Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2) / or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850

by Thomas Hart Benton

CONCLUSION.

I have finished the View which I proposed to take of the Thirty Years' working of the federal government during the time that I was a part of it—a task undertaken for a useful purpose and faithfully executed, whether the object of the undertaking has been attained or not. The preservation of what good and wise men gave us, has been the object; and for that purpose it has been a duty of necessity to show the evil, as well as the good, that I have seen, both of men and measures. The good, I have exultingly exhibited! happy to show it, for the admiration and imitation of posterity: the evil, I have stintedly exposed, only for correction, and for the warning example.

I have seen the capacity of the people for self-government tried at many points, and always found equal to the demands of the occasion. Two other trials, now going on, remain to be decided to settle the question of that capacity. 1. The election of President! and whether that election is to be governed by the virtue and intelligence of the people, or to become the spoil of intrigue and corruption? 2. The sentiment of political nationality! and whether it is to remain co-extensive with the Union, leading to harmony and fraternity; or, divide into sectionalism, ending in hate, alienation, separation and civil war?

An irresponsible body (chiefly self-constituted, and mainly dominated by professional office-seekers and office-holders) have usurped the election of President (for the nomination is the election, so far as the party is concerned); and always making it with a view to their own profit in the monopoly of office and plunder.

A sectional question now divides the Union, arraying one-half against the other, becoming more exasperated daily—which has already destroyed the benefits of the Union, and which, unless checked, will also destroy its form.

Confederate republics are short-lived—the shortest in the whole family of governments. Two diseases beset them—corrupt election of the chief magistrate, when elective; sectional contention, when interest or ambition are at issue. Our confederacy is now laboring under both diseases: and the body of the people, now as always, honest in sentiment and patriotic in design, remain unconscious of the danger—and even become instruments in the hands of their destroyers.

If what is written in these chapters shall contribute to open their eyes to these dangers, and rouse them to the resumption of their electoral privileges and the suppression of sectional contention, then this View will not have been written in vain. If not, the writer will still have one consolation—the knowledge of the fact that he has labored in his day and generation, to preserve and perpetuate the blessings of that Union and self-government which wise and good men gave us.

THE END.

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[INDEX TO VOL. II.]

A
Adams, John Q., on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [258];
on the origin of the Pension act of 1837, [269];
defends the administration in the McLeod affair, [289];
on the protest of President Tyler, [418];
relative to the Chinese mission, [511];
on the Home squadron, [575];
decease of, [707];
manner of his death, [707];
House and Senate adjourn, [707];
Senator Benton requested to second the motion of funeral honors in the Senate, [707];
reflections, [707];
eloquent remarks of McDowell, [708];
eulogium of Senator Benton, [708], [709].—See Index, vol. 1.
Adams, Charles F., candidate for Vice President, [723].
Allen, William, on the Oregon question, [663], [664].
Alison, the historian, remark on the war of 1812, [573].
Amendment of the Constitution.—Speech of Mr. Benton, [626];
the plan proposed, [626];
object and principle of the amendment to dispense with all other intermediate bodies, and keep the election wholly in the hands of the people, [626];
liberty would be ruined by providing any kind of substitute but popular elections, [627];
at present, the will of the people was liable to be frustrated in the election of their chief officers, by the intervention of small bodies of men between themselves and the object of their choice, [627];
details of the proposed amendment, [627];
its efficiency and practicability in preserving the rights of the people, maintaining the purity of elections, [628];
a copy of the proposition, [628]. See Index, vol. 1.
Anderson, Alexander, Eulogium on Hugh L. White, [185].
Anti-Duelling Act.—Death of Cilley, [148];
penalties of the duelling act, [148];
the act did not look to the assassinations under the pretext of self-defence, which were to rise up in the place of the regular duel, [148];
contrast, [148];
the act did not suppress the passions in which duels originate, [149];
the law was also mistaken in the nature of its penalties, [149];
defective in not pursuing the homicidal offence into all the new forms it might assume, [149].
Archer, William S., on the charge of a privy council of President Tyler's, [327]. See Index, vol. 1.
Ashburton, Lord, his mission.—See British Treaty.
Assumption of State Debts.—Amount of these debts, [171];
Sidney Smith, [171];
assumption sought by a class of the bondholders as more substantial security, [171];
London Bankers' Circular, [171];
resolutions against the constitutionality, the justice, and the policy of any such measure, [171];
attempt to reverse their import by obtaining a direct vote of the Senate in favor of distributing the land revenue to aid the States, [172];
proposition rejected, [172].
Speech of Mr. Benton, [172];
extracts, [172];
"this movement been long going on, [172];
steps taken in the road to assumption, [172];
time for enemies of assumption to take the field and to act, [173];
disguised assumption in the form of land revenue distribution is the shape in which we shall have to meet the danger, [173];
we have had one assumption in this country, [173];
intense excitement, [173];
statement of Mr. Jefferson, [174];
the picture presented, [174];
these stocks of the States are now greatly depreciated, [174];
what more unwise or unjust to contract debts on long time as some of the States have done, [175];
the evils of foreign influence, [175];
the constitution itself contains a special canon directed against them, [175];
to what purpose all this precaution if we invite foreign influence?" 175.
B
Badger, George E., Secretary of the Navy, [209];
reasons for resigning his seat in President Tyler's Cabinet, [354].
Bancroft, George, Secretary of the Navy, [650].
Bank, National, First Bill.—This the great measure of the session and the great object of the whig party, [317];
all others complete without it, [317];
kept in the background during the canvass, [318];
call upon the secretary for a plan, [318];
objections of the President, [318];
its title, [318];
its course in the Senate, [318];
passed in both Houses, [318];
views of the democracy, [318];
light dawning upon them, [318];
veto, [318];
remarks of Mr. Clay, [318];
"circumstances under which Mr. Tyler became President, [319];
his address, [319];
interpretation of one passage, [319];
most confident and buoyant hopes entertained, [319];
fears that the President's address had been misunderstood, [319];
name of the proposed bank," [319];
Mr. Tyler's early opinions on a bank, [320];
extract, [320];
remarks of Mr. Clay on the passage, [320];
the course which the President might have taken and saved his consistency, [321];
retaining the bill ten days, [321];
a third course to resign the Presidency, [321];
the propriety of the step enforced by Mr. Clay, [321];
remarks of Mr. Clay, [321];
his allusion to the rumor that the President was proposing a suitable bill, [321];
remarks of Mr. Rives in defence of the President, [322];
a bank not an issue in the election, [323];
the imputation of perfidy repelled, [323];
General Harrison would have disproved the same bill, [323];
the conditions upon which he would sign a bill for a bank, [323];
reasons to believe he would have signed a bill, [323];
reply of Mr. Clay, [323];
Mr. Rives at "the half way house," [323];
Mr. Tyler's inner circle of advisers, [324];
caustic remarks of Mr. Clay thereon, [324];
rumor of a design to make a third party, [324];
remarks of Mr. Clay upon it, [324];
the bank was the great issue, [324];
apostrophe of Mr. Clay, [325];
reply of Mr. Rives to the imputed cabal—the privy council, [325];
remarks on sojourning in the half way house, [326];
rumor of a dictatorship installed in the capitol, [326];
disclaimer of Mr. Clay, [326];
conversational debate between Mr. Archer and Mr. Clay, [326], [327];
vote, [328].
Effects of the rejection, [328];
hisses in the Senate and outrages at the President's house, [328];
an inquiry into the extent of the disturbances moved, [328];
proceedings dropped, [328];
visit of Senators to the President, [328];
remarks of Mr. Clay on this visit, [328];
further remarks, [329];
Buchanan in reply pictures scenes that might have happened on the same night at the other end of the avenue, [330];
a motion made to amend the Fiscal bill, so as to prevent members of Congress from borrowing money from the institution, [330];
remarks of Mr. Pierce, [330];
"incorruptibility of members of Congress, [330];
what did history teach in relation to the course of members of Congress," [331];
reference to the bank report by Mr. Tyler, [331];
the vote, [331];
its significance, [331].
Two histories to the second attempt at a fiscal bill, [331];
one public, the other secret, [331];
bill reported from a select committee on the currency early in the session, [332];
move to strike out all after the enacting clause and insert a new bill, [332];
remarks of Mr. Sargeant on the proposed new bill, [332];
the bill before committee, [332];
sharp practice, [332];
objections to rapid legislation, [333];
debate on the bill, [333];
bill passed, [333];
its title, [333];
remarks of Mr. Benton in ridicule of the bill, [333];
referred to a committee, [335];
a one-sided committee, [335];
remarks of Mr. King upon the appointment of this committee, [335];
rule of Jefferson's Manual quoted in justification, [336];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [336];
remarks of Mr. Buchanan, [337];
bill reported by the chairman with remarks upon the favorable views of the President, [337];
amendments offered by Mr. Benton, [338];
objection to the exchange dealings authorized, [339];
operation of a bill as a discount, [339];
this exposed by Senator Tappan, [339];
amendment requiring all the stockholders to be citizens of the United States, [340];
none but citizens allowed to take the original stock would not prevent foreigners owning it, [340];
the bill designed to resurrect by smuggling the United States Bank, [340];
same amendment moved in a different form, [340];
debate, [340];
vote, [341];
the bill compared with the old bank charter, [341];
bill passed and sent to the President and disapproved, [341];
violent speaking excited by the veto, [341];
the speakers, [341];
nays on the returned bill, [341].
Secret history of the returned bank bill, [342];
conversation between Mr. Gilmer and a whig member of the House, [342];
change in Mr. Tyler, [342];
effect on the whigs, [343];
newspapers in the President's interest, [343];
no information given to the cabinet respecting the first veto message, [343];
slight to his cabinet, [343];
readiness of the President for a second bill as stated by Mr. Ewing, [343];
Mr. Bell's account, [343];
statement of Mr. A. H. Stuart, [344];
was the President sincere in his professions, or were they only phrases to deceive the whigs and calm the commotion which raged in their camp, [344];
a cabinet meeting on the new bill and proceedings, [345];
statement of Mr. Ewing, [345];
the sixteenth fundamental article, [345];
every part of the bill made to suit the President, [346];
further exposition, [346];
statement of Mr. Bell, [346];
proceedings of the members of the Cabinet under instructions to prepare a majority of each House for the passage of the second bill, [346];
grounds of the veto, and the explanations and careful preparation of the point on which it turned, [347];
reason for Mr. Berrien's motion to postpone the consideration of the veto and take up the bank bill, [347];
statement of Mr. A. H. Stuart, [347];
another side to this statement that the President was in favor of the second bill, [348];
signs and facts which show against it from the beginning, [348];
letter of Mr. Webster, [349];
letter of Mr. Botts noticed, [349];
"Head him or die," [349];
how the phrase was intended and how interpreted, [349];
solution of the views of Mr. Tyler, [350];
he would have signed no bank bill under any name after the eighth or ninth day of the session, [350].
Reception of the veto message in the Senate, [350];
hisses and applause in the galleries, [350];
Mr. Benton moves that the Sergeant-at-Arms take into custody those who hissed, [351];
debate on the amount of the disorderly proceedings, [351], [352].
See Tyler's Administration.
Bank of the United States.—Changes to a State institution, [23];
history since the expiration of her charter, [23];
the bill reported in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, [24];
the tail to a bill to repeal a tax and make roads and canals, [24];
its reception in the House, [24];
an explanation demanded, [24];
letter of Mr. Biddle to J. Q. Adams, [24];
the first step in the movement, [24];
how managed, [24];
the bonus, [24];
passage of the bill through the legislature, [25];
indignation of the people, [25];
investigation of the next legislature, [25];
remarks, [25].
Refuses to cease its operations after its legal existence had expired, [67];
its proviso charter made no difference in its condition, [67];
its use of the defunct notes of the expired institution, [68];
statement of its conduct by Mr. Buchanan, [68];
remarks of Calhoun on the right of Congress to pass a bill on this subject, [69];
it rests on the general power of legislation, [69];
character of the bill, [69];
this the last question between the bank and the Federal government, [69].
Resumption by the Pennsylvania U. S. Bank.—Effect of resumption by the New York banks, [94];
convention called in Philadelphia, [94];
result of its deliberations, [94];
resumption, [94];
speedy failure again and forever of the U. S. Bank foretold, [94].
Exposition of its affairs, [157];
resignation of Mr. Biddle, [157];
prediction of Senator Benton, [157];
suspension, [157];
its effects, [157];
another statement of her condition, [158].
Silence in Congress on this institution, [365];
her condition, [365];
report of the affairs to the stockholders, [365];
the exhibition of waste and destruction, [365];
proceedings of the bank during the period of the application for a recharter, [366];
its loans, [366];
to whom made, [366];
manner in which they were made, [366];
extract from the report on this point, [366];
its foreign agencies, [367];
business of these stock speculations, [367];
extract, [367];
losses by the cotton agency, [368];
extracts from the report, [368];
the way of the bank in guaranteeing the individual contracts of Mr. Biddle, [369];
unintelligible accounts of large amounts, [369];
parties concerned refuse to give an explanation, [369];
entertainments to members of Congress at immense expense, [369];
losses of stockholders, [369];
statement of the London Bankers' Circular, [370];
the credit of the bank and the prices of its stock kept up by delusive statements of profits, [370];
operations to make the second suspension begin in New York, [370];
extent of the ruin, [371];
the case of London bankers and their punishment, [371];
remarks of the Judge on passing sentence, [372]. See Index, vol. 1.
Bankrupt Act against the Banks.—Recommended by the President, [43];
reasons, [43];
framers of the constitution hard-money men, [43];
operation of the constitution had nullified this intention, [44];
a question whether the fault was in the instrument or in the administrators, [44];
remedy now proposed, [44];
all that was wanted was a Congress to back the President, [44];
the array against it, [44];
opposition of Mr. Webster, [44];
right of Congress questioned, [44];
doubtless sanctioned by the whole cabinet, [45];
speech of Mr. Benton, [45];
"a bankrupt law authorized by the constitution," [45];
signification of the word bankruptcy, [45];
what is this grant of power, and does the country require its exercise, [45];
Congress is not confined to English statutory decisions for the construction of phrases used in the constitution, [45];
the term is not of English but Roman origin, [46];
it is said, we must confine our legislation to the usual objects, the usual subjects, and the usual purposes of bankrupt laws in England, [46];
on what act of English legislation can an example be fixed? [46];
the acts passed on this subject, [47];
affirmative definitions of the classes liable to bankruptcy in England, [47];
the negative, [47];
cut off from improvement since the adoption of our constitution, [48];
in this view we must find one of two things—a case in point or a general authority, [48];
these considered, [48];
a case in point, [48];
the general practice of the British Parliament for five hundred years, over the whole subject of bankruptcy, [49];
it is asked if bankrupt laws ordinarily extend to moneyed corporations, [49];
No; Why? [49];
the question of corporation unreliability in England, [49];
do such law ordinarily extend to corporations at all? [50];
history of our first bankrupt law, [51];
the bill of 1827, [51];
it is said, the object of bankrupt laws has no relation to currency, [51];
what says history? [51];
effect of the application of bankrupt laws in England twofold, [51];
recommendation of the President, [51];
the British bankrupt code as it relates to bank notes, [52];
all our acts and bills have applied to bankers, [53];
and why not to banks? [53];
why this distinction? [53];
banks of circulation are the fittest subjects of a bankrupt law, [53];
the opinion that there can be no resumption of specie payments until the Bank of the United States is rechartered, [54];
as bankrupts, the Federal authority extends to all the banks, [54];
other great purposes to be attained by the application of a bankrupt law to banks, [54];
every form of government has something in it to excite the pride and to rouse the devotion of its citizens, [55];
we are called upon to have mercy on the banks, the prayer should be to them to have mercy on the citizens, [55];
Jefferson's legacy is never to suffer the government to fall under the control of unauthorized or self-created institutions, [55];
it is said that bankruptcy is a severe remedy to apply to banks, [56];
three things for which the banks have no excuse, and which should forever weigh against their claims to favor, [56].
Congress convened at the urgent instance of Mr. Clay, [229];
a bankrupt act not in the programme of Mr. Clay or the message of President Tyler, [229];
parties nearly balanced in the Senate, [229];
one member obtains leave to bring in a bill on bankruptcy, [229];
manner of its passage, [229];
the bank bill and the land bill made to pass it through both Houses, [230];
its passage through the House, [230];
amendment, [230];
proceedings in the Senate to get up the amendment, [230], [231];
remark of White, of Indiana, [231];
remark of Senator Benton, [231], remark of Senator Linn, [231];
bankrupt bill reported as passed the House, [232];
remarks of Mr. King, [232];
distribution bill laid on the table and the bankrupt bill taken up, [232];
remarks of Mr. Walker, [232];
the bank distribution and bankrupt bills travel together, [232];
remarks on the amendment to the bankrupt bill, [233];
passed, [233];
remarks on the nature of the bankrupt bill, [233], [234].
Speech of Mr. Benton on the bankrupt bill, [234];
"this is not a bankrupt system but an insolvent law, perverted to a discharge from debts, instead of a discharge from imprisonment," [234];
it is framed from the English insolvent debtor act, [234];
the English acts, [234];
how came such a bill to be introduced here? [235];
it is an insolvent bill, [235];
defended by insisting that insolvency and bankruptcy are the same thing, a mere inability to pay debts, [235];
extracts from Webster's remarks, [235];
no foundation for confounding bankruptcy and insolvency, [235];
Blackstone's definition of a bankrupt, [235];
ability and fraud the basis of the system, [235];
cessio bonorum, [236];
laws of Scotland, [236];
cessio examined, [236];
bankruptcy defined by the laws of Scotland, [237];
the Code Napoleon, [238];
the civil law, [238];
comparison of sections of the bill with the English law, [239];
voluntary and involuntary bankruptcy under the bill, [240].
An attempt to Repeal.—Repeal commenced at the outset of the session, [395];
passed the House and lost in the Senate, [395];
repealed at the next session, [396];
the fate of the confederate bills, [396].
Repeal.—A repeal of a great act of legislation by the same Congress that passed it, [463];
a homage to the will of the people, [463];
remarks of Mr. Benton on offering a petition from the State of Vermont for the repeal of the act, [463];
"the act unconstitutional in abolishing debts with the consent of a given majority of the creditors, [463];
principles of the act of 1800, [464];
forms which the wisdom of the law provided for executing itself, [464];
an invasion of the rights of the States over the ordinary relations of debtor and creditor within their own limits," [465];
the passage of the act has been a reproach to Congress, its repeal should do them honor, and still more the people under whose will it was done, [465];
a bankrupt act has never been favored by the American people, [465];
the system has been nearly intolerable in England, [466];
further remarks, [466].
An act to repeal promptly passed both houses, [503];
a splendid victory for the minority, who had resisted the passage of the original bill, [503];
all the authorities had sustained the act, [503];
sense of the people revolted against it, [503];
former act repealed in two years, [503];

