New Mexico built under Adams' administration, [44].
Niles, John M., on the Independence of Texas, [668].
Noble, James, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Nullification—Event of its origin, [95];
the assumed right of a State to annul an act of Congress, [138];
new turn in the debate, [138];
allusions to the conduct of New England in 1812, [138];
meetings in South Carolina on the Tariff, [138];
resolves passed, [138];
their defence, [183];
the doctrine summed up, [138];
counter explanation, [139];
the Virginia resolution, [139];
how the South Carolina doctrine would have operated in New England, [139];
the doctrine has no foundation in the constitution or in Virginia resolutions, [139];
"the character of the government," [139];
"supremacy of the constitution and laws, [140];"
interpretation of the Virginia resolutions disputed, [140];
remarks, [140];
Hartford Convention, [140];
pledge of forcible resistance to any attempt to enforce unconstitutional laws, [140];
remarks, [141];
Webster's peroration, [141];
remarks of Benton, [142];
his slowness to believe in any design to subvert the Union, [142].
Anniversary of Jefferson's birth-day, [148];
a subscription dinner, [148];
the guests, [148];
the regular toasts, [148];
conversation excited by them, [148];
toast of the President, [148];
toast of Calhoun, [148];
remarks relative to Mr. Jefferson, [148];
his vindication, [148];
resolves of Virginia, [149].
Ordinance in South Carolina.—The fate of the American system was sealed by the elections of 1832, [297];
the course of South Carolina, [297];
words of the ordinance, [297], [298];
it placed the State in the attitude of open and forcible resistance to the laws of the United States to take effect in the February following, [298];
officially communicated to the President, [298];
his oath of office, [298].
Proclamation against nullification.—Proceedings of the South Carolina convention stated, [299];
the ordinance founded not on the indefeasible right of resisting acts which are plainly unconstitutional and too oppressive to be endured, [299];
but on the position that a State may declare the acts of Congress void and prohibit their execution, [300];
two appeals from an unconstitutional act, [300];
words of the social compact, [300];
if this doctrine had been established at an early day the Union would have been dissolved in its infancy, [300];
our constitutional history shows it would have been repudiated if proposed for a feature of our Government, [300];
the constitution declares, &c., [301];
a law repealed by a small majority of the voters of a single State, [301];
the constitution forms a government, not a league, [301];
address to the members of the convention, [302].
Message on the South Carolina proceedings.—Notice in the annual message, [303];
continuation and aggravation of the proceedings, [303];
special message, [303];
"ordinance transmitted by the Governor of South Carolina, [303];
hope indulged that by explaining the recommendations proposed to Congress, the authorities of South Carolina might recede, [303];
hence proclamation issued, [303];
the reasonable expectations not realized, [303];
neither the recommendations of the Executive nor the disposition manifested by Congress, nor the unequivocal expression of public opinion, have produced any relaxation in the measures of opposition, [303];
the State authorities actively organizing their military resources, [304];
proclamation of the Governor has openly defied the authority of the Executive of the Union, [304];
determination of the authorities of South Carolina, [304];
acts on the part of South Carolina, [304], [305];
no sufficient cause for such proceedings on the part of South Carolina, [306];
she still claims to be a component part of the Union, [306];
the duty of the Executive, [307];
recommendations of the President, [307];
importance of the crisis," [307].
Deep feeling of discontent in South Carolina operated upon by politicians, [308];
this feeling just and reasonable, and operated upon by politicians for personal and ambitious objects, [308];
twofold aspect of his proclamation and message, [308];
one of relief and justice in reducing the revenue; and the other, firm and mild in enforcing the laws against offenders, [308];
two classes of discontented—the honest and the politicians, [308];
bills proposed in Congress, [308].
Revenue Collection or Force Bill.—Bill to secure the execution of certain laws in South Carolina, [330];
remarks, [330];
"contains no novel principle, [330];
provision for removal of the Custom House, [330];
legislation necessary, [330];
secession on one hand, and nullification on the other, [331];
state of affairs in South Carolina, [331];
the bill confers on the President the power of closing old ports of entry and opening new ones, [331];
a prominent cause which led to the revolution, [331];
empowered to employ the land and naval forces to put down all abettors, [332];
no ambiguity about this measure, [332];
the President is charged by the constitution with the execution of the laws, [332];
the President's measure, [332];
the resemblance between this bill and the Boston Port bill, [333];
the war is waged against the measures of the administration," [333];
the support or Mr. Webster, [333].
Nullification resolutions.—Resolutions on the powers of the government introduced into the Senate, [334];
counter-resolutions offered, [334];
source whence Mr. Calhoun obtained the seminal idea of nullification as a remedy in a government, [335];
Virginia resolution of, [98], [99];
the essential idea derived from the Roman tribunitian veto, [335];
considered a cure for all the disorders of a Roman State, [335];
remarks, [335];
"the Roman system, [335];
operation of the Roman veto, [335];
the right of a State to interfere, [336];
governments of several States might be cited as an argument against this view, [336];
the tendency to conflict in this action," [336];
Calhoun's opinion of the defects of our form of government, and the remedy for these defects, [337];
the defect of an unchecked authority of the majority, [337];
the remedy an authority in the minority to check that majority and to secede, [337];
example of Jewish history, [337];
its squint to the Virginia resolutions, [337];
circumstances under which this remedy contended for, [337];
object to create or find this remedy in our system, [337];
nullification, resistance, secession, found by Calhoun in the Virginia resolutions, [337];
all that was intended by the Virginia resolutions, being merely an appeal to public opinion, [337];
debate, [337];
"what was the conduct of Virginia in the memorable era of 98 and 99, [338];
her real intentions and policy were proved not by declarations and speeches merely, but by facts, [338];
the constitution does not provide for events which must be preceded by its own distraction, [338];
secession and nullification revolutionary, [338];
its tendency is to break up the constitution as to all the other States, [339];
it strikes a deadly blow at the vital principle of the whole Union, [339];
it arrests the power of the law, absolves the citizen from duty, and elevates another authority to supreme command, [339];
the laws must be repealed throughout the whole Union, or executed in Carolina as well as elsewhere, [339].
"Nature of our federal government, [339];
a union in contradistinction to a league, [339];
it is not a compact or confederacy between the people of the several States in their sovereign capacities, [339];
no State authority has power to dissolve those relations, [340];
the constitution, acts of Congress, &c., the supreme law, [340];
an attempt of a State at nullification a direct usurpation of the just powers of the federal government," [340];
some other cause than the alleged one at the bottom of this desire of secession, [340];
ambitious and personal proceedings intimated as involved in the proceedings of South Carolina, [340];
expression of Calhoun, [340];
a contest between power and liberty, [341];
the freedom and the slave property of the South involved, [341];
exclusion of patriotic men of the South from the Presidency, [341];
contradicted by all history of our national elections, [341];
protective tariff the sole or main cause of the South Carolina discontent, [341];
remarks on this point, [341];
"another subject connected with this which will prevent the return of peace and quiet, [341];
the force bill a practical assertion of one theory of the government against another, [341];
the bill cannot be acquiesced in, unless the South is dead to the sense of liberty," [341];
these positions not sustained by Southern sentiment, [342]—See Tariff, Reduction of duties.
