The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

by Ulrich Schmidel; active 16th century Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca

Commentaries of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, governor of the Rio de la Plata.

[CHAPTER THE FIRST.]

Of the Commentaries of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.

SINCE it pleased God to deliver Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca from captivity, and from the troubles that he underwent for ten years in Florida, he came to these kingdoms in the year of our Lord 1537, where he remained till the year 1540; in which year there came to this court of His Majesty some persons from the river La Plata to inform His Majesty of what had happened to the army which Don Pedro de Mendoza had taken there, and of the danger those were in who had survived, and to supplicate that His Majesty would be pleased to aid and succour them before they perished (as but few of them remained). And when His Majesty knew of it, he ordered that a certain arrangement and capitulation should be made with Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, in order that he might go to their relief. This arrangement and capitulation was there effected, the said Cabeza de Vaca offering to go to their assistance, and undertaking to expend for that journey and relief, in horses, arms, apparel and provisions, as well as other things, eight thousand ducats. And in consideration of this treaty thus entered into, His Majesty favoured him with the governorship and general captaincy of that land and province, and with the title of Adelantado.[297] It pleased also His Majesty to grant to him the twelfth part of everything that was in that land and province, and of all that entered and went out of it, provided that the aforesaid Alvar Nuñez expended on that expedition the sum of eight thousand ducats as aforesaid. And so, in fulfilment of the agreement entered into with His Majesty, he started immediately for Seville in order to put the agreement into execution, and to make provision for the aforesaid assistance and armament. And to this effect he bought two vessels and a caravel, together with another that was in waiting for him at Canaria. One of these vessels was newly arrived from her first voyage and was of three hundred and fifty tons burden, and the other was of one hundred and fifty tons. He equipped these vessels very well and supplied them with plenty of commodities, and engaged pilots and sailors, and four hundred soldiers well trained to the use of arms, and such as were wanted for that relief; and all that volunteered for that expedition were provided with a double set of arms. In order to complete his purchases and supplies he remained there from the month of May till the end of September, when the ships were ready to sail. But the weather being unfavourable, he was detained in the city of Cadiz from the end of September till the 2nd of November, on which day he set sail and made his voyage, and in nine days arrived at the island of La Palma, where he disembarked with all his people, and remained there twenty-five days, waiting for a favourable wind to continue his voyage. At the end of this time he sailed towards Cape Verde. In this voyage the ship, the Capitana, made so much water that it rose to the height of ten spans in the hold of the vessel. Five hundred quintals of biscuits were damaged, and much oil was lost, besides other commodities. This accident caused them great trouble, and they kept at the pumps day and night till they arrived at the island of St. Iago (one of the Cape Verde Islands). Here they disembarked and landed the horses, in order that they might refresh themselves and rest from their fatigues, and because it was necessary to unload the vessel in order to stop the leak. And after she had been unloaded the master stopped the leak (for he was the best diver in Spain). They sailed from La Palma to Cape Verde in ten days, for they are 300 leagues apart. In this island the harbour is very bad because of the many sharp, sunken rocks that fray the cables attached to the anchors, and when they pull on them in order to raise the anchors these remain in the rocks. And for this reason the sailors have a saying that there are many rats in that harbour, which gnaw the cables asunder; and because of this, it is a very dangerous harbour for vessels stationed there in the event of a storm. This island is unhealthy and full of infections in the winter, so much so that the greater part of those who go ashore there die in a few days, soon after their arrival. The armada, however, remained there twenty-five days, during which not a single man died; and the inhabitants were much astonished at this, and took it as a great marvel. And the inhabitants gave them a good reception; and this island is very rich, and there are more doubloons in it than reales,[298] for those who traffic there for negroes were giving a doubloon for twenty reales.

[297] Governor of province on the frontiers and in newly-discovered countries.

[298] The meaning of this is that gold was more plentiful in the island of St. Iago than silver.

[CHAPTER THE SECOND.]

How we departed from the island of Cabo Verde.

WHEN we had repaired the leak of the Admiral ship, and purchased the necessary supplies, such as water, meat, and other things, we embarked and pursued our voyage and crossed the equinoctial line, and, continuing our navigation, the master took stock of the water that was on board the Admiral, and, out of a hundred barrels that had been stored, he found no more than three left, and four hundred men and thirty horses had to drink. And the governor, having seen the necessity we were in, ordered the ship to land; and they were in search of it three days, and the fourth day, one hour before dawn, a wonderful thing happened, and as it is not beyond our purpose, I will relate it. It happened, as the vessels were going towards land, they were on the point of striking some very high rocks, and nobody would have seen or been aware of them had not a cock began to crow which one of the soldiers had put on board at Cadiz, being desirous of listening to the music of the cock; during two months and a half, however, we had neither heard it nor known of its existence; and the soldier was grieved at its silence. That morning, however, the bird felt the land and began to crow, and its music woke all the people on the vessel, who saw the rocks an arrow-flight off, and shouted to let go the anchors, as we were drifting towards the rocks. And so they lowered the anchors, and this saved us, for had not the cock crowed our four hundred men and thirty horses would assuredly have been drowned; and we all thought it a miracle of God for us. And while we navigated more than one hundred leagues along the coast, the cock gave us his music every night, and so the armada arrived at an harbour which is called Cananea,[299] which lies beyond Cape Frio,[300] and is twenty-four degrees of elevation. It is a good harbour, and there are several islands at its entrance. The water is clear and eleven fathoms deep. Here the governor took possession in the name of His Majesty, and having done so, he left that harbour and passed over the river and the bay called San Francisco,[301] which is twenty-five leagues from Cananea, and thence the armada proceeded to the island of Santa Catalina, which is twenty-five leagues from the Rio de San Francisco, and they anchored at the island of Santa Catalina, after encountering many troubles and reverses on the voyage, arriving there on the 29th of March 1541. The island of Santa Catalina is barely in the twenty-eighth degree of latitude.

[299] Cananea, on the coast of the province San Paulo, Brazil, in lat. 25° 1′ S., long. 47° 51′ W.

[300] Cape Frio is east of Rio de Janeiro, in lat. 23° 1′ S., long. 41° 58′ W., where the coast trends northward.

[301] The river, island, and bay of San Francisco in the province of Santa Catharina.

[CHAPTER THE THIRD.]

Which treats of how the governor arrived with his armada at the island of Santa Catalina, in Brazil, and disembarked his troops there.

WHEN the governor had arrived with his army at the island of Santa Catalina, he ordered the disembarkation of all the people that he had brought with him, and the twenty-six horses, being all that had survived the sea voyage of the forty-six taken on board in Spain, in order that they might all recover on land from the hardships they had undergone in their long sea voyage, and that he might take command and inform himself of the native Indians of that land who might, perhaps, know how the Spaniards whom he had come to succour were circumstanced in the province of Rio de la Plata. And he gave the Indians to understand that he was sent by His Majesty to bring help, and he took possession of the land in the name and on behalf of His Majesty, and also of the harbour called Cananea, which is on the coast of Brazil, in twenty-five degrees, more or less. This harbour is fifty leagues from the island of Santa Catalina, and during all the time that the governor remained in that island he treated all the Indians, natives of that and other parts of the coast of Brazil (vassals of His Majesty) with great kindness. By these Indians he was informed that at fourteen leagues from the island, at the place called Mbiaça[302] there were two Franciscan monks, named Friar Bernardo, a native of Cordova, and Friar Alonzo Lebron, a native of Gran Canaria; and in a few days these monks came to where the governor and his people were, in great fear of the Indians, who sought to kill them, because certain of the dwellings of the Indians having been burned, these had in revenge killed two Christians living in that land. And the governor, well informed of all that had happened, did his best to appease the Indians, and gave refuge to the monks, and established peace among them; and he charged the monks to teach the Christian doctrine to the Indians of that land and island.

[302] Mbiazá; cf. supra, pp. [35] and [83].

[CHAPTER THE FOURTH.]

How nine Christians came to the island.

AND the governor, in furtherance of his expedition to succour the Spaniards, in the month of May 1541, sent a caravel with Philip de Caceres, accountant of His Majesty, with orders to enter the river La Plata, and visit the colony founded there by Don Pedro de Mendoza, and called Buenos Ayres. And because the season of the year was winter, and the weather unfavourable to navigation, he was unable to enter that river, and returned to the island of San Catalina, where the governor was.[303] And about this time there arrived nine Spanish Christians, who came in a boat, having fled from the colony of Buenos Ayres because of the ill-treatment used towards them by the captains residing in the province; and from these Spaniards he obtained information of the state in which the Spaniards were who lived in that country. They told him that the colony of Buenos Ayres was inhabited and provided with people and commodities; and how Juan de Ayolas, whom Don Pedro de Mendoza had sent on an expedition of discovery into the interior, while returning from his discovery, and intending to take refuge in certain brigantines which he had left in the harbour, named by him Candelaria, in the river Paraguai, had been killed by a certain nation of Indians living on the same river, called Payaguás[304]; and all the Christians, with many other Indians whom he had brought with him from the interior of the country to carry the loads, belonging to the tribe of Chameses, were also slain; and that of all the Christians and Indians only one boy of the Chameses had escaped; and all this had happened because he (Juan de Ayolas) had not found in the said harbour of Candelaria the brigantines which he had left to be guarded till his return, according to the orders he had given a certain Domingo de Irala of the province of Biscay in Spain, whom he had left in the capacity of captain; who, before the return of Juan de Ayolas, had withdrawn and abandoned the harbour of Candelaria, so that Juan de Ayolas, not finding the brigantines as he had expected, had fallen a victim to the Indians, who had stripped and slain all his party because of the fault of the said Domingo de Irala, the Biscayan captain of the brigantines. They also told him that on the shore of the river Paraguai, one hundred and twenty leagues below the harbour of Candelaria, a colony had been formed which was called the town of Ascension,[305] having a good understanding and friendship with a tribe of Indians called Carios, and that most of the Spaniards in that province resided there. They further informed him that in the colony and harbour of Buenos Ayres, situated on the rio del Parana, there were seventy Christians, and the distance from that harbour to the city of the Ascension, on the Paraguai, was three hundred and fifty leagues, of very difficult navigation, up the river. Here, in the capacity of locum tenens of the governor of the land and province, resided Domingo de Irala of Biscay, through whose fault happened the death of Juan de Ayolas, and all the Christians whom he had brought with him. They also told him that Domingo de Irala had gone from the town of the Ascension up the river Paraguai with certain brigantines and people, saying that he was going to search out and relieve Juan de Ayolas, and had entered a land, much troubled with rains and marshes, and because of this he had been unable to explore that land, and had returned with six Indian captives of the same tribe of Payaguás as those who had killed Juan de Ayolas and the Christians. From these prisoners he had obtained information and sure knowledge of the death of Juan de Ayolas and of the Christians, as well as from an Indian of the tribe of Chameses, named Gonzalo, who had escaped when his tribesmen and the Christians, whose loads they were carrying, were slain; who had lived ten years in captivity among those Payaguás. And Domingo de Irala had withdrawn from that country, having lost sixty men from sickness and fatigue. And they also told him that the officials of His Majesty, residing in that land and province, had done and were doing great wrongs to the Spaniards, colonists and conquerors, and to the Indian natives, vassals of His Majesty, and that there was much dissatisfaction and disgust. For this reason, and also because of the ill-treatment they had suffered from these captains, they had stolen a boat from the harbour of Buenos Ayres, and had taken to flight with the intention and determination to inform His Majesty of all that had passed in that land and province. To those nine Christians, who came naked, the governor gave clothing, and took them under his protection in order to bring them back with him to the province, for they were useful men, good sailors, and one of them was a pilot who knew the navigation of the river.

[303] Schmidt gives a false account of this; cf. supra, p. [35].

[304] Cf. supra, p. [27].

[305] In the original Spanish version the city of Asuncion is always written Ascension.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTH.]

How the governor hastened his journey.

HAVING listened to the statement of those nine Christians, the governor thought that, in order to succour as speedily as possible the Spaniards residing in the town of the Ascension, as well as those in the port of Buenos Ayres, he would discover a road by terra firma from the island, and so make his way to those parts already mentioned where the Christians were, and that he would send the vessels round by sea to Buenos Ayres. He therefore, against the will and opinion of the accountant Philip de Caceres, and of the pilot Antonio Lopez, who advised that they should all go together to Buenos Ayres, sent from the island of St. Catalina, Pedro Dorantes (the factor) to explore a road by land into the interior of the country where formerly many vassals of the King of Portugal had been killed by the native Indians. This Pedro Dorantes, by order of the governor, started with one hundred Spaniards, and some Indians who acted as guides; and at the end of three months and a half he returned to the island of St. Catalina, where the governor was awaiting him, and this, among other things, was what he reported: having crossed great sierras, and mountains, and much desert country, he had arrived at a place called “el Campo” (the plain), where the country began to be inhabited, and that the natives of the island had told him that the route he had taken was the safest to enter that country. He had followed a river called the Ytabucú,[306] which is opposite the point of the island at eighteen or twenty leagues from the harbour. When the governor knew of this, he sent immediately to reconnoitre the country watered by this river, through which he decided to make his journey; and having done this, he determined to enter the country by that route, in order to explore a region that had never before been seen, and carry relief, in the shortest possible time, to the Spaniards in that province. Having thus decided upon his plans, he told the friars, Bernardo de Armenta and Alonzo Lebron his companion, to remain in the island of St. Catalina and instruct the native Indians in the Christian doctrine, directing and confirming those already baptized. But these monks declined to obey, assigning as a pretext that they wished to accompany the governor

, in order to establish themselves in the town of the Ascension, where the Spaniards were whom he was going to relieve.

[306] Or Itapucu. This river rises in the coast range, and falls into the ocean south of San Francisco.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTH.]

How the governor and his people advanced into the interior.

THE governor, having full information concerning those parts through which he had to enter in order to discover the land and relieve the Spaniards, and being supplied with all things necessary for his journey, on the eighteenth of October of the same year ordered the embarkation of the people that were to follow him in the discovery, with the twenty-six horses and mares which had survived the sea voyage; and he ordered them to cross the river Ytabucu and subdue it, and take possession of it in the name of His Majesty, as newly discovered land. He left in the island of St. Catalina one hundred and forty persons, who were to embark and go by sea to the river La Plata, where the port of Buenos Ayres is situated; and he charged Pedro Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, whom he left there in the capacity of captain of the said people, that before leaving the island he should supply and furnish the vessel with provisions both for the people he was taking with him, as well as for those in Buenos Ayres; and before his departure he gave many presents to the natives of the island, in order that they might remain, and some of them readily offered their services to accompany the governor and his people, to show the road and be useful in other ways; and their assistance happened to be very handy. On the 2nd November of the said year the governor ordered that all his people, besides the provisions carried by the Indians, should each take what he could carry for the road. And the same day he began his march, with two hundred and fifty arquebusiers and crossbowmen, very well trained in arms, twenty-five horses, the two Franciscan friars, and the Indians of the island; then he sent the vessel back to the island of St. Catalina in order that Pedro de Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca might embark and go with his people to Buenos Ayres; and so the governor went on his way into the interior of the land, where he and his people underwent many troubles. In nineteen days they crossed great mountains, cutting roads through forests, to enable the men and the horses to pass, for all the land was uninhabited. And at the end of these nineteen days, having exhausted the provisions which they had carried when they began their march, and having nothing left to eat, it pleased God that, without the loss of a man, they discovered the first inhabitants, who are called “del campo”, where they found certain villages of Indians, whose chief lord was called Añiriri, and at one day’s journey from this people there was another whose chief was Cipoyay. And beyond this people again there was a third tribe of Indians, whose chief said that he was called Tocanguasú. And when the Indians knew of the arrival of the governor and his people, they went out to meet him laden with plenty of provisions, showing great joy at their arrival. The governor received them affably, and, besides paying the value of the provisions into the hands of the chiefs, he graciously gave them many shirts and other things, with which they remained satisfied. This is a people and tribe called Guaranís; they are cultivators, sowing maize twice in the year, and also cassava. They rear fowls as in our Spain, and geese; keep many parrots in their houses, and occupy much land, and the whole are of one language. They eat human flesh, as well that of their Indian enemies as of Christians; they also eat one another. This people is very fond of war, and they seek it; they are very vindictive. Of this people and their territory the governor took possession, in the name of His Majesty, as newly discovered land, and called it the province of Vera,[307] as it appears from the deeds of possession that were drafted before Juan de Aroaz, notary royal. And this being done on the 29th of November, the governor and his people left Tocanguasu. And after two days’ march, on the 1st of December, they arrived at a river called by the Indians Yguazu,[308] which means big water; here the pilots took the depth.

[307] Alvar Nuñez took the name of his mother’s family, ‘Cabeza de Vaca’; the name of his father, a descendant of the Adelantado of the Canary Islands, was ‘de Vera’.

[308] The Iguazu, or Yguassu, a large affluent of the Paraná, rises in the Sierra do Mar, near the city of Curitiba, and flows nearly due west. It forms the boundary of the provinces of Paraná and Santa Catharina.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTH.]

Which treats of what happened to the governor and his people in his journey, and of the nature of the land.

FROM this river Yguazu the governor and his people advanced on their discovery; and on the 3rd of December they arrived at a river called by the Indians Tibagi.[309] Its bed is paved with large stones, placed in such order and regularity as though by hand. In crossing to the other side of this river there was great trouble, because the people and the horses slipped on the stones and could not keep their footing, and to remedy this they joined hands. And although the river was not very deep, the water ran with great force. At about two leagues beyond this crossing the Indians came with great delight, and brought the army provisions, so that they were never short of food, and had sometimes even more than they could take, and left it on the road. This caused the governor to give the Indians much, and to be generous with them, especially with their chief, to whom, besides paying the price of the commodities which they brought, he gave many presents, and did them many favours and treated them so well that the fame went through the land and the province, and all the natives laid aside their fear and came to see and to bring all they had, and they were paid for it as aforesaid. The same day, being near another Indian settlement, whose chief said he was called Tapapirazú, there arrived a newly converted native Indian whose name was Miguel, who came from the town of the Ascension, where the Spaniards resided who were to be relieved. This Indian was returning to the coast of Brazil, as he had been a long time with the Spaniards. The governor conversed for some time with him, and informed himself of the condition in which were the province, the Spaniards and the natives, and of the great danger in which the Spaniards were because of the death of Juan de Ayolas, and of other captains and people killed by the Indians. Having given full information, this Indian, of his own wish, offered to return in company with the governor to the town of the Ascension, whence he had come, to guide and show the Spaniards the road they had to take. Then the governor discharged the Indians that came with him from the island of St. Catalina, and ordered them to return. These Indians, owing to the good treatment and many presents they had received, returned well satisfied and merry. As the people that the governor brought with him were wanting in experience, and for fear lest they should do wrong or mischief to the Indians, he ordered that they should neither traffic nor communicate with them, nor visit their houses and villages, for the Indians are of so easily excitable a nature, and shocked at the least thing, that great inconvenience might have resulted in all the land. He therefore ordered that only those persons who understood the Indians should have dealings with them, and buy the provisions for all the people at the governor’s cost. And so every day he distributed the provisions himself, and gave them gratis without any interest. It was curious to see how feared were the horses by the Indians of that land and province, that for the terror they had of them they dropped on the road, and set food for them, such as fowls and honey, saying that, provided they would not be angry, they would give them plenty to eat; and to tranquillize them they said that they would not abandon their settlements. But fearing lest the Christians should use violence with them they fixed their camps at some distance off. Owing to the good order that was kept, and seeing that the governor punished everyone who offended them, all the Indians, with their wives and children, had such confidence that it was a sight to see. And from very distant parts they came, laden with provisions, only to see the Christians and their horses, as a thing that had never before been seen in the land.

[309] The Tibagi, an affluent of the Parana-panéma, rises not far from the Iguassu, and flows N.N.W. with a very rapid course and a total fall of 1,550 feet in 300 miles. Its characteristic rocks are trap and basalt. (See Bigg-Wither in Journal R. G. S., vol. xlvi.)

The governor and his people, continuing their journey through the land and province, arrived at a settlement of Indians of the tribe of Guaranís, and the chief of this tribe went out with all his people in great joy to receive and welcome him. And they brought with them honey, geese, fowls, flour, and maize. And the governor, through the medium of interpreters, spoke to them affably, and told them he was pleased at their coming, and ordered that they should be paid for what they brought, which gave them great satisfaction. Moreover, he sent as a present to the chief of this tribe, whose name was Pupebaie, some presents, such as knives and scissors and other articles. We left the Indians of this tribe so merry and pleased that they danced and sang for joy all through the settlement.

On the seventh of December they arrived at a river known to the Indians as the Taquari.[310] This river has a copious stream and a strong current; and they found its banks inhabited by a tribe of Indians whose chief was called Abangobi. This chief, in company with all the Indians of his tribe, together with their wives and children, came out to receive the governor, showing great joy at his arrival; and they brought plenty of provisions, for which they were paid as usual. All these Indians belong to one tribe, and all speak one language. From this place they went on, leaving the natives so well satisfied that they carried the news from place to place of the good treatment used towards them, and showed everything they had received, so that wherever the governor and his people had to pass, the natives were friendly and came to meet them laden with provisions, receiving payment according to their satisfaction. On the 14th December, having passed through some tribes of Guaranís, by whom he was well received and entertained, the governor and his people arrived at a settlement whose chief said he was called Tocangusir. Here they halted one day to rest, because the people were tired; and the direction they were following was west north-west a quarter north. And at this place the pilots observed for latitude in twenty-four and a half degrees, at a distance of one degree from the tropic. Since entering the inhabited region they had found the country to be very pleasant, with large plains, forests, and many rivers, streams and rivulets, with abundance of good drinking water. In fact, it is a land very suitable for cultivation and stock-rearing.