its repeal a bitter mortification to the administration, [503];
Cushing in defence of the act, [504];
extract, [504];
an unparliamentary reference to Mr. Clay, [504];
reply by Mr. Davis, [504];
Cushing upon the impotent attacks on the administration, [504];
extracts, [505];
the seductive arguments of persuasion and enticement used to gain adherents to the new administration, [505];
appeals to the democratic party, [505];
reply of Mr. Thompson, [505];
Cushing states that there are persons connected with the administration who will yet be heard of for the Presidency, [505];
indignant reply of Mr. Thompson, [505];
reproaches cast upon Cushing, [506];
Davis upon the charges of Cushing, [506];
his versatility in defending vetoes, [507].
Banks, Suspension of Payment by.—Deranged finances and broken up treasury awaited the nascent administration, [9];
two parties at work to accomplish it, [9];
condition of the banks, [9];
remarks of Senator Benton on the prospect, [9];
do on rescinding the specie circular, [10];
desperate condition of the deposit banks, [10];
proper amount of specie to be retained by the banks, [10];
amount retained by the Bank of England, [10];
amount retained by the deposit banks, [10];
conference between Senator Benton and Mr. Van Buren, [10];
remark of the latter, [10];
Senator Benton miffed, [10];
silence, [10];
course which might have been taken, [11];
benefits, [11].
Preparations for the Distress and Suspension.—Characteristic letter of Mr. Biddle, [11];
picture of ruin presented, alarm given out, and the Federal government the cause, [11];
extracts, [11];
course followed in and out of Congress, [12];
reception of Mr. Webster in New York, [12];
the public meeting, [12];
cause of this demonstration, [12];
his speech a manifesto against Jackson's administration, a protest against its continuation in the person of his successor, and an invocation to a general combination against it, [13];
the ominous sentence of the speech, [13];
extract relating to the general distress, [13];
conclusion of the speech, [13];
its vehement appeal, [14];
the specie circular, [14];
the original draft, [14];
the rescinding bill, [15];
President Jackson's action, [15];
an experiment on the nerves of the President resolved on, [15].
Consequences of Webster's speech, [16];
an immense meeting, [16];
its resolves, [16];
the word "experiment," [16];
a committee of fifty to wait on the President, [17];
to call another meeting on their return, [17];
co-operation of other cities invited, [17];
state of feeling as characterized by the press, [17];
visit of the committee to the President, [18];
extract from their addresses, [18];
a written answer of complete refusal, [18];
their return, [18];
visit of Mr. Biddle to the President, [19];
a second meeting in New York, [19];
report, [19];
resolutions adopted, [19];
list of grievances, [19];
remarks, [20].
Actual Suspension.—Suspension not recommended at any public meeting, [20];
the suspension, [20];
proceedings, [20];
act of self-defence on the part of the deposit banks, [21];
course of the United States Bank, [21];
letter of Mr. Biddle, [21];
extracts, [21];
Webster's tour at the West and his speeches, [22];
first speech at Wheeling, [22];
extract, [22];
the time when the suspension was to take place, [22];
Bank of the United States to be the remedy, [23];
the contrivance of politicians now exposed, [23].
Effects of the Suspension.—Disturbance in the business of the country, [26];
depreciation of bank notes, [26];
disappearance of small specie, [26];
"better currency," [26];
"the whole hog," [26];
inflammatory publications of the press, [26];
extracts, [26];
government payments, [27];
the medium, [27];
condition of the administration, [27];
payment of the Tennessee volunteers, [27];
its effect, [27];
visit of the agent to Washington, [27];
extra session of Congress necessary, [28].
Attempted Resumption.—Declaration of the Bank of the United States of its ability to continue paying specie, [43];
resumption commenced in New York, [43];
resolution, [43];
committee of correspondence, [43];
opposition of the Philadelphia interest, [43];
the explanation, [43].
Resumption of Specie Payments by the New York Banks.—The proposed convention, [83];
frustrated by the United States Bank, [83];
Philadelphia banks refuse to co-operate, [83];
letter from Mr. Biddle to John Q. Adams, [83];
a characteristic sentence, [83];
his threat against the New York banks, [83];
a general bank convention, [83];
vote on resumption, [83];
reasons for the vote, [84];
resumption by the New York banks, [84];
resumption general, [84];
the United States Bank, [84];
her stock, [84];
her power, [84];
speech of Mr. Webster, expressing her wishes, [84];
her friends come to the rescue for the last time, [85];
Mr. Benton's remarks, [85].
"Two periods working the termination of a national bank charter, each full of lessons, [85];
the two compared, [85];
the quantity of the currency, [86];
its solidity, [86];
it is said, there is no specie, [86];
the cause of the non-resumption is plain and undeniable, [87];
what say the New York City banks? [87];
extract from their report, [87];
the reasons, [87];
it is said there can be no resumption until Congress act on the currency, [88];
conduct of the leading banks, [88];
the honest commercial banks have resumed or mean to resume, [89];
politicians propose to compel the government to receive paper money for its dues, [89];
the pretext is to aid the banks in resuming, [89];
an enemy lies in wait for the banks, [89];
power of the United States Bank over others, [90];
the contrast between former and the present bank stoppages, [90];
justice to the men of this day," [91].
Mr. Clay's Resolution in favor of Resuming Banks.—Proposed to make the notes of resuming banks receivable in payment of all dues to the Federal government, [91];
render assistance to the banks, [92].
No power can prevent the solvent banks from resuming, [92];
every solvent one in the country will resume in a few months, [92];
Congress cannot prevent them if it tried, [92];
the most revolting proposition ever made in Congress, [93];
proposition lost, [93].
Divorce of Bank and State.—The bill is to declare the divorce and the amendment is to exclude their notes from revenue payments, [56];
this change to be made gradually, [56];
it will restore the currency of the constitution and re-establish the great acts of 1789 and 1800, [56];
great evils—pecuniary, political, and moral—have flowed from this departure from our constitution, [57];
loss to the government from the banks, [57];
losses from the local banks, [57];
comparison with steamboats, [57];
the case with the banks, [58];
the epoch of resumption is to be a perilous crisis to many, [58];
they fell in time of peace and prosperity, [58];
banks of circulation are banks of hazard and of failure, [58];
the power of a few banks over the whole presents a new feature in our system, [58];
they have all become links of one chain, [59];
the government and its creditors must continue to sustain losses if they continue to use such depositories and to receive such paper, [59];
in an instant every disbursing officer in the Union was stripped of the money he was going to pay out, [59];
it was tantamount to a disbandment of the entire government, [59];
it is a danger we have just escaped, [60];
the same danger may be seen again if we use them, [60];
what excuse have we for abandoning the precise advantage for which the constitution was formed? [60];
the moral view of this question not examined, [60];
the government required to retrace its steps and to return to first principles, [61];
what is the obstacle to the adoption of this course, [61];
the message recommends four things, [61];
the right and obligation of the government to keep its own moneys in its own hands results from the law of self-preservation, [61];
England trusts none of her banks with the collection, keeping, and disbursement of her public money, [62];
what were the "continental treasurers" of the confederation, [62];
bill reported by the Finance Committee, [62];
taunted with these treasury notes, [62];
the case of France on the occasion of the First Consul, [63];
French currency is the best in the world, [63];
Congress has a sacred duty to perform in reforming the finances and the currency, [64];
this is a measure of reform worthy to be called a reformation, [65].
Destined to be carried into effect at this session, [164];
opposition to it, [164];
remarks of Mr. Clay, [164];
bill passed the Senate, [165];
passed the House under the previous question, [165];
the title of the bill, [165];
form in which opposition appeared, [165];
proceedings in the House, [166];
title passed by the operation of the previous question, [167].
Banks, Specie basis for.—A point of great moment, [128];
well understood in England, [128];
vice of the banking system of this country, [128];
the motion intended to require the bank to keep a certain amount of specie, [128];
testimony of Horsley Palmer, [128];
requirement on the Bank of England, [129];
the proportion in England is one-third, [129];
first object when a bank stops payment, [129];
the issuing of currency is the prerogative of sovereignty, [130];
proportion required of the deposit banks, [130];
effect of the Treasury order of 1836 upon them, [130].
Bank Notes, Tax on.—Motion for leave to bring in a bill to tax the circulation of banks, bankers, and all corporations issuing paper money, [179];
nothing more just than that this interest should contribute to the support of government, [179];
in other countries it was subject to taxation, [179];
has formerly been taxed in our country, [179];
manner of levying the bank tax in Great Britain, [180];
taxation of the Bank of England, [180];
equity of the tax, its simplicity, and large product, [180];
unknown how the banking interest would relish the proposition, [181];
petition of Stephen Girard, [181];
objects of the bill, [181].
Banks, District, Re-charter of.—Amendment proposed to the bill prohibiting the issue of bills less than five dollars, &c., [273];
"the design is to suppress two evils of banking—that of small notes and that of banks combining to sustain each other in a state of suspension," [273];
shall notes banish gold and silver from the country? [274];
one a curse to the public, [274];
why are banks so fond of issuing these small notes? [274];
counterfeiting is of small notes, [274];
an Insurance Company of St. Louis, [275];
a proper opportunity to bring before the people the question whether they should have an exclusive paper currency or not, [275];
some merchants think there is no living without banks, [275].
See Index, vol. I.
Barbour, Philip P., decease of, [202];
his mess, [202];
his character, [203];
intellect, [203];
death, [203];
instance of self-denial and fidelity to party, [203];
position in Virginia, [203].
See Index, vol. I.
Barrow, Senator, decease of, [706];
early life, [706];
his character, [706];
his intellect [706];
youth, [706].
Bates, Isaac C., on exempting salt from duty, [315].
Bayard, R. H., on the slavery resolutions, [139].
Bell, John, candidate for Speaker, [160];
Secretary at War, [209];
on the readiness of President Tyler to sign a second bank bill, [343], [346];
his reasons for resigning his seat in President Tyler's cabinet, [355].
Benton, Thomas H., on the bankrupt act for banks, [45];
on the divorce of bank and State, [56];
on the Florida war, [72];
on bank resumption, [85];
on the graduation bill, [126];
on the armed occupation of Florida, [167];
on the assumption of State debts, [172];
on the salt tax, [176];
on the tax on bank notes, [179];
on the drawback on refined sugar, [190];
on fishing bounties and allowances, [194];
on the bankrupt bill, [234];
on the nature and effect of the previous question, [253];
on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [262];
on the issue of small bills, [273];
on the action of the administration in the McLeod affair, [291];
on the repeal of the tariff compromise, [312];
on the committee on the bank bill, [336];
offers amendment to the second bank bill, [338];
moves to arrest the persons who hissed in the Senate gallery, [351];
against the Fiscal plan of Mr. Tyler, [375], [376];
on paper money payments, [406];
on the merits of the British treaty, [426];
on the North-eastern boundary, [438];
on the North-western boundary, [441];
on the expenses of the Navy, [456];
on the Oregon bill, [474];
eulogy on Linn, [485];
on the Chinese mission, [512];
on the annexation of Texas, [619];
on the authorship of the war with Mexico, [689];
on the Oregon question, [667];
his plan for conducting the Mexican war, [678];
designed for the appointment of Lieutenant-General, [678];
on the expedition of Col. Doniphan, [684];
advice relative to the conduct of the war against the northern frontiers of Mexico, [687];
advises with the President relative to the prosecution of the war, [693];
his reply to Calhoun's question respecting his support of the latter's resolutions, [697];
on the cause that may dissolve the Union, [715];
on Clay's compromise plan, [749];
on the protest of Southern Senators, [771].
See Index, vol. I.
Bibb, George M., Secretary of the Treasury, [569].
See Index, vol. I.
Biddle, Nicholas, his letters, [11], [24];
visits the President, [19];
his letter to J. Q. Adams, [83];
decease of, [567];
Black, Mr., on the appropriation for the Military Academy, [468].
Blair, Francis P., statement of the declaration of Mr. Polk relative to the mode of Texas annexation, [637].
See Index, vol. I.
Botts, John M., on the protest of President Tyler, [419].
Bredon, Mr., on the nomination of Van Buren, [593].
Brewster, Mr., on the nomination of Van Buren, [592].
Brig Somers, Mutiny on board. See Somers.
British Treaty.—The Maine boundary still unsettled, [420];
particulars of the case, [420];
subject referred to the King of the Netherlands, [420];
his award rejected, [420];
Ashburton appointed on a special mission, [420];
professing to come to settle all questions—only such were settled as suited Great Britain, [421];
points embraced in the treaty, [421];
points omitted, [421];
return of Ashburton, [421];
thanks of Parliament to him, [421];
discussion in Parliament, [422];
the map having the original line of the North-eastern boundary hidden from Lord Ashburton's, [422];
remark of Brougham, [422];
his speech when charged with a want of frankness to this country, [422];
extract, [422];
sport in the British Parliament, [422];
map shown to Mr. Everett, [423];
statement of the result of the treaty on this point by an English speaker, [423];
manner of conducting the negotiations, [423];
no instructions given to the Secretary of State, [423];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [423];
the action of certain Senators forestalled, [424];
the treaty or war was the constant alternative presented, [424];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [424];
extract, [424];
his remarks on the unsettled points of difficulty, [425].
Mr. Benton's remarks on the merits of the treaty, [426];
"four subjects omitted—the Columbia River and valley, impressment, the outrage on the Caroline, and the liberation of American slaves, [426].
"The Oregon territory, [426];
remark on the President's message relative to its omission from the negotiation, [426];
the American title to the Columbia River and its valley stated, [426], [427];
the treaty of 1818, [427];
its great fault, [428];
another fault was in admitting a claim on the part of Great Britain to any portion of these territories, [428];
our title under the Nootka Sound treaty, [428];
Sir Alexander McKenzie, [429];
the British title to the Columbia, [429];
it is asked, what do we want of this country so far off from us? [430];
the value and extent of the country, [430].
"Impressment is another of the omitted subjects, [430];
correspondence upon it, [431];
manner in which it was treated, [431];
how different this holiday scene from the firm and virile language of Mr. Jefferson, [432];
if this treaty is ratified, we must begin where we were in 1806, [432].
"The case of the liberated slaves of the Creole is another of the omitted subjects, [432];
only one of a number of cases recently occurred, [432];
peculiarity of these cases, [433];
each of these vessels should have been received with the hospitality due to misfortune, and allowed to depart with all convenient dispatch and with all her contents, of persons and property, [433];
remarks of the President's message, [433];
the grounds taken by the Government and the engagements entered into by the British Minister, examined, [433];
Lord Ashburton proposes London as the best place to consider this subject, [434].
"The burning of the Caroline, another of the omitted subjects, [434];
this case is now near four years old, [435];
the note of Lord Ashburton sent to us by the President, [435];
it is said there is a certain amount of gullibility in the public mind which must be provided for, [436];
the letter of our Secretary, [436];
the whole negotiation has been one of shame and injury, but this catastrophe of the Caroline puts the finishing hand to our disgrace, [437];
the timing of this negotiation after the retirement of Mr. Van Buren, and when the Government was in more pliable hands, [437];
further remarks, [437]."
The North-eastern Boundary Article.—Remarks of Mr. Benton. The establishment of the low land boundary in place of the mountain boundary, and parallel to it, [438];
contrived for the purpose of weakening our boundary and retiring it further from Quebec, [438];
character of this line, [438];
remarks, [438];
a palliation attempted, [439];
letters on the subject, [439];
plea of Ashburton, [440];
to mitigate the enormity of this barefaced sacrifice, a description of the soil given, [440];
report of Mr. Buchanan and the resolution of the Senate, [440];
the award of the King of the Netherlands infinitely better for us, [441].
North-western Boundary.—"The line from the Lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, was disputable, [441];
that from Lake Superior to the Lake of the Woods described, [442];
proposition of a British traveller to turn the line down from Isle-Royale near two hundred miles to St. Louis River, [442];
reasons, [442];
words of Ashburton, [443];
what he claimed, he got, [443];