O
Ordinance of 1787.—Authorship claimed for Nathan Dane, [133];
claimed for Jefferson, [133];
history of the case, [133];
its ultimate passage the work of the South, [133];
extracts from the Journal of Congress, [134];
remarks on the claim for Dane of authorship, [134];
"origin of the measure, [134];
an attempt to transfer the honor to the South, [135];
proposed a second time," [135];
statements compared with facts, [135], [136].
Oregon Territory.—Proposition for the settlement of, first made at the session of 1820-21, [13];
causes that led to it, [13];
committee moved, [13];
carried, [13];
the committee, [13];
report, [13];
proceedings in the House, [13];
consequences of neglect by the Government, [13];
advantages from its settlement, [13];
historical facts, [14].
Joint occupation of.—Astoria captured during the war of 1812, [109];
not restored under the treaty of Ghent, [109];
convention for joint occupation concluded at London, [109];
words of the convention, [109];
article written by Benton on the subject, [109];
out traders driven out of the country, [110];
other effects of the joint occupation, [110];
resolutions against the ratification of the subsequent treaty relative to continuance of the joint occupation, [111].
Otis, Harrison Gray, Senator from Massachusetts, [7].
P
Palmer, Wiliam A., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Panama Mission.—A master subject in its day, [65];
gave rise to grave questions, [65];
designed as a popular movement to turn the tide running against Adams, [65];
the Congress at Panama, [65];
debate in the Senate on the nomination of ministers, [65];
invited by the South American States to send deputies, [65];
motion to debate the question with open doors, [65];
reference to the President, [65];
his answer, [65];
indignation of the Senate, [66];
nominations confirmed, [66];
patronage distributed to advocates of the measure, [66];
the basis of the agreement for the Congress, the existing state of war between all the new States and the mother country, [66];
its object, [66];
relations of the United States, [66];
message of the President relative to objects of the Congress, [67];
the Monroe doctrine, [67];
extract from Adams' message respecting it, [67];
entirely confined to our own borders, [67];
other objects—advancement of religious liberty, [67];
proofs of our good will, [67];

reference of the message, [67];
adverse report, [67];
expressive of the democratic doctrines of the day, [67];
its general principle that of good-will and friendship, but no entangling alliances, [68];
remarks of committee on religious freedom, [68];
their views on the Monroe doctrine, [68];
our present unconnected and friendly position regarded as most beneficial to the republics, [68];
the advantages of friendly relations without entangling alliances, [69];
right of the President to institute the mission, [69];
relations with Haiti, on what principle established, [69];
excitement produced by the proposed mission, [69].
Paper read to the cabinet by General Jackson relative to the removal of the public deposits, [376].
Patronage, Executive, reduction of.—Committee appointed to report on the expediency of reducing, [80];
the committee, [80];
report, [80];
the six bills reported, [80];
extract from the report, [80];
"grounds of the committee's opinion, [80];
multiply the guards against the abuse of power, [81];
the extent of patronage," [81];
subsequent increase of patronage, [81];
remarks on the bills reported, [81], [82].
Parrott, John F., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Pierce, Franklin, on abolition petitions, [615].
Pinckney, Charles, Representative from South Carolina, [7].
Pinkney, William, Senator from Maryland, [7];
negotiates the treaty of 1807, [1];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
decease, [19];
rank as an orator, [19];
speeches, [19];
on the Missouri controversy, [19];
abilities, [20];
manner in which Randolph announces his death, [20];
character, [20].
Pleasants, James, Senator from Virginia, [7];
governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Poindexter, George, against Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the protest of General Jackson, [427].
Polk, James K., on the non-payment of the three per cents., [289];
on continuing the deposits in the bank, [289];
chosen Speaker of the House, [569].
Presidential election of 1824.—The candidates, [44];
how brought forward, [44];
number of electoral votes, [44];
vote for each, [44];
candidates for the Vice Presidency, [45];
vote, [45].
In the House.—The theory and practical working of the constitution in the election of President and Vice-President, [46];
first election in the House that of Jefferson and Burr, [46];
ballotings, [47];
effect on the constitution, [47];
second election in the House that of 1824, [47];
proceedings, [47];
the democratic principle finally victorious, [47];
conduct of certain individuals, [48];
Clay expresses to Benton his intention to vote for Adams before the election, [48];
letter of Clay to Benton, [48];
evidences of Clay's declaration, [48];
this election put an end to caucus nominations by members of Congress, [49];
a different mode of concentrating public opinion adopted [49];
its degeneration, [49];
an anomalous body where the election is now virtually made, [49];
this destructive to the rights and sovereignty of the people, [49];
the remedy, [49].
Presidential election of 1828.—The candidates, [111];
result [111];
vote of the free States for the slave-holding candidates, [111];
election of Jackson a triumph of democratic principle, [111];
errors of Mons. de Tocqueville, [112];
charge of violent temper against Jackson, [112];
"mediocre talent and no capacity to govern," [112];
"opposed by a majority of enlightened classes," [113];
"raised to the Presidency solely by the recollection of the victory of New Orleans," [113]. See page [282].
Presidential election of 1836.—The candidates, [683];
Vice-President elected by the Senate, [683];
details [683], [684].
Preston, William C., on French affairs, [594].
Protection to American Industry, origin of the question, [3].
Protective System.—The periodical season for its discussion, [265];
the session most prolific of party topics and party contests of any ever known, [266];
the reason, [266];
the subjects, [266];
the bank and tariff two leading measures, [266];
proposal of the President's message, [266];
the proposition of Mr. Clay, [266];
the seven years before the Tariff and the seven years after, [266];
the one, calamity; the other, prosperity, [266];
remarks, [266];
the seven years of calamity immediately followed the establishment of the bank, [266];
protection an incident before 1816, afterwards an object, [267];
origin and progress of the protective policy, [267].
"It began on the 4th of July, 1789. The second act on the statute book, [267];
prosperity consequent on the French revolution, [267];
state of things after the peace in 1815, [267];
subject again brought up in 1820, [267];
summary of the policy," [267].
Other speakers in favor of the policy, [268];
those against it, [268];
bearing of the question on the harmony and the stability of the Union. [268].
A crisis arrived, [268];
dissatisfaction of all the South, [268];
objects of the Revolution, [268];
manufacturers should be supported incidentally, [268].
"This system an overruling necessity, [269];
the danger to its existence lies in the abandonment, and not in the continuance of the American system, [269];
great excitement in South Carolina, [269];
the Union necessary to the whole and to all its parts, [269];
the majority must govern, [269];
can it be believed that two-thirds of the people would consent to the destruction of a policy believed to be indispensably necessary to their prosperity?"; [269].