[310] This river Taquari is a tributary of the Paraná-Pané, now called by the Brazilian geographers Paraná-panema. On this river Taquari the Jesuits founded one of their ancient missions of Guaira, under the tropic in the present Brazilian province do Paraná.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTH.]

Of the troubles that the governor and his people underwent on their way, and of a kind of pine tree, and of the fruits of that land.

FROM the place called Tuguy, the governor and his people continued their journey to the 19th December, without finding any settlements; this circumstance, and the many rivers and bad passages that had to be crossed by men and horses, caused them much trouble. They had to make as many as eighteen bridges in a single day, across rivers as well as over marshes, many of which were dangerous; and they had to pass great sierras and steep mountains and large thickets of reeds that had hard, sharp points, and other jungle. Twenty men had to be constantly in advance, cutting and clearing a road; and it took many days to pass through these forests, which were so thick that the sky could not be seen overhead. And on the said nineteenth day of the said month they arrived at a certain settlement of Guaranís, who with their chief, their wives and children, showing great pleasure, came forth to meet the Spaniards, two leagues from their settlement, bearing many commodities, such as fowls, geese, honey, potatoes and other fruits, maize, and flour of the pine tree, of which they make great quantity.

There are many pine trees in that land so great that four men with their hands joined cannot compass one. They are tall and straight, and very suitable for masts of ships and caracks, according to their length. Their fruit is large, and the kernel about the size of an acorn. The husk is like that of chesnuts, yet they differ in flavour from those of Spain. The Indians gather them, and make of them a great quantity of flour for their nourishment. There are many wild boar and monkeys in that country, which feed on those kernels in the following way: the monkeys climb to the tops of the pine trees, and suspend themselves by their tails; then with hands and feet they detach a number of these fruits and let them fall to the ground. And when they have thrown down a quantity of these fruits they descend and eat them; but it often happens that the wild beasts are watching while the monkeys pull down the fruit, and when they have thrown them down, while the monkeys are descending from the pine trees, the boars come out against them; and they steal and eat the fruit, the monkeys all the while uttering cries from the branches of the trees. There are also other fruits, of different kinds and taste, that ripen twice a year. In this place of Tuguy the governor remained during the feast of the nativity, both to celebrate this feast as well as to rest the people. They found here an abundance of provisions, for the Indians supplied them with all commodities. So the Spaniards, partly owing to the festivities, and partly to the good treatment they received from the Indians, were much refreshed, although such repose was very prejudicial to them, because, taking no exercise and eating plentifully, they could not digest what they ate, and they immediately caught fevers, which did not happen while they were marching. As soon as they resumed their march, after the first two days they got rid of the disease, and regained their health. At first the people importuned the governor, entreating that he might stop and rest some days, but he would not consent to it, for he had already experienced what would be the consequence; but the people thought that he declined because he wished to give them more trouble, till at length they were fain to acknowledge he had so acted for their good, since by eating much they suffered; and of this the governor had great experience.

[CHAPTER THE NINTH.]

How the governor and his people found themselves starving, and appeased their hunger with worms from reeds.

THE twenty-eighth day of December the governor and his people departed from the village of Tuguy, where they left the Indians well pleased, and, pursuing their route by land the whole day without finding any inhabitants, they came to a wide and deep river with a strong current, and along it were forests of cypress and cedar, and other trees; in crossing this river they had plenty of trouble that and the three following days. Marching through the land, they passed by five villages of the Guaraní Indians, all of whom came forward and greeted us, with their wives and children, bringing plenty of provisions, so that our people were always well supplied, and the Indians very pacific, owing to the good treatment and the payment they received. All this is a very pleasant land, abounding in water and woods. The inhabitants sow maize, cassava and other seeds, and three kinds of potatoes, white, yellow, and reddish, very large and well flavoured. They rear geese and fowls, and gather much honey from the hollows of the trees.

The first of January of the year A.D. 1542, the governor and his people left the Indian settlements, and advanced across a mountainous region, through dense thickets of reeds, where our people underwent much trouble, because, up to the fifth of the month, they met with no settlement, and had to suffer much from hunger; and they kept themselves alive with great difficulty, besides having to open roads through the reed jungle. In the hollows of these reeds there were some white worms,[311] about the length and thickness of a finger; the people fried these for food, obtaining sufficient fat from them to fry them in very well; all ate of them, and thought it excellent food. And from the hollows of other reeds they collected good drinking water, and were much comforted by it. They used to search for these worms during their march, in order that they might have enough to eat, and so provide for their necessities and hunger in their journey through that inhospitable region. They crossed, with great difficulty, two wide and very deep rivers, flowing towards the north; and the following day, being the sixth of January, after marching through uninhabited country, they encamped for the night on the bank of another deep river, with a very strong current and with plenty of reed thickets, where the people gathered the worms and subsisted upon them. So they pursued their journey, and the next day they passed through a very good region, well watered and abounding in game, such as boar and deer, and they killed some and divided it among the people. That day they crossed two small rivers, and it pleased God that none of the Christians fell sick, and everybody kept on marching in good condition, cheered by the hope that they would soon reach the town of the Ascension, and the Spaniards whom they were going to relieve. From the sixth to the tenth of January they passed many Indian Guaraní settlements, all of whom received them peacefully, and greeted them joyfully; the inhabitants of each village, with their chief, accompanied by their wives and children, came laden with provisions, from which the Spaniards derived great help. But the monks Bernardo de Armenia and Alonzo his companion went in advance to collect provisions; and when the governor and his people arrived, it happened that the Indians had nothing more to give; and the people complained to the governor of this, as they had oftentimes done before, and he warned the monks not to do so, and not to take along with them certain Indians, of all ages, who were of no use, and to whom they gave food; but the monks declined to obey. Then all the people were ill-disposed towards them; but the governor favoured them, as they were engaged in the service of God and His Majesty. At length the monks separated themselves from the people, and, against the will of the governor, took another road. He directed that they should be brought back from the Indian settlements, where they had taken refuge; and had he not so ordered their withdrawal, they would have come to grief. The tenth of January, continuing their march, they passed many rivers and rivulets, and other bad passages, great sierras and mountains, and thickets of reeds abounding with water; every sierra[312] having a fertile valley and a river, besides other streams and forests. In all this land there is plenty of water, because it is under the tropic, and the direction of their route on these days was west.

[311] The “reeds” of the text must certainly be bamboos, and the larva or grub found in them answers to that of the Calandra palmarum, a species of weevil which is still cooked and eaten in the way here described.

[312] Sierra is a chain of mountains.

[CHAPTER THE TENTH.]

Of the fear the Indians had of the horses.

THE fourteenth of January, continuing their journey among settlements of Indians of the nation of Guaranís, all of whom came to meet the Spaniards with much pleasure, bringing maize, fowls, honey, and many other commodities; and as the governor always paid them to their contentment, they brought such a profusion that the surplus remained on the road. All their people go naked, men as well as women; they had a great fear of the horses, and asked the governor to tell the horses not to be angry with them; and in order to appease them they brought them food. So they arrived at a wide river of mighty waters called Yguatú,[313] a very noble river, abounding in fish and bordered by forests; on its shore there is a settlement of Guaranís, who sow maize and cassava, as in other parts they had already passed through; and they came out to receive the governor, being aware of his coming, and of the good treatment they would receive; and they brought plenty of provisions. In all that land there are pine trees of many different kinds, with fruits like those I have spoken of. And the Indians waited upon the governor and his people, because he always treated them well. The Yguatú flows due west in the twenty-fifth degree, and may be as large as the Guadalquivir. Its banks (according to the accounts of the natives, and as I saw with my own eyes) are populous, and the inhabitants are the richest people of all that land and province, both for agriculture and stock-raising. They rear plenty of fowls, geese, and other birds; and they have abundance of game, such as boar, deer, dantas,[314] partridges, quails, and pheasants; and they have great fisheries in this river. They grow plenty of maize, potatoes, cassava, mandubies, and many other fruits; and from the trees they collect a great quantity of honey. From this settlement the governor decided to write to the officials of His Majesty, and to the captains and people residing in the town of the Ascension, to let them know that by order of His Majesty he was on the way to relieve them, and sent two native Indians of that land with the letter. While staying on the river Pequiry,[315] a dog bit a certain Francisco Orejon, citizen of Avila in Spain, in the leg; and fourteen other Spaniards fell sick because of the long journey. These remained with Orejon, in order to follow by short stages. The governor recommended them to the natives, in order that these might favour them, and guide them on the way to follow him when they recovered their health. And in order that they might do this the more willingly, he gave many presents to the chief and other natives, who were much pleased with them. All this country, through which the governor was marching with his people making his discoveries, is filled with large fields abundantly watered by rivers, rivulets, and springs, well shaded by trees and cultivated. It is the most fertile land in the world, adapted for cultivation and colonization. Many parts of it are conveniently situated for sugar refineries; and the country is full of game. The inhabitants are of the nation of the Guaranís, who eat human flesh, and are all agriculturists and rear geese and fowls. They are a domesticated people, friendly towards the Christians, and with a little trouble would accept our holy Catholic faith, as experience has proved. And, judging from the nature of the soil, it is certain that if there are mines of silver anywhere, it is here they may be found.

[313] The Yguatú is an oriental affluent of the Paraná, entering this river at 25° lat. S. The name is not to be found in modern maps.

[314] Anta or tapir.

[315] The Pequiry flows into the Paraná ninety miles north of the Yguassu; the governor of Paraguai founded on its margin the town of Ciudad Real de Guaira in the sixteenth century, destroyed afterwards by the Paulistas.

[CHAPTER THE ELEVENTH.]

How the governor navigated the river Yguazú, in canoes, and how, in order to avoid a cataract of that river, he carried the canoes one league by hand.

THE governor having left the Indians of the Pequiry very friendly and peaceful, continued his journey with his people through the interior, passing many settlements of Guaranís, all of whom came to meet him with plenty of provisions, showing great joy at his coming. And to all their chiefs he distributed presents, and even the old women and children came to greet them, laden with maize and potatoes. And the inhabitants of villages which were one and even two days off along his line of march did the same, and all brought commodities; and for some distance before the villages were reached they cleared and swept the road, dancing and making great merriment on seeing the Spaniards. What increases their pleasure and contentment is to see their old women merry, because they are wont to do as these tell them, and are more obedient to them than to the old men. The last day of January, continuing to advance into the interior of the province, they arrived at the river Yguazú, and before arriving at this river they traversed an uninhabited region without finding any settlement of Indians. This is the same river they crossed at the beginning of their journey, when they left the coast of Brazil. It is also called in that part Yguazú. It flows from east to west, and there are no settlements on its banks. Here they took the altitude and found it to be twenty-five and a half degrees. Before arriving at the river Yguazú, they learned from the natives that it fell into the Paraná, also called Rio de la Plata; and that between this river Paraná and the Yguazú the Indians killed the Portuguese whom Martin Alfonzo de Sosa[316] had sent to discover that land, who were slaughtered while crossing the river in canoes. Some of these Indians who had so killed the Portuguese warned the governor that the Indians of the Pequiry river were bad people and our enemies, and that they were lying in wait to seize and kill us during our passage of the river. Because of this the governor held a council, and decided to secure both banks of the river, he with part of his people descending the Yguazú in canoes, and entering the Paraná, while the remainder of the people with the horses went by land, and took up a position on the bank in order to overawe the Indians; all the people were then to pass to the other side in the canoes, and this was accordingly effected. The governor himself with eighty men embarked in canoes and descended the Yguazú, the remainder of the people and the horses proceeded by land, as we have said, and all joined on the river Paraná. The current of the Yguazú was so strong that the canoes were carried furiously down the river, for near this spot there is a considerable fall, and the noise made by the water leaping down some high rocks into a chasm may be heard a great distance off, and the spray rises two spears high and more above the fall.[317] It was necessary, therefore, to take the canoes out of the water and carry them by hand past the cataract for half a league with great labour. Having left that bad passage behind, they launched their canoes and continued their voyage down to the confluence of this river with the Paraná. And it pleased God that the people and the horses that went by land, as well as those in the canoes with the governor, all arrived at one time. On the bank of the Paraná there had assembled a great number of Indian Guaranís, all decked with parrots’ feathers, painted red and a variety of other colours, holding their bows and arrows and all massed together for battle. The arrival of the governor and his people in the manner we have described caused much fear among them and threw them into confusion. We began to speak with them through interpreters and to distribute a number of presents among their chiefs; and as they were covetous people, delighting in novelties, they began to be appeased and to approach us. And many of them helped us to cross to the opposite bank.[318] When we had passed, the governor ordered rafts to be made by lashing the canoes by twos together; and in two hours they were ready, all the people and the horses reaching the other side without being interfered with by the natives. This river Paraná, at the place where we crossed it, was a long cross-bow shot wide, very deep and rapid; in passing it one of the canoes upset and one Christian was drowned, the current having drawn him under, and he never rose to the surface. The strength of the current and great depth form many whirlpools.

[316] Martim Affonzo de Sousa held a captaincy on the extreme southern part of the coast of Brazil, for the Portuguese Government, in 1531. This was the Capitania de São Vicente.

[317] The Salto do Iguaçu, or fall of the Iguassu, is a succession of leaps made by this river at about eight miles from its mouth. The difference in level above and below the falls is 58 mètres. (Subsidies, etc., to the Physical Map of Brazil, Homem de Mello, Rio de Janeiro, 1876, p. 29; Azara, Viajes; Martin de Moussy, Description de la République Argentine, etc.)

[318] I.e., to the right bank of the Paraná.

[CHAPTER THE TWELFTH.]

Which treats of the rafts that were made to carry the sick.

WHEN the governor had passed the river Paraná he was greatly disappointed at not finding the two brigantines which he had ordered by letter the two captains who were at the Ascension to send, these vessels being much needed to protect the passage for the transport of the sick and those who were fatigued with the long journey. As there were many incapable of marching who could not safely be left behind in the midst of so many enemies, who might soon pluck up courage to attempt some of their treasonable practices, he arranged to send the sick down the Paraná on the rafts, entrusting them to the care of an Indian chief named Yguaron, to whom he gave presents. This man offered to take charge of the sick in person and bring them to the village of Francisco, a servant of Gonzalo de Acosta, in the expectation that by the way they would meet the brigantines, and would be received and entertained by them; meanwhile this Indian, Francisco, who had been brought up among Christians and who lived on the bank of the Paraná, four days’ journey from the point of their departure, according to the information of the natives, would look after them. So the governor ordered them to embark, and they were about thirty men, and he sent with them fifty arquebusiers and crossbowmen for their protection. And as soon as he had sent them, the governor, with the remainder of his people, continued his journey by land towards the town of the Ascension, to reach which he would have to travel nine days according to the information given by the Indians inhabiting the banks of the Paraná. Possession was taken of this river in the name of His Majesty, and the pilots took the altitude and found it to be twenty-four degrees.[319]

[319] This is an error. The mouth of the river Yguazú is in 25° 35′ lat.

The governor and his people advanced across the country, passing settlements of the Guaranís, all of whom received him well, and came forth to meet him laden with provisions, as usual. In this march they crossed large marshes, and other bad places, and rivers, and had to build bridges and overcome many difficulties. After the passage of the Paraná the Indians accompanied them from village to village, showing great friendship and goodwill; they did them many good offices, both in serving as guides, and providing them with food. For all this the governor rewarded them generously, and made them well satisfied. During the march a Spaniard came from the town of Ascension to meet the governor, and took back tidings to his fellow-countrymen, and the people there, of his arrival; for, owing to the straits they were in, their desire to see him and his people was very great; and they could hardly believe that he would do them such a service until they had seen him with their own eyes, even though they had read the letters he had written to them. This Christian informed the governor of the situation, and of the danger the people were in, of the deaths that had happened both of those who went with Juan de Ayolas, as well as many others slain by the natives, and of their great tribulation and discouragement, especially since the evacuation of Buenos Ayres; for they had long expected relief from Spain, and when at length that port was abandoned, they had given up all hope of deliverance. He also related many other losses that had been sustained in the country.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTEENTH.]

How the governor arrived at the Ascension, where the Spaniards lived whom he had come to relieve.

HAVING learned of the above-mentioned Spaniard of the death of Juan de Ayolas and his companions, and of the deaths of other Christians, of the extremity of the survivors in the town of Ascension, and of the abandonment of Buenos Ayres, whither he had left orders that the ship Capitana should proceed with the one hundred and forty men from the island of St. Catalina; considering, too, the danger in which those might be who arrived by sea, when they found that port deserted by the Christians and in the hands of a large number of Indians, he made all the haste he could to reach Ascension in the quickest time possible, in order that he might infuse new courage into those who remained there, and restore confidence among the friendly Indians. All the natives of the parts he was now travelling through make their houses of straw and wood, and many of those from the district round Ascension spoke to the governor in our own Castilian tongue, bidding him and his Spaniards welcome. Their reception of him was as cordial as any met with heretofore. They cleared and swept the road, formed processions with their wives and children, waited his arrival with presents of provisions: maize, wine, bread, potatoes, fowls, fish, honey, and game, all prepared; and they distributed these gifts among his men. In token of peace they raised their hands, and, in their own language, some, too, in ours, welcomed the governor and his people. Along the route they entered into conversation with us, and were as cordial and familiar as though they were our own countrymen, born and bred in Spain.

Travelling in this way, it pleased God that on the eleventh of March, being one Saturday, at nine o’clock in the morning, in the year of grace 1542, we arrived at the city of Ascension, where we found the Spaniards living whom we had come to relieve.

This town is situated on the bank of the Paraguay, in twenty-five degrees south latitude. Before entering it the governor was met by all the captains and people resident there, who showed incredible joy at his arrival, declaring they had never believed, or even expected that they would be relieved, so great were the dangers and difficulties of the road never before explored; as for the sea-route viâ Buenos Ayres, by which they had hoped succour might have reached them, their expectations from this quarter had also vanished since the Indians had taken the aggressive with the idea of soon capturing and making an end of them. Moreover, so long a time had elapsed since any Spaniards had landed there, that they were in despair.

The governor received them all at an interview, spoke very kindly with them, and informed them that he had come by His Majesty’s orders to succour them. Thereupon he showed his credentials and powers to Domingo de Irala, and the officers Alonzo Cabrera, controller, a native of Loja; Philip de Caceres, accountant, of Madrid; Pedro Dorantes, factor, of Bejar, and to other captains and inhabitants of that province. These documents were read out to the clergy and soldiers present, and by virtue of them they recognized him as governor, and signified their obedience as to a captain-general of the province, appointed by His Majesty. The insignia of justice were given up to him, and were redelivered, in the name of His Majesty, to the magistrates who should administer civil and criminal law in the said province.

[CHAPTER THE FOURTEENTH.]

How the Spaniards, left behind through sickness, on the river Pequiry, arrived at the town of Ascension.

THIRTY days after the arrival of the governor at the town of Ascension, as we have related, the Christians, both sick and sound, whom he had sent on rafts from the river Paraná, arrived at the harbour, one only being missing; and he had been killed by a tiger. They reported to the governor how the Indians of the river assembled in great numbers with their canoes, and while our men were descending on the rafts, came out and attacked them with loud cries and beating of drums, shooting a storm of arrows at them. Two hundred canoes surrounded them at one time, trying to board and take possession of the rafts in order to kill the Spaniards. For fourteen days and nights they never ceased fighting, being exposed all that time to a constant fire of arrows, both from those on shore as well as those in the canoes. The natives tried with long hooks to seize hold of the rafts, and drag them towards the shore, while the incessant shouting and cries of these men made so much din that one would have said the powers of light and darkness were at war with one another. They gave them no rest, for those in the canoes changed places with those on shore, these continuing the fight while the others rested. Twenty Spaniards were wounded, but not seriously; and all this time the rafts kept drifting down stream, borne along by a strong current. They descended so rapidly that rowing was unnecessary, and all their efforts were directed to prevent their being drawn to land, where the danger was greatest. Nevertheless, they were now and then exposed to great peril, owing to the whirlpools which caught the rafts and twirled them round; and it required all the skill of those that navigated them to prevent them being taken inshore by the eddies. In this way they continued their voyage for fourteen days without the possibility of finding succour or protection, always pursued by the Indians in their canoes, and a constant target for their arrows. At length they arrived near the village of Francisco, the Indian, who, with some of his men, came out to meet and succour the Christians. He brought them to an island near his village, and gave them food, for they were weary with the fatigues they had undergone, and starving. Here the wounded recovered from their wounds, and all rested, for the enemy had not dared to pursue them farther, and had withdrawn. Meanwhile the two brigantines sent for their relief arrived at the village. In these they embarked and arrived at the Ascension.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTEENTH.]

How the governor, wishing to re-people Buenos Ayres, sent reinforcements to those who had come there in the ship ‘Capitana’.