the value of the concession, [443];
the Secretary put himself to the trouble to hunt testimony to justify his surrender of the northern route to the British, [443];
his letter, [443];
answer of Mr. Ferguson, [444];
do. of Mr. Delafield, [444];
the answers refused to follow the lead of the questions, asked," [444].
Extradition Article.—"It stipulates for the mutual surrender of fugitive criminals, [444];
no light on the origin, progress, and formation of this article, [445];
this is a subject long since considered in our country, [445];
Jefferson's views, [445];
these surrenders could only be under three limitations, [445];
his proposition, [445];
compared with the article of the treaty, [445];
it is said to be copied from the article in Jay's treaty, [446];
the two articles, [446];
difference between them, [446];
another essential difference, which nullifies the article in its material bearing, [447];
words of the message relative to this article, [448];
nothing can be more deceptive and fallacious than its recommendation, [448];
what offences are embraced, and what excluded," [448].
African Squadron for the Suppression of the Slave Trade.—Nothing in relation to the subject in the shape
of negotiation is communicated to us, [449];
the immediate and practical effects which lie within our view, and display the enormous expediency of the measure, [449];
the expense in money, [449];
in what circumstances do we undertake all this fine work? [450];
Great Britain is not the country to read us a lesson upon the atrocity of the slave trade, or to stimulate our exertions to suppress it, [450];
these articles of the treaty bind us in this alliance with Great Britain, [451];
the papers communicated do not show at whose instance these articles were inserted, [451].
Brougham, Lord, speech relative to the Ashburton treaty, [422].
Brown, Charles, on the coast survey, [488].
Buchanan, James, his proposition relative to the deposit fund, [37];
on the slavery resolutions, [138];
on the committee on the bank bill, [337];
on the disorder in the Senate gallery, [351];
on the Missouri Compromise line, [633];
Secretary of State, [650].
See Index, vol. I.
Butler, Benjamin F., Attorney-General, [9];
resigns, [9];
on the adoption of the two-thirds rule in the democratic convention, [591].
See Index, vol. I.
Butler, William O., on the action of the administration in the McLeod affair, [291];
nominated for the Vice-Presidency, [722].
C
Calhoun, John C., debate with Clay, [97];
justifies his resolutions, [139];
resolution relative to the liberation of slaves in British colonial ports, [182];
in opposition to the war rule, [250];
against the previous question, [255];
on the passage of the bill declaring war in 1812, [256];
passage with Clay, [257];
on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [260];
on the naval pension act, [267];
on the repeal of the compromise, [311], [312], [313];
on exempting salt from duty, [316];
on expenditures, [397];
on naval expenditures, [452];
on the Oregon settlement bill, [471];
appointed Secretary of State, [569];
opens negotiations on Oregon, [661];
offers resolutions relative to slavery, [696];
in relation to the Oregon territorial bill, [711], [714];
on the dissolution of the Union, [715];
on extending the constitution to territories, [730];
his last speech, [744], [769].
Decease of, [747];
eulogium by Senator Butler, [747];
birth, [747];
student, [747];
a member of Congress, [747];
his fellow-members, [747];
his political career, [748];
rank as a parliamentary speaker, [748].
See Index, vol. I.
California, Admission of.—The test question in the great slavery agitation, [769];
remarks of Calhoun in his last speech, [769];
passage of the bill, [769];
protest of ten Senators opposed to it, [769];
extract, [769];
the signers, [770];
question of reception raised, [770];
remarks of Senator Benton, [771];
reception refused, [772].
Caroline, a steamboat, her destruction, [278].
Cass, Lewis, on the fugitive slave bill, [779];
nominated for the Presidency, [722].
See Index, vol. I.
Catron, John, Judge of the Supreme Court, [9].
Cessio bonorum, the law of, [236].
Chinese Mission.—Bill reported to provide the means of opening future intercourse between the United States and China, [510];
extract from the bill, [510];
objectionable features of the bill, [510];
the act of 1790, [510];
moved to strike out the restrictions to the use of the money, [510];
remarks of Mr. Merriweather in opposition to the amendment, [511];
further debate, [511];
McKeon in opposition to the whole scheme, [511];
amendment adopted, [512];
bill passed, [512].
Mr. Cushing takes no part in the discussion, [518];
bill called up in the Senate at midnight on the last day, [512];
Mr. Benton's remarks against the mission, [512];
"no necessity for a treaty with China, [512];
the outfit, [512];
ill framed after the act of 1790," [513];
further debate, [513];
amendment carried, that no agent be appointed without the consent of the Senate, [514];
no nomination made before the adjournment, [514];
Mr. Cushing appointed in the recess, [514];
remarks, [514];
outfit of the minister, [515];
his embarkation, [515];
arrival, [515];
address to the Governor-General of Canton, [515];
reply, [515];
correspondence, [515];
no necessity for a treaty of commerce on the part of the United States, [515];
remarks, [516];
Mr. Cushing objects to delay to send to Pekin, [516];
extracts, [516], [517];
threats, &c., [517];
remonstrance of the Governor, [517];
a salute to the ship demanded, [518];
remonstrance of the Governor, [518];
threats of war to China, [518];
reply of the Governor, [519];
rejoinder of Mr. Cushing, [519];
further complaints from Mr. Cushing, [519];
answer from the Emperor, [520];
arrival of a commissioner to treat, [520];
difficulty, [520];
justification for not going to Pekin, [521];
remarks, [521];
effect of the publication of the correspondence, [522].
Clark, J. C., in the Chinese mission, [501].
Clay and Calhoun—Debate between.—Calhoun's co-operation with Clay and Webster, [97];
co-operates with the democrats, [97];
feelings of the opposition, [97];
a feeling of personal resentment against Calhoun, [97];
Clay's talent for philippic, [97];
bursting of the storm, [97];
Calhoun's speech in favor of the Independent Treasury, [97];
answer of Mr. Clay, [97];
time for preparation, [98];
the attack on Calhoun, [98];
his reply, [98];
rejoinder of Mr. Clay, [99];
rejoinders, [99];
attempted excuse of Clay for making the attack, [99];
the Edgefield letter, [99];
character of this contest between two eminent men, and of their oratory, [99];
Fox and Burke, [100];
remarkable passages in the speeches of each, [100];
remarks, [100];
Mr. Clay's speech, [101].
"Who are most conspicuous of those pressing this bill upon Congress and the American people? [101];
its endorser the Senator from South Carolina, [101];
intimated that my course in opposing the bill was unpatriotic, [101];
the arduous contest in which we were so long engaged was about to terminate in a glorious victory, [102];
at this critical moment the Senator left us, [102];
the speech of the Senator, [102];
the alternatives presented, [102];
if we denounced the pet bank system, must we take a system infinitely worse? [103];
attack upon the whole banking system of the United States, [103];
the doctrine of 1816, [103];
we concur in nothing now," [103].
Reply of Mr. Calhoun, [103];
"he has not even attempted to answer a large and not the least weighty portion of my remarks, [104];
the introduction of personal remarks, which cannot pass unnoticed, [104];
no shadow of a pretext for this attack, [104];
what can be his motive? [104];
the weakness of his cause has led him to personalities, [104];
the leading charge is that I have left his side and joined the other, [105];
three questions involved in the present issue, [105];
remarks four years ago, [105];
another reference to the record, [105];
the measure of renewing the charter of the bank, [106];
relations with Mr. Webster, [106];
statement of his past course by further reference to speeches, [107];
the charge of desertion falls prostrate to the ground, [107];
the first fruits of union in the attack would have been a national bank, [108];
explanation of views expressed in the Edgefield letter, [108];
further explanation of views entertained, [109];
present political position, [110];
the attack on my intellectual faculties, [110];
qualities wanting in Clay's mind, [110];
commencement of Calhoun's public life, [111];
support of the Navy, [111];
the restrictive system opposed, [111];
the bank proposed in 1814, [111];
administration of the War Department, [112];
the Vice-President's chair," [112].
Rejoinder of Mr. Clay, [112];
"anxious to avoid all personal controversy, [112];
a painful duty, [112];
ever anxious to think well of Calhoun, [112];
the Edgefield letter, [112];
extract, [113];
nullification overthrew the protective policy! [113];
it sanctioned the constitutional power it had so strongly controverted, [113];
no one ever supposed the protective policy would be perpetual, [113];
further extract from the Edgefield letter, [114];
he has left no party and joined no party, [114];
charges me with going over on some occasion, [114];
the stale calumny of George Kremer, [114];
who went in 1825, [115];
charges me with always riding some hobby, [115];
he is free from all reproach of sticking to hobbies," [115].
Rejoinder of Mr. Calhoun, [116];
"the Senator tells us that he is among the most constant men in this world, [116];
his speech remarkable both for its omissions and mistakes," [116].
Rejoinder of Mr. Clay, [116];
"he says, if I have not changed principles, I have at least got into strange company, [117];
extract from his speeches, [117];
the dispute about the protection of cotton manufacture," [117].
Rejoinders, [118];
conclusion, [118];
reconciliation of Calhoun with Van Buren, [118];
sinister motives charged, [119];
further taunts of Mr. Clay, [119];
the change of Clay to the side of Adams, [119];
expositions of the compromise of 1833, [119];
bargain charged between Clay and Adams, [120];
remarks, [120];
Calhoun for the succession, [120];
Calhoun and Van Buren, [120];
source of the real disorders of the country, [121];
Adams and Clay, [121];
the threat of Gen. Jackson, [120];
the compromise measure, [122];
Webster on the side of Jackson at the time of nullification, [122];
"he my master," [123];
further remarks, [123].
Clay, Henry, on the slavery resolutions, [138];
offers a programme of measures for Tyler's administration, [219];
proposes to introduce the hour rule in the Senate, [250];
on exempting salt from duty, [316];
on the veto of the bank by President Tyler, [318];
his feelings on the veto of the bank bill by President Tyler, [356].
Retirement of.—Resigns his seat in the Senate, and delivers a valedictory address, [398];
reasons, [398];
formally announces his retirement, [399];
extract, [399];
period at which he had formed the design of retiring, [399];
time when the design was really formed, [399];
could have been elected when Harrison was, [399];
that triumph a fruitless one, [399];
reasons for not resigning at the time intended, [400];
reasons for appearing at the regular session, [400];
the formation of a new cabinet wholly hostile to him, and the attempt to take the whig party from him, [400];
the failure of his measures, [400];
review of the past, [401];
extract, [401];
thanks to his friends, [401];
notice of foes, [401];
imputation of the dictatorship, [402];
extract, [402];
secret of Clay's leadership, [402];
forgiveness implored for offences, [402];
a tribute to Crittenden, [403];
a motion to adjourn, [403];
the criticism of Senators on the valedictory, [403].
Candidate for the Presidency in 1844, [625].
His plan for a compromise, [742];
all measures to be settled in one bill, [742];
the manner, [742];
failure, [742].
Resolution respecting slavery in New Mexico, [743];
Davis advocates the extension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific, [743];
reply of Mr. Clay, [743];
vote [744];
Senator Benton's speech against it, [749];
a bill of thirty-nine sections pressed upon us as a remedy for the national calamities, [749];
no political distress, [749];
a parcel of old bills which might each have been passed by itself long ago, [750];
how did the committee get possession of these bills? [750];
the California bill made the scape-goat of all, [750];
reasons for urging the conjunction of the State and Territories, [751];
the territorial government bills are now the object, and put with the California bill to make them more certain, [752];
all the evils of incongruous conjunctions here exemplified, [753];
the compensation to California, [754];
the reasons of the committee present grave errors in law, both constitutional and municipal, and of geography and history, [754];
features of the Texas bill, [755];
division line of New Mexico and Texas, [756];
the possession of New Mexico continuous, &c., [757];
further remarks on the original territory of New Mexico, [758];
question of large emancipation, [759];
grounds for refusal to extend slavery into New Mexico, [760];
the point of the true objection to the extension of slavery mistaken, [760];
fugitive slave bill and slave trade suppression in the District of Columbia, [761];
no parties to the compromise, [762];
Dr. Jacob Townsend and Dr. Samuel Townsend, [763];
further remarks, [764], [765];
rejection of Clay's plan, [768].
See Index, vol. I.
Clayton, John M., Secretary of State, [737].
See Index, vol. I.
Coast Survey.—Its origin, [487];
growth and importance, [487];
become a civil department almost, [487];
efforts to restore the naval superintendence, [488];
movement for its re-organization, [488];
remarks of Mr. B. Mallory in support of it, [488];
proposition to reduce the appropriation and to transfer the work from the Treasury to the Navy Department, to be done by army and naval officers, [488];
an examination of the laws on the subject, [482], [490];
proposition rejected, [491];
another made and rejected, [491].
Belongs to the Navy Department, [726];
manner of its execution in Great Britain, [727];
the great cost of the survey, [727];
the Navy should do the whole and get the credit, [728];
our Bureau of Hydrography has only a divided and subordinate part of the survey, [728];
our officers not incompetent, [728];
our Navy large and nearly idle, [729].
Cobb, Howell C., chosen Speaker, [740].
Collamer, Jacob, Postmaster General, [737].
Committee of fifty to wait on the President, [17].
Congress, extra session, [28];
its members, [28];
their character, [29];
first session of the twenty-sixth convenes, [158];
its members, [158];
New Jersey contested election, [159];
first session of twenty-seventh, [213];
its members, [213];
difficulty of organization, [215];
first session of twenty-eighth, [563];
its members, [563];
organization of the House, [565];
twenty-ninth convenes, [655];
list of members, [655];
election of Speaker, [656];
meeting of the second session of the twenty-ninth, [677];
first session of the thirtieth, [702];
its members, [702], [703];
first session of thirty-first, [738];
its members, [738], [739];
numerous ballots for Speaker, [740].
Conrad, Charles M., Secretary at War, [768].
Contested Election of New Jersey.—Two sets of members, [159];
one set holding the certificates, the other claiming to have received a majority of the votes, [159];
both referred to the committee of contested elections, [159];
House organize, [159];
issue put on the rights of the voters, [159];
the result, [160];
the contest in the House for Speaker, [160];
its result, [160];
its causes, [160].
Corwin, Thomas, Secretary of the Treasury, [768].
Crawford, George W., Secretary at War, [737].
Crawford, William H., decease of, [562];
a great man, who became greater as he was closely examined, [562];
his appearance in 1821, [563];
a formidable candidate for the Presidency, [563];
pulled down in 1824, [563];
service in the Senate, [563];
talents, [563];
Minister to France, [563];
Secretary of the Treasury, [563];
a dauntless foe to nullification, [563].
Creole, the American brig.—A case of slaves liberated by British authorities while on the voyage from one American port to another, [409];
brig bound from Richmond to New Orleans, mutiny and massacre by the slaves, [409];
affidavit of the master at Nassau, N. P.—proceedings at Nassau, [410], [411];
this was the fifth of such outrages, [411];
the Caroline affair still unatoned for, [411];