An appalling picture dissolution of the Union presented on either hand, [270];
former designs of bringing Jackson forward for the Presidency, [270];
views entertained in South Carolina, [270];
views of the Democratic party [270];
"cannot feel indifferent to the sufferings of any portion of the American people, [270];
what is the cause of Southern distress? [271];
other causes which exist," [271];
the levy and expenditure of the federal government the cause of Southern decadence, [271];
exportation of American manufactures, [272];
this fact urged to show the excellence of American fabrics, and that they are worthy of protection, [272];
also urged to show their independence of protection, [272];
"American cottons now traverse the one-half of the circumference of the globe, [272];
effect of these duties to create monopolies at home, [272];
the Custom House returns," [272];
the prosperity attributed to the Tariffs of 1824 and 1828, [272];
real cause of the revived prosperity, [273];
remarks, [273];
Clay's remarks on his own failing powers and advanced age, [273];
compliments on his remarks, [273];
sparring between Gen. Smith and Mr. Clay on the age of the latter, [273], [274];
the seriousness of Southern resistance to the Tariff, [274];
an appeal to all to meet the South in a spirit of conciliation, [274].
Protest of Gen. Jackson on the vote of censure in the Senate, [425].
Public distress.—From the moment of the removal of the deposits, the plan of the bank was to force their return, and with it a renewal of its charter, by operating on the business of the country and the alarms of the people, [415];
course to be pursued, [415];
first step to get up distress meetings, [415];
memorial sent to Congress, [415];
speeches on their presentation, [415];
remarks of Mr. Tyler on presenting a memorial from Virginia, [416];
do. of Mr. Robbins on presenting a memorial, [416];
do. of Mr. Webster on presenting a memorial, [417], [418], [419];
do. of Mr. Southard on presenting a memorial, [417];
do. of Mr. Clay on presenting a memorial, [418];
do. of Mr. Kent on presenting a memorial, [418];
Clay's apostrophe to the Vice President, charging him with a message of prayer and supplication to the President, [420];
the Vice President takes a pinch of Mr. Clay's snuff, [420];
resolution of a public meeting relative to the message to be conveyed by the Vice President, [420].
All this is a repetition of what was heard in 1811, [421];
extracts from Debates of Congress, [421];
the two distresses proved the same thing, [421];
agitation and commotion in the large cities, [421];
gaining a municipal election in New York, [421];
extracts relative to everyday occurrences, [421];
amounts of money expended, [422].
Report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the Finances, [462];
call made at the height of the panic, [462];
showed an increase in every branch of the revenue, instead of a decline, [462];
test of the prosperity of the United States, [462];
the distress confined to the victims of the Bank, or fictitious and artificial, [462];
attempt to quietly put the report aside, [462];
preparation made to defeat this move, [462];
the entire reading demanded, [462];
speech of Mr. Benton on its conclusion, [462];
the speech, [462];
"assertions and predictions under which the call had been made, [462];
a report to make the patriot's heart rejoice, [463];
it had been called for to be given to the people, and the people should have it, [463];
the statements of the report examined, [463];
evidence of commercial prosperity, [464];
increased imports, increased shipping, increased sales of public lands, [464];
it has been said that trade is paralyzed, [465];
the odium of all the distress falls on the bank, [465];
the prosperity of the country, [466];
recapitulation of the evidences, [467];
the alarm is over, the people are tired of it, [467];
the spectre of distress could never be made to cross the Mississippi, [467];
the bank is now a nuisance," [468];
report laid on the table and printed, [469]. See Tariff.
Public Land Debtors.—The credit system then prevailed, [11];
debt for lands sold to the Government, [12];
situation of the public land debtors, [12];
system on which the lands were sold, [12];
subject referred to in the President's message, [12];
the measure of relief devised, [12];
the cash system and reduced price adopted, [12];
the pre-emption right introduced, [12];
opposed, [12];
carried, [12];
the graduation principle pressed, [12].
Public Lands.—Burke's bill for the sale of the Crown lands presented in the British House of Commons, [102];
its application to this country, [102];
his remarks, [102];
sales of land by a government to its citizens a false policy, [102];
movements to obtain a graduation of price, [103];
recommendation of Jackson's message, [103];
the revenue derived from the sale of lands a trifle compared with the revenue derivable from the same lands through settlement and cultivation, [103];
sale of land brings no population, cultivation produces population, [103];
remarks in favor of donation of lands, [103];
example of the Atlantic States in favor of donations, [104];
remarks against the reservation of saline and mineral lands, [104];
these lands sold in Missouri, [105];
system of renting mines abolished, [105];
case of "Granny White," [105];
the example of all nations in favor of giving land, [106];
proclamation of the King of Persia in 1823, [106];
Western States sufferers by this land policy, [106];
change in public sentiment, [107].
A proposition to inquire into the expediency of limiting the sales of land to those in market—to suspend the surveys, &c., [130];
"a proposition that would check emigration to the new States of the West, [130];
limit settlements, [130];
deliver up large portions to the dominion of wild beasts, [131];
remove the land records, [131];
never right to inquire into the expediency of doing wrong, [131];
inquiry is to do wrong," [131];
charge upon the East of intending to check the growth of the West, [132];
history of the first ordinance for the sale and survey, [132];
to make clean work is like requiring your guest to eat all the bones before he should have more meat, [132];
the propriety of selling at auction prices and at an arbitrary minimum for all qualities, [132];
system adopted by all nations, [133];
the British and Spanish colonies fostered under a very different system, [133];
indefinite postponement moved, [133].
Distribution to the States.—Bill to reduce the price ordered to a third reading, [275];
pre-emption established, [275];
plan to distribute the proceeds reported, [275];
report, [275];
"inexpedient to reduce the price, or to cede the lands to the States, [275];
sound policy enjoins the preservation of the existing system, [275];
governments, no more than individuals, should be intoxicated by prosperity, [275];
should husband their resources, [276];
the proposal to divide the proceeds among the States, [276];
a bill for this purpose reported," [276].
Impropriety of originating such a bill in a Committee of Manufactures, [276];
referred to the Committee on Public Lands, [276];
a counter report, [276];
"this view fundamentally erroneous, [276];
the Committee on Manufactures regard the Federal domain merely as an object of revenue, [276];
quotation from the speech of Burke, [276];
these sentiments the inspiration of political wisdom, [277];
expectations from the public lands, [277];
result of an experiment of near fifty years, [277];
the bill to divide the proceeds is wholly inadmissible in principle and erroneous in its details, [277];
it proposes to change injuriously and fatally for the new States the character of their relation to the Federal Government on this subject, [277];
its effects, [277];
the details of the bill are pregnant with injustice and unsound policy, [278];
it makes no distinction between those States which did or did not make cessions of their vacant land to the Federal Government, [278];
it proposes benefits to some States which they cannot receive without dishonor nor refuse without pecuniary prejudice, [278];
these lands were granted to pay the debts of the Revolutionary War, [278];
other objections, [278];
postponed in the House, [279].