ALVAR NUNEZ ordered two brigantines to be equipped with all diligence, and to be loaded with provisions and other commodities; and having manned them with some of the former colonists of Buenos Ayres who were acquainted with the navigation of the Paraná, he sent them to relieve the one hundred and forty Spaniards who were to have embarked at St. Catalina in the ship Capitana for Buenos Ayres; for, owing to the abandonment of this port, these people would be exposed to great danger. He ordered that the port should be immediately rebuilt in the most convenient place, as the colony was necessary for the safety and welfare of all the Spaniards in the province, as well for those who might come there in future, ships being obliged to anchor in this part of the river; here, too, brigantines have to be built to navigate the river for three hundred and fifty leagues to the town of Ascension.

The first two brigantines set out on the sixteenth of April. After they had started, the governor ordered two more to be built, and laden with provisions and people, to proceed also to the relief of the Spaniards, and to re-establish the port of Buenos Ayres. He gave special injunctions to the captains of these two vessels to treat the natives of the Paraná with kindness, and induce them by fair means to acknowledge the sovereignty of the King. He, moreover, directed them to take note of everything that occurred, in order that a full report might be sent to His Majesty. Having made these dispositions, Alvar Nuñez turned his attention to the service of God, and His Majesty, and to the pacification of the province. For the better accomplishment of these duties, he summoned a meeting of the monks and clergy residing in that province, as well as those that had come with him, and, in the presence of all the officers, the captains and the people, he entreated them, in kind but earnest words, to bestow special attention to the teaching of the Christian doctrines to the natives, subject to the King, and he caused certain passages of the Royal Charter to be read aloud, in which special mention was made of the treatment of the Indians. He further enjoined the monks, clergy, and other ecclesiastics, to take the Indians under their particular care, and to protect them from ill-treatment, and to inform him of anything done contrary to these orders—promising to supply all things necessary for this holy cause, and for the celebration of the sacraments in the churches and monasteries. And for this purpose he supplied them with wine and flour, and distributed among them the vestments he had brought for use in divine service; and he also gave them a barrel of wine for this use.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTEENTH.]

How the natives kill and eat their enemies.

SOON after the arrival of the governor at the Ascension the natives and conquistadores brought serious charges against the officers of His Majesty. Alvar Nuñez therefore ordered all the native subjects of the king to assemble, and in the presence of the monks and clergy told them he had been sent to protect them, and that they should come to the knowledge of God and accept Christianity at the hands of the monks and clergy who had come as the ministers of God, and should subject themselves to His Majesty. If they did this they would be better treated and protected. He warned them to give up eating human flesh, as that was a sin and grave offence in the sight of God. The monks and the clergy repeated this warning, and the governor concluded by distributing presents among them, such as shirts, stuffs, caps, and other things they delighted in.

These Guaranís speak a language common to all the tribes of this province. They eat the flesh of their enemies whom they take captive in war, bringing them to their settlements and making great merriment and rejoicing with them, dancing and singing till the captive grows fat. They give him their wives and daughters, in order that he may have every pleasure. It is these wives who take the trouble to fatten him. Those held in the greatest honour among them admit him to their couches, adorn him in various ways according to their custom, and bedeck him with feathers and necklaces of white beads and stones, which are much prized among them. When he begins to grow fat they redouble their efforts; the dancing, singing, and pleasures of all kinds increase. Then the men come; they adorn and make ready three boys of the age of six or seven, placing a little hatchet in their hands. The Indian considered the bravest among them now takes a wooden sword in his hand, called in their language macana, and leads the captive to a place where he is made to dance for one hour; the Indian then advances, and with both hands deals him a blow in the loins, and another on the spine to knock him down. It happens sometimes that after striking him six blows on the head they cannot kill him, so hard are their heads, though this two-handed sword is made of very tough, heavy, black wood, and the executioner is strong enough to kill an ox with a single blow. When they have knocked him down the three boys come with their hatchets, and the eldest of them, usually the son of the chief, begins striking blows on his head, the others do the same till the blood flows; the Indians meanwhile exhorting them to be brave and learn to kill their enemies and make war upon them, and to remember that this victim has killed many of their own people, and that they should revenge themselves upon him. As soon as he is dead the one that gave him the first blow takes the name of the dead man and keeps it henceforward in token of his bravery. Then the old women cut the body in pieces and cook it in their earthenware pots, distributing the flesh among themselves. They eat it and consider it excellent food. Afterwards they resume their dancing and pleasures, which last several days, saying that now the enemy who had slain their relatives is dead, they will take their rest and make merry.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTEENTH.]

Of the peace which the governor concluded with the Indian Agazes.

ON the banks of this river Paraguai there is a nation of Indians named Agazes; it is a people most feared in all that country, for besides being valiant they are well practised in war and very treacherous. Under pretext of making a treaty of peace they ravaged other tribes, not sparing even their own relatives, wishing to make themselves masters in the land, so that nobody trusts them. They are men of great size and gigantic limbs; they lead piratical lives in their canoes on the river, landing to pillage and capture the Guaranís, who are their principal enemies. They live by fishing and the chase, and do not cultivate the soil. When they capture the Guaranís they tie their hands together and drag them into the canoes and carry them away. Then they return to the relatives of their captive, who come forth and offer to ransom him; and they strike him cruel blows in the presence of his father, children, or wives, as the case may be, and demand food, threatening to slaughter their prisoner if this is not brought. Having taken as much provisions as their canoes will hold, they return to their houses, carrying their captive along with them. And this is their usual practice, for it rarely happens that the captives are actually ransomed. After they are tired of keeping them in their canoes and beating them, the Agazes cut off their heads and hoist these on poles on the bank of the river. Before the governor’s arrival the Spaniards had made war against these Indians and killed a number of them; peace had afterwards been concluded, but this had been broken with characteristic perfidy by the Agazes, who had done much injury to the Guaranís and carried off a quantity of their provisions. A few days before the governor’s arrival at the Ascension the Agazes had violated the peace, having attacked and ravaged certain villages of the Guaranís, besides keeping the town of Ascension daily on the alert. When the Agazes knew of the governor’s arrival, their chiefs, named Abacoten, Tabor, and Alabos, accompanied by a large number of their people, arrived in their canoes, and presented themselves before him, saying they wished to swear allegiance to His Majesty, and to be friendly with the Spaniards; they declared that if they had not kept the peace hitherto, that was owing to the audacious conduct of some foolish youths, who had begun hostilities without their leave, causing it to be supposed that the chiefs had broken the peace, but that they had been well punished for it; and they entreated the governor to receive them into his amity, and make peace between them and the Spaniards, promising they would keep it. This promise they repeated in the presence of the monks, clergy, and officials. Having heard this message, the governor received them kindly, and replied that he was pleased to receive them as vassals of His Majesty, and as friends of the Christians, provided that they would keep the peace, and not break it as heretofore. He gave them to understand that, should they misbehave in future, they would be regarded as enemies, and be made to suffer accordingly. In this way he made peace between them and the Spaniards. He gave orders in the meanwhile that they should be well treated and receive provisions. The conditions of peace were that the said Indians, the chiefs of the Agazes and others of that nation, should agree that whenever they descended the Paraguai in canoes as far as the Ascension, they should not enter upon territory belonging to the Guaranís otherwise than all together, and never separately, nor by night, but always in the daytime; that they should only land on the opposite side of the river, not on this side, where the Guaranís and Spaniards have their fields and establishments; that they should not ravage the country and harass the Guaranís, and that they should terminate their war against them, and cease from troubling them any more, as these people were now vassals of His Majesty; that they should deliver up certain of their Guaraní captives, of both sexes, who had been captured during the time of peace, because they were Christians, and their relatives were much distressed at it; that they should not interfere with the Spaniards and Guaranís when they fished in the river and hunted on the land; and, lastly, that such of their wives, daughters, and relatives who had been converted to Christianity should be allowed to persevere in that holy work, and not be carried away or compelled to absent themselves. Provided that these conditions were kept, the Agazes would be treated as friends, but if any article of the treaty were broken they would be proceeded against as enemies. These terms having been well explained and understood by them, they promised to observe them, and thus was peace restored and their submission brought about.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTEENTH.]

Of the complaints addressed to the governor by the pobladores against the officers of His Majesty.

A FEW days after his arrival at the Ascension, Alvar Nuñez, having seen that there were many poor and needy, supplied them with clothing, shirts, trowsers, and other necessaries. Many of them that were unarmed received arms; and all this at his expense, and without interest. He then begged the officers of His Majesty to discontinue vexing and wronging these unfortunate people, as they had hitherto done, for many complaints had been made by both conquistadores and pobladores. They tried to enforce a new tax lately imposed on fisheries, butter, honey, maize, and other commodities; on the skins with which they clothed themselves, and which they bought of the Indians; and this besides the collection of debts due to His Majesty. The officers urged the governor to allow them to continue these taxes, but he would not consent to it, and in this way incurred their animosity. Prompted by a bad spirit towards him, they strove to do him all the harm they could by indirect means. He therefore had them arrested and thrown into prison, in consequence of evidence brought against them.

[CHAPTER THE NINETEENTH.]

How the governor received complaints against the Indian Guaycurús.

THE riparian chiefs, and those inhabiting the vicinity of the Paraguai, near the town of the Ascension, vassals of His Majesty, came and presented themselves before the governor, and complained of a tribe of Indians that dwelt near their borders. These Indians are great warriors, and valiant men, who live on venison, butter, honey, fish, and wild boar, eating nothing besides, neither they nor their wives and children. They go daily to the chase for it is their only occupation. They are nimble and vigorous, swift of foot, and so long-winded that they tire out the deer, and catch them with their hands, besides slaying many more with their arrows, as well as tigers and other fierce animals. They are kind to their wives, and not only to those of their own tribe, who are greatly esteemed by them, but also to women generally; thus, if any fall into their hands when they are making war, they set them at liberty, and do them no wrong. They are much feared by all the other tribes. They never remain more than two days in one place, but quickly remove their houses, made of matting, to distances of one or two leagues when they are in pursuit of game. This tribe, and others that live by fishing, eat of a certain bean[320] that grows in that country; they search for it in the mountains where the trees are that produce this fruit; and the wild boar climb the hills at the same time, and for the same purpose. It ripens in November and the beginning of December, and they make flour of it, and wine strong enough to intoxicate themselves.

[320] Algarroba, the Carob bean (Prosopis dulcis mimosa).

[CHAPTER THE TWENTIETH.]

How the governor informed himself concerning the complaint.

THE chiefs of the Indians complained to the governor that the Guaycurús had dispossessed them of their land, and killed their fathers, brothers and relatives, and since they were vassals of His Majesty, they claimed protection and restitution of their property. They had hunted on the mountains, they had fished in the lagoons and rivers, they had collected honey for their own support and that of the Christians. Moreover, the wrongs and murders they complained of had taken place since the governor’s arrival in the country. He examined into the complaints of these chiefs, whose names were Pedro de Mendoza, Juan de Salazar, Cupirati, Francisco Ruis Mayraru, Lorenzo Moquirasi, Gonzalo Mayraru, and other newly converted Christians, in order to satisfy himself of the truth of their allegations, and to proceed according to law; and he said that they must bring good evidence of their alleged wrongs. They then presented as witnesses a large number of Spanish Christians, who had been present, and seen the injuries done by the Guaycurús; how these people had driven them from their lands, and laid waste a large stockaded settlement named Caguazú. Having heard this information, the governor sent for the monks and clergy—friar Bernardo de Armenta, and friar Alonzo Lebron, his companion; the bachelor Martin de Almenza, and Francisco de Andrada, priests; and commanded them to inquire into the affair, and report as to whether war could be justly made against the Guaycurús. They wrote their opinion, and signed it with their names, to the effect that he (the governor) might, with armed hand, march against the said Indians, and wage war against them, since they were implacable enemies. The governor then ordered two Spaniards, who knew their language, and Martin de Almenza, with an escort of fifty Spaniards, to go in search of the Guaycurús, and summon them to submit to His Majesty, and desist from making war against the Guaranís, that these might freely go about their land, and enjoy their chase and fisheries. If they would do this, he promised to consider them as friends, but if they refused, he should make war upon them as mortal enemies. So the ambassadors set out, having been specially charged to repeat their message and warning two or three times calmly and deliberately. Eight days afterwards they returned, and declared that they had warned the Indians, but that these had taken up arms against them, saying that they did not choose to obey, or to be friends with the Spaniards and Guaranís, and told them to withdraw immediately from the land. At the same time they shot a number of arrows, and wounded many of them. The governor, having been informed of all that had happened, ordered two hundred arquebusiers and crossbowmen to be in readiness, and twelve horsemen, and with these he left the town of Ascension on Thursday the twelfth of July 1542.

As he had to pass to the other side of the Paraguai, he bade them make ready two brigantines, to ferry the men and horses across, and he ordered all to assemble at a certain village of the Guaranís, called Tapuá,[321] on the bank of the Paraguai. Its chief, Mormosen, is a brave man, much feared in that country, who had already become a Christian, and bore the name of Lorenzo. He had been master of Caguazú when the Guaycurús took it. All the soldiers and the horses marched to Tapuá by land, a distance of four leagues from the town of Ascension, passing, on the way, large troops of the Guaranís, who had orders to rendezvous at the same place, and accompany the governor on his expedition. It was wonderful to see the order they kept, and their preparations for war, all of them armed with bows and arrows, adorned with parrots’ feathers, and painted with divers colours. They had musical instruments, which they use in battle, such as timbals and trumpets, cornets, etc. All arrived on the same day at Tapuá, and found here large numbers of the Guaranís, bivouacking under the trees along the river bank. The chief, Mormosen, and his relatives, accompanied by a number of the people, advanced to meet the governor, a bow-shot from the village, and brought with them a large quantity of venison and ostrich-flesh which they had killed on that and the previous day, in such plenty that there was more than sufficient for all the people. The Indian chiefs then held a council, and decided that it would be necessary to send out scouts to reconnoitre the country and position of the enemy, and ascertain if tidings had reached him of the advance of the Spaniards, and whether he kept watch at night. This advice was followed, and two Spaniards, together with Mormosen and other brave Indians who knew the country, went forward. The following day being Friday, they returned before nightfall, and reported that the Guaycurús had gone a-hunting in the plains and mountains, having fired the grass in several places, as is their wont. Our people had seen them moving their camp, accompanied by their wives and children, to settle in a new place, where they might subsist by hunting and fishing, and they seemed to be unaware of our coming. From our camp to the place where the Indians had probably fixed their abode might be five or six leagues, judging from the fires they had kindled to drive the game.

[321] Tapuá, as spelt in the original edition. In later ones the Gothic T has been taken for a C.—The Spaniards founded in this place a fort named Arecutacuá. See map of Oyarvide.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIRST.]

How the governor and his people crossed the river, and how two Christians were drowned.

THAT same Friday the brigantines arrived for the passage of the river, and the Indians brought a number of their canoes. Being now fully informed as to what should be done, and having taken counsel with his captains, the governor arranged that the army should cross the following morning, Saturday, and proceed in quest of the Guaycurús. He ordered rafts to be made of the canoes, to convey the horses over, and as soon as it was daylight the embarkation began in good order, the soldiers in the brigantines, and the Indians in their canoes. The zeal displayed by the Spaniards, and the loud cries of the Indians, were remarkable. From six in the morning to two o’clock in the afternoon the crossing went on, though there were two hundred canoes engaged in the passage.

A sad accident happened at this juncture. As the Spaniards vied with one another who should be first, one of the vessels was overloaded and capsized, the keel floating above water with all her living freight clinging to it. They would certainly all have been drowned, had not a number of Indians who saw the occurrence from the bank jumped at once into the water and righted the vessel. But the current was so strong at this place that two of the Spaniards were swept down the river, whom it was impossible to rescue, their bodies being recovered lower down; and their names were Diego de Ysla, a citizen of Malaga, and Juan de Valdez, a citizen of Palencia.

When all the people and the horses had crossed to the other side, the principal Indians came to the governor, and told him that it was their invariable custom, whenever they were about to make war, to give their captain a present, accordingly they begged him to accept it. The governor, wishing to humour them consented. Then all the chiefs, one after the other, brought him a prettily painted bow and arrow; and all the Indians, one by one, presented a painted arrow adorned with parrots’ feathers; and the remainder of that day was taken up by the presentation of these offerings, so that it was necessary to pass the night on the bank of the river, stationing sentries to keep watch.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SECOND.]

How the spies, by order of the governor, went in search of the Guaycurús.

ON Saturday, the governor, with the advice of his captains and monks, arranged that before beginning the march, scouts should be sent in advance to reconnoitre the movements of the Guaycurús, in order that dispositions might be made to attack and drive them from the lands of the Guaranís. So the Indian spies and Christians set forth, and returned at four o’clock in the morning, with the report that the Indians had been hunting the whole day, and that their wives and children were in front of them, and that they did not appear to have any fixed idea of settling anywhere. Upon this being known, it was decided to march at once, as secretly as possible, in pursuit of the enemy, observing the precaution of not lighting fires, and not breaking the ranks for the purpose of hunting or any other motive, in order not to give the enemy an inkling of their whereabouts. These dispositions having been taken, they started in good order, on Sunday morning, and marched at the foot of the forested slopes of the mountains, so as to conceal their movements. The Indian scouts, all picked men and swift of foot, led the advance, returning every now and again to report what they could discover of the enemy.

The order of march was as follows: the Indians went together in a troop extending over a league in length, all arrayed in parrots’ feathers, and with bows and arrows. In front of them was the advanced guard, and behind came the main body, the governor and the cavalry, followed by the Spanish infantry, arquebusiers and crossbowmen. After these came the women, bearing the munitions and provisions of the Spaniards. The Indians carried their own supplies. In this order they marched till mid-day, when they rested under some large trees, where they all halted and partook of some refreshment. After this, they resumed the march, led by the Indian guides, along footpaths, where the quantity of deer and ostriches was amazing. Neither Indians nor Spaniards, however, ventured to hunt for fear of discovering themselves to the enemy; but all kept their ranks, the Guaranís in advance numbering some ten thousand men, all painted and bedizened with necklaces of beads and plumes, and plates of copper, which glistened marvellously well in the sun. And many of them had bows, and a great number of arrows.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-THIRD.]

How the governor, pursuing the enemy, was informed that he was marching in front.

THE governor and his people, marching in this order all day, there happened, shortly after sunset, at the hour of Ave Maria,[322] a tumult among the Indians. And a dispute arose in this wise. A spy came back from the Guaycurús, and brought back word that they were retiring for fear of the Guaranís, and that he had seen them hunting the whole day; and that their wives and children were in advance, and he believed they would settle that evening. The Guaranís had been informed, on the other hand, by some female slaves, whom they had captured a few days previously of another tribe called Merchireses, that the report current among that tribe was that the Guaycurús were engaged in war with the Guatatas, and were about to attack this tribe, and that was why they were advancing with such haste through the country.

[322] Answering to the Angelus in France, and to the Curfew in England.

The scouts continued to follow the enemy closely, in order to see where he would halt, and give the governor information. And he, having heard all this from the last spy, and seeing that it was a fine night, ordered the march to be continued in the same order as before, a strict watch being kept, the archers with their crossbows strung, and the arquebusiers with their arquebuses loaded and fuses lighted, as the occasion required, for although the Guaranís were marching with us and were our allies, it was prudent to observe every precaution, and place as little confidence in them as an enemy, for they are wont to be treacherous if too much trusted.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FOURTH.]

Of a panic among the Spaniards and Indians, caused by a tiger.

THE governor and his army were marching through the skirts of a thick forest, and night was approaching, when a tiger passed through the midst of the Indians, causing a great panic and confusion among them, so that the Spaniards took to their arms, and, thinking the Indians were in revolt, fell upon them, calling on Santiago. In that affray several Indians were wounded, and their companions, seeing the attack made upon them, fled to the mountains. The governor himself narrowly escaped being wounded by two gunshots, the bullets having grazed the skin of his face; and these shots were certainly fired maliciously with intent to kill him, and to please Domingo de Irala, whom he had deprived of the command of the province.

Alvar Nuñez, seeing the Indians had fled, and anxious to put an end to the disorder, dismounted and rushed into the forest after them. He called to them that it was nothing more than a tiger had caused the confusion, that he and his Spaniards were their friends, and that they were all brothers and subjects of His Majesty, and that all should advance together and drive the enemy from the country. The Indians, seeing the governor in person among them, and hearing all he said, became appeased, and descended the hill with him. It is certain that things were at one time so critical as to endanger our men, because, if the Indians had fled and returned to their homes, they would never again have had confidence in the Spaniards. The governor then summoned the chiefs by name, and told them to follow him in perfect security, and have no fear. “If the Spaniards were about to kill you,” he added, “you were yourselves to blame, for you took up arms, and made them believe you intended to kill them; let it be clearly understood that the tiger was the cause of this panic, and let us all be friends once more. You know that the war we are about to engage in is in your interest and on your behalf only, for the Guaycurús have never seen the Spaniards, or had any trouble or grievance with them. We are proceeding against them to protect and defend you.”

Yielding to the governor’s entreaties and encouraging words, the Guaranís returned, and placed themselves under his orders, though still frightened. They said they had been thrown into confusion by the fear that the enemy was upon them, and had fled for protection into the midst of the Spaniards, and this was the only cause of their fear. When the chiefs were pacified, all the people came together, without anyone having been killed. When all were re-united, the governor ordered that henceforth the Indians should pass to the rear, and the Spaniards should march in front, the cavalry being in advance of all, so that the Indians might see with what goodwill the Spaniards marched against the enemy, and lay aside any fears they might still have left; for the Spaniards in that province depended entirely upon the Indians for their means of subsistence, and without this would have had to abandon it altogether. So they marched for two hours after sunset, and halted to sup under some trees on the provisions they carried with them.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIFTH.]