call upon the President for information, [411];
remarks of Mr. Calhoun on moving a reference to the Committee on Foreign relations, [411];
despatch of the Secretary of State, [412];
approved in the Senate, [413];
allusion to the mission of Lord Ashburton, [413].
Crittenden, John J., on the slavery resolutions, [138];
Attorney General, [209];
reasons for resigning his seat in President Tyler's Cabinet, [356];
eulogy on Dean, [487];
Attorney General, [768].
See Index, vol. I.
Cushing, Caleb, attack on the President's message, [33];
on the organization of the House, [215];
defends the Administration in the McLeod affair, [289];
opposes the reduction of certain missions, [305];
replies to the Whig manifesto against Mr. Tyler, [359];
report on the third fiscal agent, [394];
in defence of the Bankrupt Act, [504];
his nomination rejected in the Senate, [629].
D
Dallas, George M., elected Vice-President, [625].
Danish Sound Dues.—Report of Mr. Webster, [362];
"the right of Denmark to levy these dues, [362];
recognized by European governments in several treaties, [362];
the tariff of 1645 never been revised, [362];
other charges, [363];
American commerce," [363];
negotiations to obtain the benefit of all reductions recommended, [363];
remarks, [364];
success of these recommendations, [364];
commerce of different nations through the Sound, [364].
Davis, G., reply to Mr. Cushing, [504], [506].
Davis John W., chosen Speaker, [656].
Dean, Ezra, on the home squadron, [577].
Democratic Convention.—A motley assemblage, [591];
almost all under instructions for Mr. Van Buren, [591];
Van Buren to be nominated on the first ballot, unless a movement made, [591];
motion to adopt the two-thirds rule, [591];
objected to as in violation of a fundamental principle, [591];
remarks of Morton, [591];
Butler enforces the majority rule, [591];
remarks, [591];
adoption of the rule, [592];
the ballotings, [592];
moved that Mr. Van Buren, having received a majority, be declared nominated, [592];
violent debate, [592];
division in the Pennsylvania delegation, [593];
Van Buren withdrawn and Polk nominated, [594];
a surprise and a marvel to the country, [594];
nomination and declining of Silas Wright for the Vice-Presidency, [594];
object of stating these facts, [595].
Refusal of Mr. Calhoun to submit his name.—His objections, [596];
the mode of choosing the delegates, and the manner of their giving their votes, [596];
extract, [596];
the convention not constituted in conformity to the fundamental articles of the republican creed, [596];
the working of the constitution on an election, [596];
Congressional presidential caucuses put down by the will of the people, [597];
convention system more objectionable than the Congressional caucus, [597];
the objection to the convention system that States voted which could not aid in the election, [598];
extract, [598];
the danger of centralizing the nomination in the hands of a few States by the present mode, [598];
danger of throwing the nomination into the meshes of a train-band of office-holders and office-seekers, [598];
any President may now nominate his successor, [599];
remarks, [599].
Deposits with the States, retention of.—Terms of the deposit, [36];
amounts deposited, [36];
wants of the Treasury, [36];
the cheat of the bill, [36];
bill to postpone the fourth instalment, [36];
its reception, [36];
remarks of Webster, [36];
of others, [36];
proposition of Mr. Buchanan, [37];
remarks of Mr. Niles, [37];
proposition carried, [37];
principle of the deposit act reversed, [37];
a disposition in the House to treat the act as a contract, and to enforce it, [37];
remarks of Cushing on this point, [37];
remarks, [38];
carried, [38];
reconsidered and postponed to January 1st, 1839, [38];
fourth instalment finally relinquished, [38];
end of this scheme, [39];
remarks, [39].
Dickerson, Mahlon, Secretary of the Navy, [9].
Dictatorship charged upon Mr. Clay, [359].
Distribution of the Public Lands Revenue.—Two hundred millions due from states and corporations to Europe, [240];
indirect assumption by giving the public lands revenue recommended by President Tyler, [241];
a violation of the constitution, [241];
remarks of Calhoun, [241];
what a time for squandering this patrimony, [241];
indebtedness, [241];
state of the national defences, [242];
picture of taxation in England, [242];
an open exertion of a foreign interest to influence our legislation manifested, [243];
remarks of Fernando Wood, [243];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [243];
the bill denounced as unconstitutional, [244];
the constitution was not made to divide money, [244];
bill bound to pass, [245];
its features, [245];
supposed this scheme would be popular, [245];
passed, [245];
the course of these distribution bills, [246];
remarks, [247].
Disunion movements.—Extract from a South Carolina paper, [780];
an organ of disunion established at Washington, [781];
disunion convention at Nashville, [781];
reasons given by the States for their action, [781];
an issue of fact taken on their truth, [781];
declarations of speakers in the South Carolina Legislature, [782], [783];
extracts from public addresses, [783];
Fourth of July toasts, [784];
failure of a Southern Congress, [784];
interpretation of Calhoun's last speech, [784];
changes in the causes ascribed for disunion, [785];
inauguration of the slavery agitation, how it was done, [786];
views of Mr. Madison, [786].
Douglas, Stephen A., moves to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, [711].
Drew, Captain, his report of the capture of the Caroline, [279].
E
Electric Telegraph.—Concerted signals for communicating intelligence, [578];
first telegraphs, [578];
idea of using electricity first broached by Dr. Franklin, [578];
Prof. Morse gave practical application to the idea, [578];
his progress in the invention, [578];
application to Congress, [578];
results as relates to public defence, [578].
Ewing, Thomas, Secretary of the Treasury, [209];
states the readiness of President Tyler to sign a second bank bill, [343]-345;
reasons for resigning his seat in President Tyler's cabinet, [354];
Secretary of the Home Department, [737].
See Index, vol. I.
Exchequer Board.—The plan for a bank proposed by President Tyler, [376];
Mr. Benton's speech against it, [376];
"we have gone back beyond the times of Hamilton, [376];
to those of Walpole and Queen Anne, [376];
the administration of Walpole, the fountain-head of British woes, [377];
extract from Smollett's continuation of Hume, [377];
corporations brought into existence by him, [377];
further extract, [378];
contrast with those in the United States, [378];
corporation credit ruined by the explosions of banks and companies in both countries, [379];
the origin of our exchequer scheme, [379];
the manner in which this exchequer system has worked in England, and from its workings there we may judge of its workings here, [380];
amount of exchequer bills issued, [380];
the rapid growth and dangerous perversion of such issues, [381];
the British debt is the fruit of the exchequer system in Great Britain, the same that we are now urged to adopt and under the same circumstances, [381];
let no one say the exchequer and funding system will not work in the same way in this country, [382];
if there were a thousand constitutional provisions in favor of paper money, I should still be against it on account of its own inherent baseness and vice, [383];
remarks of Webster on hard money in 1816, [383];
felicitation of the Senator from Virginia over these exchequer bills, [384];
remark of Hamilton against Government paper money, [385];
division of the Whigs, [385];
the Tyler-Webster Whigs for Government banking, [385];
what are the pretexts for this flagrant attempt? 385;
distress still the staple of all whig speeches made here, [386];
action of the Biddle King Bank, [386];
was not all distress to cease when the democracy were turned out? [387];
the cry is distress! and the remedy a national poultice of lamp-black and rags; a national currency of uniform value, and universal circulation is what modern whigs demand, meaning all the while a national currency of paper money, [388];
specie acquisitions during the last twenty years, [388];
Gallatin on the quantity of gold and silver in Europe and America, [388];
points upon which the statesman's attention should be fixed, [388];
the quantity of paper money per head which any nation can use, [389];
the facility with which any industrious country can supply itself with a hard money currency, [390];
the currency of Cuba, [390];
Holland and Cuba have the best currencies in the world, [391];
no abundant currency, low interest, and facility of loans except in hard money countries, [391];
the soldiers of Mark Antony, [391];
people believe the old continental bills are to be revived and restored to circulation by the Federal Government, [392];
proposition to supply the administration with these old bills, instead of putting out a new emission, [393];
advantages of the old bills," [393].
The measure immediately taken up in either branch of Congress, [394];
a select committee of the House, [394];
report, [394];
extracts, [394];
the measure recommended for adoption, [394];
the bill, [395];
died a natural death, [395];
committee of the Senate discharged from the consideration of the measure, [395].
Expenditures of the Government.—Tendency of all governments to increase their expenses, and it should be the care of all statesmen to restrain them, [198];
economy a principle in the political faith of the Republican party, [198];
gradual increase, [198];
report of the Secretary on the ordinary and extraordinary payments and the public debts, [199];
three branches of public expenditure, [199];
evils of extravagance, [199];
room for reduction, [199];
speech of Senator Benton, [200];
"character and contents of the tables reported by the Secretary of the Treasury, [200];
expenses of 1824 and of 1839 compared, [200];
expenses of 1824, [201];
expenses of 1889, [201];
further remarks on the statements," [202].
The civil list, its expenditures, [397];
extract from Calhoun's speech, [397];
"the contingent expenses of the two Houses of Congress, [398];
increased expense of collecting the duties on imports," [398];
facts to be gleaned from these statements, [398].
Expense of the Navy.—The naval policy of the United States a question of party division from the origin of parties, [452];
the policy of a great navy developed with great vigor under Mr. Tyler, [452];
recommendations of the new Secretary, [452];
remarks of Mr. Calhoun, [452];
"aggregate expense of the British navy in 1840, [452];
its force, [453]; force of our navy, [453];
the great increase proposed in the navy over last year is at the head of the objects of retrenchment, [453];
expenses of the government of three classes, [453];
estimates," [453];
remarks of Mr. Woodbury, [454];
extract, [454];
present naval establishment a war rate, [455];
limitations of the act of 1806, [455];
increase carried, [455];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [456].
"The attempt made in 1822 to limit and fix a naval peace establishment, [456];
actual state of the navy in 1841 and 1842, [456];
extract from Bayard's report, [456];
examine the plan in its parts, and see the enormity of its proportions, [457];
the cost of each gun afloat, and the number of men to work it, [457];
I am asked how I get at these $9,000 cost for each gun afloat, [458];
correctness of the statement, [458];
Clay's resolutions, [459];
it is an obligation of imperious duty on Congress to arrest the present state of things, to turn back the establishment to what it was a year ago," [459].
Remarks of Mr. Merriweather, [482];
no hostility to the service led to a desire to reduce the pay of the navy, [482];
pay at different periods, [482], [483];
fifty thousand dollars required to defray the expenses of court-martials the present year, [483];
further points on which reduction can be made, stated, [484].
Annual appropriation considered, [507];
amendment moved to reduce number of master-mates, [507];
remarks of Cave Johnson, [507];
"should have a peace establishment for the navy as well as the army, [507];
table of the British service, [507];
expenditures, [508];
squadrons," [508].
Principle of a naval force establishment nowhere developed, [508];
the amount of danger must be considered to measure the amount of a naval peace establishment, [508];
remarks of Mr. Hamlin on abuses in the navy, [509];
enormous increase in the number of officers of the navy, [509];
items of extravagance, [509];
Hale's remarks on the abuses in the navy expenditures, and the irresponsibility of officers, [509];
excess of navy-yards, [509];
no results attended the movement, [509].
See Index, vol. I.
"Experiment," the staple word of distress oratory, [16].
Explosion of the Great Gun.—Excursion on board the Princeton, [567];
the company, [567];
the day, [567];
the guns of the vessel, [567];
trip down the Potomac, [567];
the firing, [568];
the President called back as he was about to witness it, [568];
the explosion, [568];
the fatal results, [568];
the effect on Col. Benton of the concussion, [569].
F
Featherstonhaugh, Mr., remarks on the results of the Ashburton Treaty, [423].
Ficklin, Orlando, on the appropriation for the military academy, [468].
Fillmore, Millard, on the veto of the provisional tariff, [415];
candidate for Vice-President, [722];
elected, [723];
his inauguration as President, [767];
first official act, [767];
public funeral of Gen. Taylor, [763].
Florida Armed Occupation Bill.—Armed occupation, with land to the occupant, is the true way of settling and holding a conquered country, [167];
fashion to depreciate the services of the troops in Florida, [168];
besides their military labors, our troops have done an immensity of service of a different kind, [168];
the military have done their duty, and deserved well of their country, [169];
the massacre on the banks of the Calvosahatchee, [169];
the plan of Congress has been tried and ended disastrously, [169];
we have to choose between granting the means, or doing nothing, [170];
Florida cannot be abandoned, [170];
it is the armed settler alone whose presence announces dominion, [170];
this is the most efficient remedy, [171];
the peninsula is a desolation, [171].
Florida Indian War.—See Indian War.
Florida and Iowa, admission of, [660];
admitted by a single bill, [660];
arose from the antagonistic provisions on the subject of Slavery, [660];
free and slave States thus numerically even, [660].
See Index, vol. I.
Foreign Missions, Reduction of.—Moved to strike from the appropriation bill the salaries of some missions, [305];
question how far the House had a right to interfere with these missions, and control them by withholding compensation, [305];
"the appointment of ministers gives them certain vested rights," [305];
idea of vested rights scouted, [306];
time to inquire into their propriety when voting the salaries, [306];
remarks of Mr. Ingersoll, [306];
resolution of Mr. Adams to reduce the expenditures by reducing the number of ministers, [306];
the subject should be pursued, and the object accomplished, [306];
many branches belong to the inquiry, [306].
Forsyth, John, Secretary of State, [9];
decease of, [659];
career of honor, [659];
connection with Crawford, [659];
rank as a debater, [659];
in social life, [659].
Forward, Walter, Secretary of the Treasury, [356].
Franklin, Walter S., elected Clerk, [29].
Frazer, Mr., on the nomination of Van Buren, [593].
Frelinghuysen, Theodore, candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1844, [625].
French, B. B., chosen Clerk of the House, [656];
chosen clerk, [703].
Fremont, John C.—His first expedition to the Rocky Mountains, [478];
how it came about, [478];
Senator Linn moves the printing of the report of this expedition, [478];
remarks upon the objects and results of the expedition [478]-479.
Second Expedition.—Its grand results, [579];
not an offspring of the Government, [579];
countermanded after it began, [579];
his wife retains the countermanding order, and the expedition goes forward, [579];
her conduct approved by her father, [579];
occasion of countermanding the expedition, [579];
object of the expedition, [580];
maps up to that time, [580];
crossing the mountains, [580];
progress south, [581];
discoveries, [581];
return of Fremont, [581].
Third Expedition.—When commenced, [688];
the line of observation, [688];
start for Oregon, [689];
overtaken by two men, [689];
a messenger from the Government, [689];
turns towards California, [689];
the night of the interview, [690];
attack of savages, [690];
succeeding events, [690];
arrival in the Valley of Sacramento, [691];
three great operations going on, [691];
deputation of American settlers, [691];
approach of Castro, [691];
California secured as an independent country, [691];
efforts of Great Britain to secure the country, [692];
how the prize escaped them, [692];
remarks, [692].
Court Martialled.—Brought home a prisoner from his third expedition, [715];
speech of Lieut. Emory, [715];
his offence in the eyes of officers of the army, [716];
specifications of mutiny, [716];
justice to Gen. Kearney, [716];
the gravamen of the charge, [717];
proof of his innocence derived from the journals of Kearney's officers, [717];
statement of Carson, [718];
result of the trial, [718];
course of the President, [719];
resignation of Fremont, [719].
Fourth Expedition.—Undertaken at his own expense, [719];
the line of exploration, [719];
the march on foot, [719];
error of the guide, [720];
terrors of their situation, [720];
extricated by the aid of Indians, [720];
a new outfit obtained, [721];
march, [721];
meeting hostile Indians, [721];
subsequent explorations, [721].
G
Gallatin, Albert, on the quantity of gold and silver in Europe and America, [388].
See Index, vol. I.
Gardiner, Mr., killed on board the Princeton, [568].
Gilmer, Thomas W., against the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [258];