Distribution of proceeds.—Bill renewed, [362];
arguments in its favor, [362];
provisions of the bill, [362];
advantages of settling the question and disposing of the public lands, [363];
revenue from sales considered, [363].
A measure dangerous in itself and unconstitutional, [364];
bill passed the Senate, [364];
passed in the House with amendments, [364];
Senate concur on the last night of the session, [364];
retained by the President, [364];
reasons, [364];
denunciations of the Press, [365];
next session bill returned with objections, [365];
"first principles of the whole subject, [365];
the practice of the Government, [365];
an entire subversion of one of the compacts by which the United States became possessed of the Western domain, [366];
these ancient compacts are invaluable monuments of an age of patriotism and virtue, [366];
other principles inserted in the bill, [366];
the object to create a surplus for distribution, [367];
a more direct road to consolidation cannot be devised, [367];
difficult to perceive what advantages will accrue to the States, [368];
the true policy is that the public lands shall cease as soon as practicable to be a source of revenue, [368];
statement of revenues derived from the public lands," [368];
remarks on this veto message, [369].
R
Randolph, John, Representative from Virginia, [7];
opposes Clay on the Missouri question, [10];
decease of, [473];
place of his death, [473];
his career, [473];
how he should be judged, [473];
never enjoyed a day of perfect health, [473];
insanity at periods, [473];
conversation on that point, [474];
his parliamentary life, [474];
friendship with Macon, [474];
disposition, [474];
feelings on slavery, [474];
as a duellist, [475];
religious sentiment, [475].
Relief, Mr. Webster's plan of.—Renewal of the charter of the bank for six years, [433];
to give up the exclusive or monopoly feature, [433];
further particulars, [433];
leave asked to bring in the bill, [433];
opposition from Clay and Calhoun, [433];
reasons for Calhoun's position, [434];
his object to "unbank the banks," [434];
remarks, [434];
ultimate object to arrive at a metallic currency, [435];
this an object of the administration, [435];
conversations among Senators, [435];
motion for leave to bring in a bill laid on the table, [435];
excuse for this movement, [436].
No previous opportunity to show the people the kind of currency they were entitled to possess, [436];
the Government intended to be a hard money Government, [436];
evidences on this point, [437], [438];
the quantity of specie derivable from foreign commerce, added to the quantity of gold derivable from our mines, were fully sufficient to furnish the people with an abundant circulation of gold and silver, [438], [439];
the value now set upon gold is unjust and erroneous, [440];
these laws have expelled it from circulation, [440];
nature and effects of this false valuation, [441], [442], [443];
intention and meaning of the constitution that foreign coins should pass currently as money, and at their full value, within the United States, [444];
the plan presented for the support of public credit in 1791, [445];
four points presented, [445];
facts, [445];
injuries resulting from the exclusion of foreign coins, [446];
what reason can now be given for not preventing it? [447];
a review of the present condition of the statute currency of the United States, [448];
three distinct objections to the Bank of the United States as a regulator of the currency, [449];
a power that belongs to the Government, [449];
it cannot be delegated, [449];
it ought not to be delegated to any bank, [450];
differs from Mr. Calhoun in the capacity of the bank to supply a general currency, [451], [452];
circulation of the bank in 1833, [453];
objections to prolonging the existence of the present bank, [454];
the conduct of the present bank, [454];
that of the first bank, [455];
the spirit which seems to have broken out against the State banks deprecated, [456];
a small paper circulation one of the greatest grievances that can afflict a community, [457];
restoration of the gold currency has great influence in putting down a small note circulation, [458]. See Public Distress.
Removals from Office.—Error of De Tocqueville, [159];
his statement, [159];
case of Adams' administration, [159];
no distinct party lines, [159];
no case presented to him for political removal, [160];
so in the main with Jackson, [160];
extent of removals by him, [160];
his election a change of parties, [160];
he followed the example of Jefferson, [160];
the circumstances of Jefferson, [160];
the four years' limitation law not then in force, [161];
fundamental principle, [161];
his letter to Monroe, [161];
do. to Governor Giles on removals, [161];
do. to Elbridge Gerry, [161];
do. to Mr. Lincoln, [161];
Jefferson's law of removals, [161];
said he had never done justice to his own party in this respect, [162];
clamor against Jackson, [162];
the practice of removals for opinion' sake becoming too common, [162];
description of Macaulay, [162];
the evil become worse since the time of De Tocqueville, [162];
an evil in our country, [162];

Jefferson's rule affords the remedy, [162];
remarks upon it, [163].
Report of Government Bank Directors, [374].
Resolutions of Webster relative to the Compromise, [317];
relative to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the removal of the public deposits, &c., [394], [398].
Rhea, John, Representative from Tennessee, [7].
Rivers and Harbors.—Internal Improvement of, how based, [4];
how restricted, [4].
Rives, William C., on the meaning of the Virginia resolutions, [337];
on the independence of Texas, [668].
Roberts, Jonathan, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Robertson, George, Representative from Kentucky, [7].
Rowan, John, on revision of the tariff, [95].
Rush, Richard, Secretary of the Treasury, [55];
negotiates for joint occupancy of Oregon, [109].
S
Salt Tax, repeal of.—This tax an odious measure, [143];
fluctuations in the tax, [143];
efforts to repeal it, [143];
"the English salt tax and manner of its repeal, [144];
the enormous amount of the tax, [144];
contrary to every principle of taxation, [144];
the distribution of this tax on different sections of the Union, [144];
the Northwest, [144];
the South, [145];
the West, [145];
provision curers and exporters were entitled to the same bounty and allowance with exporters of fish, [145];
the provision trade of the West, [145];
the repeal of the salt duty the greatest favor to this trade, [145];
the domestic manufacture has enjoyed all possible protection, [146];
time enough been had for the trial, [146];
the American system without a gross departure from its principles could not cover this duty any longer, [146];
every argument that could be used here had been used in England in vain, [147];
the petition of the British manufacturers, [147];
effect of an era of free trade in salt," [147].
This tax a curse, [154];
a mystery in salt, [154];
bill to abolish offered, [155];
the fisheries, [155];
"the tax on alum salt, the foundation of all these bounties, [155];
different acts of Congress recited, [155], [156];
reasons for abolishing the duty on alum salt, [156];
an article of indispensable necessity to the provision trade of the United States, [156];
no salt of the kind made in the United States, [156];
the duly enormous and quadruples the price, [156];
it is unequal in its operation, [156];
means of drawing an undue amount of money from the public treasury, [157];
a practical violation of one of the most equitable clauses in the Constitution of the United States, [157];
it now rests on a false basis, [157];
its repeal will not materially diminish the revenue nor delay the extinguishment of the public debt, [157];
it belongs to an unhappy period in the history of the government," [157].