How the governor and his people overtook the enemy.

AT eleven o’clock at night, when the Indians and Spaniards were resting, without light or fire for fear of betraying their presence to the Guaycurús, one of the spies, who had been sent to observe the enemy’s movements, came into camp, and reported that he had seen them setting up their village. The governor was much pleased on hearing this news, as he had feared that they might have heard the reports of the firing that had taken place in the confusion of the night. Having learned from this spy that the spot they had fixed upon for their settlement was three leagues off, he gave orders to strike the camp, and march slowly forward, in order not to arrive at the place too early, so as to be ready to begin the attack at daybreak. As a security to the friendly Indians, and to distinguish them from the enemy, he ordered them all to paint white crosses on their chests and shoulders, so that the Spaniards might recognise them as friends, and not kill them by mistake for Guaycurús. Although this precaution was adopted, it did not avail much in the obscurity of night, when friend and foe became mixed up in hand to hand fighting, and the quick blows of the sword could not be arrested.

We marched till break of day, and then reached the enemy’s habitations, waiting till daylight before delivering the attack. In order that the horses might not, by their neighing, give the enemy warning, the governor ordered their mouths to be filled with grass; meanwhile the Indians were directed to surround the enemy’s position, leaving a passage for his escape to the mountains, so that the carnage might not be too great.

While waiting in expectation, the Guaranís were almost paralysed with fear; nothing would induce them to begin the attack, notwithstanding the entreaties and persuasion of the governor. Soon after the drums of the Guaycurús were heard beating to arms, and challenging anybody to come and fight them, saying they were few in numbers, but more valiant than any other tribe in the land; that they were masters of it, and of all the animals contained in it; they were lords also of the rivers and the fish. These people, who are accustomed to keep watch every night, a little before daybreak came forward and threw themselves on the ground, and in this position saw the host of our army, and the lighted fuses of the arquebuses. And when they saw this they cried aloud, “Who are you that dare come to our houses?” And a Christian who knew their language answered: “I am Hector (this was his name) and I have come with my people to barter (the corresponding word in their language meaning revenge) the death of the Batates[323] whom you slaughtered.” Then they answered, “Cursed be your coming, for you shall be served as they were.” Having thus spoken, they threw the burning logs they held in their hands at the Spaniards, and then rushed into their huts, seized their bows and arrows, and attacked our people with such impetuosity and courage that they appeared to make no account of them. The Indians who had come with the governor showed great cowardice, and would have fled had they dared to do so. Alvar Nuñez, seeing this, entrusted the artillery to Don Diego de Barba; Captain Salazar was placed in command of the Spanish infantry and Indians, these latter being in two divisions. He ordered the breastplates to be put on the horses, and, thus arrayed in order of battle, our forces charged the enemy with cries of “Santiago!” The governor, on horseback, led the van, and cut down all that opposed him. When the enemy saw the horses for the first time, a great fear fell upon them, and they fled to the mountains as quickly as they could. Passing through their village, they set fire to their houses, and these being made of mats of rush and grass, caught fire at once, the flames spreading to the others, about twenty in number, all portable, and each having a length of five hundred paces. Their owners, numbering about four thousand warriors, retired behind the smoke caused by the burning houses, and whilst so concealed killed two Christians, and decapitated twelve of our friendly Indians. This operation is performed by the aid of two or three teeth of a fish called the palometa, which bites fish-hooks in two. These teeth are attached to a small stick. The Guaycurús, holding their prisoners by the hair of the head, pass this instrument round their neck, and with a twist or two of the head, completely sever it from the body, and carry it off by the hair. They will perform this operation while they are running, as if it were the easiest thing possible.[324]

[323]? Guatatas, supra, p. [142].

[324] Cf. supra, p. [55].

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SIXTH.]

How the governor pursued the enemy.

HAVING defeated the Guaycurús, the governor pursued them. As one of the horsemen was following him, an Indian of the enemy seized hold of the mare he was riding by the neck, and pierced her through and through with three arrows he held in his hand; nor could they make him loose his hold of the animal before they had killed him. If the governor had not been present at this fight the victory would have been doubtful.

These Indians are very tall, swift of foot, valiant and strong. They are Gentiles, having no fixed abode, and subsist by hunting and fishing. No nation had ever conquered them before the Spaniards, and their idea is, if anyone should vanquish them, to serve them as slaves. Their women are allowed the right of delivering a prisoner who has fallen into their hands, so that he shall neither be killed nor enslaved, and if he choose to remain among them, he is treated as one of their own people. These women have certainly more liberty than that bestowed on our women in Spain by Queen Isabella, our Sovereign Lady. The governor and his people, being tired of pursuing the enemy, returned to camp, and having assembled his army, began his march towards Ascension, followed by the Guaycurús a great distance, arms in hand; and the governor had much trouble to keep his men together, and prevent them being cut down by those of the enemy who had escaped in the fighting; for a Guaraní having possessed himself of a feather, an arrow, or a mat of the enemy’s, will return home alone without taking the precaution of waiting for his companions. In this way it happened that one thousand of the Guaranís were caught and killed singly by about twenty Guaycurús. Four hundred prisoners, men, women and children, were made in that expedition.

During the return march the horsemen speared a number of deer, and the Indians were surprised to see the swiftness of the horses, which could overtake the deer. They, too, killed very many with their arrows. At four o’clock in the afternoon a halt was made under some large trees, and they passed the night here, having stationed sentinels to keep a good watch.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SEVENTH.]

How the governor and all his people returned to the town of Ascension.

THE following day, in broad daylight, they set out in good order, hunting as they marched, and a number of deer and ostriches were killed. Some of the former were even killed by the Spaniards with their swords, as they fled from the horsemen and Indians and sought refuge in the ranks of the infantry. It was a strange and very pleasant sight to see the chase that day. One hour-and-a-half before nightfall they arrived on the river Paraguai, where the governor had left the two brigantines and the canoes. And that day they began passing the men and horses over to the other side, and continued this the following day from morn till midday, by which time all had been ferried across, and the governor and his people marched on to the town of Ascension, where he had left a garrison of two hundred and fifty men, under the orders of Gonzalo de Mendoza. This captain had made prisoners six Indians of the tribe of Yapirús,[325] who are tall and valiant men, good warriors and runners. They neither cultivate the land nor rear animals, but live exclusively by the chase and fishing; they are enemies of the Guaranís and Guaycurús. Gonzalo de Mendoza informed the governor that these Indians had arrived the previous day, having crossed the Paraguai; and had said that their tribesmen had heard of the war waged against the Guaycurús, and that they and all the other tribes were dismayed on hearing of this, and that their chief had sent them to make it known that they wished to be friendly with the Christians, and to offer their help, should it be wanted, against the Guaycurús. Gonzalo de Mendoza had suspected treachery in all this, and that their real object was to spy out the place; he had therefore detained them prisoners till he could satisfy himself of their sincerity of purpose. The governor ordered them to be brought at once before him, and having sent for a Spanish interpreter who knew their language, questioned them separately as to the objects of their coming. Having seen that it would be to the advantage of His Majesty’s service, he treated them kindly, and gave them many presents for them and their chief, promising he would receive them into his amity as subjects of His Majesty, and would protect and defend them, provided that they desisted from making war on the Guaranís, who were vassals of His Majesty, and that this had been the cause of the war he had made against the Guaycurús; then he dismissed them, well satisfied.

[325] Cf. supra, pp. [54] seqq.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-EIGHTH.]

How the Indian Agazes broke the peace.

GONZALO DE MENDOZA, besides what has been related in the previous chapter, also told the governor that the tribe of Agazes with whom a peace had been made, that very night on which he had started on his campaign against the Guaycurús, had come armed to set fire to the town, and make war upon the Spaniards. These Indians, however, had been seen by the sentries, who had sounded the alarm. Perceiving that they were discovered, they had then taken to flight, and made a raid upon the cultivated land and establishments of the Spaniards, from whom they had taken a number of Guaraní women newly converted to Christianity. Since then they had come every night to maraud and pillage the land, causing much injury to the natives, and had thus broken the peace. The women of their own tribe, whom they had given as hostages for their good behaviour, had that same night of their arrival escaped, and were believed to have informed their people that the town was short of defenders, and that now was the time to kill the Christians. Following the advice of these women they had begun the war, and, as they are wont to do, had laid waste the dwellings of the Spaniards, where they kept their provisions, and had carried away upwards of thirty Guaraní women. The governor caused an inquiry to be made into this, and convoked the monks, clergy, officers and captains, whom he informed of the acts of the Agazes, and how they had broken faith, ordering them in the name of His Majesty to give their opinion in writing as to what they advised should be done, and to sign it with their names. And all agreed to follow this advice, whatever it might be. Then, having discussed and considered the affair thoroughly, they were all of one accord, that war should be made with fire and sword to punish the Agazes for the wrongs and injuries they had committed, and were still committing, in the country. This opinion was unanimous, and signed by all.

In order still further to establish the criminality of their acts, Alvar Nuñez ordered a judicial inquest to be held, and when this was terminated he added it to four others previously entered against them before his arrival. The Christians formerly resident in that country had slain over one thousand of these Indians because of the losses they were constantly inflicting upon them.

[CHAPTER THE TWENTY-NINTH.]

How the governor set at liberty one of the captive Guaycurús, and sent him to summon his fellow tribesmen.

HAVING proceeded against the Guaycurús as we have said, the governor sent for the chiefs of the Guaranís who had marched against the Guaycurús, and ordered them to bring before him all the prisoners they had taken on that expedition, and that none should be concealed, under a severe penalty. The Spaniards also brought theirs, and when all were assembled, he told them His Majesty had ordered that none of those Guaycurús should be enslaved, because all had not been done that ought to have been done to ascertain their condition, and that His Majesty would be rather pleased if these prisoners were given their liberty. Among these captives was one of superior breeding and appearance, whom the governor ordered to be set free, desiring him to summon all his fellow tribesmen, because he had something to say to them in the name of the king, and that if they wished he would protect them, and give them presents, and so he let him go, giving him some presents; and he departed, well satisfied, to his own people. Four days afterwards, he returned accompanied by all his tribe, many of whom were badly wounded; all came, leaving none behind.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTIETH.]

How the Guaycurús came and submitted to His Majesty.

FOUR days after the departure of the prisoner, one Monday morning, he arrived on the bank of the river, accompanied by all his tribe; and they halted by a wood on the bank of the Paraguai. When the governor was informed of it he sent several canoes across with some Christians and interpreters to bring them to the town. Twenty of the Guaycurús having crossed in the canoes, came before the governor, and squatted on one foot in his presence, as they are accustomed to do. They spoke through an interpreter, and said as follows: “We are the chiefs of the Guaycurús, and our forefathers have always been at war with all the tribes of this land—Guaranís, Ymperus,[326] Agazes, Guatatas, Naperús, Mayas, and many others, whom we have hitherto always vanquished, and no people has ever conquered us, and we never thought we should be conquered by anyone. Now we have found others more valiant than ourselves, and we have come to place ourselves in their power and be their slaves. You are the chief of the Spaniards, command us and we will obey your orders. The Guaranís know full well that they are not strong enough to make war on us; we fear them not. They would never have dared to interfere with us without the aid of the Spaniards. Our wives and children are on the opposite bank and are ready to make their submission as we have done. We speak in our own name and on behalf of all our tribe. We have come to offer our submission to the King of the Spaniards.”

[326] Yapirús: cf. supra, p. [149].

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIRST.]

How the governor, after making peace with the Guaycurús, delivered the prisoners to them.

HAVING heard what the envoys of the Guaycurús had said, the governor, seeing that so redoubtable a people had come to place themselves in his power with so much submission (a thing that caused much surprise throughout the land), desired them to be informed, through interpreters, that he had come by order of His Majesty to bring all the people to the knowledge of Our Lord, to be Christians and vassals of His Majesty, and to be well treated; if they ceased making war upon the Guaranís he would protect and regard them as friends, and would treat them better than other nations, and that he would restore all the captives taken from them without ransom, both those taken by the Spaniards and Guaranís. And this was thereupon done. When the Guaycurús had received them, they affirmed once more their wish to become vassals of His Majesty, promising obedience and submission, and that they would henceforth not molest the Guaranís, and that they would bring whatever they took, to the town for the provisionment of the Spaniards. Alvar Nuñez was much pleased with their promises, and he distributed gifts and jewels among the chiefs, and peace was cemented.

Since then they have always kept the peace, and whenever the governor sent for them, hastened to obey his commands. Every eighth day they came laden with venison and wild boar, roasted on barbacoas.[327] These barbacoas are like gridirons, standing two palms high above the ground, and made of light sticks. The flesh is cut into steaks and then laid upon them and roasted. They also brought much fish and plenty of other provisions, such as grease, linen mantles woven of a kind of teasel,[328] dyed in bright colours; and skins of the tiger and tapir, deer and other animals. When they came, the markets for the sale of all these commodities lasted two days. The natives of the other side of the river bartered with them; it was a very great market, and they (the Guaycurús) behaved peacefully towards the Guaranís. These gave them, in exchange for their commodities, maize, manioc, and mandubis; these last are like hazel nuts or chufas, and grow near the ground[329]; they also supplied them with bows and arrows. Two hundred canoes crossed the river together for this market, laden with all these things; and it was the finest thing in the world to see them cross. The celerity of their movements is such that they sometimes collide with one another, and all the merchandise falls into the water. Then the Indians to whom this happens, and those awaiting them on the bank, burst into fits of laughter, and the jokes and merriment continue all the time the market is being held. They come to this market in full paint and in their feathers, and all in this fine plumage are carried down the river, and they vie one with the other who shall be the first across; and this is the cause of their frequent collisions and upsets. In their marketing they talk so loud and so much, that they cannot hear one another for the noise, and all are very gay and jolly.

[327] Barbacoa, i.e., parrillas.

[328] There are several classes of teasel (cardas) in Paraguai. The fibres of one of them (the caraguatá) are used instead of hemp and thread.

[329] Pea-nuts.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SECOND.]

How the Apirús came and made a treaty of peace and submitted.

A FEW days after the departure of the six Apirús to return to their tribe in accordance with the instructions of the governor, some of these people arrived one Sunday morning on the bank of the river opposite Ascension, and from the signs they made it was evident they wished to cross. Thereupon Alvar Nuñez sent canoes to the other side to find out what people they were. As the canoes touched the opposite bank the Indians entered them and came over to the city. On presenting themselves to the governor they said they were of the tribe of Apirús, and having seated themselves on one foot in token of their mission being a peaceful one, they stated they were the chiefs of that tribe, and had come to make acquaintance with the chief of the Christians and to be friends with him, and obey his orders.

The expedition against the Guaycurús had been noised through the land, and had caused much fear among all the tribes, inasmuch as these Indians, the most valiant and redoubtable of all in that country, should have been attacked and defeated by the Christians. In proof of the peace and amity they (the Apirús) were desirous of maintaining with the Christians, they had brought some of their daughters, and entreated the governor to accept them as hostages and as proofs of their goodwill and friendship. In the presence of the captains and clergy, the governor replied that he wished them to understand that he had come to that country in order that its people might be brought to the true Christian faith and become the subjects of His Majesty; he enjoined them to make peace with the Guaranís, who had become vassals of the king, and he promised if they would keep the peace and live in friendship with all the natives of that land, that he would favour and protect them, and allow them to come whenever they wished to the city of Ascension to barter with the Christians and Indians residing there, as the Guaycurús had been allowed to do since peace had been made with them. To make sure of their loyalty, and to please them by showing the value he set on their friendship, he consented to receive as hostages the women and girls they had brought, entrusting them to the care of the monks and clergy, in order that they might be instructed in the doctrines of Christianity, and be taught good manners and customs. To all this the Indians assented, and showed much pleasure and satisfaction at becoming the king’s vassals. Since that time they have behaved obediently, and shown a readiness to obey the governor’s orders. The interview terminated, the Yapirús received many presents, and took their departure well satisfied. These Indians never remain in one place more than three days, but are continually engaged in hunting and fishing in order to provide subsistence for their wives and families. These habits of life, and their want of a fixed abode, rendered it impossible for the clergy to teach them the Christian religion, for the necessities of their lives prevented them from abandoning their nomadic habits, dependent as they were upon these for the means of procuring food; if, on the other hand, they were to be compelled to give up this mode of livelihood, they might die of hunger. Hence it would be lost labour to teach them, nor could the monks live with them, owing to the insecurity of remaining among a people so little to be trusted.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-THIRD.]

Of the judgment passed on the Agazes by the advice of the monks, captains, and other officers of His Majesty.

HAVING received the submission of the aforesaid Indians, as related in the previous chapter, Alvar Nuñez desired to be shown the act of accusation drawn up against the Agazes. Having seen this and the former judgments entered against this people, it seemed to him that their guilt had been clearly established for the robberies and murders committed by them in the land. He then summoned the monks and the clergy, the captains and officers, and showed them the act of accusation and the instructions he had received from the king; and having well considered it, they all unanimously advised that he should make war upon the Agazes with fire and sword, for the service of God and His Majesty. In the first place, however, thirteen or fourteen of these Indians, who had been made prisoners, were condemned to death. The Alcalde Mayor,[330] upon whom devolved the carrying out of this sentence, entering the prison with certain others to fetch them out to be executed, was suddenly attacked by them with knives, and might have been killed, had not some persons hastened to succour him, and used their swords to protect him. In the scuffle which ensued two of the prisoners were slain with the sword, and the rest were taken out and hanged.

[330] The Alcalde mayor was the mayor of the city.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FOURTH.]

How the governor sent relief to Buenos Ayres.

PEACE and tranquillity being now established, the governor sent a party to the relief of Buenos Ayres and Captain Juan Romero, who had been previously despatched with two brigantines and some men with the same purpose. For this new relief the governor decided on sending Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza and two other brigantines with provisions and one hundred men. These dispositions having been taken, he sent for the monks, clergy, and officers, and spoke to them of the measures to be adopted for the discovery of the province, especially with the object of finding a route by land by which the Spaniards might be supplied with provisions in passing through desolate uninhabited tracts, of which there were many in that country. He charged them in His Majesty’s name to give this matter their serious consideration, and advise him in the best way possible. The following are the names of the monks and clergy: the commissary, Friar Bernardo de Armenta, Alonzo Lebron, a Franciscan, Juan de Salazar, of the Order of Mercy, Luiz de Herrezuelo, of the Order of St. Jerome, Francisco d’Andrada, the bachelor Martin d’Almenza, the bachelor Martinez, and Juan Gabriel de Lezcano, clergymen and chaplains of the city of Ascension. He also consulted the captains and officers of His Majesty, and all these, having discussed the question fully, were of opinion that he should with all convenient haste proceed to explore the inhabited country through which the route might lie, into the interior of the country, for the causes and reasons assigned by the governor. And this was the order of the day.

That he might proceed on this discovery in the best way, and as promptly as possible, Cabeza de Vaca sent for the principal Indians and the elders of the Guaranís, and told them of his desire to seek out the tribes in that province of whom they had often spoken to him; but before doing so he wished to send some Christians to reconnoitre the route, and since they (the Guaranís) were Christians and vassals of His Majesty, he asked them kindly to furnish guides from their own people who knew the country, that by doing so they would be rendering good service to the king and advancing their own interests, besides receiving pay and presents for their services. To this the Indian chiefs responded that they would go and prepare the people, who would be ready to start whenever they were required. Many of them offered on the spot to accompany the Christians, foremost among these being Aracaré, a chief of the upper river, and others whom we shall mention by-and-bye. The goodwill of the Indians having thus been manifested, three Christians, who knew the native languages and were experienced men, set out with the Indians who had offered to undertake the discovery. The governor recommended them to use the utmost diligence and fidelity in reconnoitring the road. Meanwhile he ordered three brigantines to be equipped with provisions and other necessaries. In these he sent ninety Christians under the command of Captain Domingo de Irala of Biscay, with orders to ascend the Paraguai as far as he could, and discover as much as possible in the space of three months and a half; to take note of what settlements of natives there were on the banks of the river, collect every information, and report to him on the tribes and inhabitants of that province. The three vessels, with their complement of Christians, set off on November 20th, 1542. With them embarked the three Spaniards and the Indians who were to reconnoitre in advance the route by land from a port on the Paraguai, known as Las Piedras (the rocks), seventy leagues above Ascension.

Eight days after the departure of the ships, Captain Vergara wrote that the three Spaniards, together with 800 Indians, had set out from the port of Las Piedras,[331] in the 24th degree, below the tropic, to prosecute their journey by land, and that the Indians were in good heart, and pleased to show the road. He further wrote that, having recommended the three Spaniards to the care of the Indians, he had resumed his navigation up the river for the purpose of exploring it.

[331] Las Piedras, or Pan de Azúcar, is in 21° 25′.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIFTH.]

How the three Spaniards and the Indians returned from their reconnaissance.

TWENTY days after the departure of the three Spaniards from the city of Ascension to reconnoitre the road, they returned and said, that having taken the chief Aracaré as their principal guide, they started from the port of Las Piedras with 800 Indians, more or less, and marched for about four days into the interior, following the guidance of Aracaré, a man much feared and respected by the Indians. He had, however, ordered all the fields where they passed to be set on fire, and this was a signal to their enemies to come and attack them, besides being contrary to the order usually observed in exploring a new country. Moreover, Aracaré openly told the Indians to return, and not to show the country to the Christians, who were evil, and he spoke in this fashion to them, inciting them to rebel. They had begged the Indians to desist from burning the fields, and entreated them to follow the road, but they had refused; at the end of the fourth day the Indians had turned back, having abandoned the Spaniards to their fate, who were in danger of being lost in an unknown country, all the Indians and guides having turned and fled.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SIXTH.]