against the abrogation of the compromise, [309];
killed on board the Princeton, [568];
his letter relative to Texas, [581].
Gilpin, Henry D., Attorney General, [9].
Girard, Stephen, memorial of, [181].
Globe Newspaper superseded.—A visit to Mr. Polk, [651];
condition on which he could receive the vote of South Carolina, [651];
Mr. Blair and the Globe were to be given up, [651];
to whom obnoxious, [651];
position of Mr. Tyler, [651];
withdraws, [651];
reason, [651];
$50,000 transferred from a bank in Philadelphia to a village bank in the interior of Pennsylvania, [651];
letters to Andrew Jackson Donnelson, [651];
proposition of Mr. Polk to Mr. Blair, [652];
letter of General Jackson to Mr. Blair, [652];
the Globe sold, [654];
letter of Mr. Van Buren to Mr. Rives, [654];
payment for the Globe, [655];
see Index, vol. I.
Gouge, William, on the quantity of gold and silver, [389].
Graham, William A., Secretary of the Navy, [768].
Grundy, Felix, Attorney-General, [9].
Granger, Francis, Postmaster General, [209];
on the course of Mr. Cushing, [514].
H
Hale, John P., on abuses in the navy, [509];
on the home squadron, [575]-576.
Hall, Nathan K., Postmaster General, [768].
Hamlin, Hannibal, on abuses in the navy, [509].
Hannegan, Edward A., on the Oregon question, [663]-664.
Haralson, H. A., on the appropriation for the military academy, [468].
Harrison, William H., candidate for the Presidency, [204];
meeting of the Senate, [209];
oath administered to the Vice-President, [209];
scene in the chamber, [209];
the eastern portico, [209];
the inaugural, [209];
the oath administered, [209];
cabinet nominations confirmed, [209];
proclamation convoking an extra session of Congress, [209];
sickness of Harrison, [210];
death, [210];
character, [210];
public manifestations, [210];
origin of the family, [210];
Benton's remarks on Harrison, [210];
his fidelity to public trust, [216].
Harrison, Mrs., widow of President H.—Bill for the relief of, introduced, [257];
to indemnify the President for his expenses in the Presidential election, and in removing to the seat of government, [257];
words of the bill, [257];
motives on which the bill had been founded, explained by J. Q. Adams, [258];
vehement opposition to the principle of the bill, [258];
reasons of Mr. Payne, of Ala., for voting against the bill, [258];
a precedent which might hereafter be strained and tortured, [259];
remarks of Mr. Underwood, [259];
passage of the bill in the House, [259].
In the Senate, remarks of Mr. Calhoun on the bill, [259],
"this is no new thing, [260];
the enormous pension-list of the government, [260];
no part of the constitution authorizes such an appropriation," [260];
remarks of Senator Woodbury, [260];
first application of a pension to a civil officer likely to succeed, [260];
protest against any legislation based upon our sympathies, [260];
claim did not come from the family of General Harrison, but from persons who had advanced money for the purposes stated in the bill, [260];
moved to recommit the bill, [260];
amendments proposed so as to secure the money to the widow, [260];
motion to recommit lost, [261];
Benton's remarks in reply to the argument founded on the alleged poverty of General Harrison, [261];
the poverty of Jefferson, Monroe, Madison, [261];
bill passed, [262].
Speech of Senator Benton on the bill, [262];
a bill to make a grant of money, [262];
first case of the kind on the statute-book, [262];
it was said at the last session that a new set of books was to be opened, [263];
the federal constitution differs fundamentally from those of the States, [263];
it is said this is a payment in hand, [263];
by the constitution, the persons who fill offices are to receive a compensation for their services, [264];
it is in vain to look to general clauses of the constitution, [264];
gentlemen refuse to commit themselves on the record, [265].
Hayne, Robert Y., his gifts, [186];
appearance, [186];
mental qualities, [186];
talents, [186];
exemplary morals, [186];
habits, [186];
position in South Carolina, [187];
marriage, [187];
becomes member of Congress, [187];
associates, [187];
estimate put upon him, [187];
his debate with Webster, [187];
remarks, [187];
assistance of Mr. Calhoun, [188];
retires from the Senate, [188];
subsequent occupation, [188].
See Index, vol. I.
Haywood, William H., on the Oregon question, [662].
Henshaw, David, nomination rejected in the Senate, [630].
Hickman, Mr., on the nomination of Van Buren, [592].
Home Squadron and Aid to Private Steam Lines.—Reasons for the home squadron of Great Britain, [271];
United States has no need of a home squadron, [271];
Great Britain had one, therefore we must, [271];
bill passed, [271];
reasons given for it, [271];
appropriation made in gross, [272];
objected to, [272];
contrary to democratic practice, which required specific appropriations, [272];
an increase of the navy in disguise, [272];
comparative statement of expenses of the navy, [272];
statement of the French and British navies, [273];
the railroad and electric telegraph have opened a new era in defensive war, [273];
bill passed in the house almost unanimously, [273];
recommendation relative to ocean steamers, [273];
a useless waste of money, [273].
Resolution to inquire into the origin, use and expense of the home squadron, [575];
remarks of Mr. Hale, [575];
"indebted to the present administration for a home squadron, [575];
said to be necessary for protecting the coasting trade, [575];
we need not such a navy as Great Britain," [575];
remarks of Mr. J. Ingersoll, [575];
in favor of retrenchment and economy, but the process ought to begin in the civil and diplomatic department, [575];
the army and the navy the two great objects of wasteful expenditure, [575];
reply of Mr. Hale to those who, without offering a word in favor of this domestic squadron, were endeavoring to keep it up, [576];
no result followed, [576];
remarks of Mr. Dean on this item in the appropriation bill, [577];
more ships built and building than can be used, and three times as many officers as can be employed, [577];
remarks of Mr. McKay, [577];
the illegality and wastefulness admitted, [577];
but the money has been earned by work and labor, [577];
the abuse sanctioned, [577];
a powerful combined interest pushes forward an augmented navy without regard to any object but its own interest, [577].
Hour Rule in the House.—Institution of, [247];
permanent injury done in order to get rid of temporary annoyance, [247];
such an anomaly never seen in a deliberative assembly, [248];
the English remedy for license in debate, [248];
the first instance of enforcing this new rule, [248];
described, [248];
same thing undertaken in the Senate, [249];
reason, [249];
numerous amendments offered to bills, [249];
the opposition speakers, [249];
Clay's remark on the anxiety of the country for action, [250];
sharp reply of Calhoun, [250];
a succession of contradictory asseverations, [250];
question asked of Clay if he meant to apply to the Senate the "gag law," [251];
resolution of the democratic Senators, [251];
taunts of Calhoun, [251];
determination of Clay, [251];
remarks of Senator Linn, [252];
subject dropped and revived again, [252].
Another measure to be introduced, [252];
the previous question, [253];
issue made up, to introduce and to oppose it, [253];
remarks of Mr. Benton on the effect of the previous question, [253];
the previous question annihilates legislation, [254];
the previous question and the old sedition law are measures of the same character, [254];
change of tone in Mr. Clay, [255];
intimation of going into executive session, [255];
hesitation, [255];
friends of the measure dared by Mr. Calhoun, [255];
remarks of Senator Linn on the words of Mr. Clay, [256];
executive session, [256];
an explanation by Mr. Calhoun relative to the declaration of war, in 1812, [256];
further taunts, [257];
loan bill taken up, [257].
Hubbard, Samuel D., Postmaster General, [768].
Hunter, R. M. T., elected Speaker, [160].
Huntington, Jabez W., on making salt free of duty, [315].
I
Independent Treasury.—The crowning measure of the extra session, [39];
vehement opposition, [39];
the divorce of bank and state, [39];
attitude of Mr. Calhoun, [40];
taunts upon him, [40];
his reply, [40];
proposes to discontinue the use of bank paper in the receipts and disbursements of the government, [40];
his remarks, [40];
divorce of bank and state treated as a divorce of the bank from the people, [41];
Webster's main argument for a bank, [41];
regulator of the currency and the domestic exchanges, [41];
the founders of the bank never thought of such arguments for its establishment, [41];
the discussion, [41];
remarks, [42].
Consists of two distinct parts, [124];
1st, keeping the public money—2d, the hard money currency in which they were to be paid, [124];
a bill reported, [124];
hard money section added to the bill, [124];
struck out, [124];
bill opposed by Mr. Calhoun, [124];
reasons, [124];
passed the Senate and lost in the House, [125].
Repeal of, [219];
No. 1 in the list of bills, [219];
no substitute provided, [219];
motion to exclude the bank of the U.S., [220]; vote, [220];
speech of Senator Benton, [220];
"artifices used against the independent treasury," [220];
French explanation of the vote, [221];
artifices exposed, [221];
what constitutes the independent treasury system, [221];
the advocate of British systems, [222];
history of our fiscal agents, [222];
proved by experience to be the safest, cheapest, and best mode of collecting, keeping, and disbursing the revenue, [223];
no other system provided in its place, [223];
who demands the repeal of this system, [224];
this system was established by the will of the people, [225];
the spirit which pursues the measure, [225];
the deposits may go to the bank of the United States, [226];
laudations of Biddle, [227];
the State charter made no difference in the character or management of the bank, [227];
the conduct of those who refused a re-charter was wise and prudent, [228];
further remarks, [228].
Good effects of a gold and silver currency during the war, [726];
Government bills above par and every loan taken at a premium, [726];
triumph of the gold currency, [726].
Indian War in Florida.—One of the most troublesome, expensive, and unmanageable of Indian wars, [70];
its continuance and cost, [70];
its origin, [70];
one of flagrant and cruel aggression on the part of the Indians, [70];
the murder by a party under Osceola, [70];
other massacres, [70];
escape of a soldier of Dade's command, [70];
the struggle, [70];
the slaughter, [71];
misrepresentation of the origin and conduct of the war, [72];
speech of Mr. Benton, [72].
Charged that a fraud was committed on the Indians in the treaty negotiated with them for their removal, [72];
affixed to the Payne's Landing treaty, [72];
afterwards transferred to the Fort Gibson treaty, [72];
the posts, [72], [73];
pretexts and excuses of the Indians for not removing, [73];
their real object, [73];
the agreement with the Creeks, [73];
article four of the treaty, [73];
extract from the treaty at Fort Gibson, [74];
how stands the accusation? 74;
every thing was done that was stipulated for, done by the persons who were to do it, and done in the exact manner agreed upon, [74];
proved that no fraud was practised upon the Indians, [75];
moderation with which the United States acted, [75];
statement of Lieut. Harris, [75];
hostile proceedings not expected by the Government, [75];
the prime mover in all this mischief, [76];
our sympathies particularly invoked for him, [76];
statements tending to disparage the troops, answered, [76];
great error and great injustice in these imputations, [76];
reason why the same feats are not performed in Florida as in Canada, [77];
eight months in the year military exertions are impossible, [77];
conduct of the army in Florida, [77];
charges of inefficiency against Gen. Jesup, [78];
of imbecility, [78];
with how much truth and justice is this charge made? [78];
his vindication, [78];
a specific accusation against the honor of this officer, [79];
justification of the seizure of Osceola, [79];
he had broken his parole, [79];
he had violated an order in coming in, with a view to return to the hostiles, [79];
he had broken a truce, [79];
the expediency of having detained him, [80];
complaint of the length of time Gen. Jesup has consumed without bringing the war to a conclusion, [80];
his essential policy, [81];
the little said to be expected by his large force, [81];
false information given to the Indians, [81];
remarks respecting his predecessors, [81];
the expenses of the war, [82];
concluding remarks, [82].
Ingersoll, Charles J., on the administration in the McLeod case, [287];
moves the reduction of certain missions, [305];
on the repeal of the compromise tariff, [310];
on the home squadron, [575].
Iowa and Florida, admission of, [660].
J
Jackson, Gen., refunding his fine.—Fined at New Orleans in the winter of 1814-'15 for contempt of court, [499];
paid under protest, [499];
Senator Linn brings in a bill for refunding the fine, [499];
letter of Gen. Jackson to him on receiving notice of the bill, [500];
Jackson would only receive it on the ground of an illegal exaction, [500];
the recourse to martial law vindicated, [500];
the measures could not be relaxed which a sense of danger had dictated, [501];
reasons given at the time against the fine, [501];
proceedings of the court, [502];
bill passed both Houses, [502].
See Index, vol. I.
Jefferson, Thomas, his views on the surrender of fugitive criminals, [445].
See Index, vol. I.
Jesup, Gen., conduct of, the Florida war, [78].
Johnson, R. M., a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, [204].
Johnson, Cave, on the appropriation for the military academy, [567];
on naval expenditures, [507];
Postmaster General, [650].
Johnson, Reverdy, on the Oregon question, [665];
Attorney General, [737].
Jones, John W., candidate for Speaker, [160];
chosen Speaker, [565].
K
Kendall, Amos, Postmaster General, [9].
Kennedy, John P., Secretary of the Navy, [768].
Kennon, Commodore, killed on board the Princeton, [568].
King, Thomas B., on the previous question, [253];
reports a bill for a home squadron, [271];
on exempting salt from duty, [315];
on the committee on the bank bill, [335].
L
Legare, Hugh S., Attorney General, [356].
Linn, Louis F., opposition to the hour rule, [252], [256];
on the disturbance in the Senate galleries, [352];
in favor of the Oregon settlement bill, [472].
Remarks on his decease by Senator Benton, [485];
birth, [485];
parentage, [485];
education, [485];
honors, [484];
character, [486];
talents, [486];
amiable qualities, [486];
character in party times, [486];
remarks of Senator Crittenden, [487];
introduces a bill to refund the fine of Gen. Jackson, [500].
London Bankers' Circular.—On assumption of State debts, [171].
M
Madison, James, on the dangers to the Union, [132];
his views on the subject of disunion, [786].
Magoffin, James, conducts Gen. Kearney and troops to New Mexico, [683].
Mallory, Francis, on the coast survey, [488].
Mangum, Willie P., opposes the repeal of the pension act of 1837, [266].
Map of the original North-eastern boundary, [423].
Marcy, William L., Secretary of War, [650];
answer to the interrogatories of an anti-slavery meeting, [775].
Mason, John G., Secretary of the Navy, [569];
Attorney General, [650].
Maxey, Virgil, killed on board the Princeton, [568].
McDowell, James, remarks on the decease of John Quincy Adams, [708].
McDuffie, James, on the Oregon country, [471].
McKay, James J., on the appropriation for the home squadron, [272];
on the appropriation for the military academy, [467].
McKeon, John, on the Chinese Mission, [511].
McKinley, John, Judge of the Supreme Court, [9].
McLean, John, declines the secretaryship of war, [356].
McLeod, the case of, [282].
Meredith, William M., Secretary of the Treasury, [737].
Merrick, William D., on the disturbance in the Senate gallery, [352].
Merriweather, James A., on reduction of navy pay and expenses, [482];
on the Chinese mission, [511].
Military Department.—The progress of expenses of the army, [404];
comparative view presented by Mr. Calhoun, [404];
extract, [404];
cost of each man, at different periods, in the service, [405];
Adams proposes retrenchment in the army and navy, [405];
extract, [405].
Military Academy.—The instincts of the people have been against this academy ever since it took its present form, [466];
all efforts to abolish it are instantly met by Washington's recommendation of it, [466];
Washington never saw such an institution as shelters under his name, [466];
attack upon the institution by moving to strike out the appropriation for its support, [467];
remarks of Mr. McKay in defence of it, [467];
points shown by him, [467];
remarks of Mr. Johnson against the bill, [467];
remarks of Mr. Haralson in favor, [468];
remarks of Mr. Ficklin against it, [468];