Amount paid by it into the treasury, [714];
quantity imported, [714];
its import from England, [715];
effect of the tax, [716];
its direct injuries, [716];
the burdens appear in the most odious light, [716];
testimony of Dr. Young, [717].
Sanford, Nathan, Senator from New York, [7];
candidate for Vice Presidency in 1824, [45].
Scott, John, Delegate from Missouri, [8];
presents the application of Missouri for admission into the Union, [9].
Seal of Colonel Benton, origin of it, [77].
Secession of a State—origin of the doctrine, [4];
Senate in favor, [34];
do. against, [34].
Sergeant, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, [7];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
nominated minister to Panama, [60];
renominated for the Vice Presidency, [232];
candidate for the Vice Presidency, [282].
Sevier, Ambrose H., on the cession of the public lands, [709].
Shaw, H., Representative from Massachusetts, [9];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9];
coadjutor with Clay on the Missouri question, [10].
Sierra Leone, origin of the colony of, [88].
Silsbee, Nathaniel, Representative from Massachusetts, [7].
Slaves deported, British Indemnity for.—Controversy respecting slaves carried off in the war of 1812 concluded in 1827, [88];
similar controversy under the treaty of 1783, [88];
origin of the colony of Sierra Leone, [88];
subject referred to the Emperor Alexander, [88];
arbitrament disputed, [88];
payment made, [88];
statement of the case, [88];
the reference, [89];
views, [89];
the third treaty, [89];
the payment, [90];
the example, [90];
question of restitution arising under the Revolutionary war, [90];
number carried off, [90];
the commissioners at Ghent, [91];
French spoliation claim, [91];
contrast with the claim for deported slaves, [91];
proof that Northern men will do justice to the South, [91].
Slavery, effect of its existence or non-existence on different States.—"The ghost of the Missouri question, [136];
the line drawn between the free State of Ohio and the slave State of Kentucky, [136];
views of leading men North and South indisputably the same in the earlier periods of our government, [136];
the sublime morality of those who cannot bear the abstract contemplation of slavery a thousand miles off, [136];
the morality of the primitive Christians," [136];
conduct of the Free States at the first introduction of the slavery topic into Congress, [137];
further remarks, [138].
Slavery in the District of Columbia, Abolition of.—Memorial of Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, [576];
source whence the memorial emanated, [576];
previous proceedings on these memorials, [576];
motion to reject when presented for reception, [576];
this point the origin of a long and acrimonious war in the two Houses of Congress, [576];
reception and condemnation would quiet the question, [576];
moved to postpone, [577];
remarks of Senator Benton, [577];
"character of the petitioners, [577];
the abolitionists, [577];
publications and prints, [577];
intended to inflame the passions of slaves, [577];
cause of the massacre of San Domingo, [577];
course of the French society, [578];
the conspiracy in Louisiana, [578];
these societies had already perpetrated more mischief than the joint remainder of all their lives spent in prayers of contrition and works of retribution, could ever atone for, [578];
the conduct of the great body of the people in the free States, [579];
object is to give that vote which will have the greatest effect in putting down these societies, [579];
past action of the Senate," [579].
Slavery agitation.—
Tune of its rise, [5];
unceasing efforts to alarm the South by imputations against the North, of unconstitutional designs on the subject of slavery, [609];
letter of Mr. Madison to Mr. Clay, [609];
letter to Edward Coles, [609];
nullification in a new disguise, [609];
publications to alarm the South, [610];
the "Crisis," [610];
the subject of a Southern Convention, [610];
the conduct of Mr. Calhoun, [610];
petitions for the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia, [611];
Calhoun's remarks, [611];
extreme ground taken, [611];
his doctrine, [611];
reply of Mr. Morris, [612];
Bedford Brown in reply to Mr. Calhoun, [612];
King charges upon the remarks of Calhoun the effect of increasing the slavery agitation, [613];
Calhoun, in reply, charges that any other course will divide and distract the South, [614];
remarks of Mr. Hill relative to the views of Northern States, [614];
petitions in the House, [615];
remarks of Mr. Franklin Pierce, [615];
course of the Telegraph newspaper, [615];
the Herald of Freedom newspaper, [616];
Calhoun sends a paper to the Clerk's desk to be read, containing an attack upon a member of the other House, [616];
apology by the presiding officer for permitting it to be read, [616];
remarks of Mr. Benton at the request, and in defence of Mr. Pierce, [617];
the statement of Mr. Calhoun involved him in the solecism of sending forth incendiary publications through the action of the Senate, [617];
remarks of Mr. Benton on this point, [617];
remarks of Mr. King on the strange scene of Southern Senators attacking their Northern friends because they defended the South, [617];
increase of abolitionism denied, [618];
treatment of George Thompson, [618];
further statements, [619];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [619];
refusal of Mr. Calhoun to vote on the motion to reject the prayer of petitioners, [619];
his remarks, [619];
an unjustifiable assumption, [620];
memorial of the Society of Friends, [620];
further remarks, [620].
Action of the House on abolition petitions, [621];
resolution presented by Mr. Pinkney, [621];
votes, [621];
committee ordered and report, [621];
report adopted, [621];
remarks of Mr. J. Q. Adams on the reception of these petitions, [622];
action of early Congresses on this subject, [623];
Madison on abolition petitions, [623];
his consistent course, [623];
South, the point of danger from slavery agitation, [623].
Sloan, John, Representative from Ohio, [7].
Smith, Bernard, Representative from New Jersey, [9];
votes for the admission of Missouri, [9].
Smith, Samuel, Representative from Maryland, [7];
on the committee to whom was referred the application of Missouri, [9];
for Van Buren as Minister to England, [216];
on the British West India Trade, [125];
on the expenses of government, [230];
on the protective policy, [268];
on the compromise tariff bill, [315], [327].
Smith, William, Senator from South Carolina, [7];
Judge, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
moves to be excused from voting on the measure for the relief of public land debtors, as he was one, [12];
excuse refused, [12].
Smythe, Alexander, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Southard, Samuel L., Senator from New Jersey, [7];
Secretary of the Navy, [55];
on the Expunging resolution, [528];
on the independence of Texas, [669].
Speakers in the House in favor of protection, [32];
ditto against, [33].
Specie Circular.—
Its issue marked the firmness, foresight, and decision of General Jackson, [676];
its purport, [676];
extent of the land sales, [677];
remarks on the evil which required the specie circular, [677];
benefits of suppressing it, [677];
a view of the actual condition of the paper currency, [678];
bill which was the basis of the remarks rejected, [678];
President decides to issue the order, [678].