How wood was prepared for the construction of two brigantines and one caravel.

ABOUT this time the governor sent in search of timber in order to build brigantines for the voyage of discovery he proposed making, and a caravel to send to Spain, to report to His Majesty how things were going in the province with reference to its discovery and conquest. The governor went in person to the forests and plains with the officers, the shipmasters, and sawyers, and within the space of three months sufficient wood had been prepared for the construction of one caravel and ten rowing vessels (i.e., brigantines) for the navigation and exploration of the river. All this wood was transported by the natives to Ascension, and the construction of the brigantines was at once begun.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SEVENTH.]

How the Indians came again and offered their services.

THOSE Christians who had been sent to discover a road by which they might enter the province, having returned (as we have seen) without bringing any report or information of what had to be done, and many other natives having offered to assist the Spaniards in the discovery of the country, the governor was pleased to speak with the principal among them who came from the riparian districts and were newly converted to Christianity, whose names were Juan de Salazar Cupirati, Lorenzo Moquirasi, Timbuay, and Gonzalo Mayraru, besides others, and to accept their services, offered with much alacrity and goodwill, promising them in the name of His Majesty good pay and handsome reward. Four Spaniards, who knew the country well, asked to be allowed to proceed on this discovery with the Indians, promising to use every diligence in this commission. Seeing this, and that they offered their services spontaneously, the governor acceded to their request. Accordingly, these four Spaniards, the Indian chiefs, and 1,500 other natives set out on the 15th December 1542. Some ascended the river Paraguai in canoes, while others went by land to Las Piedras, whence they were to make their entrance into the interior. They were obliged to pass through the lands and villages of Aracaré, but would not be turned from their purpose this time by the words of this chief, and pursued their march in spite of every attempt on his part to stop them. Their journey from Las Piedras led for thirty days through a desolate region, where their sufferings from hunger were very great. Some of the Indians died, while the Spaniards were reduced to such straits from hunger and thirst that they lost their way and did not know where to go. They therefore decided on returning by the same way as they came, supporting themselves as well as they could, on the wild thistle and other herbs. At the end of forty-five days they returned to the city of Ascension. Aracaré coming down the river, met them on the road and caused them much trouble, showing himself in all this to be the deadly enemy of the Christians and our friendly Indians. At length the Indians and Christians arrived at Ascension, feeble and tired. The governor having learned of the outrageous conduct of Aracaré, which had now become notorious, ordered an act of accusation to be drawn up against him, and to be notified to this chief—a somewhat dangerous commission, because Aracaré came out with arms in his hands, followed by a number of friends and relations, with the intent to kill the Spaniards sent to him. The process, however, was duly served according to law, and Aracaré was sentenced to death and executed,[332] the natives being made to understand the just cause for which this had been done.

[332] This appears to have been the chief Achkere, whose execution was entrusted to Domingo de Irala. Cf. Schmidt, supra, p. [37].

On the 20th December the four brigantines, sent by the governor to the river Paraná to the relief of the Spaniards who had come by ship from the island of St. Catherine, arrived at Ascension, together with the ship’s boat. In these five craft arrived all the people, who soon disembarked. With them came Pedro de Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, who had been left in command of the vessel and the people.[333] He reported that on arriving with his ship in the river Paraná he had gone straight to Buenos Ayres, and at the entrance of that port, near the settlement, he had found a ship’s mast planted in the earth, with an inscription carved on it as follows: “Aquí esta una carta” (Here is a letter). On searching, this letter was found in a hole bored in the mast. It was opened, and found to be signed by Alonzo Cabrera, surveyor of foundries, and by Domingo de Irala of Biscay, who styled himself lieut.-governor of the province. Its purport was, that Buenos Ayres had been abandoned, and its inhabitants removed to the city of Ascension, for reasons set forth in the letter. Pedro de Estopiñan found the place in a state of revolt, and his men ran imminent risk of death both from famine and war, for the Guaranís attacked them incessantly. Twenty-five Spaniards, in order to escape starvation, fled to the coast of Brazil to rejoin the ship, and had not timely succour arrived all must have perished. As it was, the day after the arrival of the relieving party, consisting of 150 Spaniards, the Indians attacked them before daybreak, set fire to their camp, killing and wounding five or six Spaniards, and in spite of the resistance from the men on shore, and those on the vessels, their lives were in great jeopardy. He further reported that measures had been promptly taken to re-establish the settlement and port of Buenos Ayres on another site at the confluence of the Rio Paraná with the San Juan, but this work had been much interfered with by the approach of winter, and the floods, which made breaches in the walls as fast as they were erected. They were consequently compelled to desist from their efforts and bring all the people to Ascension.

[333] Cf. supra, p. [106] seq.

On the eve of All Saints, or on this day itself, some disaster always happened to Gonzalo de Mendoza. On this particular occasion, while navigating at the mouth of the river, one of his vessels was wrecked, and a number of his men drowned. It happened in this wise: the vessels were all at anchor, near the shore, under a high bank, his brigantine being moored to a tree, when an earthquake took place. The shore was thrust up, and fell into the river, bringing down with it the tree to which the galley was moored. This struck the vessel such a tremendous blow as to cause it to capsize and drift down stream, bottom upwards, for half a league. Fourteen persons, men and women, were drowned on this and the other vessels. According to the report of those who were present, such a terrific thing had never before occurred. After these experiences they arrived at Ascension, and were all comfortably lodged and provided with necessaries. The governor, with all his people, returned thanks to God for His mercy in having brought them into safety, and saved them from so many dangers.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-EIGHTH.]

How the settlement of Ascension was burned.

ON the 4th February of the following year, 1543, one Sunday morning, three hours before daybreak, a straw house in the city of Ascension took fire, and the flames spread so rapidly that in a short time the conflagration was awful to see. The Spaniards were greatly dismayed, thinking it was the work of Indian incendiaries, who wished to drive them from the country. In this emergency the governor caused the alarm to be sounded, and all hurriedly took up arms and repaired to their several stations, to be ready to defend their lives and the place. Owing to these measures, the Spaniards escaped with their lives, but their property was all destroyed. Upwards of 200 houses were burnt down, only fifty being saved, these being separated from the rest by a stream of water which ran between them. Upwards of 5,000 measures of maize were burnt in grain, this being the staple production of the country. A quantity of maize-flour, and other provisions, such as poultry and pigs, were destroyed, and the Spaniards were reduced to such a state of destitution that they had no clothes to wear. The fire continued for four days, burning everything above and below ground, even to the walls of the town and fortress. It was ascertained that the fire originated with an Indian woman living with a Christian, who was shaking a burning hammock, when a spark fell on the wall of the house; this being of straw, instantly ignited, and burst into flames. The governor, seeing the miserable condition of the Spaniards, whose houses and property had been destroyed, supplied them with his own things, giving food to those who had none. In this way he promptly relieved their necessities, and caused the houses to be rebuilt of less inflammable materials, using for this purpose clay (tapia). In a few days, such was the energy displayed, the rebuilding was completed.

[CHAPTER THE THIRTY-NINTH.]

How Domingo de Irala arrived.

ON the 15th February Domingo de Irala, returning from his exploration of the Paraguai, moored his three brigantines in the port of Ascension, and landed to make his report to the governor. He said that from the 20th October, when he departed from Ascension, to the 6th January, the festival of the Three Kings, he was constantly navigating the river Paraguai, holding intercourse with the natives along the banks, and noting down the information they gave him. On that day he arrived at a settlement of Indians, who cultivate the soil and rear fowls and geese: the latter as a protection against crickets, which do them much damage, for these insects gnaw and eat their mantles, and breed in the straw of which their houses are built. In order to preserve their garments they keep them and their furs in large earthenware jars, covered with clay lids. In this way they protect their wardrobe. When the crickets fall from the roofs of the houses in large numbers the geese devour them eagerly, and this happens two or three times a day, and is a sight worth seeing. These Indians dwell in the midst of lagoons, and are called Cacocies Chaneses.[334] They told Domingo de Irala that the way into the interior of the country lay through their territory; he travelled for three days by it, and it seemed to him a good land; they had also given him an idea of the regions beyond. There, as he learned, provisions were abundant enough to supply a party of explorers who might enter and take possession of the country. These Indians had shown him specimens of their gold and silver, and had offered to guide him. During the whole of his voyage he did not see a more convenient or better country by which to penetrate into the interior, and he had named the port where he landed, in honour of the day of his arrival, Puerto de los Reyes (Port of the Kings[335]). The inhabitants having expressed a great desire to see the Spaniards, he entreated the governor to go and make their acquaintance.

[334] These Indians are the Xarayos.

[335] This port was situated in 18° latitude.

When Domingo de Irala had made his report concerning all that he had seen and learned, Cabeza de Vaca commanded the monks and the clergy, the officers and the captains, to assemble, and caused to be read to them the report brought by Domingo de Irala. He begged them to give him their opinion and advice as to what should be done for the discovery of this country in the service of God and His Majesty, seeing that now the best and most certain route hitherto known into the interior had been found. And all the assembly agreed that it was expedient for the service of God and His Majesty that an entrance into the country should be made from the port of Los Reyes, and their opinion was reduced into writing and signed with their names. They were also of opinion that the discovery should be made without delay, as provisions and other necessaries were to be found there in abundance.

Having seen and approved of the opinion of the monks, the clergy, and the captains, the governor gave orders to equip and make ready the ten brigantines which had been built for the service of His Majesty. He bade the Guaranís supply provisions for the voyage, the fire having destroyed the stores of the Spaniards, and he expended on these preparations his own resources, paying the Indians for the provisions they brought, besides giving them many presents. This he did so as not to delay matters till the next harvest. In order that everything might be prepared with the utmost speed, he sent Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza with three brigantines up the river Paraguai to the lands and villages of the friendly Indians, vassals of His Majesty, to load these vessels there, ordering him to pay for everything, and treat the natives in a kindly way, satisfying them with presents, of which he took a large number, and he charged him to keep a watch and see that the interpreters dealt fairly by the Indians, abstaining from doing them any wrong or compulsion, under threat of punishment. Those were his orders.

[CHAPTER THE FORTIETH.]

What Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote.

A FEW days after Gonzalo de Mendoza had set out with the three brigantines he wrote and informed the governor of his arrival at the port of Giguy,[336] and of his having sent into the interior to those villages where provisions were obtainable, and that many Indian chiefs had been to visit him, and had begun bringing in provisions; that the interpreters had fled from the natives and taken refuge in the brigantines, because an attempt to kill them had been made by the friends and relatives of an Indian who was in revolt and was raising the country against the Christians and against our Indian allies, advising them not to give us provisions, and that many Indian chiefs had come to beg for assistance and help to protect their tribes against two chiefs named Guaçani and Atabare,[337] who with all their relatives and friends were making war upon them with fire and sword, burning their settlements and ravaging their lands, threatening to kill them and destroy them utterly if they would not unite to drive out the Christians. He (Gonzalo de Mendoza) was temporising and parleying with these people till he knew what measures it would be expedient to adopt, and meanwhile the Indians had brought no provisions, because the enemy had blocked the roads, and his Spaniards were starving.

[336] This river is the Jejuy.

[337] Tabaré; cf. supra, p. [38].

Having read Gonzalo de Mendoza’s letter, the governor assembled the monks, clergy, officers, and captains, and caused it to be read to them. He then asked them to give their opinion as to what they thought expedient to be done in that emergency, having regard to the king’s instructions, which were also read to them; and they answered, that since the Indians were making war against the Christians and His Majesty’s vassals, their opinion was (and it was recorded in writing and signed with their names) that he should march against them, and, after demanding peace, should exhort them to give in their submission; failing which, and after repeating his request twice, thrice, or as often as was deemed necessary, and warning them that they would be held responsible for any evil consequences that might ensue, that then war should be waged against them as enemies, for the defence and protection of the friendly natives.

A few days after the above occurrences, the said Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote again to the governor, informing him how the Indian chiefs Guaçani and Atabare were making a cruel war against the friendly natives, over-running their land, slaying and robbing them, as far as the port where the Christians were collecting provisions, and that the Indian allies were much harassed, and were daily beseeching him (Gonzalo de Mendoza) for aid, and saying that if he did not soon help them, all the Indians would rise in revolt, reminding him, too, of the cruel losses such a war entailed upon them.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIRST.]

How the governor helped those who were with Gonzalo de Mendoza.

AFTER reading this letter, and becoming aware of the complaints made by the natives, Alvar Nuñez summoned another council of monks, clergy, and officers, and, in pursuance of their advice, commissioned Domingo de Irala to take measures to protect the Indian allies, and put an end to the war that had broken out, aiding in every way those natives who had sustained losses at the hands of the enemy. To this effect he sent four brigantines with 150 men besides those who had already gone under the command of Gonzalo de Mendoza, and ordered Domingo de Irala to proceed at once to the ports and villages of Guaçani and Atabare, and summon them, in the name of His Majesty, to desist from the war and to return to their homes, and live henceforward in peace and amity with the Spaniards. Should these chiefs refuse to listen to these proposals, which were to be repeated as often as possible, that he was then to make war upon them, doing them, however, as little injury as he could, and avoiding murders, robberies, and other evils. He was to compel them to make peace and enter into friendly relations with our Indian allies, for while this fighting was going on there could be no peace in the country, and the service of His Majesty would not be advanced. The governor also sent presents for distribution among those who were inclined to come to terms.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-SECOND.]

How four Christians died of their wounds during this war.

WHEN Domingo de Irala arrived at the village of the Indians he sent to summon Atabare and Guaçani, the principal instigators of the war. These chiefs had a large number of people with them who were prepared for fighting, and would not listen to the interpreters when they summoned them to make peace. They even defied the friendly Indians, robbed and caused them much injury. While protecting our allies, a number of skirmishes took place, and some Christians were wounded. They were sent to Ascension to be healed, but four or five died of their wounds. It was their own fault, and the consequence of the excesses they committed, for the wounds were light, and would not have caused death. One of them died miserably from a scratch of an arrow on his nose. These arrows are rubbed with poisonous herbs, and when those wounded by them commit excesses with women, they die. In general, however, the herbs of this country are not dangerous.

The governor wrote again to Domingo de Irala, urging him to renew friendly relations with the Indians by every means in his power, because it was advantageous for His Majesty’s service. Indeed, as long as the country was disturbed by war, surprises, revolts, murders, and robberies, troubles would never cease. By bringing about a peace, he wrote, they would be doing their duty towards God and the king. At the same time he sent a quantity of provisions for gratuitous distribution among the Indians who had served, adding all that he could think of to strengthen peace and concord.

Under these circumstances Domingo de Irala proceeded to make peace. He found the enemy much harassed and fatigued by the war they had been carrying on with the Spaniards, and desirous of putting an end to it. They were disposed to come to terms with our Indian allies and renew their allegiance to the king. Finally, Guaçani and Atabare, and many other chiefs and people, accepted the conditions offered them, and came before the governor to ratify the peace. He told them that in discontinuing hostilities they had done their duty, that he forgave them their past disobedience, and that if they rebelled again they would be punished without mercy. After this he gave them presents, and dismissed them very happy and contented. Seeing now that the country was at peace, and the natives living in concord, the governor ordered them to hasten bringing in the provisions and other necessaries, in order to equip ten vessels he was preparing for the discovery of the country by the port of Los Reyes, in accordance with the resolution come to. In a few days the natives brought over 3,000 quintals of manioc flour and maize, and with these he completed loading the ships, paying for everything to the satisfaction of the Indians. He also furnished the Spaniards with arms and other necessaries.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-THIRD.]

How the friars took to flight.

NOW when the brigantines were on the point of sailing, and everything was ready for the voyage of exploration as recommended by the council, the friars Bernaldo de Armenta and Alonso Lebron his companion, were silently and secretly induced to proceed to the coast of Brazil by the route explored by the governor, bearing certain letters for His Majesty, acquainting him with the bad use the governor was making of the powers and authority graciously conferred upon him. This was done out of jealousy and hatred towards the governor, and in order to hinder his exploration and discovery of the country, so that his service to the king might be of no effect. The motive of their conduct was as follows: When he arrived in that country the governor found everything disorganised, the Christians in poor circumstances and without arms, and the inhabitants complaining of the extortionate behaviour of the officers, who, to advance their personal interests, had most unjustly levied tribute and a new tax, contrary to the custom of Spain and the Indies, to which they gave the name of quinto, as we have already stated in the course of this narrative. But Alvar Nuñez not suffering them to continue these exactions, they opposed his discovery, and it was on this account that the monks were induced by them to depart. These friars caused the people to swear on the crucifix that they would not divulge their departure for Brazil. But when the Indian chiefs had notice of it they came before the governor, and demanded the restitution of their daughters, whom they had given up to the monks to be taught the Christian religion, as it had reached their ears that the monks were intending to go to the coast of Brazil and carry their daughters along with them; and as they understood that all those who went thither never returned alive, and that the girls did not wish to go, and would have run away were it not that the friars kept them in custody. When the governor heard this the monks had already set out on their journey, so he sent after them, and they were overtaken two leagues from the city and obliged to return. The girls they were carrying off were thirty-five in number, besides other Christian converts, all of whom were brought back. This caused a great tumult among the people, as well Spaniards as Indians, and great complaint was made by the Indians at the abduction of their daughters. They also brought before the governor an Indian named Domingo from the coast of Brazil, a person of great importance in His Majesty’s service. Then Cabeza de Vaca ordered the depositions against the monks and officers to be taken, and proceedings were begun against them for the crime they had committed against His Majesty. In order that he might not be detained in his voyage of exploration, he deputed the cause to a judge, and bade him investigate the whole matter as to the misdeeds of the accused persons and the charges brought against them. Two of them he took with him on bail, leaving the others in prison in the city, suspended from office till such time as His Majesty should ordain as to what should further be done in the matter.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-FOURTH.]

How the governor took four hundred men with him on his voyage of discovery.

ALL preparations being now completed for the voyage of discovery, and the ten brigantines having been laden with provisions, the governor selected 400 arquebusiers and archers to accompany him on that journey. Half of these embarked on the brigantines, the others, together with twelve horsemen, went by land along the river bank as far as the port of Guayviaño, keeping constantly among settlements of the friendly Guaranís, this being the best route. The horses were taken on the vessels, but in order that they should not consume the provisions on board, and might feed themselves on shore, they were sent eight days beforehand. The factor, Pedro Dorantes, and the accountant, Philip de Caceres, went with them. Eight days afterwards the governor embarked, having left as his lieutenant Juan de Salazar de Espinosa, whom he charged to administer the province, and govern peacefully and justly in the name of the king. Two hundred soldiers—arquebusiers and archers—and six horsemen remained behind to protect and defend the city. On the day of Our Lady of September,[338] the church upon which Cabeza de Vaca had himself worked ever since its destruction by fire was handsomely finished. He set out from Ascension with twenty brigantines and 120 canoes. In these were 1,200 Indian warriors, whose strange appearance, armed with bows and arrows, produced a wonderful effect, in their war paint adorned with plumes and feathers, and wearing on their brows plates of metal, so that when the sun shone they glittered marvellously. The Indians said they wore these plates in order that they might so glitter and dazzle the eyes of the enemy; and they went forth with loud cries and shouts, all as merry as possible. When the governor departed from the city he left word with Captain Salazar to use every effort to complete the caravel, which he had ordered to be built, and make it ready against his return, so that he might then send his report to Spain of all that had happened in his voyage of exploration. Having made all the necessary dispositions, and the weather being favourable, he reached the port of Tapua,[339] where he was received by the chiefs. These he told that he was about to undertake a voyage of discovery of that land; he therefore begged them always to live in peace and concord with their neighbours. If they obeyed him they would always be as well, and better, treated than heretofore, and he gave presents to be distributed among them, their sons and relatives, and left them well pleased and satisfied.

[338] This is the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, on the 8th of September.

[339] Cf. supra, p. [137].

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIFTH.]

How the governor left part of the provisions he had brought with him.

BECAUSE the vessels were so heavily laden with provisions that they could not safely carry them, the governor left in Tapuá more than 200 quintals, and then sailed further, and after a prosperous voyage arrived at the port called by the Indians Inriquizava,[340] arriving there at one o’clock in the night. Here he remained three days in order to open intercourse with the natives, who came to see him in large numbers, bringing provisions, which were distributed among the Spaniards, as well as among the friendly Guaranís. All these people were received with kindness by the governor, because they had always been our good friends. He gave presents to the chiefs, told them he was about to discover the country, which would be a good and profitable thing for all of them, and meanwhile he begged them to keep peace with the Spaniards that remained in the city of Ascension. This they promised him they would do, and so having left them well pleased and satisfied, he proceeded on his voyage up the river.

[340] Yeruquihaba. Cf. supra, p. [58].

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-SIXTH.]

How he stopped to speak with the natives of another port and land.