Mr. Black proposes an amendment that the cadets be compelled to serve ten years, [468].
See Index, vol. I.
Miller, Mr., moves the nomination of Van Buren, [592].
Missouri Compromise.—Message of President Polk, [712].
Morton, Marcus, on the adoption of the two-thirds rule in the democratic convention, [591].
Mutiny on board the brig Somers.
See Somers.
N
Napoleon, his ideas of the art of war, [572].
Naval Academy.—Remarks, [571];
instructions of Virginia to her Senators in 1799, [572];
the Great Emperor's idea of the whole art of war, [572];
remark of Alison the historian, [573];
the lesson taught by the war of 1812, [573];
officers now made in schools, whether they have any vocation for the service or not, [573];
the finest naval officers the world over saw were bred in the merchant service, [574];
no naval victory of Great Britain over France had the least effect on the war, [574];
commerce wants no protection from men-of-war, except from piratical nations, [574].
Naval Pension System.—Annual bill for these pensions on its passage, [265];
abuse introduced by the act of 1837, [265];
four things done by that act, [265];
absorbed and bankrupted the fund, [266];
manner of the passage of this act, [266];
its power to resist correction, [266];
amendment moved to repeal the act of 1837, [266];
debate, [266];
lost, [267];
character of the vote, [267];
difference in the two parties always the same without regard to their name, [267].
Calhoun's remarks on confining all future pensioners to the act of 1800, &c., [267];
"the act of 1837 was not only inexpedient, but something much worse, [267];
it is proposed to introduce new and extraordinary principles into our pension list, [268];
object of the amendment to correct a monstrous abuse," [268];
remarks of Mr. Pierce on the abuses to which the pension law gave rise, [168].
Adams asks who were the authors of the act of 1837, [269];
reply of Mr. Thomas, [269];
manner in which the bill passed the House, [269];
losses sustained by the action of the House, [270];
the debates show in what manner legislation can be carried on under the silencing process of the previous question, [270];
no branch of the public service requires the reforming and retrenching hand of Congress more than the naval, [270];
its cost, [270];
fallen chiefly under the management of members from the sea-coast, [270];
compared with Great Britain, [271].
Nelson, John, Attorney General, [569].
Niles, John M., on the surrender of the deposits, [36].
North and South.—The working of the government on the two great Atlantic sections, [131];
complained of as unequal and oppressive, [131];
history of the complaint, [131];
commercial conventions at Augusta and Charleston, [131];
distribution of foreign imports before the Revolutionary war, [131];
in 1821, [131];
the difference, [131];
effects, [132];
points of complaint, [131];
foundation for them, [132];
remark of Madison, [132];
remedy proposed by the conventions, [133];
the point on which Southern discontent arose, [133];
separation as a remedy, [133].
O
Oregon.—Carrying and planting the Anglo-Saxon race on the shores of the Pacific took place at this time, [468];
an act of the people going forward without government aid or countenance, [469];
the action of the government was to endanger our title, [469];
first step of the treaty of joint occupation in 1818, [469];
the second false step, the extension of the treaty, [469];
third blunder, in omitting to settle it in the Ashburton treaty, [469];
fourth blunder, the recommendations of President Tyler to discountenance emigration by withholding land from the emigrants, [469];
the people saved the title thus endangered, [469];
a thousand emigrants in 1842, [469];
government attempts to discourage and Western members to encourage it, [469];
Senator Linn introduces a bill for the purpose, [469];
its provisions, [469];
remarks, [470];
McDuffie's remarks to show the worthlessness of the country, [471];
Calhoun opposes it on the ground of infractions of the treaty and danger of war—the difficulty and danger of defending a possession so remote, [471];
his course when Secretary of War, [472].
Senator Linn's remarks in reply, [472];
the effect of temporizing in Maine, [473];
losses of our citizens by ravages of Indians, [473];
backwardness to protect our own citizens contrasted with the readiness to expend untold amounts to protect our citizens engaged in foreign commerce, or to guard the freedom of the African negro, [473];
it is asked, why not give notice to terminate the treaty? [474].
Remarks of Mr. Benton on the clause allotting land, [474];
actual colonization going on at Columbia river, attended by every circumstance that indicated ownership and the design of a permanent settlement, [474];
our title, [475];
answer of the President to the call for the "informal conferences" which had taken place on the subject, [476];
the north bank of the Columbia river, the object of the British, [476];
bill passed, [477];
bill sent to the House, [477];
the effect intended to encourage settlers produced, [477];
a colony planted and grew up, [477];
it saved the territory, [477].
All agree that the title is in the United States, [479];
a division on the point of giving offence to England by granting the land to our settlers, [479];
has she a right to take offence? 479;
the fear of Great Britain is pressed upon us at the same time her pacific disposition is enforced and insisted on, [480];
remarks of Ashburton, showing a want of inclination in the British Government to settle the Creole case, [480];
the objection of distance examined, [481];
also that of expense examined, [481];
another objection, the land clause, [481];
time is invoked as the agent which is to help us, [481];
time and negotiation have been bad agents for us in our controversies with Great Britain, [482].
Conventions of 1818 and 1828 provided for the joint occupation of the countries, [624];
impropriety of such engagements, [624];
motion to give notice to terminate the joint occupation, [625];
arguments in opposition, [625];
the talk of war alarmed the commercial interest, and looked upon the delivery of the notice as the signal for a disastrous depression of foreign trade, [625];
motion for the notice lost, [625];
omitted in the Ashburton treaty, [660];
references to the subject, [660];
taken up by Mr. Calhoun, and conducted in the only safe way of conducting negotiations, [661];
the negotiations come to a stand, [661];
declaration of the President's message, [661];
feeling in England, [661];
negotiations recommended by us as a means of avoiding war, [662];
the offer of 49° withdrawn, [662];
meeting of Congress and debate on the subject, [662].
Speech of Mr. Hayward on the line of 49° as the correct line, [662];
"the course pursued by the President in his offer, [662];
nothing improper in his repeating it, [662];
under no necessity to refuse the line of 49° if offered," [663];
his speech expressive of the sentiments of the President, [663];
a demand made of him if he expressed the views of the President, [663];
a call to order, [664];
remarks on the President's position from the extreme members, [665];
advantages of concurring in the line of 49° if offered, [665];
the merits of the question discussed, [666].
Speech of Mr. Benton, [667];
"the true extent and nature of our territorial claims beyond the Rocky Mountains," [667];
the assumption that we have a dividing line with Russia is a great mistake, [667];
circumstances of the convention of 1824, [667];
Great Britain and ourselves treated separately with Russia and with each other, [668];
we proposed that fifty-four forty should be the northern boundary for Great Britain, [668];
the line of Utrecht, [669];
items of testimony, [669], [670];
note, containing a letter of Edward Everett, [671];
Frazer's River, [671];
Harmon's Journal, [671];
New Caledonia, [671];
ground taken by Mr. Monroe, [672];
their action, [672];
notice to terminate the joint occupation voted, [673];
amended in the Senate, [674];
character of the vote, [674].
Negotiations renewed, [674];
49° offered by England, [674];
quandary of the administration, [674];
advice of the Senate asked, [674];
a message with a projet of a treaty, sent in upon the advice of Senator Benton, [675];
extract, [675];
treaty or no treaty depended on the Senate, [676];
advice of the Senate given in favor of 49°, [676];
treaty sent in, [676];
ratified, [667];
daily attack of the organ upon the Senators who were accomplishing the wishes of the President, [676];
Mr. Benton assailed, [677];
remarks, [677].
On the bill for the Oregon territorial government, Mr. Calhoun makes trial of his new doctrine, [711];
proofs of his support of the Missouri Compromise, [711];
motion of Mr. Hale, [711];
motion of Mr. Douglas, [711];
vote of Mr. Calhoun on it, [711];
bill passes both Houses, [712];
excitement of Mr. Calhoun, [712];
invocation to disunion, [712];
special message on the slavery agitation, [712];
extract, [712].—See slavery agitation.
Osceola, capture of, [79].
P
Pairing off, when first exhibited, [178];
a breach of the rules of the House, [178];
violation of the constitution, [178];
rebuked by J. Q. Adams, [178];
now a common practice, [178];
the early practice, [178];
leave always asked and obtained, [178].
Palmerston, Lord, his boldness, [285].
Paper Money Payments.—Crisis in the struggle between paper money and gold, [406];
recourse had to treasury notes reissuable, [406];
the government paid two-thirds in these notes and one-third in specie, [406];
Mr. Benton determines to resist, [406];
has protested a check drawn for compensation for a few days as Senator, [406];
his speech, [406];
"time come when every citizen will have to decide for himself, [407];
Hampden's resistance of the payment of ship money, [407];
there is no dispute about the fact, and the case is neither a first nor a solitary one, [407];
a war upon the currency of the constitution has been going on for many years, [408];
the remedy of the present disgraceful state of things is the point now to be attended to, [408];
here is a forced payment of paper, money, [408];"
offers a resolution, [408].
Payne, Mr., against the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [258].
Pickens, F. W., on the repeal of the compromise tariff, [310].
Pierce, Franklin, on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [260];
on the abuses of the Pension Act, [268].
Poinsett, Joel R., Secretary at War, [9].
Polk, James K., chosen Speaker of the House, [29];
elected President, [625].
Administration, the longest address of the kind yet delivered, [649];
our title to Oregon asserted as clear and indisputable, [649];
the return voice from London equally positive on the other side, [650];
the cabinet, [650];
neither Mr. Calhoun nor any of his friends would take office under the administration, [650];
circumstances affecting the formation of the cabinet, [650];
message, [657];
Texas the leading topic, [657];
position of Mexico and the United States, [657];
causes of war against Mexico from injuries to our citizens, [657];
treaty of indemnity never complied with, [658];
the mission to Mexico, and the consequences of its failure, [658].
Negotiations relative to Oregon had come to a dead stand, [658];
state of the case, [658];
the finances and public debt, [658];
revision of the tariff recommended, [659];
revenue the object and protection to home industry the incident, [659].
Message at second session of the twenty-ninth Congress, [677];
greatly occupied with the Mexican war, [677];
the real beginning of the war, [678];
the conquered provinces governed under the law of nations, [678];
Mr. Benton's plan of conducting the war adopted, [678];
to carry the war straight to the city of Mexico, [678];
a higher rank than Major-General required to execute this plan, [678];
negotiation a part of the plan, [678];
Lieutenant-Generalship proposed, [678];
defeated in the Senate by Marcy, Walker, and Buchanan, [679];
overrules his cabinet relative to the conduct of the war with Mexico, [693].
His message at first session of the thirteenth Congress, [703];
gratifying intelligence to communicate, [703];
commissioner sent with the army, [704];
operations of a female to secure the absorption of Mexico and the assumption of her debts, [704];
extract from the message relative thereto, [704];
do. relative to the absorption of a part of Mexico, [704];
return to the line rejected from the message at a former session, [705];
reason, [705];
a wish of the slave interest, [705];
expenses of the government, [705];
the good working of the independent treasury system, [705];
special message on the slavery agitation, [712];
extract, [712].
Last message, [724];
extract relative to the Mexican war, [724];
remarks, [724];
extension of the Missouri Compromise recommended, [724];
various parties on the subject, [725];
finances, [725];
expenditures, [725];
decease of, [737];
first President put on the people without previous indication, [737];
faults of the administration, the faults of his cabinet, [737];
his will, [738];
the Mexican war, [738];
acquisition of Mexico, [738].
Porter, Alexander.—Decease of, [569];
eulogium by Col. Benton, [569];
early life, [569];
lawyer in lower Mississippi, [570];
Senator, [570];
his example, [570];
remarks, [571].
Porter, Commodore.—Decease of, [491];
his career—an illustration of the benefits of the cruising system, [491];
ardor for the service, [492];
the Essex frigate, [492];
her cruise towards the Grand Banks, [492];
capture of the Alert, [492];
cruise to Brazil, [493];
cruise in the Pacific Ocean, [493];
Valparaiso, [493];
prizes taken, [494], [495], [496];
capture of the Essex, [497];
end of the cruise, [498];
incidents of Porter's personal history, [498];
resignation, [498];
cause, [498];
features of his character, [499].
Porter, James Madison.—Secretary at war, [579].
Presidency.—Bold intrigue for. See Texas annexation.
Presidential election of 1840.—The candidates, [204];
availability sought for by the opposition, [204];
Clay not available, [204];
submits himself to a convention, [204];
rule of the convention, [204];
the process, [204];
an embittered contest foreseen, [205];
influence of the money power, [205];
mode of operating, [205];
inducements addressed to the people, [205];
mass conventions, [205];
one at Dayton, Ohio, [205];
description, [206];
election carried by storm, [206];
result, [206];
belief of fraudulent votes, [207].
of 1844.—The candidates, [625];
the votes, [625];
the popular vote, [625];
causes of the difference in the popular vote, [626];
aid of Silas Wright, [626];
aid from the withdrawal of Mr. Tyler, [626].
of 1848.—Proceedings of the Baltimore convention, [722];
difficulties in the convention, [722];
the candidates, [722];
a third convention at Buffalo, [723];
three principles laid down, [723];
remarks on the unfortunate acceptance of Van Buren, [723];
result, [723];
its moral, [724].
Public Lands.—New States bound by contract not to interfere with the primary disposition of the public lands, nor to tax them while remaining unsold, nor for five years thereafter, [125].
The Graduation Bill, [126];
proposed for twelve years, [126];
reduction of price the principal feature, [126];
favorable auspices under which the bill comes, [126];
its original provisions, [126];
a measure emphatically for the benefit of the agricultural interest, [126];
bill passed in the Senate and failed in the House, [126].
Pre-emptive system, [127];
to secure the privilege of first purchase to the settler on any lands, [127];
moved to exclude unnaturalized foreigners from its benefits, [127];
remarks of Senator Benton, [127];
it proposes to make a distinction between aliens and citizens in the acquisition of property, [127];
who are the aliens it was proposed to affect, [127];
motion rejected, [127];
bill passed, [127].
Taxation of Public Land when sold.—Early sales on credit, [127];
time of exemption from taxation, [128];
change in 1821 to the cash system, [128];
modifications proposed, [128];
bill passed the Senate, [128].
Preston, William, on the annexation of Texas, [94];
on the slavery resolutions, [139].
Preston, William B., Secretary of the Navy, [737].
Princeton Steamship, explosion of her gun. (See explosion.)
Proffit, George H., His nomination rejected in the Senate [630].
R
Recess Committees, refusal of the House to allow.—The proposition, [304];
adopted, [304];
reconsideration moved, [304];
carried, [304];
laid on the table, [304];
a modification attempted, [304];
question raised on the words "to sit during recess," [305];
no warrant found in the constitution, [305];
practical reasons against it, [305];
laid on the table finally, [305].
Revolt in Canada.—Its commencement, [276];
and progress, [276];
excitement on the border line, [276];
steps taken by the President, [277];
the fidelity and sternness with which all these lawless expeditions were suppressed by Van Buren, [277];
he discharged all the duties required, [277];
neutral relations preserved in the most trying circumstances, [278];
whole affair over, but the difficulty revived by an unexpected circumstance, [278];
stand made by insurgents on Navy Island, [278];
supplies carried by a small steamboat, [278];
attacked and destroyed when moored to the American shore, [278];
affidavit of the captain, [278];
report of the British officer, [279];
adds the crimes of impressment and abduction to all the other enormities, [279];
state of the parties reversed, [279];
part of the United States now to complain, [279];
communication of Mr. Forsyth to Mr. Fox, [279];
message of President Van Buren to Congress, [279];
extracts, [279];
feeling in Congress, [280];

action of Congress, [280];
British government refrains from assuming the act, [280];
extract from Capt. Drew's report, [280];
reply of McNab to the letter of District Attorney Rogers, [280];
remarks of Mr. Fillmore on the reading of the letter, [281];
answer to our demand for redress, [281];
at near the close of Van Buren's administration the British government had not assumed the act of Capt. Drew, and had not answered for that act, [281];
inquiries in the House of Commons relative to it, [282];
an important event, [282];
arrest of McLeod, [282];
a demand from the British Minister for his release, [282];
extract, [282];
reply of the American Secretary, Mr. Forsyth, [283];
extract, [283];
British government takes its stand relative to the Caroline after the Presidential election of 1840, [283];
queries in the House of Commons, [284];
remarks of Mr. Hume, [284];
admission of Palmerston, [284];
testimony of McNab, [285];
remarks, [285];
triumph of Palmerston policy, [286];
finale of the case, [286];
proceedings in the case, [286];
action of the administration, [286];
discussion in the House on this action, [287];
remarks of Mr. Ingersoll, [287];
"this in its national aspect is precisely the same as if it had been perpetrated in a house," [287];
demand of the British, [287];
Mr. Fox's letter is a threatening one, [287];
a deplorable lapse from the position Mr. Webster first assumed, [288];
our position is false, lamentably false, [288];
never did man lose a greater occasion than Mr. Webster cast away, [288].
Success of the British Ministry in this experiment, [289];
another trial, [289];
Mr. Adams in defence of the administration, [289];
Mr. Cushing on the same side, [289];
remarks on their speeches, [290];
the case of the Poles and of the Hungarians, [290];
Butler's reply to Cushing, [290];
the fashion of the friends of Webster, [291].
Speech of Senator Benton, [291];
"the history of our country full of warning to those who take the side of a foreign country against their own, [291];
humiliating to see Senators of eminent ability consulting books to find passages to justify an outrage upon their own country, [292];
what is the case before us? [293];
a statement, [293];
further statement, [294];
a conclusive point settled, [294];
position of the British Ministry known on March 4th, [295];
action of the new administration, [295];
letter of Mr. Fox, [295];
instructions of Mr. Webster to the Attorney General, [295];
extract, [295];
proceedings of the Attorney General, [296];
duties of the Attorney General, [296];
the correctness and propriety of the answer given to Mr. Fox the main point in the case, [297];
the instructions erroneous in point of law, derogatory to us in point of character, and tending to the degradation of the republic, [298];
the law of nations, [298];
derogatory to our character, [299];
example of Walpole's foreign policy, [300];
the instructions to the Attorney General most unfortunate and deplorable, [300];
the letter to Mr. Fox from the Secretary of State, [301];
an unfortunate production, [301];
its faults fundamental and radical, [302];
abandonment of our claim, [302];
further remarks," 303, [304].
Rives, William C., in defence of the veto of the bank bill, [322];
on the disorder in the Senate gallery, [351]-352.
Rodgers, Commodore, decease of.—His appearance, [144];
hero, by nature, [144];
sketch of his life, [144];
American cruisers in the last war, [145];
views of the Government on the employment of the public vessels, [145];
Rodgers opinion, [146];
his naval exploits, [146];
his humanity, [147];
feelings at the death of Decatur, [147];
death, [148].
S
Salt.—Speech of Mr. Benton, [176];
perhaps the most abundant substance of the earth, [176];
the universality of the tax on it, [177];
a salt tax was not only politically, but morally wrong, [177];
a tax upon the entire economy of nature and art, [177];
determination to effect its repeal, [178].
Santa Anna.—His remark relative to Commander McKenzie.
His downfall.—His return expected to secure a peace with Mexico, [709];
the sword, and not the olive branch, returned to Mexico, [709];
capture of Mexico put an end to his career, [710];
in three months, the treaty signed, [710];
the acquisitions, [710];
the payments, [710];
a singular conclusion of the war, [710];
the treaty a fortunate event, [710];
manner in which those who served the Government fared, [711].
Saunders, Romulus M., moves the adoption of the two-thirds rule in the democratic convention, [591].
Schlosser, Harbor of the steamboat Caroline, [278].
Seward's, William H., answer to the interrogatories of an anti-slavery meeting, [776].
Slade, William, on abolition petitions, [150].
Slavery agitation, progress of.—Movements for and against slavery, in the session of 1837-'38, [134];
memorial from Vermont against the annexation of Texas, and for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, [134];
petitions, &c., [134];
little excuse, [134];
state of the case, [134];
residence of the petitioners, [134];
subject of the petitions disagreeable, [134];
leading to an inevitable separation of the States, [134];
remarks of Mr. Calhoun, [134];
question on the most judicious mode of treating these memorials, [135];
the course adopted, to lay the question of reception on the table, [135];
Calhoun endeavors to obtain, from the Senate, declarations which should cover all the questions of federal power over the institution of slavery, [135];
his resolutions, [135];
the fifth, [135];
the dogma of "no power in Congress to legislate upon the existence of slavery in territories," had not then been invented, [135];
reference to the Missouri Compromise line, [136];
Calhoun's remarks on this compromise, [136];
remarks, [136];
Clay's substitute, [137];
further proceedings, [137];
repugnance of the Senate to the movement, [138];
remarks of senators on the tendency of the resolutions to aggravate the excitement, [138];
justification of Calhoun, [139];
action of the Senate and the House, [140];
the important part of the debate, [140];
remarks on Calhoun's views of the Missouri Compromise, [140].
Remarks of Calhoun on the ordinance of 1787, in the Oregon bill, [141];
three propositions laid down by him, [141];
their conflict with the power exercised by Congress,
in the establishment of the Missouri Compromise, [141];
his views in the Cabinet, [141];
old writings produced, [141];
denial of Mr. Calhoun that Monroe's Cabinet was consulted on the subject, [142];
circumstances favoring the denial, [142];
views of Calhoun in 1820, in 1837-'38, and in 1847-'48, [142];
changes in his opinions on the constitutional power of Congress, [143];
remarks, [143];
records of the Department of State, [143].
In the House, a most angry and portentous debate, [150];
motion on the subject of petitions and memorials, [150];
manner in which it is advocated, [150];
course of Mr. Slade, [150];
suggestion of Legare, [150];
excited action of the House, [150];
further excitement, Wise requests his colleagues to retire with him, [151];
the invitation renewed by Rhett, [151];
McKay interposes the objection that heads Slade, [151];
question on leave taken, [152];
adjournment moved and carried, [152].
Invitation to Southern members to meet together, [152];
the meeting, [152];
result, [153];
amendment of the rules, [153];
vote, [153];
remarks, [154];
prominent members for the petitions, [154].
Abolitionists classified by Mr. Clay.—Speech of Mr. Clay, [154];
"the most judicious course to be pursued with abolition petitions, [154];
difference in the form of proceeding, [155];
three classes of persons opposed to the continued existence of slavery, [155];
the attempt to array one section of the Union against another, [155];
the means employed for the end, [156];
the spirit of abolitionism has displayed itself at three epochs of our history, [156];
further remarks, [156]."
Calhoun's resolutions, [696];
the real point of complaint, [696];
speech of Mr. Calhoun, [696];
extract, [696];
never voted upon, [697];
"firebrand," [697];
commencement of the slavery agitation founded upon the dogma of "no power in Congress to legislate upon slavery in the territories," [697];
position of Mr. Calhoun up to this time, [697];
further remarks, [697];
the resolutions characterized as nullification, [697].
Disunion letter of Mr. Calhoun to a member of the Alabama Legislature, [698];
disavows the design of a dissolution of the Union, and at the same time proves it, [698];
opening paragraph, [698];
"to force the issue," [698];
notices the act of the Pennsylvania Legislature, [698];
his secret views of the Wilmot proviso, [699];
measures of retaliation suggested, [699]; further extracts, [700];
a further feature in the plan of forcing the issue, [700];
a Southern Convention, [700];
the letter furnishes the key to unlock Calhoun's whole system of slavery agitation, [700].
Special message of President Polk, [712];
a delusive calculation, [713];
a new dogma invented, [713];
the slavery part of the Constitution extends itself to territories, [713];
broached by Mr. Calhoun, [713];
remarks, [714];
remarks of Mr. Calhoun on the Missouri case, [714];
his error exposed, [714];
passed by the South, [714];
remarks of Mr. Calhoun on the dissolution of the Union, [715];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [715].
Extension of the Constitution.—The territories without a government, [729];
motion of Mr. Walker of Wisconsin as an amendment to the appropriation bill, [729];
a disorderly motion, [729];
an amendment inserting an extension of the Constitution, [729];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [729];
reply of Mr. Calhoun, [730];
the Constitution made for States, not Territories, [731];
examination of Calhoun's position, [731];
debate takes a slavery turn, [732];
bill passed after midnight on the last day of the session, [732];
declining to vote, [732];
remarks, [732];
"forcing the issue," [733].
Nightly meetings of members from the slave States, [733];
Calhoun at the bottom of the movement, [733];
his manifesto superseded by a new address in the grand committee, [733];
replaced, [733];
changed from the original draft, [734];
saluted as the second Declaration of Independence, [734];
remarks, [734];
extracts, [734];
emancipation held to be certain, if not prevented, [735];
the means of prevention, [735];
takes the attitude of self-defence, [735];
further contents of the manifesto, [736];
last speech of Mr. Calhoun, [744];
read by Mr. Mason, [744];
first cause of the slavery disease, the ordinance of 1787, [744];
the second, the Missouri Compromise, [744];
third, slavery agitation, [744];
history of the agitation, [744];
process of disruption going on, [745];
successive blows required to snap the cords asunder, [745];
extract, [745];
the last cord, [746];
extracts, [746];
the remedy, [746].
Slaves, American, liberation of in British Colonies.—Three instances of this kind had occurred, [182];
details of each, [182];
redress obtained from Great Britain in the first two cases, [182];
resolution offered on the subject by Mr. Calhoun, [182];
can a municipal regulation of Great Britain alter the law of nations? [183];
Calhoun's argument, [183];
referred, [183].
Slaves, Fugitive.—History of the slave recovery clause, [773];
act of 1793, [773];
third section, [773];
a fair interpretation of the Constitution, [773];
the penal section, [774];
the law of Pennsylvania, [774], [777];
the act of New York, [775];
Marcy's reply to an anti-slavery meeting, [775];
Seward's reply to the interrogatories of the same meeting, [776];
sentence on a citizen of Maryland for recapturing his slave in Pennsylvania, [778];
decision of the Supreme Court, [778];
a bill reported on the subject of fugitive slaves, [778];
proviso in favor of a jury trial rejected, [779];
sentiments of Mr. Cass, [779];
further remarks, [780].
Smith, Gen. Samuel, decease of, [176];
forty years in Congress, [176];
industry, [176];
punctuality, [176];
characteristics, [176];
long life and service, [176].
Smith, William, declines the appointment of Judge of the Supreme Court, [9].
Somers, Brig, alleged Mutiny on Board.—Manner of entering the harbor of New York, [523];
astonishment of the public at the news, [523];
the vessel and her crew, [523];
how first communicated, [523];
ridicule the only answer first given, [524];
further relative to the first discovery, [524], [525];
means for arrest of the suspected, [525];
the arrest, [516];
treatment, [526];
evidences sought for, [527];
further arrests, [528];
the turning point of the case, [529];
suspicious circumstances, [530];
interrogatories, [530];
facts, [531];
treatment of the prisoners, [532];
the handspike sign, [532];
missing their muster, [533];
the African knife, [533];
the battle-axe alarm, [534];
letter of the commander to the officers, [534];
council of officers, [535];
testimony before the council, [535];
incidental circumstances, [536];
new arrests, [537];
the way in which three men were doomed to death, [537];
trial of Governor Wall at Old Bailey, [537];
further proceedings, [538], [539];
informing the prisoners of their fate, [540];
their conduct, [540], [541], [542], [543], [544], [545];
the executions, [546];
report of the confessions false upon its face, [547];
the cases of Small and Cromwell, [548];
death and innocence of the men, [549];
conclusion of the execution, [549];
speech of the commander, [550];
speech on the Sunday following, [551];
the letter in the Bible, [551];
four men in irons, [551];
interval after the execution, [552];
evidence of Gansevoort, [552];
conclusion of the report, [553];
the purser's steward, [554];
Sergeant Garty, [555];
the commander's clerk, [556];
recommendations for reward and promotion, [556];
proceedings of the court-martial, [557];
precipitation, [557];
the reason, [557];
the composition of the court, [558];
end of the prosecutions, [559].
The real design of Spencer, [559];
the case of Lieut. Col. Wall of the British service, [560];
subsequent career of Commander Mackenzie, [561];
remark of Santa Anna, [561];
the work of fourteen years, [561].
South Sea scheme, its origin, and pretensions, [378].
Specie circular, its issue, [14].
Spencer, John C., Secretary of War, [356];
Secretary of the Treasury, [569].
Strange, Robert, on the slavery resolutions, [139].
Stuart, A. H., on the veto of the provisional tariff, [415]; Secretary of the Interior, [768].
Supreme Court.—Its Judges, Clerk, Attorney Generals, Reporters, and Marshals, during the period from 1820, to 1850, [787].
T
Tappan, Benjamin, vindicates the martial law at New Orleans, [500];
statement of the declarations of Mr. Polk, relative to the mode of Texas annexation, [636].
Tariff, specific duties abolished by the Compromise.—Distinction between specific and ad valorem duties, [189];
statements relative to the practical operation of the ad valorem system, [189];
examples of injurious operation, [189];
losses in four years on three classes of staple goods, [189].
Sugar and Rum drawbacks, their abuse.—Motion for leave to bring in a bill to reduce the drawbacks allowed on sugar and rum, [190];
Benton's objections to the act of 1833, [190];
facts relative to the drawback on sugar, [191];
operation of the act on the sugar duties, [191];
tables, [191], [192];
effect of the compromise act on the article of rum, [193].
Fishing Bounties and their allowance.—Motion for leave to introduce a bill to reduce the fishing bounties, &c., [194];
it is asked whether these allowances are founded on the salt duty, and should rise or fall with it, [194];
proofs,— the original petition and acts of Congress, [194];
numerous acts referred to, [194], [195];
defects of the compromise act, [196];
mischiefs resulting from the act, [197];
the whole revenue of sugar, salt, and molasses, is delivered over annually to a few persons in the United States, [197];
amount taken under these bounties, [198].
Tariff Compromise, infringement of.—Errors of opinions respecting the act of 1833, [307];
agency of John M. Clayton and Robert P. Letcher, [307];
composed of two parts, [307];
neither lived out its allotted time, [307];
regulation of the tariff taken out of the hands of the Government by a coalition between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun, and a bill concocted as vicious in principle as it was selfish and unparliamentary in its conception and execution, [308];
foresight of the results, [308];
a cry of danger to the Union carried it, [308];
calls of the Secretary of the Treasury for loans, [308];
revenue expected under the reduced duties of the compromise on half what was needed, [308];
statement of Mr. Fillmore, [308];
proposed to abrogate the compromise, [309];
complaints of the opposition, [309];
remarks of Mr. Gilmer, [309];
the compromise contemplated only revenue duties, [309];
it is said the law is not binding, [309];
wait until sufficient information is obtained to enable us to act judiciously, [309];
Ingersoll's sarcastic taunts of the two chiefs of the compromise, [310];
Pickens' remarks against the abrogation of the compromise, [310];

