Our War with Spain for Cuba's Freedom

by Trumbull White

CHAPTER XL.

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS TERMINATE.

Grave Responsibilities Bravely Met—The Ultimatum to Spain—The
Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sends Minister Woodford His
Transports—Our Consuls in Cuba Leave the Island—Fate of
Americans Left Behind—Spanish Spies at Work—Playing a Desperate
Game.

None but those who were close to the men at the head of our Government just prior to the commencement of the war with Spain can realize with what solicitude they watched the development of the preliminary proceedings.

With full appreciation of their grave responsibilities, knowing the power inherent in their positions to effect results, and yet cognizant as the days went by of their inability to prevent the fulfillment of fate, they endeavored to guide events so far as they could in a course which will hold them and the people blameless in the sight of the world for whatever might follow. That they withstood the strain so well bears testimony to their mental poise and strength of character.

The President's demeanor underwent a noticeable change. The affable, cheery mood which formerly characterized him, gave way to a sternness of manner which befits a humane but just judge called upon to execute a righteous sentence. A curious illustration of Mr. McKinley's temperament was shown in the difference in his bearing after the passage of the resolutions which made war inevitable. So long as there was the slightest chance for peace the pressure of uncertainty bore heavily upon him, and his face assumed a wan and haggard look. That look did not entirely disappear, but it was no longer marked by anxiety. From the moment the decision was reached which imposed upon him the leadership of a nation at war, he seemed to have experienced a sense of relief, for he saw his pathway straight before him, no matter how rough it might be.

Immediately after signing the resolutions declaring for intervention by our Government, the President sent an ultimatum to Spain, quoting the act of Congress, and notifying her that her army and navy must be withdrawn from Cuba by noon of April 23.

The Spanish Minister, Polo y Bernabe, at once applied for his passports, and left the country. The Spanish Government, without waiting for Minister Woodford to deliver the ultimatum of the United States Government, sent him his transports, thus taking the initiative and practically declaring war against this government. The official notification to General Woodford, from the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, was as follows:

Dear Sir:

In compliance with a painful duty, I have the honor to inform you that there has been sanctioned by the President of the Republic a resolution of both chambers of the United States which denies the legitimate sovereignty of Spain, and threatens immediate armed intervention in Cuba, which is equivalent to a declaration of war.

The Government of Her Majesty has ordered her Minister at Washington to retire without loss of time from the territory of North America with all of the personality of the Legation. By this act the diplomatic relations which formerly existed between the two countries, and all official communications between their respective representatives cease. I am obliged to inform you, so that on your part you can make such arrangements as you believe convenient.

I beg that at a suitable time Your Excellency will acknowledge receipt of this and take this opportunity to reiterate the assurance of my most distinguished consideration.

PIO GULLON.

General Woodford then turned over the Legation to the care of the British Government, and ordered all American Consuls in Spain to cease their offices and leave the country at once. He then made his own preparations to leave and started for Paris without delay.

CONSULS IN CUBA LEAVE THE ISLAND.

Anticipating the action taken by Congress, a peculiar form of notice had been agreed upon between Consul-General Lee and the Consuls some weeks previously. The telegram notifying them to leave the island was to be in these words: "Appropriation for relief of American citizens is exhausted." This form was devised for a reason which had its bearing upon the unhappy fate of the Americans left on the island. Spaniards of the vindictive class never got over the action of the United States in undertaking the support of its citizens in Cuba. That action was in striking contrast "with the course of the Spanish Government. The Spaniards lost no opportunity to show their resentment toward the Americans. When local measures of relief were planned, the Americans were taunted, and told to look to the United States for help and protection. The charity extended by the United States brought upon the beneficiaries persecution at the hands of the Spaniards. General Lee, realizing the strength of this unworthy sentiment, thought that a message in the language quoted would be so grateful to Spanish eyes that it would be put through to the Consuls without delay. He was right about that. The government attempted to make provision for the removal of the Americans on the island at the same time that the Consuls were notified to withdraw. Results showed that only a comparatively small number availed themselves of the opportunities to go. A ship made its way along the south coast of Cuba and removed from Santiago, Manzanillo and Cienfuegos between 200 and 300 refugees, conveying them to Jamaica. This was hardly one-half. From the northern coast the number taken off the island was much smaller. At Havana there were on the rolls of the Consulate over 600 Americans, of whom perhaps 200 elected to take passage on the ships sent by the United States. At Matanzas, Consul Brice had about 400 Americans. Consul Barker, at Sagua, had about the same number, while Consul Hance, at Cardenas, had about 100. Very few of these wanted to leave their interests and relatives. All of them were utterly destitute. They did not know what they could do if they landed in the United States without friends. Many of them were Cubans, who had lived in the United States only long enough to obtain American citizenship. All their ties were in Cuba. They believed that the warships would come quickly with provisions. And so they chose to stay. When the Consuls left they put food enough in the possession of these Americans to last them from ten days to two weeks. The fate of these unfortunates can only be imagined. From the prejudice which existed toward the American reconcentrados the Consuls know that they would be the last to receive any consideration when the blockade began to bear heavily.

