THE CHURCH ORGANIZATION AND THE NEGRO QUESTION
Study of the meeting records referring to Negro education
Under this head it is intended to present, (1) the activity of the society as an organization, and (2) the establishment of Negro education in the various meetings where any record of it remains. In doing so, let the reader keep in mind the principles set forth previously by the three representatives who have been mentioned as leaders in the cause of Negro education and liberation.
The meeting organization against slave traffic
Germantown memorial against it
As is quite naturally expected, after this brief introduction to the belief of the Quaker leaders, we find that the society placed itself as a unit opposed to the perpetuation of bondage among the Blacks. Friends were astonished to find, when they arrived, that slavery existed in Penn’s colony, and as early as 1688 those settled at Germantown entered a memorable protest against it.[1171] Five years later George Keith, a Quaker who a few years later came into disfavor with the society, entered a vigorous denunciation of the practice of holding slaves.[1172] The general tenor of these protests is against perpetual bondage, their idea being that since it already existed, there should be a time limit set at the expiration of which all those held should become free.
It would have been possible for individual protests and those of smaller meetings to have gone on indefinitely and still have accomplished but little in the way of influencing others. Similar expressions from a central organization, speaking with some semblance of authority, could have accomplished much more, and did so, though not till some years later. The advices issued by the yearly meeting were usually in the nature of reproof, scarcely or never mandatory. One of the earliest was drawn up at the yearly meeting in 1727 and sent to the meetings subject thereto.
Yearly Meeting regarding slave trade
It is the sense of this meeting that the importation of negroes from their native country and relations by Friends, is not a commendable or allowable practice, and is therefore censured by this meeting.[1173]
It is difficult to understand how any communication of this nature could have force in a situation that seemed to demand something in the way of command. But when it is recalled with what persistence such advices were given, and again repeated in the appropriate meetings, and that they were received by the monthly and preparative meetings very much as dutiful children would listen to the advice of father or mother, then the influence exerted by them does not seem so strange.
Reports made to yearly meeting concerning slaves
Moreover, there is ample evidence in the reports of various meetings at all times that the advices of the yearly meeting were being followed with considerable success. Philadelphia reported (1756) that they knew of no Friends who had been concerned in importing Negroes or other slaves.[1174] By 1772 the yearly meeting reported by way of letter that, due to the discouragement of the practice of slaveholding on the part of Friends in the colonies, it had greatly diminished in some parts, and in others disappeared almost altogether, as was true in the case of Pennsylvania.[1175] For the sake of more complete illustration of the type of expression issued, the following is quoted more at length.
Warning of 1758 against being concerned with slaves
We fervently warn all in profession with us that they be careful to avoid being in any way concerned in reaping the unrighteous profits arising from the iniquitous practice of dealing in Negroes and other slaves; whereby in the original purchase one man selleth another, as he doth the beast that perisheth, without any better pretension to a property in him than that of superior force; in direct violation of the gospel rule, which teaches all to do as they would be done by and to do good to all; being the reverse of that covetous disposition, which furnishes encouragement to those poor ignorant people to perpetuate their savage wars, in order to supply the demands of this unnatural traffic, whereby great numbers of mankind, free by nature, are subjected to inextricable bondage; and which hath often been observed to fill their possessors with haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and barbarity, corrupting the minds and debasing the morals of their children, to the unspeakable prejudice of religion and virtue, and the exclusion of that holy spirit of universal love, meekness, and charity, which is the unchangeable nature, and the glory of true Christianity. 1758.[1176]
Freedom had to come before their education
Local meetings persistent in their investigation of slave conditions
The reader will have noticed that the chief emphasis is placed upon the wrongfulness of bartering slaves; this may be explained by saying that that was the first problem they had to face. Not until they were able to secure the Negroes’ freedom could an education be of much value to him, for all that he made of his life belonged to his master. But as soon as he became free, there arose other needs, other desires. New prospects opened before him, and there was a possibility that he might accomplish something for himself and his posterity. This was realized by the church organization and it followed the move for freedom by emphatic requests that the meetings take care of the spiritual and intellectual education of the negroes. The following will illustrate very clearly the insistence with which the local church investigated the activity of its members, and the penalty levied on the disobedient one. In 1759, it was reported that ... had purchased several Negroes; this being a breach of discipline, two members were appointed to speak with him on the subject, according to their custom. The final report on his case was made in 1762. They may be praised for longsuffering and condemned for inefficiency.
... appeared at this meeting and after much weighty advice given him in that affair, it is left for him weightily to consider whether he can not find freedom to bring up such of his negroes as are young in useful learning, endeavoring to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, and at a proper age, if they desire it, to set them free, and if otherwise, that he can not have the unity of Friends.[1177]
Instances similar to this one are almost without number; reference is made to a few of them only.[1178] The work of each of the particular meetings is more completely brought out in the following pages.