passage of the new bill through the House, [311];
cost of collecting ad valorem duties, [311].
Bill in the Senate, [311];
Clay proposes to go on with the bill, [311];
Calhoun proposes to delay a few days, [311];
remarks, [311], [312];
remarks of Mr. Benton, [312];
the present occasion illustrated the vicious and debauching distribution schemes, [312];
motion to include sumach in the dutiable articles, [312];
remarks of Clay, [313];
reply of Calhoun, [313];
origin of the term Whig in this country, [314];
duty imposed on sumach, [315].
Proposed to make salt a free article, [315];
annihilate the American works engaged in the manufacture, [315];
affects two great portions of the community in a very different manner, [315];
the consumers of the domestic and the imported article, [315];
amount of revenue collected from salt, [316];
the whole system will have to be revised, [316];
the universality of its use is a reason for its taxation, [316];
vote on, [316];
a combination of interests has kept up the tax, [316];
amount of revenue from the duty, [316].
Moved to exempt tea and coffee, [316];
carried, [316];
bill passed on the general ground that the Government must have revenue, [316];
defect of the compromise in making no provision for the reduction of drawbacks on sugars, &c., [316];
attempts to amend and failure, [317];
carried in the present bill, [317];
the bounty to the fisheries claimed as a right, [317];
further remarks, [317].
Low state of the treasury and the credit of the Government, [413];
the result of three measures forced upon the previous administration by the opposition, and the aid of temporizing friends, [413];
these measures, the compromise act, the distribution of the surplus revenue, and the surrender of the land revenue to the States, [413];
remarks, [413];
a retributive justice in this calamitous visitation, [413];
it fell upon the authors of the measure, [413];
a provisional tariff passed, [414];
vetoed, [414];
reasons, [414];
remarks, [414];
deplorable condition of the administration, [414];
remarks of Fillmore on the endeavor of the President to get back, even temporarily, the land revenue, [415];
Stuart asserts that the land distribution bill was an intended part of the compromise from the beginning, [415];
extract, [415];
remarks of Carruthers, [416];
second bill, similar to the first, passed and vetoed, [416];
veto referred to a Committee of Thirteen, [416];
three reports, [416];
extract, [416];
the compromise and the land distribution were the stumbling-blocks, [417];
both sacrificed together, [417];
manner in which it was done, [417].
Taylor, Zachary, candidate for President, [722];
elected, [723];
his inauguration, [737];
his cabinet,—; his message, [740];
dangers of the Union, [740];
the claim of Texas, [740];
governments for the territories, [741];
reference to [741];
remark of Calhoun, [741];
Cuba, [741];
denunciation of unlawful expeditions, [741].
Decease of, [765];
occasion of his death, [765];
first President elected on a reputation purely military, [765];
deficiency of political wisdom, [765];
the Texas boundary, [765];
his death a public calamity, [765].
Texas, proposed annexation of.—Application of that republic, [94];
an insuperable objection, [94];
Texas was at war with Mexico, and to annex her was to annex the war, [94];
resolution for a legislative expression in favor of the measure, as a basis for a tripartite treaty, [94];
remarks of Mr. Preston, [94];
"the lead taken by Texas, [95];
all hostile purposes and ill-temper towards Mexico disavowed, [95];
the treaty of 1819 a great oversight, [95];
a mistake of the committee, [95];
it is supposed there is a sort of political impossibility resulting from the nature of things to effect the proposed union, [96];
there is no point of view in which any proposition for annexation can be considered, that any serious obstacle in point of form presents itself," [96];
resolution laid on the table, [97].
Presidential Intrigue.—Letter of Mr. Gilmer, in a Baltimore newspaper, urging immediate annexation as necessary to forestall the designs of Great Britain, [581];
these alleged designs, [581];
no signs, [581];
nothing in the position of Mr. Gilmer to make him a prime mover, [581];
a counterpart of the movement of Mr. Calhoun in the Senate of 1836, [582];
finger of Mr. Calhoun suspected, [582];
its progress, [582];
Webster inflexibly opposed, accosting of Aaron V. Brown, [582];
reply of Senator Benton, [582].
Letter from General Jackson in the Richmond Enquirer, [583];
history of this letter, [583];
Calhoun a candidate for the Presidency in 1841-2, [583];
annexation the issue, [583];
importance of the favor of General Jackson to secure the success of the scheme, [583];
manner of approaching him, [583];
its success, [584];
mediums of transmission of Gilmer's letter, [584];
Jackson's answer sent to Brown, [584];
delivered to Gilmer, [584];
his expressions in the capitol, [584];
the state of the game, [584];
object now to gain time before the meeting of the convention, [585];
the Whigs induced to postpone their convention, [585];
discovery of the movements, [586];
denounced, [586];
explosion of the great gun on board the Princeton, [586];
the publication of Jackson's letter with change of date, [587];
interrogation of the candidates, [587];
reply of Van Buren, [587];
position of Calhoun, [587];
position of Mr. Clay, [587];
steps taken to obtain Van Buren's answer, [588];
necessity to obtain something from London to bolster up the accusation of that formidable abolition plot which Great Britain was hatching, [589];
the manner in which it was accomplished, [589];
Calhoun's letter to Lord Aberdeen, [589];
annexation conducted with a double aspect, [590];
failure of the annexation intrigue for the Presidency, [590];
further developments, [590];
position of the candidates, [590].
See Democratic Convention.
Secret Negotiation.—A paragraph in the President's message, [599];
intended to break the way for the production of a treaty of annexation covertly conceived and carried on with all the features of an intrigue, [600];
its adoption to be forced for the purpose of increasing the area of slavery, or to make its rejection a cause of disunion, [600];
the scheme presents one of the most instructive lessons of the workings of our government, [600];
early views of Mr. Calhoun contrasted with his later ones, [600].
Speech of Senator Benton, [600];
"a map and memoir sent to the Senate, [600];
let us look at our new and important proposed acquisitions, [601];
the treaty in all that relates to the Rio Grande is an act of unparalleled outrage on Mexico, [602];
the President says we have acquired a title by his signature to the treaty, wanting only the action of the Senate to perfect it, [602];
war with Mexico is a design and an object with it from the beginning, [602];
another evidence the letter of the present Secretary of State to Mr. Green, [602];
the war is begun, [603];
and by orders issued from the President, [603];
the unconstitutionally of the war with Mexico, [603];
its injustice, [603];
this movement founded on a weak and groundless pretext, [604];
resolution relative to the author of a private letter, [605];
the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Murphy, [605];
commencement of the plan, [606];
details in its progress, [606], [607];
treaty sent to the Senate and delayed forty days, [608];
reasons, [608];
the messenger to Mexico, [609];
instructions, [609], [610];
disavowal of Great Britain of all designs against slavery in Texas, [611];
Southern men deprived us of Texas and made it non-slaveholding in 1819, [612];
object of Mr. Tyler," [613].
Texas or Disunion.—The projected convention at Nashville, [613];
a strange collection anticipated, [613];
what if disunion should appear there, [613];
nullification and disunion are revived, and revived under circumstances which menace more danger than ever, [614];
intrigue and speculation co-operate, but disunion is at the bottom, [614];
secession is the more cunning method of dissolving the Union, [614];
the intrigue for the Presidency was the first act of the drama, the dissolution of the Union the second, [615];
the rejected treaty compared to the slain Cæsar, [615];
the lesson of history, [615];
all elective governments must fail unless elections can be taken out of the hands of politicians and restored to the people, [616].
Violent Demonstrations in the South.—Soon as the treaty was rejected and the nominating convention had acted, the disunion aspect manifested itself, [616];
the meeting at Ashley, in Barnwell district, [616];
views of the meeting, [616];
resolutions, [617];
meeting at Beaufort, [617];
resolutions, [617];
meeting in Williamsburg district, S. C., [617];
Texas or disunion the standing toast, [617];
general convention at Richmond and at Nashville spoken of, [617];
repelled by citizens of those cities, [617];
counter meeting at Nashville, [617];
resolutions, [618];
the movement brought to a stand, its leaders paralyzed, and the disunion scheme suppressed for the time, [618].
Rejection of the Treaty.—Rejected by a vote of two to one against it, [619];
the vote, [619];
annexation desirable, [619];
bill introduced by Mr. Benton to authorize the President to open negotiations with Mexico and Texas, [619];
speech, [619];
an honest mass desire to get back Texas, [620];
the wantonness of getting up a quarrel with Great Britain exposed, [620];
the course of Mr. Calhoun, [621];
the folly of any apprehension shown by the interest which Great Britain has in the commerce of Mexico, [621];
the magnitude and importance of our growing trade with Mexico, the certainty that her carrying trade will fall into our hands, &c., are reasons for the cultivation of peace with her, [621];
political and social considerations and a regard for the character of republican government, were solid reasons for the annexation without breaking peace with Mexico, [622];
remarks on the course of annexation, [623];
resolutions offered by Mr. Benton, [623], [624].
Legislative admission of.—Words of the joint resolution, [632];
the anomaly presenting free and slave territory in the same State, [632];
passed, [633];
members from both sections voted for these resolutions, and thereby asserted the right of Congress to legislate on slavery in territories, [633];
resolutions sent to the Senate, [633];
gratification of Mr. Buchanan with them, [633];
his remarks, [633];
the Missouri Compromise line, [633];
solid ground upon which the Union rested, [634];
Mr. Benton's bill, [634];
his remarks on the bill, [634];
the joint resolution from the House and the bill of the Senate combined, and the President authorized to act under them as he thought best, [635];
Missouri Compromise reaffirmed, [636];
astonishment of Congress to hear that Tyler had undertaken the execution of the act, [636];
views and purposes of President Polk, [636];
statement of Mr. Tappan, [636];
statement of Mr. Blair, [637];
the possibility that Mr. Calhoun would cause Mr. Tyler to undertake the execution of the act repulsed as an impossible infamy, [638];
remarks of Senators, [638];
the results, [638].
Thirty Years' View.—Concluding remarks, [787].
Thomas, Francis, on the Pension act of 1837, [269].
Thompson, R. W., reply to Mr. Cushing, [505].
Trist, Nicholas P., Commissioner to Mexico, [704].
Tyler, John, candidate for the Vice-Presidency, [204].
Administration.—His absence in Virginia, [211];
interregnum in the government, [211];
repairs to Washington, takes the oath and reappoints the Cabinet, [211];
address in the nature of an inaugural issued, [211];
remarks on his predecessor, [211];
two blemishes seen in the paragraph, [212];
other points of bad taste, [212];
another extract, [212];
remarks, [212];
extract relative to a bank, [212];
circumstances and declarations which led to an inference of his opinion relative to a bank, [213].
Message, [215];
grant of money to President Harrison's family recommended, [215];
considered without the pale of the constitution and of dangerous precedent, [215];
Harrison's fidelity, [216];
Congress would not have been called by President Tyler, [216];
compromise of 1833, [216];
remarks, [216];
fiscal agent recommended, [217];
Hamilton's reasons for a national bank, [217];
a grant of money to the States recommended, [217];
extract, [217];
the President's early views on the constitution, [218];
change, [218];
remarks, [218];
programme of measures in the form of a resolve offered by Mr. Clay, [219];
remark of Mr. Cushing, [219].
Resignation of the Cabinet.—Occurred two days after the second veto message, [353];
the impelling circumstance a letter, [353];
allusion to this letter by Mr. Ewing, [354];
reasons of the resignation, [354];
statement of Mr. Ewing, [354];
statement of Mr. Badger, [354];
statement of Mr. Bell, [355];
statement of Mr. Crittenden, [356];
Webster's reasons for not resigning his seat in President Tyler's Cabinet, [356];
influences upon Webster, [356];
new Cabinet, [356].
Repudiated by the Whig Party.—Denounced in both Houses of Congress, [357];
formal meeting of the Whigs, [357];
resolutions, [357];
report of Committee, [357];
how cherished hopes were frustrated, [357];
extract, [357];
loss by the conduct of the President, [358];
what is to be the conduct of the party in such unexpected and disastrous circumstances? [358];
establish a permanent separation of the Whig party from Mr. Tyler, [359];
course recommended to be pursued, [359];
a new victory promised at the next election, [359];
manifesto announced by Mr. Cushing by a counter manifesto, [359];
justification of the President for changing his course on the fiscal corporation bill, [359];
thrust at Mr. Clay, [359];
the design, [360];
relations of Clay and Webster, [360];
extracts from Cushing's manifesto, [360];
interest of the President in the second bill, [361];
further details, [361];
the results, [362].
End and results of the Extra Session.—Replete with disappointed expectations and nearly barren of permanent results, [372];
defection of Mr. Tyler not foreseen, [373];
repealability the only remedy thought of, for the law creating a bank, [373];
other acts of the session, [373];
three only remain, [377];
a triumphant session to the democracy, [373].
First Annual Message.—Acquittal of McLeod the first subject mentioned, [373];
remarks on the Caroline, [374]:
condition of the finances, [374];
new plan of a fiscality, [374];
remarks of Mr. Benton on this plan, [375];
reference to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, [376].
Separation from the Whig Party.—Effort to detach the Whig party from Mr. Clay, [417];
its failure, [418];
impeachment suggested, [418];
the protest of Mr. Tyler, [418];
difference from the case of General Jackson, [418];
remarks of Mr. Adams, [418];
remarks of Mr. Botts, [419];
introduces resolutions of the Senate in 1834 on the case of President Jackson, [419];
passage in the House, [419].
Message at the Session 1842-3.—The treaty with Great Britain the prominent topic of the forepart of it, [460];
in public opinion it was really a British treaty, [460];
important subjects omitted, [460];
the Oregon Territory, [460];
excuses in the Message for omitting to settle it, [460];
extract, [460];
the excuse lame and insufficient, [460];
termination of the Florida war, [461];
a government bank a prominent object and engrossing feature, [461];
its features, [461];
impossible to carry a passion for paper money farther than President Tyler did, [461];
the low state of the public credit, the impossibility of making a loan, and the empty state of the Treasury, were the next topics, [462];
extract, [462];
the low and miserable condition to which the public credit had sunk at home and abroad, [462];
remarks, [463].
Second Annual Message, [565];
remarks on the Oregon territorial boundary, [565];
error of the Message in saying the United States had always contended for 54° 40' as the limit, [565];
always offered the parallel of 49°, [566];
prospective war with Mexico shadowed forth, [566];
reference to the exchequer scheme, [566];
regret at its rejection, [566];
extract, [566];
his sighings and longings for a national paper currency, [567];
reconstruction of his Cabinet, [569].
The President and Senate.—Mr. Tyler without a party, [629];
incessant rejection of his nominations by the Senate, and the pertinacity of their renewal, [629];
case of Mr. Cushing, [629];
the case of Mr. Wise, [630];
the case of George H. Proffit, [630];
case of David Henshaw, [630].
His last message.—Texas was the prominent topic of this message, [631];
Mr. Calhoun the master-spirit, [631];
speculations gave the spirit in which the Texas movement was conducted, [631];
conduct and aspect towards Mexico, [631].
U
Underwood, Joseph R., on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [259].
Upshur, Abel P., Secretary of the Navy, [356];
Secretary of State, [562];
killed on board the Princeton, [568].
V
Van Buren's Administration.—Inauguration, [7];
subjects of his address, [7];
extract relative to the foreign policy of the country, [7];
remarks, [7];
the subject of slavery, [8];
remarks of the inaugural upon, [8];
declaration to sanction no bill which proposed to interfere with Slavery in the States, or to abolish it in the District of Columbia while it existed in the adjacent States, [9];
the only point of fear at this time, [9];
the Cabinet, [9];
extra session of Congress, [29];
the Message, [29];
good effects of the specie order, [30];
objections to any bank of the United States, [30];
total and perpetual dissolution of the government from all connection with banks, [30];
remarks on the recent failure of all the banks, [30];
the foundation of the Independent Treasury, [31];
recommended to subject the banks to the process of bankruptcy, [31];
four cardinal recommendations, [31];
cause of the extra session stated, [31];
recommendation, [31].
Attacks on the Message.—The answers to Messages in former days, [32];
the change when made, [32];
its effects, [32];
assaults upon the message under thirty-two heads, equal to the points of the compass, [33];
assailants, [33];
defenders of the administration, [33];
the treasury note bill, [33];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [33];
paper money, [33];