SPANISH SPIES AT WORK.

Just prior to the breaking out of actual hostilities between this country and Spain the military attache of the Spanish legation at Washington was compelled to leave this country, because it was known he had been seeking to learn certain facts relative to the strength of our forts and their defensive equipment. This man was Lieutenant Sobral, and in plain and uncompromising English, he was a spy, or member of the Spanish secret service, which implies the same thing.

Before he left this country he had been ejected from several forts along the South Atlantic coast, where he had been found endeavoring to gain access to those mysteries which no man, unless he wears the blue of the United States army, can righteously know aught of, even in times of peace. This was the first intimation this country had that Spain would introduce here the same system of espionage she employs at home. Following Sobrap's expulsion from the country came the knowledge that Spanish spies were working in Washington, watching every move made there; that they swarmed in Key West and in New York city, where they maintained a strict surveillance over the members of the Cuban Junta.

Many of these spies were American citizens, or at least nominally so, for their work was done under the direction of a well-known detective agency, acting, of course, with the Spanish representatives here. These men were principally engaged in preventing the shipment of stores and arms to Cuba. At one time it was impossible to enter or leave the building where the Junta had its headquarters without observing one or more men hanging about the place, apparently with nothing to do and making a vain effort to do it as gracefully as possible. These were thrilling times in the annals of the Junta, when Rubens, Palma and Captain O'Brien were regularly followed to and from their homes to their headquarters. These were good times, too, for the American detective agency. But all this was mere clumsy work, more of an annoyance than anything else, and scarcely any hindrance to the shipping of arms and stores when the Junta was fortunate enough to have the arms and stores to ship.

But after the declaration of war, the spy question assumed an aspect as serious as it was unlocked for. Spain worked silently, secretly and through one of the best-handled branches of her government and with all the Latins' natural love of intrigue. She no longer paid much heed to Palma or Rubens, or to Captain O'Brien. She was playing a bigger game. American detectives no longer represented her interests here—an impossibility under existing conditions, of course. Under Polo was established a most complete department of espionage, which he controlled from the refuge Canada offered him.

The gathering together of information and those facts which usually concern the operation of secret service of civilized countries seemed to be a side issue with this particular department. The scope of its operations was along different lines from those usually followed by the mere spy.

Polo's intention appeared to be to carry the war into America in a new and startling manner—startling, because his movements could not be seen or foretold until the blow was struck. He made use of the corps under his control to place the bomb of the anarchist and apply the torch of the incendiary under our arsenals and to those buildings where the government stored its supplies for the army and navy.

For a time he was successful in his cowardly scheming and his emissaries celebrated his success with many tons of good American gunpowder, and at the cost of some good American lives. Bombs were found in the coal reserved for use aboard our men-of-war. They were even taken from the coal bunkers of our ships and they were found in certain of the government buildings at Washington. Indeed, the situation became so serious that finally strangers were not allowed to visit a man-of-war or enter a fort.

It must be remembered that there are in America thousands of Spaniards who, unless they commit some overt act of violence, can enjoy all the privileges accorded to a citizen. This, together with our mixed population, in many quarters made up largely of the peoples of Southern Europe, all more or less of one type, all speaking languages which, to untrained ears at least, are almost identical one with the other, gave the Spanish spy in America a protection and freedom from suspicion and surveillance he would hardly meet with in any other country, and which, by the inverse, offered no opportunity for the American spy in Spain, had we chosen to make use of the same methods.

PLAYING A DESPERATE GAME.

These Spaniards were playing a desperate game, however. It was literally at the peril of their necks, for should a man be apprehended, there would be no possibility of escaping the ignominious death that usually awaits on such services. Sobral was allowed to go, though there was no question but that his conduct was so incriminating that he was liable to arrest, trial, and, if convicted, death, had this country cared to hold him. His fate abroad would be easy to foretell. His guilt was almost as great as that which brought Major Andre to his death in the times of the Revolution.