No early school recorded
Meetings for Negroes
Of all meetings in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, there were none which accomplished more for the education of the Negro than did Philadelphia Monthly. As has already been noted elsewhere in this work, there was quite early a considerable interest manifested by the meeting in regard to the question of servitude, and also the masters’ care in giving them Christian instruction.[1179] There is no record to show that at these early dates there was any permanent school; all care was, without question, left to those who had Negroes in their employ, education being tutorial entirely. The master’s care was well guarded by the meeting’s committee on Negroes, however, and in this way a central responsible party was provided. In addition, there was also established a meeting which was held once each three months in the interest of Negroes.[1180]
Committee appointed on Negroes
In 1770 there came to the front a definite movement for the establishment of a systematic means of educating Negro children. The proposal for its consideration, made first month, 26th, was referred to the meeting in second month for action.[1181] On that occasion, there being expressed a definite sentiment in favor of action, a committee was appointed consisting of twenty-two members with permission for any other Friends to attend its deliberations who cared to do so.[1182] The date for the committee meeting was set by the monthly meeting. At the subsequent monthly meeting, the committee made its first report, which being acceptable to all was approved, and further steps were taken to secure immediate action. A digest of the report and proposals of the committee is here presented.[1183]
Digest of committee’s report
1. The instruction of Negro and mulatto children in reading, writing, arithmetic, and other useful learning—sewing and knitting, according to their capacity, is to be provided.
2. The instruction is to be under the care of Friends.
3. The monthly meeting to nominate a committee of Friends, whose duties are:
a. To employ a suitable master or mistress for not more than thirty children at once.
b. To have the charge of admitting pupils to the school.
c. A subscription of £100 a year for three years to be promoted.
d. To employ another master or mistress if necessary and funds adequate.
e. To visit the school at least once a month, and to observe the improvement and conduct of the pupils.
f. Rules to be prepared for teachers and pupils; provision for attendance at religious services at least on Sunday.
g. The committee to appoint a treasurer from its number who is to make payments upon an order signed by at least four of them.
h. Four members are sufficient number to transact business; in difficulties, they are advised to consult the monthly meeting.
i. To keep a record of proceedings, receipts, and expenditures, and make a report to the meeting once a year or more.
4. The children of free Negroes and mulattoes are to be given preferment.
5. Tuition to be free of any expense to the parents.
6. If enrollment of such children is not large enough, the committee may admit others according to their judgment.
Subscriptions for school solicited
Moses Patterson in the Negro school
Acting upon the recommendations incorporated in the report, a subscription paper was at once prepared, and the campaign for funds began.[1184] A committee of the following named Friends was appointed to assume the direction of the school agreeable to the articles of the report, viz.; Israel Pemberton, Samuel Emlen, James Pemberton, Richard Blackham, John Drinker, Hugh Forbes, and Edward Jones.[1185] Their term of service was stated as “until a new nomination be made by this meeting” and any vacancy occurring in the meantime was to be filled in the same way.[1186] Only three months later (sixth month) the committee of seven reported they had agreed with Moses Patterson as teacher, hired a house, and that a number of children were already admitted for instruction.[1187] In first month of the following year the committee requested permission to erect a school for the use of the Blacks, on the same lot occupied by the almshouse. The request was at once granted.[1188]
Full yearly reports not made
Though it was originally stated that the committee should report once a year to the monthly meeting, there was by no means a full report recorded in the minutes each year. They are adequate enough, however, to furnish some idea of the progress made with the school.
Reports taken as a measure of the school’s success
The details of a few reports will be presented. It appears from the records that the committee’s reports were always made the basis of judgment as to whether the meeting would continue the school or abandon it.[1189] Fortunately, the reports were usually favorable, excepting in matters of financial consideration; in this respect there was quite often a shortage.[1190] In the report of the first twelve years there is little that deserves repetition. The school continued regularly, according to statements made at intervals, and all things seemed to convince Friends that it was worthy of their support. Let us note the condition of the school at the end of twelve years, 1782.
John Houghton and Anthony Benezet
For the five years preceding the instruction had been under the care of John Houghton, who, unfortunately, had to retire because of failing health.[1191] His place was taken two months later by Anthony Benezet, a teacher of great merit, and one who perhaps had the welfare of the Negro more at heart than any other man in the colony.[1192] At his suggestion, the school was removed from the house erected for that purpose and established in his own home. Great tribute was paid to the character of the work done by Houghton, with special reference to his painstaking visiting of families, seeking thus to increase the interest of parents, and ultimately the school attendance. It is stated that during the five years he was employed, two hundred and fifty children and grown persons had entered the school.[1193] The chief value derived, according to the committee’s view, was the increased appreciation aroused among the Whites for the Blacks. They were forced to realize that the Negro had talents which might be developed as their own, giving him an insight into greater possibilities which were not beyond his reach.
