Our War with Spain for Cuba's Freedom

by Trumbull White

CHAPTER XXXVI.

EVENTS IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS.

Cuba's Friends in Congress—Senator Proctor's Address to His Colleagues—A Notable Exhibition of Patriotism—An Appropriation for the National Defense—Relief for the Survivors and Victims of the Maine—The Recognition of Cuban Independence.

From the date of the first attempt of the people of Cuba to secure their independence from Spain, they have had advocates in the American Congress who have worked with voice and vote in their behalf. After the commencement of the revolution in 1895 these champions gradually increased in numbers and influence, until at the time of Mr. McKinley's inauguration they included in their ranks many of the leaders in both houses.

In February, 1898, several Senators and Representatives went to Cuba for the purpose of studying the conditions on the island, and to gain a personal knowledge of the results of Spain's policy of rule or ruin.

Senator Proctor was one of this committee, and after their return to the United States, in a speech to his colleagues, he made the strongest argument in favor of intervention in behalf of Cuba that was ever made in the Senate of the United States. He had carefully prepared his address, and he delivered it as an official report of what he had observed on the island. He gave no opinion of what action should be taken by the government. He said the settlement "may well be left to an American President and the American people." But while he did not make a recommendation in so many words, he left the impression with all who heard him that he favored a declaration by our government of the independence of Cuba. He declared that he was opposed to annexation, and, while many Cubans advocated the establishment of a protectorate by the United States, he could not make up his mind that this would be the best way out of the difficulty. He told his associates that he believed the Cubans capable of governing themselves, and reinforced this statement by the assertion that the Cuban population would never be satisfied with any government under Spanish rule. The senator's remarkable speech undoubtedly had a powerful effect, both in influencing congressional action, and in swaying public opinion. As an able and responsible member of Congress and an ex-secretary of war, his words would carry weight under any circumstances, but apart from these considerations, the speech was notable because of its evident fidelity to facts, and its restraint from everything resembling sensationalism.

A NOTABLE EXHIBITION OF PATRIOTISM.

There was never a more notable exhibiton of harmony and patriotism in any legislative body in the world than occurred in the House of Representatives when Congressman Cannon presented a bill appropriating $50,000,000 for the national defense and placing this amount in President McKinley's hands, to be expended at his discretion.

Party lines were swept away, and with a unanimous voice Congress voted its confidence in the administration. Many members who were paired with absent colleagues took the responsibility of breaking their pairs, an unprecedented thing in legislative annals, in order that they might go on record in support of this vast appropriation to maintain the dignity and honor of their country. Speaker Reed, who as the presiding officer, seldom voted, except in case of a tie, had his name called and voted in his capacity as representative. The scene of enthusiasm which greeted the announcement of the vote—yeas, 311; nays, none—has seldom been paralleled in the House. The bill passed the Senate without a dissenting vote, and, on March 9, the President signed the measure, thus making it a law.

RELIEF FOR THE SURVIVORS OF THE MAINE.

On March 21, the House unanimously passed the bill for the relief of the survivors and victims of the Maine disaster. The bill reimbursed the surviving officers and men for the losses they sustained to an amount not to exceed a year's sea pay, and directed the payment of a sum equal to a year's pay to the legal heirs of those who perished.

When the President sent to Congress the report of the Naval Board of Examiners the feeling of that body at once found open expression in resolutions proposing a declaration of war, recognition of the independence of Cuba, armed intervention, and other decisive and warlike steps against Spain. Every group of senators talked of Cuba. Constant and continual conferences were held, and all recognized the seriousness of the occasion. On the House side it was apparent that the majority could no longer be controlled by what was known as the conservative element, led by the speaker. Groups of members in a state of excitement were to be seen on every hand. It was generally acknowledged that a serious condition had arisen, that a crisis was at hand.

On April 11 the long expected message was received. In it the President asked Congress to authorize him to take measures to secure a termination of hostilities in Cuba, and to secure in the island the establishment of a stable form of government, and to use the military and naval forces of the United States as might be necessary. The message was received in silence. The most notable criticism made was the entire absence of any reference to Cuban independence. The admission in the message that the President had proposed an armistice to Spain until October provoked vigorous comment. But conservative members were highly pleased with the position taken by the President, and many still hoped that war might be prevented.

However, this did not prevent the purchase of a number of armed cruisers from foreign powers, which were transferred to the United States flag. The ships of several passenger and mail lines were also purchased, or leased as auxiliary cruisers, and were at once remanned and put in commission. The most notable examples were the two American built ships, St. Patil and St. Louis of the American line. The new purchases were fitted for their new uses at once, and the preparations for war went on without delay.

Congress, taking its cue from the President, united upon the following resolutions which were signed by the President on April 20:

Joint resolutions for the recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba demanding that the government of Spain relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba, and to withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the United States to use the land and naval forces of the United States to carry these resolutions into effect.

Whereas, The abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction of a United States battleship, with 260 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the United States in his message to Congress of April 11, 1898, upon which the action of Congress was invited; therefore, be it resolved;

First—That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent.

Second—That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the government of the United States does hereby demand, that the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba and Cuban waters.

Third—That the President of the United States be, and hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several States to such an extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.

Fourth—That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people.

The Spanish government was deluded by the belief that in the event of war our country would not be able to present a united front, and that sectional animosities would weaken our strength. The action of Congress from the time of the first rumors of war to the end of the session snowed how little ground there was for this belief. The representatives of the people from all sections of our broad land gave President McKinley loyal support in every undertaking, and the South vied with the North, the East with the West, in expressions of devotion to our nation and our flag.