Resolution to rescind the Treasury Circular offered, [694];
remarks of Senator Ewing, [694];
origin of the order, [695];
its legality, [695];
remarks of Senator Benton, [695];
a little panic, [695];
letter of Mr. Biddle, [696];
Clay's speech at Lexington, [696];
illegality of the treasury order examined, [696];
the new distress, [697];
Mr. Biddle's description of it, [697];
movement to produce a general suspension of specie payments, [697];
remarks of Senator Benton, [697];
reply of Senator Crittenden, [698];
ditto of Senator Webster, [699];
other speakers, [700];
subject referred, [700];
report, [700];
action of the Senate, [700];
cause of Mr. Benton's speech, [700];
his speech on the proceedings, [701], [702];
explosion of the banks foretold, [708];
reply of Senator Walker to Benton, [708], [704];
Mr. Calhoun's reason for not voting on the recision bill, [706];
bill passed in the Senate, [706];
amendment of the House, [706];
lost, [706];
veto, [706].
Stevenson, Andrew, chosen Speaker, [121];
elected Speaker, [209];
chosen Speaker of the House, [371].
Stores, Henry R., Representative from New York, [7].
Stokes, Montfort, Senator from North Carolina, [7];
Governor, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Story, Joseph, Justice of Supreme Court, [7].
Supreme Court, its Judges and officers, [731].
Swift, Benjamin, opposes the admission of Arkansas, [627].
T
Taney, Roger B., Attorney General, [181];
nomination as Secretary of the Treasury sent in near close of the session, [470];
immediately rejected, [470];
resigns, [470];
appointed Chief Justice, [731];
vote in the Senate, [731].
Tariff and American System.—
Beginning of the question, [32];
protection looked for among the incidental powers, [32];
the design was to make protection the object, and revenue the incident, [32];
revision of the tariff proposed, [32];
public distress the leading argument for the new tariff, [32];
remarks of Mr. Clay, [32].
"Public distress of the whole country the most prominent object of attention, [32];
its evidences, [32];
its extent, [32];
a truthful picture," [32].
Other speakers, [32], the distress disputed, [33];
its cause the paper system, [33];
no necessity for protection, [33];
Webster's remarks, [33];
other speakers in opposition, [33];
passage of the bill in the House, [34];
closeness of the vote, [34];
moved to refer to finance committees in the Senate, [34];
lost, [34];
referred to committee on manufactures, [34];
passed the Senate, [34];
increase of revenue a motive with some friends of the bill, [34];
views of the candidates for the Presidency, [34];
position of various States on the bill, [34].
Revision of.—
Date of a serious division between the North and South, [95];
the work of politicians and manufacturers, [95];
productions of different States favored by additional duties on their rival imports, [95];
remarks, [95];
"in vain that it is called the American system, [95];
as a tax for the support of Government, it is to be supported; if for any other purpose, it is to be reprobated, [95];
the surrender of individual opinion to the interest of the State," [95];
the bill contained a vicious principle, [95];
the tariff an issue in the Presidential contest, [96];
manufacturers warned not to mingle their interests in politics, [96];
change of policy in the New England States, [96];
"she held back, [96];
denounced, [96];
the present measure called a New England one, [96];
tone of those who administered the Government," [96];
the question now both political and sectional, [97];
the duty on indigo, [97];
remarks on the motion, [97];
"history of its production, [97];
reasons for encouraging its home production, [98];
reasons for a unanimous vote, [98];
burdens imposed by every tariff on Virginia and the Carolinas," [99];
"object to make the bill consistent, though opposed to the principle, [99];
no boon asked for the South, [99];
capacity of the country to produce it, [100];"
motion lost, [100];
a nominal duty imposed, [100];
this regarded as an insult by the South, [100];
Southern views of the bill, [100];
scheme of this Tariff, where conceived, [101];
the bill a regular appendage of presidential elections, [101];
change between the prosperity of the North and the South, [101];
cause to which attributed, [101];
its justice, [101];
feeling of the mass of democratic members, [102].
Reduction of Duties.—
A certain amount reduced, at the previous session, [308];
a step in the right direction, [308];
further reduction expected, [308];
Verplanck's bill, [308];
the financial history of the country since the late war, [309];
a satisfactory statement, [309];
carrying back the protective system to the year of its commencement, [309];
abundant protection to real manufacturers, [309];
bound to be satisfactory to the South Carolina school, [309];
bill lingered in the House under interminable debates on systems and theories, [309];
suddenly knocked over by a new bill, [309];
moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and to insert a new bill, called the compromise, [309];
delay asked for by Northern members, [310];
remarks, [310];
"one short hour ago collecting our papers to go home, [310];
a new bill, proposed, and the cry of 'question' raised, [310];
hasty legislation deprecated in matters of great importance, [310];
this matter assumes an imposing attitude, [310];
a bill to tranquillize feelings, [310];
it is said the next Congress will be hostile to the tariff, [311];
the discontent has a deeper seat than the tariff," [311];
the seductive and treacherous nature of compromise legislation, [311];
bill passed at once, [311];
a bill without precedent in the annals of legislation, [312];
the manner of proceeding, [312];
the degree to which it was a compromise, [312];
list of the voters, [312].
Clay asks leave to introduce a bill called a "compromise measure," [313];
remarks, [313];
"two great objects in view, [314];
the first object looks at the tariff, [313];
it stands in imminent danger, [313];
it must fall at the next session, [313];
be productive of calamitous consequences, [313];
can be placed on a better foundation now, than at the next session, [313];
the majority of the dominant party is adverse to the tariff, [313];
the father of the system charged with its unnatural abandonment, [313];
a wish to separate it from politics," [314];
the principle of the bill a series of annual reductions of one-tenth per cent., &c., [314];
other features of the bill, [314];
remarks on the number of years the protective policy has to run, and the guaranties for its abandonment, [314];
a stipulation to continue nine years, and no guarantee for its abandonment, [314];
moral guarantees, [314];
"this project has not the elements of success, [315];
a violation of the constitution, as the Senate have no power to originate a revenue bill, [315];
after they are defeated, and can no longer maintain a conflict, they come to make the best bargain they can, [315];
the tariff is in its last gasp, [315];
what has the tariff led us to already? [315];
what evidence that the manufacturers will not come at the end of the time, and ask more protection than ever," [315];
"a measure for harmony, [315];
the unhappy divisions of North and South attributable to this bill, [315];
further remarks," [315];
fallibility of political opinions, [316];
Clay's views, [316];

Calhoun's views, [316];
Clay's determination relative to a reaction, [316];
manner in which the bill was received by the public, [316];
Niles' Register, [316];
conclusions of the manufacturers, [316];
position of Webster, [316];
not consulted on the subject, [316];
"the bill a well-understood surrender of the power of discrimination, or a stipulation not to use that power for a certain period, [317];
if the tariff is in danger, it is because the people will not sanction it, [317];
resolutions relative to the bill," [317].