Financially the school was no success
Payments in depreciated money
Legacies and subscriptions used for support
The report on the financial status was not so hopeful. The fees for the master, for the years 1779, 1780, and 1781 were eighty, ninety, and one hundred pounds respectively; in addition, there was the expense of odd jobs of work, wood for winter use, and also the item of books.[1194] To increase the difficulties arising from mere items of expense, there was introduced another factor, the payment to the treasurer of paper money which had greatly depreciated in value since it was subscribed.[1195] The result of the experiment, up to date, financially, was a deficit of £74/7/10. A part of this amount was covered by outstanding subscriptions, a considerable number of which could not be collected.[1196] The meeting was appealed to, to make up the deficit as usual by subscription. This method, though commonly resorted to, was in most places supplemented by special legacies left to trustees for any purpose the donor might designate.[1197] Legacies for schools were particularly urged by the quarterly and yearly meetings.
Irregular attendance
In 1784 there seems to have been but one school for the Blacks, the one taught by Benezet. The report stated that there was a decided need for another one in the near future; in 1786 it appears by answers to the queries that the school has been added and that both are supported by the voluntary contributions of Friends.[1198] The attendance problem was evidently not yet solved satisfactorily; it would perplex a teacher to-day. About one hundred were under the instruction of Benezet in 1784, but only fifteen to thirty-five generally attended.[1199] The progress of this number in reading, writing, and arithmetic was deemed satisfactory, though it was admitted it might be improved with more regular attendance.
Salary paid Benezet
The salary paid Benezet at this time was £100 plus the £20 which was allowed as the rent for his dwelling, which he continued to use as a school house.
Two Negro schools under Daniel Britt, Sarah Dougherty, and Elizabeth Meccum
School receives gift from England
From 1786 two schools continued. In 1790 the incumbent of the master’s position was Daniel Britt; the mistress of the other was Sarah Dougherty. The latter served only to sixth month, 1790, at which time she was replaced by Elizabeth Meccum who later became the wife of Daniel Britt.[1200] Though there was a very large enrollment at this time, the actual attendance was between eighteen and thirty in each of the schools.[1201] The instruction continued as above stated and was recognized on the whole as satisfactory, its only failure being due to irregular attendance, occasioned by illiberal masters, who detained the Negroes in their service. The master’s salary for the year, £100, was double that paid to the mistress. Finances were generally in a bad state, though they had been considerably augmented by a generous gift of £175 from England, and a special donation by William Craig.[1202] In spite of this, the committee was still indebted to the estate of Anthony Benezet to the extent of about £100.[1203] These difficulties do not seem to have been insuperable, however; the regular annual income (about 1784) was fairly well established, being derived from the rental of property and grounds.[1204]
Regular attendance about eighty
Elisha Pickering, master
Under the direction of Daniel Britt and his wife the school continued to progress; most gratifying was the increase of the regular attendance to about eighty, which was as large as could be conveniently accommodated in the two schools.[1205] The services of Britt and his wife ceased in the period from 1795 to 1798, the latter having died and the former being aged and infirm. The master’s place was taken by Elisha Pickering, at a salary now grown to £150 per year. That of the mistress still remained at the mark of former years, £50. The amount of annual rents had increased to £190/9/11 and besides this there was an interest from £146/7 which was a part of the bequest of Anthony Benezet.[1206] The annual expenditures were estimated at £230, which considerably exceeded the income. It was customary to require tuition for the children whose masters were “bound by indenture to give them school learning,” and from this source was eked out the sum necessary to defray expenses.[1207] There is found no statement in the committee’s reports to indicate the amount of tuition usually demanded. The following bill may be of interest, however, since it shows various items of expenditures of the school committee.[1208]
Committee of education, to Othneil Alsop, Dr.
| 1797 | 9-23. | Cash advance to Bustill | $ 10.00 |
| 9-30. | Paid J. Schæffer for 4 benches for North Liberties School | 3.50 | |
| 24 printed alphabets | .27 | ||
| 6 spelling books | 1.50 | ||
| 10-2. | Paid A. Williams quarter’s salary | 25.00 | |
| 10-28. | Advanced Cyrus Bustill | 10.00 | |
| 11-6. | Two cords of wood, hauling, etc. | 12.35 | |
| Total | $62.62 |
Summer and winter sessions
From available records it is impossible to give more than an elementary knowledge of how the school was run. Nothing is found concerning the inner organization. We can know its purposes, its means at command for attaining them, and approximately the number of children it was able to reach. The length of school term is not quite clear; it seems evident that there were summer and winter sessions, how long we do not know, and that there was scarcely any interruption of their continuity. Occurrences which caused an interruption of the session usually were commented on in the committee’s reports.[1209] A summary of the report showing the status of the schools in 1800 is given below.[1210] At that time they were under the direction of committees of the northern, central, and southern districts.
Status of Negro schools in 1800
1. Benjamin Mears, master at $500 a year; Elizabeth Meccum, mistress at £50 per year.
2. Schools have been kept open throughout the year 1798-99 with the exception of twelve weeks on account of sickness.
3. The attendance, from seventy to eighty day scholars, winter and autumn.
4. Some applicants for admission have been refused because of a lack of room; room enough for all in summer.
5. Finance:
For two reasons it has been thought advisable to present as fully as possible the situation in regard to the Negro’s education in Philadelphia. First, they were present in Philadelphia in so considerable numbers that it necessitated a complete organization on the part of the society if any aid was to be offered; second, the method of dealing with them was closely followed in other localities, in case there were sufficient numbers to warrant it. The activity of other monthly meetings in this question of oversight and education of the Negro will be touched upon briefly.