ON the 12th of that month he reached another port, called Itaqui, where he moored his brigantines, in order to hold intercourse with the natives, who are Guaranís and vassals of the king. That day a large number of Indians, accompanied by their chiefs, came laden with provisions, whom the governor informed, as he had done the others, of his intended voyage of exploration. These also he exhorted to keep peace with the Spanish Christians at Ascension, and besides paying them for the provisions they brought, he distributed presents among the chiefs and their relatives, leaving them well satisfied. He stayed here two days and then sailed farther, passing by a second port, Itaqui, and afterwards moored at the port of Guaçani—the chief who revolted with Atabare in the war I have spoken of, but who was now living in peace and amity with the Spaniards and their allies. As soon as these chiefs knew of the arrival of the governor they made haste to come and see him, whom he received very lovingly, because they had kept the peace, and all their people were joyous and confident because these chiefs, their masters, having entered into friendly relations with the Christians, all the country was at peace and in tranquillity. The following day they came again, and he showed them much affection, and gave them and their relatives many presents, besides paying for all the provisions they brought, so that they remained well satisfied. And because they were the principal chiefs of those natives, the governor spoke to them in the kindest way, and recommended them to keep peace in all that land, and be diligent in serving and visiting the Spaniards at Ascension, obeying the orders of His Majesty. They answered, that since they had made peace they were determined to keep it, as he would see. In proof of their obedience, Atabare offered to accompany them, being a man well experienced in warfare, and Guaçani said he would remain at home and see that peace was not broken. The governor thought well of all this, and liking the offer made by Atabare, he deemed it prudent to accept it, because if this chief went with him there would be additional security for the observance of peace. He therefore agreed to his coming, and gave him richer presents than he had ever done before, for it was certain that by keeping this chief satisfied the whole country would remain at peace, and nobody would dare to raise a rebellion. So the governor earnestly recommended the Christians to the good offices of Guaçani, who promised to accomplish all he had undertaken. The governor remained four days at this place, conferring with those chiefs and their people, and giving them presents.

When they were about to leave this port, the horse of the factor Pedro Dorantes died, so he told the governor he did not feel disposed to continue in the discovery and conquest of that province without a horse, and begged that he might be allowed to return to the city of Ascension, leaving as his deputy his son, Pedro Dorantes, to serve in the office of factor. This youth was admitted to the said office in the place of his father and allowed to accompany the expedition.

Atabare, the Indian chief, set out in company with the governor, together with thirty relatives and dependents, in three canoes. Sailing from the port of Guaçani, the expedition navigated up the Rio Paraguai, and on Friday, the 24th of September, arrived at the port of Ipaneme,[341] where the governor ordered the brigantines to be moored in order to communicate with the Indians who were vassals of the king, as well as because he had heard that among those Indians there was a Guaraní who had lived for a long while in captivity with the Payaguás and knew their language, their country, and villages. He wished to take him with him as interpreter to the Payaguás, who had slain Juan de Ayolas and other Christians, and obtain in a peaceful way the gold and silver of which they had robbed that leader.

[341] River Ipané.

As soon as he arrived at the port all the natives came towards him, much pleased and laden with provisions. The governor received them kindly and gave orders that they should be paid for all they brought. To the chiefs he gave many presents, and having spoken and dealt with them, he gave them to understand the necessity he was in of having that Indian as interpreter, so as to bring about friendly relations with the Payaguás, and to guide his army by the best route to the settlements of the interior. Then these Indians immediately sent in search of him, to find him out with the least possible delay.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-SEVENTH.]

How he sent for an interpreter to treat with the Payaguás.

THREE days after the natives of Ipaneme had sent in search of the Indian interpreter, he arrived at the port where the governor was staying, and offered to accompany him on his expedition and show him the country of the Payaguás. Then the governor set sail from that port and went further up the river Paraguai, and in four days’ time arrived at the port of Guayviaño, which is the extreme point occupied by the Guaranís. Here he ordered his vessels to be moored, in order that he might speak with the natives, who came to see him with their chiefs, laden with provisions, and the governor received them very well, and treated them and their chiefs in the same gracious manner. These natives informed him that his cavalry were marching through the country, and had already passed through some of their settlements, where they had been well received and provisioned, and that they had been directed on the road to Itabitan,[342] where they intended to await the arrival of the brigantines. As soon as he heard these tidings the governor ordered his flotilla to set sail, and departed from the port of Guayviaño, and, having a fair wind, went on navigating up the river. That same day, at nine o’clock in the morning, he reached the port of Itabitan, where he found his cavalry arrived in good condition. They informed him that they had travelled through the country, keeping on good terms with the inhabitants, to whom they had distributed the gifts they had taken with them.

[342] Itapuan.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-EIGHTH.]

How the horses were embarked in the port.

CABEZA DE VACA remained two days in the port of Itabitan, during which time the horses were embarked and everything concerning the armada arranged in orderly fashion. The country of the Payaguás being now near at hand, he ordered that the Indian interpreter from Ipaneme should be taken on board the leading vessel and give directions as to what had to be done. He then set sail with a fair wind from that port. In order to protect the Guaranís who were with him from the attacks of the Payaguás, he ordered the former to unite their canoes in one body and keep close to the brigantines, and in this way pursue their voyage in good order. At night he directed that all the flotilla should moor alongside the bank, he himself sleeping on shore with a strong guard, the canoes of the Guaranís being attached to the brigantines. The Spaniards and Indians occupied a full league of land along the river, and their numerous camp-fires presented a very pretty sight. During all this navigation the governor provided food for all the people, Spaniards and Guaranís, and supplied them well with everything—fish in great abundance and game, so that they had more than they could eat. In this river there is a kind of wild pig that is constantly in the water, larger than ours in Spain; these animals are aquatic in their habits, remaining on land at night, while in the daytime they are always in the water, and when they see a person they plunge into the river and sink to the bottom, remaining a long time under water.[343] When they reappear on the surface of the water they are at an arrow’s flight from the place where they dived. In the chase of this pig not less than six canoes take part, for, when the animal dives, three go up the river and three go down. The hunters have their bows ready, and, as the animal comes to the surface, they shoot three or four arrows with great rapidity at them before they dive again, and so they pursue them till at length they float on the surface dead of their wounds. Their flesh is considered good to eat by the Spaniards, and there is plenty of it, many parts of this river abounding with these pigs. Our people were so strong and lusty on this voyage that they looked as though they had just arrived from Spain. The horses, too, were in good condition; they were taken on shore several times to hunt deer, tapirs, wild boar, many otters, and other animals.

[343] This amphibious animal is called capibara, i.e., capincho, or water-hog.

[CHAPTER THE FORTY-NINTH.]

How Juan de Ayolas entered the port where he and his Christians were killed.

ON the 12th October the governor arrived at the port of Candelaria, and the country of the Payaguás. It was here that Captain Juan de Ayolas entered with his Spaniards, and hither he returned after his exploration, expecting to find Domingo de Irala, whom he had left in charge of the brigantines, which he had taken with him. Here he remained four months awaiting their arrival, during which time he and his men suffered terribly from hunger. At length the Payaguás, having learned of his weak condition and want of arms, began treating him with familiarity, and offered to receive him and his men into their houses and support them. Then they suddenly fell upon them as they were crossing some marshes full of rushes; every Christian was seized by two Indians armed with poles who struck them several blows on the head, and so they slew Captain Juan de Ayolas and eighty Spaniards, being all that remained of the one hundred and fifty who had gone on that expedition. The blame of their death rests with him who had been left in charge of the brigantines, and who, instead of awaiting their return, abandoned them to their fate, and descended the river to please himself. Had Juan de Ayolas found the brigantines there when he returned, he would have embarked and escaped massacre at the hands of these Indians. But Domingo de Irala acted with bad faith, to the intent that Juan de Ayolas might be slain, and that he might raise a revolt in the land against God and the king. This he afterwards succeeded in, and, to the present day, he is actually in revolt, having destroyed and laid waste all that land, and for twelve years he continues to govern it tyrannically.[344]

[344] This is reckoned from the end of Alvar Nuñez’s government, 1543, to the date of publication of this work in Valladolid, 1555.

The pilots observed here to obtain the elevation of the pole, and found the latitude of that port to be in twenty-one degrees less one-third of a degree.[345] Having arrived here, the armada was assembled before opening communications with the Payaguás and ascertaining where their settlements were situated. The following morning, at eight o’clock, seven Payaguás appeared on the bank of the river, and the governor ordered an equal number of Spaniards, together with the interpreter (who proved very useful), to treat with them, as they were desirous of speaking with them, and of coming to a peaceful arrangement, the captain of the expedition having no other object but that of peace. Having conversed a little while, the Indians asked if these Christians, who had now arrived in the brigantines, were the same as those who formerly went about the country. The Spaniards, who had been warned beforehand, answered that they were not the same as those others, but were newly arrived in the country. Upon this, one of the Payaguás came among the Christians, and was immediately brought before the governor. He asked him, through the interpreter, by whose order he had come. The man answered that his chief, having learned of the arrival of the Spaniards, had sent him to inquire if it were true they were the same people as those who went formerly in the country, and to say that his chief wished to be the friend of the governor, and that all that had been taken from Juan de Ayolas and from the Christians was kept together, and placed in security ready to be restored to the chief of the Christians, in order that peace might be made with them, and to obtain pardon for the murder of Ayolas and the other Christians who had been slain in war. The governor then asked him how much gold and silver they had taken from Juan de Ayolas and from the Christians, and he showed, by signs, that it would amount to sixty-six loads such as the Chanés Indians are accustomed to carry, and that it was all in plates, bracelets, crowns, and axes; also that there were small vases of gold and silver. Alvar Nuñez charged that Indian, through the interpreter, to tell his chief that His Majesty had sent him to that land to establish peace with them and other tribes that would accept it, and that the past wars would be forgiven. He added that if his chief sought friendship, and would be willing to restore all that had been taken from the Spaniards, he should come in person and speak with him (the governor), as he was very desirous of seeing him, and would treat him well, and receive him as a vassal of the king. In token of peace, he sent him several presents, and gave other things as well to the Indian himself, and asked him when he would return with his chief.

[345] This is an error of one and two-thirds of a degree. The exact latitude of Candelaria was 19 degrees, where now is Corumbá.

This chief, though a fisherman, is lord of this miserable people (for all are fishermen); he is a very grave man, feared and respected by his people, and, if anyone offend him and make him angry, he takes a bow, and shoots two or three arrows into him. If the man be killed, he sends for the wife (if there be one), and gives her a bead to appease her wrath at the murder of her husband. If he have no bead to give her, then a couple of feathers. When this chief wishes to spit, one that is nearest to him joins his hands together so that he should spit into them. These, and such like extravagances, are practised by this chief. All along the river there is no Indian that owns such things as he does. The interpreter promised that he and his chief would be there again the next morning, and so he left the governor in expectation.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTIETH.]

How the interpreter and those who had promised to come failed to do so.

THAT day and four more having passed without the return of the Indian Payaguá, the governor sent for the interpreter, and asked him what he thought of this delay. And he said that he believed the chief would certainly never make his appearance, because the Payaguás are very sly and cautious; that the chief’s motive for sending an envoy to treat for peace was only to gain time and prevent the Spaniards and Guaranís from advancing and finding out the settlements of the Payaguás, and that while they (the Spaniards) were waiting the arrival of the chief, the Payaguás were removing their settlements, wives, and children, and that he thought they had fled to some place of concealment higher up the river. He advised the governor to follow, as he was certain that he would overtake them, because he knew they would be heavily loaded. In his opinion, the Payaguás would continue their flight till they reached a lagoon formerly inhabited by a tribe called the Mataraes, whom these Payaguás had slain and destroyed and had taken possession of their land because it abounded in fisheries.

The governor immediately gave orders to raise anchors, and brigantines and canoes went on navigating up the river. Wherever he halted, great numbers of the Payaguás might be seen along the bank, who, as the interpreter had said, were going by land with their wives and children, because the canoes could not contain them. After eight days’ navigation the governor arrived at the lagoon of the Mataraes, and entered it, without finding the Indians he was in search of there. He entered with half his people to seek them out and treat with them, but seeing they did not appear, and in order not to waste his provisions, he ordered all the Christians and Guaranís to return. They had found certain canoes with their paddles concealed under the water, and had seen the track by which the Indians had withdrawn; but the governor would not delay any longer, so, reassembling his people and collecting all the brigantines and canoes together, he pursued his navigation up the river, sometimes sailing, at other times rowing and towing, because of the many bends in its course, till he arrived at a part of its banks where many cassia trees grow.

These are very lofty and vigorous trees, yielding a fruit one palm and a half in length and as thick as three fingers. The people ate much of it, and the inside is as sweet as honey. It does not differ the least from that kind which is brought into Spain from other countries, except that it is much larger and rougher to the taste, because it is uncultivated. There are eighty of these trees united together on the bank of the Paraguai. In these parts of the river there was an abundance of wild fruit, which the Spaniards and Indians ate. Among them was one like a lemon of Ceuti in colour, acidity, peel, and smell, but smaller, no larger than the size of a pigeon’s egg. The tree bearing this fruit has leaves like a lemon. There is a great variety of trees and fruits in this country, and a wonderful diversity of fish, the quantity killed by the Indians and Spaniards surpassing belief. Whenever the wind was unfavourable for sailing they hunted the water-pigs and otters (which were also abundant), using for this purpose the light, swift canoes of the natives. This was a great pastime.

As we were now approaching the country of the Guaxarapos Indians, who inhabit the bank of the Paraguai, and are neighbours and traffic with the port of Los Reyes, for which we were bound, and as these Indians might have been alarmed at such a multitude of people and canoes, and might have fled inland, the governor, in order to allay their fears and pacify them, divided his flotilla into two parts, and, taking five brigantines and half the canoes, led the advance, leaving Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza to follow with the other vessels, canoes, and people, charging him to govern all the people kindly and not abuse his authority. He particularly warned him not to allow any wrongs or violence to be committed upon the native riverine population, and to pay for all the provisions he took, so as to keep the peace and safeguard His Majesty’s interests in that land. Taking with him the five brigantines and the canoes, the governor continued his voyage as I have stated, and, on the 18th October, arrived at a settlement of Guaxarapos Indians. Here thirty Indians having come out, he halted his flotilla within earshot, and addressed them through the interpreter, repeating what he had said to the other tribes lower down the river, exhorting them to give their submission to the king, and promising, if they did so, he would regard them as friends. They accordingly submitted; one of their number was a chief, to whom the governor gave presents and promised to do what he could for them.

Not far from the place where we met these Indians flowed another river. It is about half the width of the Paraguai, with a violent current, and it falls into this river, which comes from Brazil.[346] This was the river along which, old men tell, Garcia the Portuguese came and made war in that land. He entered it at the head of a large number of Indians, fought many battles, and destroyed many tribes, having only five Christians with him. The Indians say that he was never seen to return. He brought with him a mulatto named Pacheco, who returned to the country of Guaçani, who killed him on the spot. Garcia returned to Brazil. Of his Guaraní followers many are said to have been lost in the interior, and the natives told us that we should find many of them there from whom we might obtain information concerning the deeds of Garcia and the nature of the country. Some Indians, called Chaneses, had also sought refuge there, and had allied themselves with the Sococies and Xaquetes, who live near the port of Los Reyes.

[346] This river must have been the Cuyabá.

Having obtained this information from the Indians the governor pushed on to see the river by which Garcia had come, for he was near the place indicated by the Guaxarapos. When he had arrived at the mouth of the river called Iapaneme, he caused soundings to be taken, and the depth was found to be very great. This river has a rapid current, and is bordered on either bank by trees. Cabeza de Vaca ordered one of the brigantines to ascend it for a league and continue the soundings, all of which proved its depth to be great. The Guaxarapos said that along its banks lived various tribes, who cultivated maize and manioc and had large fisheries, obtaining as much fish as they could eat, and extracting oil from these fish, besides killing a quantity of game. The party sent to explore this river reported having seen smoke in several places on the banks—a sign of settlements. It was already late when the exploring party returned, and the governor ordered that the vessels should be moored that night off the mouth of that river, at the foot of a range of hills called Santa Lucia. This sierra was crossed by Garcia. The following morning the pilots observed the elevation, and found the estuary of the river to be in nineteen degrees and one-third.[347] That night a heavy fall of rain, accompanied by a strong wind, caused us great inconvenience. Great fires were made on shore, and many of the people slept by them, while the others remained on board the vessel under coverings of mats and skins.

[347] This is an error. The mouth of the river Cuyabá is in 18° lat.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIRST.]

How the Guaxarapos spoke with the governor.

THAT morning the Guaxarapos, who had been the previous day to speak with the governor, came again in two canoes with supplies of fish and meat, which they distributed among our people, and, having spoken once more with the governor, and received promises of friendship and protection, took their departure. He told them of the other vessels, canoes, and soldiers that were behind, and begged them to receive them kindly and treat them well, as in such case they would suffer no injury; this they promised they would do, but did not keep their word. The cause of this was certainly a Christian, who was punished for it, as I shall presently relate.

The governor left those Indians, and continued his navigation of the river all that day with a fair wind, arriving at sunset at certain settlements belonging to the same tribe of Indians on the river shore, near the water’s edge; but in order not to lose time, and favourable weather for the voyage, he passed on without stopping. These people are agriculturists, sowing maize and other roots, hunting and fishing a great deal, both fish and game being abundant. Men and women wear the skins of wild animals, except a few, who only cover their privities. They tattoo their faces in points and lines, and pierce the lips and ears. Their canoes are only large enough to contain two or three persons at a time. They are exceedingly light, and the skill with which they manage them is admirable. When going up or down the river, the motions of these canoes are so swift that they appear to be flying. A brigantine (though made of cedar wood), and whether propelled by oars or sail, cannot overtake one of these skiffs, though the latter have only two oars, whereas the brigantines have a dozen. They fight in their canoes on the river as well as on land; nevertheless, they traffic with one another, bartering bows and arrows for canoes, which are supplied to them by the Guaxarapos and Payaguás, besides other things. So they become, by turns, friends and enemies with one another.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SECOND.]

How the Indians come and establish themselves on the shore of the river.

WHEN the waters are low, the people from the interior come and live on the banks of the river with their wives and children, and pass their time in fishing, for the fish are abundant and very fat at this season. They lead pleasant lives, dancing and singing day and night, like persons who are relieved from all anxiety about food; but when the water begins to rise, which is in January, they retire inland, because at that season the floods begin, and the waters rise six fathoms above the banks of the river. At such time the country is under water for over one hundred leagues inland, spreading over everything like a sea, so that even tall palms and other trees are covered, and vessels may pass over their summits. This usually happens every year, when the sun crosses one tropic and approaches the other in the latitude of the mouth of the rio del oro. At such times the natives keep very large canoes in readiness for this emergency; and in the middle of these canoes they throw two or three loads of mud, and make a hearth. The Indian then enters with his wife, children, and household goods, and floats on the rising tide wherever they like. He lights a fire on the hearth to cook his food and for warmth, and thus he voyages for four months of the year, or as long as the floods last. While the waters are rising he lands at certain spots not yet inundated, and kills deer, tapirs, and other wild animals which have escaped the flood. As these retire into their channels, he returns the same way, hunting and fishing, and not leaving his canoe till the banks whereon he is wont to dwell are uncovered.

It is a sight to see the enormous quantity of fish left on the dry land after the waters have subsided. This happens in the month of March or April, when all that country smells awfully bad, owing to the poisonous mud which covers it. At this period all the natives, and we ourselves, were very ill, so that we thought we should die; and, as it is then summer in these parts, it is barely endurable. In the month of April the sick begin to recover.

All these Indians spin the thread, of which they make their nets, of a kind of teasel. These teasels are pounded and thrown into muddy pools; after leaving them there fifteen days, they take them out and scrape them with mussel-shells; the fibre is then clean and white as snow.

This tribe, unlike others, has no chief; they are all fishers and woodsmen, inhabiting the borders of the country. These, and all the other people living on the river by which we were now passing, would not suffer any Spaniard or Guaraní to land. In order that they should not molest his people, the governor distributed some presents among them, and told them of the other ships that were following with his friends, whom he begged them to receive and entertain well.

Continuing the voyage one Friday morning, we arrived at a rapid, where the river passes between steep rocks. Large quantities of gold-fish (dorados) descend this rapid, and it was the largest rapid we had yet met with. We passed it sailing and rowing. Here the Spaniards and Indians caught in one hour large quantities of gold-fish, as many as forty of them being taken by one man. These fish are so big that they weigh half an arroba[348] each, and some as much as one arroba. They are excellent eating, the head being the best part. A quantity of oil is extracted from these fish, and those who eat of it become fat and sleek. Broth made of them, if taken continuously for a month, cures skin diseases and leprosy.

[348] The arroba is a Spanish weight, equal to twenty-five pounds of sixteen ounces each.

Continuing the voyage with a fair wind, the governor arrived, on the evening of the 25th October, at a place where the river divides into three channels. One arm forms a great lagoon, which the Indians call the Black River; it runs towards the north into the interior of the country. The other arms, in which the water is of a good colour, reunite a little way further down. The governor continued his navigation till he came to the mouth of a river which flows into the interior of the country to the left, towards the west. Here the Paraguai loses itself in a number of other river channels and lagoons. And the navigation is so intricate that the Indians themselves, who are always navigating them, have difficulty in distinguishing one from the other, and often lose their way. The river now entered by the governor is called by the natives Yguatu,[349] meaning “good water.” It flows towards the lagoon in our favour. Hitherto we had been ascending against the current; we now went down stream.

[349] I believe the name is Igatú, now Jaurú.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-THIRD.]

How they erected three crosses at the mouth of the river Yguatú.