remarks of Mr. Benton, [34];
extracts, [34];
neither a paper money bill nor a bill to lay the foundation for a national debt, [34];
treasury notes for circulation and treasury notes for investment, [34];
their distinctive features, [34];
such issues of dangerous tendency, [34];
passed the Senate, [35];
in the House notes reduced to $50, [35];
in the Senate motion to restore amount to $100, remarks of Mr. Clay in favor, [35];
charged as being a government bank, [35];
remarks of Mr. Webster, [36];
motion lost, [36].
First regular session, [65];
the message, [65];
confined to home affairs, [65];
resurrection notes, [65];
extract from the message on this point, [66];
graduated prices recommended for the public lands, [66];
a prospective pre-emption act, [66];
extract, [66];
subsequently adopted, [67].
Message at first session of the twenty-sixth Congress, [162];
extracts, [162];
other motives than a want of confidence under which the banks seek to justify themselves, [162];
dangerous nature of the whole banking system, from its chain of mutual dependence and connection, [162];
a financial crisis commencing in London extends immediately to our great Atlantic cities, [162];
extracts, [163];
the disconnection produced by the delinquencies of the banks, [163];
beneficial operation of the pre-emption system, [163];
effect of renewed negotiations with the Florida Indians, [164].
Conclusion, [207];
measures of his administration, and their effect, [207];
general harmony, [207];
no offence given to North or South, [207];
bank suspensions, [207];
insurrection in Canada, [207];
case of the Caroline, [208];
increase of votes in his favor over the first election, [208];
candidate for the Presidency, [203];
candidate for President, [723].
Vote on the hard money clause of the independent treasury bill, [124];
do. on the bill, [125];
on Clay's substitute slavery resolution, [137];
on the rule relative to abolition petitions, [153];
on the Speaker, [161];
relative to distribution of the land revenue, [172];
on the repeal of the Sub-treasury, [220];
on the bankrupt bill, [229];
on the distribution bill, [245], [246];
on the hour rule in the House, [247];
on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [259]-262;
on the motion to repeal the pension act of 1837, [267];
on the action of the Administration in the McLeod affair, [291];
on making salt free, [316];
on the vetoed bank bill, [328];
on the amendments to the second bill, [338], [339], [340];
on short exchange bills, [341];
on the resolutions of the Senate on the protest of Gen. Jackson as applied to the protest of President Tyler, [419];
on the increase of the navy, [455];
on the Oregon settlement bill, [477];
on the motion to give notice to terminate the joint occupation of Oregon, [625];
on the resolution admitting Texas, [635];
to terminate the joint occupation of Oregon, [674];
of the Senate on the request of the President, for advice relative to Oregon, [676];
on the Oregon treaty, [676];
on Douglass's motion to extend the Missouri compromise line, [711];
on the resolution of Mr. Clay relative to New Mexico, [744];
on the admission of California, [769].
W
Walker, Percy, on the disturbance in the Senate gallery, [352].
Walker, Robert J., Secretary of the Treasury, [650].
War with Mexico: its cause.—Calhoun the author of the war, [639];
the Senator from South Carolina in his effort to throw the blame of the war upon the President, goes no further back in search for causes than the march on the Rio Grande, [640];
the cession of Texas to Spain is the beginning point in the chain of causes that led to this war, [640];
direct proofs of the Senator's authorship of the war, [641];
ten years ago he was for plunging us in instant war, [641];
the peace of the country was then saved, but it was a respite only, [641];
Congress of 1836 would not admit Texas, [642];
the letter of the Texan minister reveals the true state of the Texan question in January, 1844, and the conduct of all parties in relation to it, [642];
the promise was clear and explicit to lend the army and navy to the President of Texas to fight the Mexicans, while they were at peace with us, [643];
detachments sent to the frontier, [643];
honor required us to fight for Texas if we intrigued her into a war, [643];
the treaty of annexation was signed, and in signing it the Secretary knew that he had made war with Mexico, [644];
the alternative resolutions adopted by Congress in the last days of the session of 1844-45, and in the last moments of Mr. Tyler's administration, [645];
instructions to newspapers, [647];
authorship of the war, [647];
further remarks, [649].
Commencement of hostilities, [679];
effect of the hostilities, [679];
country fired for war, [679];
Calhoun opposed to the war, although his conduct had produced it, [679];
claims upon Mexico and speculations in Texas land scrip were a motive with some to urge on a war, [680];
it was said the war would close in ninety or one hundred and twenty days, [680];
an intrigue laid for peace before the war was declared, [680];
the return of the exiled chief Santa Anna, [680];
a secret that leaked out, [680];
the manner, [680];
explanation of the President, [681];
two millions asked of Congress as a means to terminate the war, [681];
extract from the confidential message, [681];
this intrigue for peace a part of the war, [682];
an infinitely silly conception, [682];
consequences of Santa Anna's return, [682].
Conquest of New Mexico.—Conquered without firing a gun, [683];
how it was done, [683];
details, [683];
the after-clap, [683];
cause and results of the insurrection, [683];
career of Magaffin, [683];
his services and final escape, [684];
his reward, and the manner of obtaining it, [684].
Doniphan's Expedition.—Address of Col. Benton to the returning volunteers, [684];
the wonderful march, [685];
meeting and parting with savage tribes, [685];
the march upon Chihuahua, [685];
its capture, [686];
the starting point of a new expedition, [686];
the march to Monterey, [686];
the march to Matamoras, [687];
the expedition made without Government orders, [687];
advice of
Senator Benton to the President, [687];
not a regular bred officer among them, [688].
Senator Benton looks over the President's message at the latter's request, [693];
objects to the recommendation to cease the active prosecution of the war, [693];
reasons of the objection, [693];
the project had been adopted in the cabinet, [693];
Mr. Benton meets with the cabinet, [693];
cabinet obstinate, [693];
the President overrules them, [693];
reading of the message in the Senate, [694];
Mr. Calhoun mystified, [694];
Mr. Calhoun's proposed line of occupation, [694].
Webster, Daniel, his reception in New York, [12];
his speech at New York, [13];
on the Treasury note bill, [33];
on the deposit act, [36];
on bank resumption, [84];
Secretary of State, [209];
his letter to Senators Choate and Bates respecting President Tyler's views of the second bank bill, [348];
reasons for not resigning his seat in President Tyler's Cabinet, [356];
retires from Tyler's Cabinet, [562];
the progress of the scheme for the annexation of Texas, [562];
Webster an obstacle to the negotiation, [562];
a middle course fallen upon to get rid of him, [562];
resigns, [562];
on extending the constitution to territories, [730], [731];
Secretary of State, [768].
White, Hugh Lawson, his resignation, [184];
occasion, [184];
birth and career, [184];
closing of his career, [184];
his death, [184];
eulogium, [185];
reason of his losing favor at home, [185];
influence upon Mrs. White, [185];
remark of a member of Congress, [185];
remarks, [185].
Whig.—Adoption of the name by a party in this country, [314];
manifesto against Mr. Tyler, [357].
Wickliffe, Charles A., Postmaster, [356];
Postmaster General, [569].
Wilkins, William, Secretary at War, [569].
Williams, Lewis, decease of, [396];
character, [396];
Adams's motion of funeral honors to his memory, [396];
Clay's motion of funeral honors to his memory in the Senate, [396];
the father of the House, [397].
Williams, Ruel, moves to repeal the pension act of 1837, [266].
Wilmot Proviso.—Measures taken to obtain peace with Mexico, [694];
three millions asked for to negotiate a boundary and acquire additional territory, [694];
Wilmot proviso moved, [695];
an unnecessary measure, [695];
answer no purpose but to bring on a slavery agitation, [695];
seized upon by Mr. Calhoun, [695];
slavery agitation a game played by the abolitionists on one side, and disunionists on the other, [695];
letter of Mr. Calhoun, [695];
proviso not passed, [696].
Winthrop, Robert C., chosen Speaker, [703];
raises the question of reception of the protest of Southern Senators on the admission of California, [770].
Wise, Henry A., his nomination rejected in the Senate, [630].
Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of the Treasury, [9];
on the bill for the relief of Mrs. Harrison, [260];
on naval expenditures, [454].
Wright, Silas, a sacrifice of feeling to become Governor, [626];
refuses a seat in the Cabinet, [650].
Decease of, [700];
its suddenness, [701];
his career of honor, [701];
his mind, [701];
his port in debate, [701];
his prominent trait, [701];
his candor, [701];
his integrity, [701];
temper, [702];
manners, [702];
mode of life, [702].
Y
Young, William, on the nomination of Van Buren, [598].

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HISTORY OF THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. By George Bancroft. Uniform with, and a continuation of, the author's "History of the United States." In 2 vols., 8vo, $2.50 per vol.

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"These 'Studies in the Life of Christ' are not exhaustive and critical discussions on the Gospel history, but are simply attempts at orientation—at reaching points of view from which the life of Christ may be understood and construed.... The author sends the volume forth in the hope that it may help to make the Person it seeks to interpret more real, living, and lovable, to the men of to-day."—From Preface.

"Professor Fairbairn's thoughtful and brilliant sketches. Dr. Fairbairn's is not the base rhetoric often employed to hide want of thought or poverty of thought, but the noble rhetoric which is alive with thought and imagination to its utmost and finest extremities."—Rev. Samuel Cox, in the Expositor.

"We can scarcely describe the depth and truthfulness and power of his teaching as given here. From the beginning to the end, with not more than two or three exceptions, what the author says is more than satisfactory. The volume is one more suited for study than for mere reading; and yet, as regards the matter of style, it is fully equal to Canon Farrar's popular delineation, while, as regards wisdom, it is vastly superior to it."—The Churchman.

"These 'studies' are admirable. They are evangelical and modern, and in thought and style of expression are strong, clear, and fresh. They do not ignore the objections and arguments of skeptics, but clearly Christ is to the author more than a mere mental abstraction."—The United Presbyterian.

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For sale by all booksellers; or will be sent by mail, post-paid, on receipt of price.

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New York: D. APPLETON & CO., 1, 3, & 5 Bond Street.

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D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS.

THE PRINCIPLES OF THE LAW: An Examination of the Law of Personal Rights, to discover the Principles of the Law, as ascertained from the Practical Rules of the Law, and harmonized with the Nature of Social Relations. By A. J. Willard. 8vo, cloth, $2.50.

"A calm, dignified, able, and exhaustive treatise of a subject which is of great importance to every one. Mr. Willard first discusses the nature and origin of rights, obligations, and powers of fundamental social law and institutional law. He then expounds the science of law and defines the nature of all species of obligations and contracts. A general view of rights and powers is then brought forward, and a consideration of their special functions, as, for instance, the use of air and water and the principles of individual sustenance. The doctrine of individual redress and protection is thoroughly examined, and a long and interesting discussion follows of nuisances, wrongs, and injuries. The characterization of dueling and the pithy and convincing way in which its absurdity is shown are admirable. The treatment of the subject is so clear and logical, so simple and scholarly, that it deserves the highest praise. It is a work such as Aristotle might have written, had he lived in this latter day."—Philadelphia Press.

"This is a philosophical and logical book peculiarly appealing to scholars or lawyers who love to linger rather with legal cause and worldly effect than reported cases or legal principles applied to events. The author was formerly a member of the New York bar, and lately Chief-Justice of South Carolina."—New York World.

"The author takes the practical rules as they exist; he concerns himself only with their motive and harmony. He aims at treating jurisprudence somewhat as Emerson, Darwin, Spencer have written on ethics, nature, society."—New York Times.

THE ELEMENTS OF ECONOMICS. By Henry Dunning Macleod, M. A., of Trinity College, Cambridge; Lecturer on Political Economy in the University of Cambridge. In two volumes. Vol. I. 12mo, cloth, $1.75.

"Mr. Macleod's works on economic science have one great merit, they belong to the class of books that assist inquiry by setting their readers thinking. The views they set forth are not only often valuable in themselves, but they are the generative cause of ideas which may also be valuable in their readers. His books, moreover, are written in the proper way. The subject is divided carefully in accordance with the opinions held by the author; all classifications when made are adhered to, and the descriptions and definitions adopted are admirable from his point of view, and in some cases from a wider stand-point."—The Statist.

"The author attempts to establish an exact science of economics on a mathematical basis—to establish 'a new inductive science'; and he presents what he calls 'a new body of phenomena brought under the dominion of mathematics.'"—New York World.

"Deserving of study and thorough examination."—Boston Post.

A WORLD OF WONDERS; or, Marvels in Animate and Inanimate Nature. With Three Hundred and Twenty-two Illustrations on Wood. Large 12mo, illuminated cover, $2.00.

Contents: Wonders of Marine Life; Curiosities of Vegetable Life; Curiosities of the Insect and Reptile World; Marvels of Bird and Beast Life; Phenomenal Forces of Nature.

APPLETONS' HOME BOOKS. Appletons' Home Books are a series of New Hand-Volumes at low price, devoted to all Subjects pertaining to Home and the Household. Consisting of:

AMENITIES OF HOME. By M. E. W. S.

HOW TO FURNISH A HOME. By Ella Rodman Church. Illustrated.

BUILDING A HOME. By A. F. Oakey. Illustrated.

THE HOME GARDEN. By Ella Rodman Church. Illustrated.

HOME GROUNDS. By A. F. Oakey. Illustrated.

HOME DECORATION: Instruction in and Designs for Embroidery, Panel and Decorative Painting, Wood-Carving, etc. Illustrated.

HOME AMUSEMENTS. By the author of "Amenities of Home."

HOUSEHOLD HINTS: A Book of Home Receipts and Home Suggestions. By Mrs. Emma W. Babcock.

Bound in cloth, flexible, with illuminated design. 12mo, 60 cents each.

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For sale by all booksellers; or will be sent by mail, post-paid, on receipt of price.

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New York: D. APPLETON & CO., 1, 3, & 5 Bond Street.

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