Not enough Negroes for a separate school
As was above suggested, and will be shown more explicitly hereinafter, there were many of the country districts where the Negro problem scarcely existed.[1211] In many others the number of the race was so small that a separate school was entirely out of the question; but more was needed than the mere presence of a White school, to make certain that they received even the rudiments of an education. A constant readjustment of the general ideal of attitude toward them was necessary for each individual community. The details of information concerning the work of each meeting was interesting enough, but perhaps it will be more instructive to point out and illustrate the general characteristics which applied to most, or at least a large number of them.
Negro education usually delegated to a committee
As a general rule, if Negro inhabitants were numerous, a committee was delegated to the service of their care and education.[1212] In some places this was made a standing committee having specified duties; in others, the committees were appointed only to investigate conditions and make a report, so that further action might be taken by the meeting. It may be well to note the type of this service which the committees were required to perform. The duties, performed by the two kinds of committees, were but slightly differentiated; the chief difference lay in the length of the term of service.
Seven duties for the committees to perform
The first task for them was to actually visit the Negro families within the compass of the particular meeting;[1213] the second, to determine as exactly as possible the economic status of the home;[1214] the third, to ascertain the number of children capable of receiving schooling;[1215] fourth, to inform themselves as to the attitude of the parents towards their children’s education;[1216] fifth, to deal with members of Friends who possessed slaves or paid servants, endeavoring to point out to them the obligation for their education, and also for their freedom;[1217] sixth, to inform themselves as to the occupation pursued by the Negroes, if any;[1218] and finally, to make a report of conditions, in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the demands of the situation.[1219] From such a range of information, considering the characteristic thoroughness of the people, it must be inferred that they were able to understand the needs, which is always a first requisite for their satisfaction. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings demanded written statements of what they had done always worked to facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation was defined. Rather late in the century, 1779, the yearly meeting became insistent as to the treatment of those who held slaves, though the punishment for failure to educate them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in that year required that all members holding slaves should be disowned.[1220] Instances where this punishment was used are not wanting.[1221]
Support similar to that of other schools
The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the local meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for their education, but when they became free, as most of them did by the time of the Revolution, it was impossible for them to pay for themselves. This burden, which the society assumed, was usually met: (1) by subscription,[1222] (2) by special legacies, and (3) by income from investments in property. In the smaller localities, the first was the predominate means; in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger proportion was derived from the second and third,[1223] though the first was common to all.
Negro education at Exeter
The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have been well disposed of, if one may judge by the brevity of their annals. Writing, 1764, in answer to an inquiry on the part of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to which they belonged, they report:
But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment, but his religious education is still neglected, which is now under notice.[1224]
In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with substantially the same comments.[1225] The report may either mean they had no problem at the outset, or that they were remarkably successful in their attempt to solve it.
Radnor
No early mention of their schooling at Radnor
Radnor Monthly Meeting reported in 1756 that they were clear with respect to buying, importing, disposing of, or holding slaves,[1226] and continued substantially the same report until 1768.[1227] They were all, according to reports, well fed and clothed and many attended meetings,[1228] but no statement is made at that early date concerning any attempt to educate them. From sundry reports after 1768 it seems necessary to assume that the earlier reports were not entirely accurate in stating that the meeting was “clear” of slaves. Without this assumption, it is difficult to understand the great increase in the cases of discipline for that offense. This increase was doubtless due to a closer scrutiny of the Negro question than had been formerly customary.