THE governor ordered several sign-posts to be made at the mouth of this river of felled trees. He then had three high crosses erected to serve as signs for vessels, in order that they might not mistake the entrance. During three days we advanced by rowing; then we left the river, and ascended two of its arms which have their source in large lagoons.

On the eighth of the month, one hour before daybreak, we arrived at some high and round craggy rocks in the middle of the river. They are bell-shaped, contracting towards the summit. These rocks are completely barren, producing neither tree nor herb. Their colour is red. We believe they contain much metal, because the country beyond the river is mountainous, forested, and clothed with grass; these rocks, on the other hand, have nothing of the kind, an indication that they contain much metal, because, wherever this is found, neither trees nor grasses grow. The Indians told us that, in bygone times, their forefathers obtained white metal here; but as all our people were ill, and as we had no mining nor founder’s tools with us, nor the implements necessary to probe and search for ore, the governor did not cause search to be made for the metal, leaving it for another time when he passed by that way again, for these rocks are near the port of Los Reyes.

Pursuing our voyage up the river, we entered a lagoon upwards of one league and a half in width at its entrance, and, issuing from it by a second mouth, came to the dry land. At ten o’clock in the morning we anchored at the entrance of another lagoon where the Sacosies, Xaqueses, and Chaneses had established their settlements. The governor did not wish to go any further without acquainting the Indians of his arrival. He accordingly sent an interpreter with some Christians in a canoe to speak with them in his name and summon them to an interview. These envoys returned at five o’clock in the evening, and announced that the Indians had come forth to receive them, showing great pleasure, and telling the interpreter that they already knew of their arrival and were desirous of seeing the governor and the Christians. They reported that the waters had fallen a good deal, and by reason of this it had been difficult to take their canoe there; that in order to pass the shallows and arrive at the port of Los Reyes, it would be necessary to lighten the vessels, as the depth was only one span, whereas the draught of the loaded brigantines was five or six. These shallows were near the port of Los Reyes. The following day the governor ordered the departure of the ships and of all the people, Christians and Indians. They rowed till they came to the shallows, when everybody had orders to get into the water, which did not reach to the knee. Then the Indians and Christians ranged themselves round the sides of the brigantine named St. Mark, and pushed with their shoulders, nearly lifting her out of the water by the strength of their arms without unloading her. That shallow was more than an arquebuss shot and a half long, and the difficulty of passing it was very great. When this was over, the other brigantines were passed in the same way with less trouble, because they were smaller. Having floated them into deep water we disembarked at Los Reyes, where we found a great assemblage of natives with their wives and children waiting for us. The governor and all his people landed, and the natives came towards them. He told them that he had been sent by His Majesty to warn them to be Christians and receive the Christian doctrine, to believe in God the creator of heaven and earth, and to be the vassals of the king. If they did this they would be protected and defended against their enemies and against all who would injure them, and that they would be well treated and looked after in accordance with His Majesty’s orders; if they conducted themselves well he would not fail to give them presents, as he always did to those who were good. He then convoked the clergy and told them he wished a church built where Mass could be said and other divine rites celebrated for an example and comfort to the other Christians; and he charged them to have a special care of these. He ordered a large wooden cross to be erected on the bank of the river, under some tall palms, in the presence of the officers and many others there present. He took formal possession of the country in the name of His Majesty, and in the presence of the notary, as newly discovered land, and, having conciliated the natives by bestowing presents upon them, he ordered the Spaniards and Guaranís to take up their quarters on the shore of the lagoon, cautioning them to do the natives no injury or violence, because they were friendly, and vassals of the king. Moreover, he gave them strict orders not to enter the native settlements and houses, because what the Indians fear and hate most, and what irritates them more than anything, is to see the Christians, accompanied by Indians, entering their houses, disturbing their things, and taking away the few possessions they have. If they trafficked with them, they were to pay for whatever they bought, or they would be punished.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FOURTH.]

How the Indians of the port of Los Reyes cultivate the soil.

THE Indians of this port of Los Reyes are agriculturists, and sow maize and manioc (the cassava of the Indies), and an abundance of mandubies (which are like large filberts). They sow twice a year. The land is fertile, abounding in provisions, game, and fisheries. These Indians rear numbers of geese, as a protection against crickets (as I have described). They also rear fowls, and shut these up at night to protect them from bats, which cut off their combs, and, in this way, cause their death. These bats are an evil kind of animal, and numerous on the banks of the river. They are larger than our doves in Spain, with teeth so sharp that their bite is not felt. They never bite a man except in the toes and the tip of the nose. When several persons are together, and this animal has bitten one, he will not touch the others, but never leaves that one he has attacked. They bite at night, but never appear in the day-time. We had great difficulty in protecting our horses’ ears from them. When a bat enters a stable, the horses become so frightened that they waken all the people in the house, and it is impossible to quiet them till the bat has been killed or driven out. The governor was bitten by one of those animals while he was asleep in a brigantine, one of his feet being uncovered. All night the blood kept on flowing, till he woke from feeling his leg cold, and finding the bed soaked with blood, thought somebody had wounded him; but those on board searched for the place where he was wounded, and, when they found what they knew, by experience, to be the bite of a bat, they laughed. The governor found that a slice of his toe had been bitten off. These bats always bite where there is a vein. They served us a bad trick on one occasion. When we were starting on our voyage of exploration we had six pregnant sows, and hoped to rear a race of pigs. When the little pigs were born, and tried to suck their mother, they could not find her teats, because these had been bitten off by the bats; so the young pigs died, and we had to eat the sows, because they were unable to rear their young.

There are other bad animals in this country; these are very large ants of two kinds, red and black. It is most pitiable to see a person who has been stung by either of these ants, for he utters loud cries, and rolls on the ground for twenty-four hours, during which the pain lasts; and there is no remedy for it. There are very many rays in this lagoon, and, if a fisherman happen to tread on one, it bends its body up, and inflicts a smart blow with the tip of its tail, which is about the thickness of a finger, and has a saw-like edge. This fish is about the size of a xeme,[350] and, if the blow it delivers strike the foot, it goes right through, and the pain is as intense as that from the ant-stings; but it may be stopped at once by chewing and applying to the wound a certain weed the Indians know of. This takes the pain away completely, though the wound does not heal for a month.

[350] The xeme is the span from the extremity of the thumb to that of the forefinger, when stretched to their utmost, equal to about six inches.

The natives of this country are of average height. They are quite naked, and pierce holes in their ears large enough to pass the fist through; in these they insert gourds of a medium size, afterwards replacing them by larger ones, distending the lobe of the ear till it hangs down to the shoulder. For this reason they are called Orejones, like the Incas of Peru. When they fight, they take these gourds or discs out of their ears and roll them up, or else tie their ears behind their heads. The women do not cover their nakedness. Every person lives separately with his wife and children. The occupation of the women is to spin cotton; the men cultivate the fields, returning to their homes in the evening, when they find their meals ready. The women do no other work except at harvest time, when they assist in gathering the maize, and garnering it. From that place the Indians begin to be idolaters; they worship idols made of wood; but, according to the reports brought to the governor, those farther inland have idols of gold and silver.

The governor tried, with kind words, to turn the natives of Los Reyes from idolatry, persuading them to burn their idols, and believe only in God, who created heaven and earth, man, the sea, fish, and every living creature, and that he whom they worshipped was the devil, who deceived them. They burned some of their idols, but their chiefs were frightened, saying the devil would kill them, and that he would be angry with them. As soon as the church was built, and Mass had been said, the devil fled from that country and left the Indians in peace and tranquillity. This was the first settlement of the campo; it was a little over half a league in extent, and contained eight hundred houses of agriculturists.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIFTH.]

How the Indians of Garcia settled in this place.

HALF a league off there was a small village of about seventy houses, belonging to the same tribe of Sacocies, and four leagues farther two villages of Chaneses, who settled in this country, and took wives when Garcia came from the interior. A number of them came to see the governor, and said they were friendly with Christians because of the kind treatment they had experienced from Garcia[351] when they followed him from their own country. Some of them had glass beads and other things which they said Garcia had given them. They are all agriculturists, and rear geese and fowls, the latter like those of Spain. The governor treated them well, and gave them presents, receiving them as vassals of His Majesty. He begged them to be faithful to the king, and good to the Christians, adding that, if they conducted themselves well, he would favour and treat them better than they had yet been treated.

[351] Of course, this is not the Pilot Diego Garcia who went at the same time as Sebastian Cabot, nor the fabulous Alejo Garcia mentioned by some writers as having been in Paraguai before them.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SIXTH.]

How they spoke with the Chaneses.

THE governor informed himself through these Chaneses about the interior of the country, and concerning its settlements, how many days’ journey these were from the port of Los Reyes. The chief of the Chaneses, who was about fifty years of age, said that when Garcia brought them from their country they accompanied him through the lands of the Mayáes[352] to those of the Guaranís, who slew the Indians he brought with him, and this chief and others of his tribe escaped, and fled along the bank of the Paraguai, up this river till they came to the settlement of the Sacosies, who received them. They durst not go home the way they came with Garcia, for fear lest the Guaranís should overtake and kill them. They could not say, therefore, how far it was to the villages of the interior; this circumstance, and their ignorance of the road, prevented them from returning to their country. The Guaranís, however, inhabiting the mountainous region knew the way, and could show it, for they were accustomed to come and go in their wars against the Indians of the interior. In answer to questions put to him about the inhabitants of his country, their manner of life, and mode of making war, he said that all the people in his land obeyed one chief, who was over all, and many of his tribe were at war with Indians, called Chimencos and Carcaracs, and there were numerous other tribes in that land, known as the Gorgototquies, Paysunóes, Esterapecócies and Candirées, who had all their own chiefs, and made war. Their weapons are bows and arrows, and they are mostly agriculturists. They rear animals, sow maize, manioc, potatoes and mandubies, and keep geese and fowls like those of Spain. They also rear large sheep (llamas), and make war one upon the other. They barter bows and arrows, mantles, and other things for bows, arrows, and women. Having given this information, these Indians went away well satisfied. Their chief offered to accompany the governor on his expedition of discovery, saying that he would return to his country with his wife and children, and what he most desired was to live in his own country.

[352] Mbaiás: cf. supra, p. [63].

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SEVENTH.]

How the governor sent to find out the Indians of Garcia.

HAVING obtained all the information he could from the Indian chief, the governor ordered some Spaniards to go and find out the Guaranís of that land, in order to get information from them and guides for his voyage of discovery. Some Guaranís of those he had brought with him accompanied the Spaniards, who set out preceded by guides. At the end of six days they returned and reported that those Guaranís had left the country, for they had found the villages and houses deserted, and the whole region depopulated since they had gone for ten leagues round it, without finding a living soul. Having heard this, the governor asked the Chaneses if they knew into what part the Guaranís had gone. They answered that the natives of that port and island had joined together, and made war against those Guaranís, and had killed many of them; the remainder had fled into the interior. They believed that the Guaranís would join with other tribes of the same nation, who lived near to a people called Xarayes, against whom, and other tribes, they were at war. According to their information, the Xarayes possess gold and silver given to them by the Indians of the interior; in that direction all the country is inhabited, and he might go to those settlements. The Xarayes, they added, are agriculturists: they sow maize and other seeds in large quantities, rear geese and poultry like those of Spain.

The governor asked how many days’ march it was from the port of Los Reyes to the Xarayes’ land, and they answered that the journey could not be made by land, because the road was very bad, owing to the numerous swamps and lakes, but that if he chose to go thither by water in canoes, it would take eight or ten days.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-EIGHTH.]

How the governor held a council with his officers and informed them of what was passing.

SOON after this the governor convoked the officers and the clergy, and having told them of the report made concerning the Xarayes and Guaranís living on the frontier, it was decided that two Spaniards and two Guaranís should go with some natives of the port to speak with the Xarayes, and find out what kind of land it was, and collect information concerning the settlements and tribes of the interior, and the road thither; they were also to speak with the Guaranís, as from them they would be more fully and surely informed of the truth. That very day the two Spaniards started, and their names were Hector de Acuña and Antonio Correa, interpreters of the Guaraní language, with ten Indian Sacosies, and two Guaranís. The governor ordered them to tell the chief of the Xarayes that they were envoys sent to speak with him, and contract friendship with him and his people; that he begged him to come and see him, as he wished for a personal interview. The Spaniards were moreover desired to obtain information of the tribes and settlements in the interior, and of the route leading thither. Alvar Nuñez gave the Spaniards several presents, and a scarlet cap to present to the chief of the Xarayes, and another one for the chief of the Guaranís, to whom they were to say the same as to the chief of the Xarayes.

The following day Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza arrived with his troops and vessels, and reported that on the eve of All Saints’ day, while navigating past the country of the Guaxarapos, after speaking with this people, who gave themselves out as friends (saying that they had done the same with those who had passed before), the wind being contrary, and the Spaniards about to moor the brigantines, just as the five leading vessels were turning an elbow of the river, under sail, and one brigantine, commanded by Agustin de Campos, was behind, being towed along the shore, the Guaxarapos, seeing that its crew were all ashore, attacked them, and killed five Christians; and that Juan de Bolaños, while trying to swim to the vessel, was drowned. Our people had thought they were so safe, and were so confident, believing the Indians to be friendly, that they were not on their guard. Had not the other Christians escaped to the brigantine, they would all have been killed, because they were entirely unarmed. The death of these Christians did great harm to our reputation, for the Guaxarapos, who were in the habit of coming in their canoes to the port of Los Reyes, spread the news how they had slain the Christians, asserting that we were not valiant, and that our heads were soft, that the natives of that port ought to kill us, and that they would help them to do this. From that time these natives began to cherish evil designs against us.

[CHAPTER THE FIFTY-NINTH.]

How the governor sent an expedition to the Xarayes.

EIGHT days after Antonio Correa and Hector de Acuña, with their Indian guides, had set out, as we have stated, for the country and villages of the Xarayes, they returned to the port and told the governor what they had seen, done, and learned about the country, the people, and their chief. They brought with them an Indian whom the chief of the Xarayes had sent as a guide for the discovery of the land. Antonio Correa and Hector de Acuña said that, the very day of their departure from the port of Los Reyes, they arrived at a village of Indians called Artaneses, who are big men, and go naked. These people are agriculturists, but they sow little, for they have not much land fit for cultivation, because most of it is inundated, and covered with arid sand. They are poor, and subsist chiefly by fishing in the lagoons near their villages. Their women are very ugly, tattooing their faces with the tip of the ray’s tail, which they keep for this purpose, and they cover their nakedness.

These Indians are also hideous, owing to the habit they have of piercing a hole in the lower lip, and inserting in it the husk of a fruit of a certain tree, which is as large and round as a tortero.[353] This weighs down, and distends the lip in a manner frightful to see. Antonio Correa and his companion reported that the Indians had received them well, and had given them what they had to eat. The next day they brought them a guide. They had taken water to drink on their journey in gourds, and had marched all that day through swamps,[354] sinking at each step to the knees in mud, and withdrawing their feet with great difficulty. The mud was so heated by the sun that it scorched their legs, and produced painful wounds on them. That day they certainly thought they would have died of thirst, for the water in the gourds only lasted half the day. They slept on the open ground, between swamps, overcome with fatigue, thirst, and hunger. The following day, at eight in the morning, they came to a small lagoon of very muddy water, where they refilled their gourds, which the Indians carried, and marched the whole day through inundated land, as they had done the day before, except that they found some lagoon water with which to refresh themselves, and a tree with a little shade, where they reposed, and ate the remainder of their provisions, without leaving anything over. The guides told them that they had still a day’s march before them to reach the settlements of the Xarayes.

[353] The knob of a spindle for twisting thread.

[354] Cf. Schmidt, supra, p. [47].

Night having come, they rested, and at daybreak resumed their march. Soon afterwards they came to other swamps, from which they thought they would never extricate themselves, not only because of the painful burning of their legs, but because they sank to the waist, and could hardly get out. These swamps extended for a little over a league, and then they found the way better and firmer. The same day, at one o’clock in the afternoon, having eaten nothing, and not having the wherewithal to satisfy their hunger, they met some twenty Indians who came towards them. These people arrived with pleasure and joy, laden with maize, bread, cooked geese, fish, and maize wine. They told the Spaniards that their chief had learned of their coming to his country, and had ordered them to bring food and speak to them on his behalf, and guide them to where he and his people were, who would be glad to receive them. Thanks to this food, Antonio Correa and his companions made up for their previous fasting. The same day, one hour before night, they arrived at the Indian settlements.

When they were a bow-shot off, upwards of five hundred Xarayes came forth to receive them with great joy. All were elegantly attired with parrots’ feathers, and aprons of white beads to cover their nakedness. They placed the Spaniards in their midst, and led them into the village, at the entrance to which large numbers of women and children were waiting for them. The women all had their privities covered, and many of them wore wide cotton dresses, this material being in use among them under the name of tipoes.

When the Spaniards had entered the village they came to where the chief of the Xarayes was. He was surrounded by three hundred Indians of very good appearance, mostly elderly men. This chief was seated on a cotton hammock in the midst of a large open place, all his people standing round him. They formed a lane by which the Spaniards might pass, and when these had come into the presence of the chief, they brought two little wooden stools, on which he signed to them to be seated. He then sent for an Indian Guaraní, who had been long in their country. This Indian had married a woman of their tribe, and was much loved by them, and regarded as one of themselves.

By means of this interpreter, the chief then bade the Spaniards welcome, and said how delighted they all were to see them, for he had long wished to know the Christians. He had heard of them at the time of Garcia’s visit to that country, and looked upon them as friends and relatives; he wished to make acquaintance with the chief of the Christians, because he had been told that he was kind and friendly with the Indians, that he gave them presents, and was generous, and he wished to know if the chief had sent them for anything, because he would give it them. The Spaniards told him, through the interpreter, that the governor had sent them to learn from him the route he should follow to reach the settlements in the interior, and to know by what tribes and villages he would have to pass, and in how many days he might arrive at the Indians that had gold and silver. They added that the object of their journey was also to inform him that the governor wished to make his acquaintance and contract an alliance with him. They spoke of all that the governor desired them to say. The Indian replied: “I am rejoiced to have you as my friends; I and my people consider the governor as our master; he has only to command, and we will obey him. Concerning the road leading to the settlements of the interior, I do not know of one, never having been there, because all the country is under water for two months, and when the waters subside the country is impassable. Nevertheless, the Indian Guaraní, who is serving as interpreter, has been in the interior and knows the road; to please the chief of the Christians I will send him to be his guide.” Thereupon, in the presence of all the people, he bade the Guaraní accompany them, which he did very willingly.

The Spaniards having seen that the chief denied that there was a road, for reasons which seemed to them after their experiences to be good and true, believed him. They asked him, however, for guides to lead them to the Guaraní settlements, because they were desirous of seeing and talking with these people. At this request the Indian was much troubled, and yet putting a good face on the matter, he answered, that the Guaranís were his enemies, and he was constantly at war with them, and hardly a day passed that they did not kill one another; and that since he was the friend of the Christians, they should not go in search of his enemies and contract an alliance with them. “However,” he added, “if you will go and visit these Guaranís, my people will conduct you there to-morrow morning.” As it was now night, the chief took them into his house, and gave them to eat, and had hammocks prepared for them. He then offered each of them a girl to sleep with, but they declined on the score of fatigue.

The following morning, one hour before daybreak, a great noise of drums beating and trumpets was heard, as though the whole village was falling about their ears. On the square in front of the chief’s house, all the Indians were assembled in their feathers and war-paint, armed with bows and arrows. Immediately the chief ordered the door of the house to be thrown open, in order that they might see his six hundred warriors, and he said to the Spaniards: “Christians, look at my people; it is thus they go to the Guaraní villages; go with them; they will take you there, and bring you back, for if you went alone they would kill you, knowing that you have been with me, and are my friends.” The Spaniards, seeing that in this way they would not have been able to speak with the chief of the Guaranís, and might lose the friendship of the Xarayes, answered that they had made up their minds to return to their chief and inform him of everything, and would see what he ordered, and then return and let him know. In this way the Indians were pacified. All that day they remained in the settlement of the Xarayes, which contained over one thousand inhabitants, and one league off there were four other villages of the same people, all of whom obeyed the said chief, whose name was Camire.

These Xarayes are tall men, and well made; they are agriculturists, sowing and reaping twice a year maize, potatoes, manioc, and mandubies. They rear large numbers of geese and fowls like ours in Spain. They pierce the lip like the Artaneses. Everyone lives separately with wife and children; they hoe the ground and sow; the women gather the produce and carry it to their houses; they spin much cotton. These Indians rear geese to devour the crickets, as we have before described.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTIETH.]

How the interpreters came back from the Xarayes.

THESE Xarayes have large fisheries, both in the river and lagoons; they also chase the deer. The Spaniards having remained the whole day with the chief, gave him the presents and red cap sent him by the governor. The chief was marvellously well pleased to receive them. He immediately sent for head-dresses of parrots’ feathers, and gave these to the Christians to take to the governor; these ornaments were very elegant. The Christians then took leave of Camire, who ordered twenty of his Indians to accompany them. These men went with them as far as the settlements of the Artaneses, and then returned home, leaving with the Spaniards the guide given them by the chief. The governor received him well, showing him much kindness, and at once asked him through interpreters if he knew the road into the interior, to what tribe he belonged, and about his country. He replied that he was a Guaraní, a native of Itati, on the Paraguai; when he was a boy his tribe made a great league of all the Indians of that country, and marched into the interior. He followed his father and relatives to make war upon the natives, and take from them plates and ornaments of gold and silver.