Probable reasons for Webster's exclusion from all knowledge of the compromise bill, [318];
coincidence of his views with those of General Jackson, [318];
a reduction of the tariff to a stable condition frustrated by the compromise bill, [318];
objections urged against the bill, [318];
attitude of South Carolina surmounted the objections, [318];
would remove all cause of discontent from her, [318];
House bill introduced during the discussion on the question of leave, [319];
ditto passed, [319];
share of the manufacturing states in this compromise, [319];
an incident showing that "measures may be passed on other reasons than their merits, [319];
remarks, [319];
"an extraordinary augmentation of duties in a bill which was to reduce duties, [319];
two or three little factories in Connecticut must be protected, [319];
contrary to the whole tenor and policy of the bill, [320];
a view of the circumstances which had attended the duties on these woollens," [320].
Another incident—the character of protection openly claimed for this bill, [320];
remarks of various Senators on this point, [321];
silence of Calhoun on this point, [321].
The constitutionality of originating this bill in the Senate, [321];
purely a question of privilege, and the decision of it belonged alone to the other House, [321];
no Committee of Ways and Means in the Senate, [321];
it is not the less a money bill turn its object being protection, [321];
amendment proposed relative to the drawback on manufactured imports, [321];
instance refined sugar, [322];
lost, [322];
carried, so far as relates to sugar, in after years, [322].
Motion to substitute home valuations for foreign or imported goods, [322];
strenuously opposed by Calhoun, [322];
insisted upon by friends of the bill, [322];
moved to lay the bill on the table, [322];
adjournment moved and carried, [322];
Calhoun recedes, [322];
the conditions, [322];
their fallacy, [323];
debate on this point, [323];
"a home valuation deemed necessary by the friends of the protective system, [323];
believed that after nine years most of the manufacturers will be sufficiently grown to protect themselves under a twenty-five per cent. duty, [323];
it would be an increase of duties, [323];
essentially necessary in order to prevent and detect frauds, [323];
it will be an entering wedge for future measures, [323];
for the sake of conciliation, the bill is brought forward, [324];
the objections to the motion insurmountable, [324];
the bill will save South Carolina from herself, [324];
you cannot have the fair twenty per cent. without adopting the principle of home valuation, [325];
the unequal operation of the home valuation, [325];
not possible to maintain our institutions and our liberties under the continuance of this controversy, [326];
proposed to lay the bill on the table, [326];
further debate, [327];
motion withdrawn, [327];
amendment moved, [327];
adjournment moved, [327];
carried, [327];
amendment that no valuation be adopted which will operate unequally in different parts of the Union considered, [327];
requirement of the constitution, [327];
merchant put to great inconvenience, [327];
the bill is declared to be permanent, [327];
home valuation impracticable and unprecedented, and unknown in any legislation, [328];
without the assurance that the principle will not be disturbed, bill should be opposed, [329];
home valuation tending to a violation at the constitution, [329];
injurious and almost fatal to the Southern ports, [329];
create great additional expense, [329];
an increase of duties in a new form, [329];
the fate of the bill depends on the fate of the amendment, [329];
two conditions of the vote of Mr. Calhoun, [329];
amendment fixing a home valuation adopted," [330];
a new principle thus adopted at the expense of the constitution, [330].
Compromise, secret history of.—
Calhoun and Clay rival candidates for the Presidency, [342];
leaders in opposite political systems, [342];
cause of their friendship, [342];
rupture, [342];
a question between them, which had the upper hand of the other, [342];
Letcher conceives the idea of a compromise to release South Carolina from her position, [342];
determination of Jackson to arrest Calhoun for high treason, [343];
conferences, [343];
agreement with the manufacturers, [343];
action of Mr. Clayton, [343];
amendments which were agreed to, [343];
manner of the passage of the home valuation amendment, [344];
Calhoun's remarks, [344];
his vote, [344];
John M. Clayton master of both, [344].
Act of 1833.—
Compromises, [344];
act of 1833 a breach of all the rules and principles of legislation, [345];
a conception of rival politicians who had failed in the game of agitation, and threw it up for the game of pacification, [345];
how could this measure be effected in a country so vast and intelligent, [345];
Benton's view of the compromise, [346];
vices of the act, [346];
mischiefs done to the frame of the government, [347].
See Protective System.
Tatnall, Col., on the treaty with the Creeks, [64];
second to Randolph in the duel with Clay, [72].
Taylor, John W., Representative from New York, [7];
Speaker, [7];
votes for the Missouri compromise, [8].
Taylor, John, decease of, a perfect and complete republican statesman, [45];
demeanor, [45];
dress, [45];
his character, [45];
writings, [45];
presented the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, [46];
on the Virginia resolutions, [351].
Taylor, G. K., on the Virginia Resolutions, [350].
Territories.—Their rights under the constitution, [4].
Texas, Independence of.—
Memorials on the subject, [665];
effects of the victory of San Jacinto, [665];
remarks, [665];
reference to Committee on Foreign Affairs moved, [666];
if Texas has a government de facto, it is the duty of the government to acknowledge it, [666];
moderation and deliberation counselled, [666];
acknowledgment and admission advocated, [667];
new theatre for the slavery agitation revealed, [667];
a design to make Texas an element in the Presidential election, [667];
the former cession of Texas, [667];
the course of Calhoun, [667];
remarks of Bedford Brown, [668];
remarks of Mr. Rives, [668];
national faith should be preserved inviolate, [668];
report in favor, [669];
"the balance of power and the perpetuation of our institutions," as a reason for admission, [669];
resolutions of recognition passed both Houses, [670];
remarks of Senator Benton, [670];
the separation of the two countries among the fixed order of events, [672];
the Alamo, [673];
humanity of Mexican ladies, [674];
calumny on the cause of the revolt, [674];
the revolt has illustrated the Anglo Saxon character, [675].
Thomas, Jesse B., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Thomas, Francis, on Committee of Bank Investigation, [241];
on the admission of Arkansas, [631].
Thompson, Smith, Secretary of the Navy, [7].
Tompkins, D. D., Vice President, [7].
Thorn, Lieut., his fate, [109].
Thorn, Hermann, application for a commission in the army, [183].
Treasury notes, resorted to, [1];
degree of depreciation in second year the war of 1812, [1].
Treaty of 1807.—Cause of its rejection without reference to the Senate, [1].
Treaty-making power.—Its extent, [4].
Treaty of Indian Springs, [58].
Trimble, Daniel, Representative from Kentucky, [7].
Tucker, George, Representative from Virginia, [7].
Tyler, John, Representative from Virginia, [7];
on the force bill, [331];
defends the Senate investigating committee's report, [486].