Report of committee on slaves
Beginning with 1768, there were several cases reported of dealing in slaves, either buying, selling, or holding. First, there was “one slave sold,”[1229] and two years later the records state “none imported but some purchased and some sold since last account.”[1230] It was further admitted (1770) that “nothing has yet been done by us in visiting those who hold slaves,”[1231] but a few years later (1776) there is ample evidence cited that they attended to each individual case; there are several instances where expulsion from the society was threatened,[1232] and actually carried into execution.[1233] In 1778 the committee on slaves reported: (1) they had visited all members holding slaves, (2) obtained manumissions from David Harvard for two slaves, (3) Anthony Tunnis also released a slave, and (4) mentioned two other cases for consideration—(a) that of John Harvard, holding one slave though he admits it to be wrong, and (b) that of Samuel Harvard who refuses to set free a Negro man aged forty, though he condemns the slaveholding practice.[1234] In 1780 the meeting reported none imported, sold, or purchased, and almost none held,[1235] and by 1790 even the latter had disappeared.[1236]
Some schooled without charge
There was at this time constant oversight of the freed Negroes and some of the children were given the opportunity of schooling without charge to the parents.[1237]
Slavery in Bucks County
Negro slavery flourished early in Bucks County,[1238] and still continued to persist until after the abolition in 1780,[1239] which resulted in a gradual diminution of slavery throughout the state. A little later we shall notice the distribution of slaves as indicated by the registration which was required by the law in 1782.[1240]
Slaves mentioned at Middletown 1703
The presence of Negroes in the compass of Middletown is first made known through the record of 1703 which stated that Robert Heaton and Thomas Stackpole were appointed to fence off a portion of the ground to bury Negroes in.[1241] The first reference to their liberation (other than by death) is the case of Jeremiah Langhorne, who in 1742 freed all of his Negroes, the entire number being about thirty or forty.[1242] Just how frequently such liberations occurred and how generally they were participated in by Friends is not accurately ascertainable from the records, but by the year 1782 just following the stringent abolition act we have the following report:
No slaves held; the children schooled
We have none to charge with buying or holding slaves, and care is taken to give the young ones learning and some care has been taken to encourage them in a religious and virtuous life.[1243]
In 1783 a similar report issued from the monthly meeting, stating that a noteworthy care was evident among them for the Negroes, both old and young, but that a more considerable care was necessary to be taken in regard to their education.[1244]
Buckingham
Negro to be educated and given religious instruction
No evidence of separate Negro school
In 1759 Buckingham Meeting appointed John Ely and Isaac Pickering to speak with one of their members who had purchased slaves.[1245] This was done because it was a conflict with the discipline. The burden of their advice is that he should bring up the young Negroes in useful learning and Christianity, and later set them free if they desired it. There is nothing further to indicate the nature of the education, and since there is no evidence of a school for them, it was probably in their homes or in connection with the White schools. No other references are found which point to any progress until 1778 when the meeting appointed Thomas Watson and Oliver Paxson to advise and assist the free Negroes in their religious duties and also in regard to their school education.[1246] This appointment was made in accordance with the more stringent regulations which were given out by the quarterly and yearly meetings in 1777.[1247] These regulations requested only that committee be appointed to look into the status of the Negroes and seek to better their conditions, but the one next following, 1779, required those holding slaves to be disowned.[1248]
Slave holding debated in meeting
The records of Bucks Quarterly Meeting are in very substantial agreement with those of the individual meetings, Falls, Wrightstown, Middletown and Buckingham, which constituted it.[1249] The question of the rightfulness of buying or owning slaves seems to have come first to a conscious consideration about 1730, when it was debated in the meeting.[1250] They were unable to come to a decision in the matter and accordingly referred it back to the yearly meeting.[1251] Though unsuccessful in debating the question satisfactorily, their practical success seems to have been very commendable, for in 1766 there is reported only one Negro purchased lately throughout the quarter.[1252] This does not mean that no Negroes were held, for as will be shown later there were many in that region; it does mean, however, that their control of any increase in slaves was very satisfactory to the yearly meeting’s demands. By 1772 the record has still been greatly improved, as they report:
clear of importing or buying negroes as far as appears, but their religious education is not so strictly attended to as the import of the query seems to require.[1253]
Though all indications are to the effect that slave purchasing was near the minimum, the meetings were clearly not satisfied. Committees were at all times kept by both the quarterly and monthly meetings,[1254] to visit with those who held slaves to persuade them to give them their freedom. The committee for this service in the quarterly meeting reported in 1777:
Report of committee on slaves
We of the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting in order to treat with our members who hold their fellowmen in bondage, in connection with the several meetings committees, now report that there has been considerable time spent in laboring with them in order to convince them of the evil of the practice, which labors of love have been by some kindly received, and they have complied so far as to give those they had in bondage their liberty by instruments of writing ... but there are others who still persist in holding them as slaves, notwithstanding the repeated care and labor of Friends extended towards them.[1255]
Meetings set up for Negroes
The next report made in the eleventh month of the year is substantially the same, several slaves having been “manumitted or set free,” and, also, the defiant attitude being still present among some members.[1256] The similarity of these reports continues till the very last years of the century, with however a few additions. At some time prior to 1795, not more than three years, there were established meetings for Negroes which were held at stated times, always under the direction of Friends.[1257] In 1799 the quarterly meeting was able to report “no slaves among us” and that “some care” is extended to those set free.[1258]
No mention made of separate school
Social approval given those who freed slaves
Very early, the meetings were urged to give their attention to the religious and school education of the negroes that were in their possession,[1259] but a majority of the reports from meetings are to the effect that this did not receive satisfactory attention.[1260] No evidence remains in any records to show that there was a separate school ever established for Negroes, and it is quite possible that there never was during the 18th century. The demands transmitted through Bucks Quarterly were not so strictly enforced in regard to education as in regard to liberation, and it is more than probable that it was in most cases determined by the individual conscience than by the group. In regard to forcing liberation by public opinion, there are many examples where individuals were singled out and threatened with ejection from the society if they refused their slaves freedom,[1261] but there are few references to such action taken for failure to educate them; there are, however, occasional ones mentioned. Most references to their education were in the nature of advice, which doubtless was followed in many cases,[1262] and disregarded in many more.
Registration of 1782 showed large proportion of slaves in Quaker townships
In spite of the continuous exertions of the Friends’ meetings to keep down the number of slaves purchased, and to increase the number of liberations among those already possessed by their members, it appears from an investigation of the matter made by Davis, that almost one-third of the total number of slaves in 1782 (Bucks County) were to be found in the townships Falls, Middletown, Lower and Upper Makefield, Bristol and Wrightstown, where the Quakers were most numerous.[1263] The entire number of slaves registered in 1782 was five hundred and twenty, and this may be regarded as fairly accurate since failure to register them meant the loss of the slave.[1264] The number registered in the townships where Baptists and Presbyterians were settled, Warwick, Warrington, New Britain, Newtown and Bedminster, was very small, while the German districts registered but thirty-two.[1265]
Early records of slave holding meagre
The meetings constituting Western Quarterly Meeting (Chester County), Kennett, London Grove, and New Garden have very meagre references to slaves or slave holding up to about 1770. One of the monthly meetings, London Grove, was not established until 1792,[1266] and between that date and 1800 made no reports of any consequence.
Visit performed to all slave holders
In 1770 Kennett Meeting’s committee performed a general visit to all possessed of slaves and found there was not the desired willingness to manumit them which they had expected.[1267] From the report made seven years later, we must judge the situation had not changed very considerably since we find one member signified to them that he did not incline to release his Negroes from bondage, nor did he know that ever he should.[1268]
It does not, however, seem that the occasional stubborn brother had a discouraging effect on the rest of the meeting. In 1779 the records stated,
It is desired that Friends attend to the circumstances and the situation of such negroes as have been set free, that we may fully discharge our duty to them, by endeavoring to instruct them, both for their spiritual and temporal good....[1269]
A committee of three men was immediately appointed to perform the service. This work with committees continued constantly, with the result that nine years later (1788) the meeting reported “none held as slaves amongst us” and that attention was given to education.[1270] The registration of 1780 showed only three held as slaves in the whole township.[1271]
New Garden
In New Garden attention was early called to the Negroes,[1272] and a committee appointed then reported in 1781 that most of them were living among Friends and were generally well provided for.[1273] That committee was released,[1274] and a new one reported in 1785 the following state of affairs:
Most Negroes reported able to read and write
We have paid some attention to the case of free negroes, and find there are but few amongst us, most of whom we have visited where they reside.... They are generally well provided for with the necessaries of life and some care taken of their religious education, in which we believe there may be an improvement. We also inspected their school education and find most of them can read and some write.[1275]
In 1789 one case of holding a slave came before the meeting, but at its direction a writ of manumission was immediately secured for the same.[1276] The registration in 1780 for New Garden township returned one slave only, held by a Scotchman.[1277]
Uwchlan
No Negro school
Aid solicited to school poor Negroes
Uwchlan Monthly Meeting (Caln Quarterly), as early as 1765, received a report from a delegation sent from the quarterly meeting stating it as their opinion that Friends ought to inspect into the care which Friends who had Negroes, extended toward them with regard to their education.[1278] A committee was accordingly appointed by the monthly meeting to serve in that capacity. How considerable was their activity in the interval elapsing between their appointment and their first formal report of conditions which was returned to the meeting in 1779, one cannot judge accurately. We may judge from the report above mentioned that there was no Negro school, for that race alone; it was perhaps not demanded by the numbers who would have been eligible.[1279] It appears the committee had visited all (Wilmington excepted) who had been freed, and found all generally in a very satisfactory state. Some are reported not able to give their children schooling, and for them aid is solicited;[1280] for others advice is requested to guide them in their outward affairs. The direction of the Negroes’ education, as nearly as can be made out, was of the most practical nature, laying emphasis on the industrial side, at that time an apprentice type of education.[1281] The interest in the apprentice did not stop as soon as he was placed, but continued, for it was customary to place him with Friends, if possible, and the member of Friends was responsible to his meeting for the fulfilment of his contract with the apprenticed. The following extract from the Middletown records will serve to show the general regulation by which the apprenticing was carried on among members of the society.