V
Van Buren, Martin, remarks in the treaty with the Creeks, [60];
Secretary of State, [119];
appointed Minister to England, [181];
resigns his seat in the cabinet, [181];
his rejection as Minister to England, [214];
candidates for the succession to General Jackson, [214];
effect of Van Buren's appointment as Secretary of State, [214];
a stepping-stone to the Presidency, [214];
appointed minister, and left for London, [214];
charged with breaking up the cabinet for the purpose of ousting the friends of Calhoun, [214];
his nomination sent to the Senate, and rejection certain, soon as a case could be made out for justification, [214];
causes of objection, [215];
rejection was not enough—a killing off in the public mind intended, [215];
the speeches, [215];
anecdote, [215];
the speakers, [215];
apostrophe of Madame Roland, [215];
oh politics! how much bamboozling is practised in thy name, [215];
tie votes, [215];
speakers for the nomination, [216];
grounds upon which the objections were based, [216];
quotation from McLane, [216];
report of Mr. Gallatin containing a refutation of the objections relative to the British trade, [216];
the original of Van Buren's letter of instructions, [216];
unpublished speech of Van Buren, [217];
the Washington ground, [217];
Jackson, author of the instructions, [217];
letter of General Jackson to Van Buren after the latter became President, [217];
completely disproving a dishonorable imputation, [217];
Calhoun's friendship for Jackson, [218];
the New York system of proscription, [218];
silence of Benton, reason for, [218];
his letter to Van Buren, [218];
the rejection in England, [219];
its effects upon Mr. Van Buren, [219];
remark of Calhoun, [219];
the tie votes, [219];
the injunction of secrecy removed, [219];
relative to removals under Jackson, [218];
elected Vice President, [282].
Van Dyke, Nicholas, votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Veto of Maysville Road Bill.—
Third veto on the subject of internal improvements, [167];
history of these vetoes, [167];
they embrace all the constitutional reasoning on the question, [167].
Veto of the bank, effects of.—
This a general caption for the opposition newspapers throughout the country, [280];
the ruin of the country made to appear, [280];
extracts from journals, [281];
the programme of the bank and its branches, [281];
wicked attempt on the part of a moneyed corporation to govern the election, [281].
Verplanck's, Gulian C., bill for the reduction of duties, [308].
Virginia resolutions, suggestive of nullification to Mr. Calhoun, [335];
debate of 1830, the dawn of the ideas of nullification, [347];
the Virginia resolutions quoted, [347];
nullification doctrines avowed, [347];
resolutions of '98 appealed to, [347];
the resolutions, [346];
their vindication, [348];
from their text, [348];
the right and duty of State interposition claimed, [348];
forcible or nullifying interposition not meant, [348];
the constitution suggests several modes of interposition, [348];
to interpose, does not mean to nullify and set at nought, [349].
The cotemporaneous interpretation, [349];
where found, [349];
speakers in the Virginia Legislature, [349];
opinions advanced by the speakers, [350], [351];
the opposers of the resolutions did not charge upon them, nor their supporters in any manner contend for any principle like that of nullification, [352];
responses of State Legislatures, report on the, [352];
extracts, [352];
enumeration of the powers which in the promises are claimed for the States, [353];
views of the republicans who adopted the resolutions, [353];
remark of Madison, [353];
of Monroe in 1800, [354];
the passage of the sedition law, [354];
conduct of the people of Virginia, [354].
The resolutions disabused of nullification by their author, [354];
the letters of Madison, [355];
extracts from his letter to Mr. Everett, [355];
reasons for rejecting in the constitution fanciful and impracticable theories, [355];
what the constitution adopts as a security of the rights and powers of the States, [356];
completeness of these provisions for the security of the States, [356];
on the doctrine of nullification, [356];
letter to Joseph C. Cabell, [356], [357], [359];
to Daniel Webster, [356];
to James Robertson, [356];
to N. P. Trist, [357], [359];
to C. E. Haynes, [357];
to Andrew Stevenson, [357];
from a memorandum on nullification, [358], [359];
note, [358];
to Mr. Townsend, [359];
further extracts, [360];
remarks, [360].
Vote against the ratification of the treaty of 1818, [17];
on repairs of Cumberland road, [22];
on the bill to make a road to New Mexico, [44];
on the bill to occupy the Columbia river, [50];
on the nomination of Clay as Secretary of State, [55];
on the nominations to the Panama mission, [66];
on treaty with the Cherokees, [108];
on leave to offer a resolution of inquiry relative to recharter of the bank, [205];
on the recharter of the bank, [250];
do. in the House, [250];
on selling the stock of the United States in bank, [295];
on the compromise tariff bill, [312];
on the compromise bill, [330];
on the bill to distribute the sales from public lands, [364];
on the resolution of inquiry into the fitness of the persons nominated for bank directors, [385];
on the resolution relative to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [395];
on the resolution condemning President Jackson, [423];
on Webster's plan of relief, [435];
on laying the expunging resolutions of Alabama on the table, [528];
on the branch mints, [553];
on the deposit bank bill, [553];
on the fortification bill, [555];
on the incendiary publication bill, [588];
on the reception of abolition petitions, [619];
on abolition petition of Society of Friends, [621];
on abolition petitions in the House, [621];
on the Cherokee treaty, [625];
on the admission of Arkansas, [631];
on the distribution bill, [651];
on recognizing the independence of Texas, [670];
on the recision of the specie circular, [705];
on the substitute to land distribution, [708];
on striking out the deposit clause from the appropriation bill, [711].
W
Walker, John W., Senator from Alabama, [7];
judge, [7];
votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8];
on the independence of Texas, [665];
on the specie circular, [703].
War of 1812.—
By whose exertions the declaration was obtained, [6];
its great results, [6].
Washington, Judge, of Supreme Court, [8].
Watmough, John G., on the Committee of Bank investigation, [241].
Wayne, James M., moves a reference of the bank memorial to a select committee, [284];
on the bank investigation, [288];
appointed Judge of the Supreme Court, [569].
Webster, Daniel, denies the public distress, [33];
on the protective system, [96];
on revision of the tariff, [96];
on the ordinance of 1787, [134];
on the conduct of the free States on slavery, [137];
in reply to Hayne, [138];
debate with Hayne, [138], [140];
opposes Van Buren as Minister to England, [215];
on the recharter of the bank, [243], [244];
on the prospect of public distress, [254];
on the force bill, [332];
on nullification, [338];
on the French spoliation bill, [488], [505];
on the Expunging resolution, [550];
on the bill to suppress incendiary publications, [586];
on French affairs, [594], [596];
on abolition petitions, [619];
on the specie circular, [699].
White, Hugh L., on the entrance of the bank directors into the political field, [254].
Wickliffe, Charles H., on the Committee of Inquiry, [287].
Wilkins, William, on the force bill, [330].
Williams, John, Senator from Tennessee, [7].
Williams, Lewis, Representative from South Carolina, [7];
Father of the House, [7].
Williams, T. H., votes for the Missouri Compromise, [8].
Wirt, William, Attorney General, [7], [55];
counsel for the Cherokee Indians, [165];
candidate for the Presidency, [282];
decease of, [475];
rank as a lawyer, [475];
lessons of his life, [475];
early condition, [475];
authorship, [476];
time of his death, [476];
remarks of Mr. Webster at bar meeting, [476].
Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of the Navy, [181].
Wright, Silas, on the French Spoliation bill, [489].
Y
Yell, Archibald, on the cession of the public lands, [711].

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