... and his sonnes giving security to the orphans court, and to pay interest for the money that belongs to the said ... ever since the time it became due, and also the said Thomas do abide at Robert Heaton’s house for his table and to be kept to school for a year, or so long as the Meeting may think fit.[1282]
Sadsbury report on situation of Negroes
Sadsbury, 1782, reported they had visited the free Negroes, who were situated nearly as before.[1283] No statement was given of the entire number within this locality, but five were listed as having no trade.[1284] It appears, however, in spite of that fact, they were not dependent on the community for support. One woman owned a house and lot, “her own purchase”; a man with family rented a small tenement; and the other three worked as common laborers.[1285]
Bradford reported few slaves
The Bradford minutes (also of Cain Quarterly) devote almost no space to the status of the Negro in their vicinity. This may have been because there were few slaves there. At the registration of slaves, compelled by law in 1780,[1286] the townships of East and West Bradford returned none whatever.[1287]
Concord Quarterly
Poor Negroes to be put to trades
Negroes sent to school and books sent among then
In the discussion of Concord Quarterly there will be material presented from Chester, Concord and Goshen. In 1779 Chester Monthly Meeting reported they had made a visit to all freed Negroes, of whom it was said, some were quite poor and unable to school their children.[1288] The visiting committee recommended that the poor should be put out to trades and given schooling, and suggested that a subscription should be raised for that purpose. The meeting was heartily in favor of this and at once appointed a committee to look after the subscriptions and their application.[1289] Two years later (1781) after a similar visitation by committee, it was reported that they had been advised of their temporal and religious duties, many sent to school and books distributed among them.[1290] At these dates no special schools for Negroes were mentioned, and the date of their establishment is not found, but in 1785 the report of the committee on Negroes, requesting a new subscription for supporting Negro schools, indicated that there were special schools established for them.[1291]
Concord
8 children reported of school age but not in school
The situation at Concord Meeting was very similar to that of Chester, as appears by their report of 1779. Following the customary visitation, it was stated that the visit was satisfactory in many places, but in some families were found small children, eight of whom were of school age, but whose parents were unable to school them.[1292] The meeting was asked to give its attention to the matter, but nothing was found in the minutes to indicate what they did further to remedy the matter.
Goshen
The Goshen Meeting seems from its answers to the queries in 1756 to be in a very satisfactory state with regard to slaveholding, “none having been purchased of late years,” though they consider they are not careful enough in educating them in Christian principles.[1293] They were, however, careful to deal individually with those few who were engaged in any manner in holding slaves in bondage.[1294] In 1758 the record stated:
Those few negroes amongst us we believe are provided with a sufficiency of food and clothing, but doubt some are too careless in affording them religious instruction.[1295]
Four years later conditions were somewhat improved, and their report stated:
Endeavors to teach negroes to read, reported
No purchase since our last account that we know of. Those amongst us who keep negro slaves, we believe afford them a sufficiency of food and clothing and endeavors are used with some to learn them to read.[1296]
Negroes sent to school
If we read a little further the records for the same year, we are informed that some were sent to school, supposedly to a “White school” due to the small number of Negroes among Friends.[1297] From the above references, then, taken in connection with one of the second month, 1764, we are led to infer that the education of the Negroes under Friends’ care was carried on in a school and not in the home, under individual instructors, whoever might be able to do it. The reference of 1764 stated “some are sent to school to learn to read.”[1298]
Manumission continually urged
Simultaneously with this care in their education, the meeting was working on each individual case, among the members, to convince them of the propriety of the manumission practice. In 1776 Randle Mailin manumitted his Negro man Peter Cuff, and produced his record of the same to the meeting to have it recorded on their books.[1299] The next year (1777) Nathan Hoop manumitted a Negro woman, 18 years old, and her two mulatto boys as soon as they should become 21 years of age.[1300] The following brief extract is illustrative of the many cases where pressure was brought to bear in a kindly way, to the end that this or that person might set Negroes free.
Discipline of members guilty of slave dealing
Complaint is brought against Thomas Pennington for buying and selling a negro woman. Joseph Thomas and Randle Mailin are appointed to deal with him as our discipline directs.[1301]
Schooling of Negroes under care
Low return in Quaker townships in 1780 registrations
In 1778 the Goshen Meeting appointed a committee, Randle Mailin and Caleb Maris, to join with a committee appointed by the Quarterly Meeting (Concord) to advise together concerning the education of the Negroes.[1302] This is a very good indication that organized action was taken, educationally, and that it was not left to individual choice. In 1780 the monthly meeting reported to the yearly meeting that its committee (the one formerly appointed) had been “advising Negroes” on their religious education and had their “schooling under care.”[1303] The registry of slaves in 1780 showed thirteen as the full quota for Goshen township.[1304] As a general rule very few were returned from the Quaker townships while the vast majority came from those of the Welsh (Charlestown, Tredyffrin and East Nantmeal) and the Scotch-Irish (Newtown, Londonderry, Oxford and East Nottingham.)[1305]
Abington Quarter
From the meeting records in the Abington Quarter there will be presented some of the material relating to Horsham, Byberry (not established a monthly meeting till 1810),[1306] and Gwynedd, which may be taken as representative of that quarterly meeting.
Horsham Monthly
Negroes schooled at expense of school committee
Though there is scant evidence in the Horsham Monthly Meeting minutes to indicate what they did in reference to the Negroes’ education, we are not left entirely in the dark. The Horsham School Committee, which made a report of its own after 1783, made occasional reference thereto, and it must be understood from these reports that the Negroes were schooled at the expense of the school committee. The only proof of this statement, given in the records, is found in statements like the following:
An account of Thomas Hallowell for schooling Griffith Camel’s and negro Caesar’s children was produced and considered, and the treasurer ordered to pay him grant given. That of Caesar’s lies for inspection.[1307]
This makes clear that cases of Negro schooling were taken before the same committee as cases of poor Whites and were investigated and disposed of in the same manner.
Byberry
Slaves in 1721
1727
Byberry Preparative Meeting makes no reference during the early years to the status of the Negro in its limits. Martindale, in a History of Byberry and Moreland, states that slavery came into Byberry about 1721,[1308] the slaves being employed by the more opulent class to do the roughest work. The inventory of a Friends’ property (1727) showed that he possessed “one negro girl, £20, and one negro boy, £30.”[1309] Of their intervening history little is recorded, though the Negroes were set free by many members of Friends, and in 1779 the meeting authorized Silas Walmsley and William Walmsley to provide a suitable burying ground for the use of Negroes who had been freed.[1310] What was done for their education is not known.
Records not always to be relied upon
It is noticeable that in the earliest answers to the query concerning Negroes (about 1756) the majority of the monthly meetings usually answered in an offhand manner that they were “clear” or there were “none to be charged with that breech,” or something to that effect. The writer believes these reports first sent in were perhaps made from only a general knowledge of the situation, and not the result of an exact knowledge of their members’ practices. This statement is not capable of an exact proof, but the remarkable similarity in all the meeting records for the first few reports, certainly indicate that such was the case. Quite frequently, yes, in most cases, the “clear” reports are followed after a few months or years by statements that some are imported, a few held as slaves, or one Negro sold and similar reports. This was true in the case of Gwynedd. In 1756 the meeting reported “we have not to charge any,”[1311] and three months following, “Friends think themselves clear in this respect”;[1312] the nature of the wording in the last would imply it was based more on implicit faith than explicit judgment. Eleven years thereafter we have more definite reports, such as:
... clear of importing negroes; the few possessed by Friends are well used, their slavery excepted,[1313] and none bought or sold that we know of; those that have them use them well as to the necessities of life and some are brought to meetings at times.[1314]
From that time forward the reports made to the monthly meeting were very definite. In 1775 a report was brought in which purported to cover the entire compass of the meeting. It stated the number held, their status, and what was done for their benefit. It is interesting to note that a few enjoyed some educational opportunities, limited to be sure, the details of which are presented here, as they appeared in the minutes of the meeting.
Report on Negroes in 1775
We of the committee appointed by the Monthly Meeting to visit such of our members as are possessed of slaves, and detaining them in bondage, contrary ... visited all such of our members that are under that circumstance as we know of, which are eight in number, who are possessed of sixteen negroes and one mulatto, viz.: 1st possesses one negro girl about 17 years of age and appeared in a disposition rather to justify the practice of detaining her in bondage during life than otherwise. 2d, possesses five negroes one of which is a man about 35 years of age, who he said he intended to set free at the next quarter sessions. The other four—three boys and a girl, are young, whom he said he intended to set free as they came of age, the boys at 21 and the girl at 18, giving them learning to fit them for business. 3rd, two negroes, a man and a woman, the man about 30 years of age, who was in the possession of a Friend, lately deceased, now in his executors, who said he intended they should soon enjoy their liberty. 4th, possessor of three negroes, one a woman 20 years old, who he said he expected should have her liberty in a short time—the other two, a man and a woman about 20 years of age, both as we thought, incapable of freedom. 5th, possessor of 2 negroes, a woman about 32 years old, who he said should have her liberty, when she earned him thirty pounds. The girl about ten years old who he said is to be set free by his last will when she arrives at the age of 30 years. 6th. Possessor of two negroes, both women, one about 34, the other about 19 years old; the said Friend not in a capacity of giving any account of what might be done for them. 7th. Possessor of a mulatto girl about 11 years old, bound to him till she is 31, who he said he intended to set at liberty at the age of 21, with endeavors to learn her to read. 8th. Possessor of a negro girl about 17 years old, who her mistress said she intended to do the best she could by.[1315]
Members disciplined for failure to manumit slaves
In 1779 it is reported that the affairs of Negroes are still in the hands of the committee for that purpose, but that not much more has been accomplished than was last reported.[1316] It would seem though that the committee was decidedly active in dealing with individual cases of discipline both at that time and in the years following. Especially did they urge first the freedom of the slave, and when this was refused, as it occasionally was, they did not hesitate to eject the recalcitrant member.[1317] So effective was their service that by 1790 there were none held as slaves by Friends and in regard to their education they reported: “Some care and labor is extended towards the instruction and education of such Negroes as are under Friends’ care.”[1318]
It would be interesting to compare the Friends’ own account of their activity with that of an outsider who merely looked on, but the writer has been unable to find any opinion on the subject by any contemporary, either through this investigation or from those made by others. Many, it is true, comment on their social and economic status but little mention is ever made of their education.[1319]
Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly
The Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly Meeting (Baltimore Yearly Meeting) reported in 1776 that their Negroes were well taken care of, but their education was “much neglected.”[1320] Three years later they reported:
Some care taken in their education
By the accounts now received it appears that the religious education of such negroes and their children as have been restored to freedom has been attended to and a visit performed to most of them to good satisfaction, and there appears to be a hopeful prospect that those who have been under their immediate care will comply with Friends’ advice with respect to the school education. Some care has been taken therein.[1321]