As soon as they arrived at the first settlements of the interior they began making war, and slew many Indians. A great number of the inhabitants took to flight, and sought refuge in the villages farther inland. Very soon the tribes of that inner land joined together, and came up against the Guaranís, defeated them, and slew many; others fled in various directions. The enemy pursued and blocked the passes, thus cutting off their retreat, and killed all those who were unable to escape. He made signs to show that only two hundred of that great multitude succeeded in making good their escape, and he was of this number. The greater part remained in the forests through which they had passed on their way out, not daring to go farther for fear of being killed by the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other tribes occupying those parts which they would have to traverse. He did not remain with those who settled in the forest region, but preferred accompanying those of his countrymen who returned. One night, as they were on the march, they were discovered by the tribes, who set upon them, and killed all, he alone escaping into the recesses of the forests, and, continuing his march, arrived at the country of the Xarayes, who spared his life and brought him up. They took a fancy to him, married him to a woman of their own tribe, and treated him as one of themselves. He was asked if he knew the road taken by his people when they went into the interior. But he said it was long ago that his countrymen advanced into that country, and that as they went they opened a road, by cutting down trees and clearing the ground, which was quite wild. He thought that the roads then made would long ere this have been choked with weeds, for he had never been that way since. Nevertheless, he thought that if he once found the road he might continue in it. He added that the road began at a high, round mountain in sight of Port Los Reyes. He was asked in how many days the first settlement would be reached. He answered that, if his memory served him right, in five days they would arrive at the first settlement, where provisions were plentiful, and the people great agriculturists; for though his people that went to that war destroyed the inhabitants, and depopulated vast tracts, the country was beginning to recover. Asked if there were large rivers and springs by the way, he answered that the rivers he saw were not large, but there were other copious streams, and there were springs and lakes, deer and tapirs, and plenty of honey and fruits. To the question, if at the time when his people made their expedition into that country he saw much gold and silver among the natives, he answered that from those tribes they had plundered much gold and silver plate, barbotes,[355] ear-rings, bracelets, crowns, hatchets, and small vessels, but that these things had been retaken when they were defeated; that those who escaped carried some away, but that these were afterwards stolen by the Guaxarapos, who killed them as they passed through their territory. A little of the plunder probably remained with those who settled in the forest region, and he had heard that the Xarayes had some also, for when these Indians went to war against other Indians, he had seen them returning with plates of silver which they had captured. He was asked if he would accompany the Christians as guide. He answered yes, that he would gladly do so, and that his master had sent him for that purpose. The governor warned him to speak the truth concerning the road, for otherwise he would have to pay dearly for it, but that if he spoke the truth he would derive much benefit. He answered that what he had said was the truth, as far as he knew, and that he was desirous of going with the Christians to discover and find out the way.

[355] These were the ornaments inserted in the lower lip.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FIRST.]

How the governor decided on entering the country.

HAVING obtained this information, the governor determined, in accordance with the advice of the officers and clergy and captains, to penetrate into the interior and discover the settlements there, and for this purpose he chose three hundred arquebusiers and crossbowmen. As the country through which they had to pass before they came to the inhabited districts was deserted, he ordered them to take provisions for twenty days. He ordered one hundred Christians to remain in the port to guard the brigantines, with 200 Guaranís, and appointed Captain Juan Romero to be their commander, for he knew the country. We left the port of Los Reyes on the 26th November 1543. All that day we marched through cool and shady forests, following our guide by a little frequented path. That night we rested by the side of some streams of water, and the following morning, one hour before daybreak, resumed our journey, sending twenty men in advance with the guide to clear the road; for the further we went the more closed we found it by trees and high, thick weeds, rendering it very difficult to penetrate into the interior. That same day, at five o’clock in the evening, we halted to pass the night by the side of a great lagoon, where the Indians and Christians caught fish in their hands. As we advanced, we ordered the guide to climb the trees and hills to reconnoitre, and make certain we were on the right road to the inhabited country.

The Guaranís, whom the governor had brought with him, supported themselves on the provisions they had been allowed to take, on the honey they extracted from trees, and by the chase of wild boar, tapirs, and deer. Though game seemed plentiful, the expedition was so numerous, and the noise made on the march was so great, that the wild animals took fright, and not much was killed. The Indians and Spaniards also partook of the wild fruits, found in abundance. None of these did them any harm, except that of a tree resembling the myrtle, with a fruit similar to that of the Spanish myrtle, but a little larger, and with a fine flavour. All those who ate of it vomited, or had diarrhœa. These effects, however, did not last long, and did no further harm. They also made use of the palm-tree, which is common in that country. The date of this palm is not edible, but the nut inside is round, and like a sweet almond. The Indians make flour of it, and find it nourishing; the young shoots of the palm are likewise very good eating.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SECOND.]

How the governor arrived at the Rio Caliente.

WE had marched five days in the country, following our guide, always obliged to cut our way with infinite labour, when we came to a rivulet, which falls from a mountain; its water is very warm, clear, and sweet; and the Spaniards caught some fish in it. Here the guide began to be embarrassed, saying that as it was a long time since he passed that way he did not recognise it, and was at a loss how to guide us, the old track having entirely disappeared. The next day the governor left the Rio Caliente (river of warm water); and we followed the guide with great trouble, cutting our way through forest, brushwood, and a multitude of obstacles.

That same day, at ten o’clock in the morning, two Indian Guaranís presented themselves before him, and said they were some of those who had remained in those deserts after the wars waged by their tribesmen against the people in the interior, when they were defeated and massacred. They and their wives and children had concealed themselves in the most inaccessible parts of the forest for fear of the natives, and only fourteen of them survived; that at two days’ journey there was a hamlet of Guaranís, numbering ten persons, one of whom was a relative of theirs, and that there were other Guaranís in the country of the Xarayes, who were at war with this people. As these Indians seemed frightened of the Christians and their horses, the governor ordered the interpreter to reassure them, and asked them where they dwelt; they answered that their homes were close by, and soon their wives and children arrived with others of their relatives, who may have numbered fourteen in all. These confirmed what the first two had said. On being asked how they supported themselves in that country, and how long they had inhabited it, they answered that they cultivated maize, and lived by the chase, on honey and wild fruits, and that when their fathers were killed they were children. The oldest of them might have been about thirty-five years of age. They were asked if they knew the way thence to the settlements of the interior, and how long it would take to arrive at the inhabited land. They answered that as they were very young when they were brought there, and had never made the journey since, they were unable to direct us how to go, nor could they say how long it would take to arrive at that region. But they added, their relatives, who lived in the hamlet, two days’ journey from theirs, had passed several times by that road, and knew it. Perceiving that these Indians did not know the road, the governor told them to go home, and dismissed them with presents, with which they returned to their homes well satisfied.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-THIRD.]

How the governor sent to discover the house which was further on.

THE following day the governor sent an interpreter with two Spaniards and two Indians to the house of which mention has been made, to ascertain the road and the time it would take to reach the first inhabited parts. He ordered that they should report as promptly as possible to him any information they were able to obtain, in order that he might take measures accordingly. The day after the departure of these scouts he ordered his people to follow by short marches the route they had taken. When they had thus been marching three days an Indian arrived, bearing a letter for the governor from the interpreter, saying that he had arrived at the house of the Indians, and had spoken with the man who knew the road into the interior. This man had told him that the first inhabited place was the summit of a rocky hill called Tapuaguazú, that on reaching it a view might be obtained of a wide extent of inhabited country, and that it might be sixteen days’ journey from his place to Tapuaguazú, and that the road thither was very difficult because of the trees, thickets, and high grass, besides other inconveniences. The interpreter added that since leaving the governor they had found the country thickly forested and so difficult that they had undergone great fatigues. For the greater part of the way they had crawled on hands and feet, and, according to the Indian relative, the road farther on was even worse. They intended bringing this Indian back with them that the governor might obtain information direct from him. Having read this letter, the governor followed the path by which the messenger had come, but found it so thickly wooded and beset with difficulties that it took a whole day to clear a passage the length of a slinger’s shot. Heavy rains having now set in, the governor ordered his people to retire to the shelter huts they had left in the morning, for fear of their suffering from wet and damping their ammunition.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FOURTH.]

How the interpreter returned from the Indian habitation.

THE interpreter returned at three o’clock of the afternoon of the following day, bringing with him the Indian who said he knew the road. The governor received him most kindly and gave him presents, with which he was well pleased. He then ordered the interpreter to ask him in his name to tell him all the truth about the road leading into the interior. This Indian then said that he had not been that way for a long time, though he knew it, and had gone by it several times to Tapuaguazú. From the summit of that rocky hill, he affirmed, one might see the smoke of all the villages. He used to go to Tapuaguazú to fetch arrows that are to be had there, but for many days he had discontinued his visits to that place, because on his way thither he observed the smoke of Indian fires, by which he became aware that new settlements were being formed in that deserted region.

Fearing for his life, he had not dared to go further along the path, which is so obstructed that it can only be followed with much labour. He thought that by cutting down trees and clearing a road they might reach Tapuaguazú in sixteen days. He was asked if he would like to accompany the Christians and show them the road; he answered that he would willingly go, though he greatly feared the natives. Having heard the information given by this Indian, and understood the difficulties of the road, the governor convened a meeting of the officers, clergy, and captains to consult with them what should be done to discover the country. Having discussed the matter, they said that most of the Spaniards were in want of provisions and had eaten nothing for three days, and they dared not ask for it because of the disorder and mismanagement that prevailed in its distribution. The first guide we had taken had assured us that on the fifth day we should find provisions and reach an inhabited country with plenty of commodities. Having put faith in these promises, both Christians and Indians had improvidently consumed all they brought with them, though every man had been supplied with two arrobas of flour. The governor had, in their opinion, to consider that there were barely six days’ provisions left, and at the end of that time there would be nothing for the people to eat. Under these circumstances they thought it would be very dangerous to advance further without means of subsistence, the more so because the Indians are not as a rule precise in their indications, and it might happen that, instead of sixteen days estimated by the guide, the time might be greater, and that they might all die of starvation, as had happened before to exploring expeditions in this country. They were, therefore, of opinion that the security and lives of the Christians and Indians depended upon their return to the port of Los Reyes, where they had left their vessels. Once there, it would be easy to take fresh supplies and recommence the discovery. Such was their advice, and, they added, if necessary, they would require the governor in the name of His Majesty to conform with it.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FIFTH.]

How the governor and his people returned to the Port of Los Reyes.

THE governor seeing the advice of the clergy, officers, and captains, felt obliged to consider the necessities of his people, their difficult position, and the desire all had to return. He nevertheless put before them the inconvenience that would result from adopting such a course. He said that it would be impossible to find sufficient provisions at Los Reyes for so many people; that the maize was not yet ripe for harvest, and that none could be obtained from the natives. He reminded them that the natives had told them that the floods would soon begin, and these would add seriously to their embarrassments. These and other reasons pointed out by him, however, did not deter the Spaniards from persisting in their determination to retire. Considering, therefore, their positive wish, and being loath to give occasion to disturbances, which he would have been obliged to punish, he conceded to their desires, and gave the order to return to the Port of Los Reyes.

The following day he sent to Tapuá Captain Francisco de Ribera, who had volunteered to go thither with six Christians and the guide who knew the road. He furnished him with an escort of eleven Indian chiefs, whom he charged not to leave the captain under threat of punishment. He at the same time started with all his people for Los Reyes, where he arrived in eight days, much dissatisfied at having gone no farther.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SIXTH.]

How the Indians would have killed those who remained at the Port of Los Reyes.

WHEN the governor had returned to the Port of Los Reyes, Captain Juan Romero, whom he had left there as his lieutenant, reported that a few days after his departure the natives of the island, which is one league from the port, conspired to massacre all the Christians who had been left there, and to obtain possession of the brigantines. To carry this into effect, they summoned all the natives of the country to their assistance. They formed a league with the Guaxarapos and several other tribes, and had arranged to attack the Spaniards by night. Under pretext of bartering they tried to tempt him to come out and buy provisions, they having discontinued their supplies. Whenever they brought any it was for the purpose of spying, and they openly told him they would come and kill the Christians.

The governor having been informed of all this, summoned all the chiefs, and warned them in the name of His Majesty to keep the peace, since he and the Christians had treated them as friends, and were doing them no injury. He reminded them of the presents he had given them, and of his promise to defend and protect them from their enemies; but if they behaved otherwise he would treat them as enemies, and make war upon them. These threats were made in the presence of the clergy and officers; he then distributed coloured caps among them, besides other things. They promised once more to keep friends with the Christians, and drive away the Guaxarapos and other tribes who came up against the Christians.

Two days after his arrival at Los Reyes, the governor finding that with so many Spaniards and Indians collected together he might run short of provisions, and having no other store except what was contained in the brigantines moored in the river, and this would only last ten or twelve days, for the Spaniards and Indians together numbered about three thousand, seeing their necessities and the danger of their all being starved, sent all the interpreters to the neighbouring villages to buy provisions in exchange for merchandise, which he gave them in considerable quantities. They went, but found no provisions. Having seen this, the governor sent for the chief Indians of that land, and asked them where he could buy provisions in exchange for his merchandise. They answered that at nine leagues distance, on the shores of certain large lagoons, there lived a people called Arianicosies, who possessed an abundance of provisions, and would supply what was necessary.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SEVENTH.]

How the governor sent Captain Mendoza in search of provisions.

AS soon as the governor had received this information he convoked a meeting of officers, clergy, and captains, and other experienced persons, to concert measures with them, for all the people were crying for food, and he had none to give them. They were about to disband, and go into the interior in search of provisions. The officers and the clergy being assembled, Cabeza de Vaca told them that the danger of famine was so urgent that all might die if a remedy were not found. He added that he had been informed that the Arianicosies had provisions, and he asked them to advise him what should be done. They all answered that he should send the greater part of the people to the villages of those Indians, both to sustain themselves and obtain provisions to send to the people that remained in the port with him. Should they decline to supply food for payment, force should be resorted to, and, in case of resistance, they should make war till they obtained what they required, seeing that the necessities were so urgent that the people were dying with hunger, and any measures would be excusable. This was their advice, and they signed their names to it. It was accordingly resolved to send this captain in search of provisions, charged with the following instructions:

“Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza, this is what you have to do in the villages where you have to search for provisions, in order that our people may not die from starvation. You shall pay for these provisions to the full satisfaction of Socorinos and Socosies, as well as all those settled in the province, and you shall say in my name that I am surprised they have not been to see me, as the other tribes of the province have done; that I am informed they are good people, and for this reason I wish to see and receive them into my friendship. You shall give them of my merchandise, and tell them to come and acknowledge the supremacy of the king, as all the other Indians have done. If they obey these orders, I will always favour and protect them against those who would do them wrong. You shall use the utmost diligence and care that, in all places you may pass through inhabited by friendly Indians, none of your men should use violence, or maltreat the natives. All that you take, and all that they give you, must be paid for to their satisfaction, and leave no cause of complaint. When you arrive at the villages you shall ask for the commodities you require for the sustenance of your men, offering payment, and entreating the Indians with kind words. Should they decline to provide you with what you want, you shall repeat your request twice, thrice, or as often as you think right, offering payment beforehand. Should they then refuse to give it, you shall take it by force, and, if resistance be offered you, shall make war upon them, for the hunger we suffer from justifies us in resorting to these extreme measures. In all that may happen afterwards you shall use such moderation as becomes the service of God and His Majesty.”

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-EIGHTH.]

How he sent a brigantine to discover the river of the Xarayes with Captain de Ribera.

THE governor having sent Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza in conformity with the advice of the clergy, officers, and captains, this officer departed on the 15th December, the same year, with 120 Spaniards and 600 Indian archers, a number more than sufficient for the purpose. The natives of the port of Los Reyes informed the governor that owing to the rising of the waters the river Yguatú might be ascended in brigantines as far as the land of the Xarayes; they told him that these Xarayes, and other tribes inhabiting the banks of that river, had a quantity of provisions, and that there were other navigable rivers flowing from the interior, and discharging into the Yguatú, where there were large settlements of Indians, who had abundance of food. Desirous of exploring the unknown parts of this river, the governor sent Captain Hernando de Ribera in a brigantine with fifty-two men. They had orders to ascend the river to the villages of the Xarayes, to speak with the chief of this tribe, and obtain information about the more distant villages, passing on and seeing them with their own eyes. Neither the commander nor any of his men were to land, but the interpreter with two men might endeavour to see and barter with the Indians along the course of the river, giving presents, and making them proposals of peace. For this purpose the governor furnished the commander with instructions, and informed him by word of mouth of everything that he should do for the service of His Majesty and the good of the country. Hernando de Ribera set sail on the 20th December of the said year.

A few days after his departure Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote to say that on his arrival at the villages of the Arianicosies he had sent an interpreter to inform them that he had come to ask them to sell provisions, which he would pay for with merchandise, such as beads, knives, iron wedges, which they esteem highly, and that he would give them a large number of fish-hooks. The interpreter took these articles with him in order that they might see and understand that they had not come to do them wrong, or take anything away by force; but that the interpreter had fled back, for that the natives had tried to kill him, and shot several arrows at him, saying that they would not allow any Christians in their land, and would not give them anything, but would rather kill them all, and that the Guaxarapos, who were brave warriors, had come to help them. These last-named Indians, they added, have killed Christians, and found their heads soft, and that they are not a strong people. The letter went on to say that Gonzalo de Mendoza had sent a second time the same interpreter to beg them to supply him with provisions. He had sent with him some Spaniards to see what passed. All these returned, being pursued by Indians, who had come out with arms to kill them, and had shot a number of arrows at them, shouting to them to leave the country, as they would not give them provisions. The captain having seen all this, had gone with all his troop to bring about their submission; on arriving at their village all the Indians had come out against him, and shot arrows at them, intending to kill the Spaniards, declining to listen to him or let him speak. They had consequently, in their own defence, killed two of the natives with their arquebuses. As soon as the enemy saw them dead, they fled into the forest. The Spaniards then went into their houses, and found an abundance of provisions, such as maize, mandubies and other plants, roots, and other comestibles.

Without loss of time, Gonzalo de Mendoza sent an Indian to tell the natives to return to their homes, promising to be friendly with them, and to pay for the provisions he had taken. They had refused, however, to accept his peaceful overtures, had recommenced hostilities, established their camp, fortified their houses, and had even burned a great number of these. They had appealed to many other tribes to come and help them to kill the Christians, and did not desist from doing them all the harm they could. The governor sent orders to the captain to do everything in his power to induce the Indians to return; he enjoined him not to let any of his men do the least harm to the natives, to pay for all the provisions he had taken, to pacify them, and go elsewhere in search of provisions. The captain soon afterwards reported that he had persuaded the Indians to return, had offered them his friendship, and, far from injuring them, would treat them kindly; they had, however, declined his advances, and were continuing hostilities in conjunction with the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other of our enemies who were in league with them.

[CHAPTER THE SIXTY-NINTH.]

How Captain Francisco de Ribera returned from his exploration.

ON the 20th January 1544, Captain Francisco de Ribera returned, accompanied by the six Spaniards whom the governor had sent with him, with the guide and three Guaranís, being all that were left of the eleven Guaranís who had formed part of his expedition. He had been sent, as I have already said, to discover and observe with his own eyes the villages situated in that part where the governor was obliged to turn back. They had advanced towards Tapuaguazú, where the guide had stated the Indian settlements began. On the arrival of the six Spaniards, all of whom were wounded, the people rejoiced greatly and gave thanks to God for their escape from such a perilous journey, for, indeed, the governor thought they were lost, because eight of the eleven Indians that started with them had abandoned them. He was very angry with these men and wished to punish them, and the chiefs, their relatives, begged that they might be hanged for having deserted the Christians, though they had been ordered not to leave them, and to escort them till they returned. These chiefs said that since they had failed to do this they deserved hanging, but as it was the first time they had disobeyed he pardoned them, fearing to excite their tribesmen.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTIETH.]

How Captain Francisco de Ribera reported of his discovery.

THE following day Captain Francisco de Ribera appeared before the governor with the six other Spaniards who had accompanied him. He gave an account of his exploration, and said: that after he left him in the forest he marched, following the guide for twenty-one days, without resting, through a country so thickly covered with trees and brushwood that it was impossible to advance without cutting a path. Some days they went one league, on others only half a league in two days, owing to the obstacles they encountered, the dense forests, and projecting rocks. The direction they followed was continually west; all the time they marched they sustained themselves on venison, wild boars’ flesh, and tapirs, which the Indians killed with their arrows; game was so abundant that they knocked down with sticks all they required for food. They found a great supply of honey in cavities of trees, and quantities of wild fruit. After twenty-one days they arrived at a river running to the west, and this river, according to their guide, flowed past Tapuaguazú and the Indian settlements. They caught much fish in it of a kind called by the natives piraputanas, which are a kind of sabalos,[356] and are excellent. The Spaniards crossed this river, and, following their guide, came upon the fresh tracks of Indians; for it had been raining that day, and the ground was moist. It was evident that the Indians were a party of hunters. Following their footprints, they came upon two large stacks of maize which was then being harvested. At this moment an Indian, who had not time to conceal himself, came towards them. He spoke a language they could not understand, wore a large silver disc in his lower lip, and gold earrings. He took Francisco de Ribera by the hand and signed to him to accompany him, which he did. They now observed a large house made of straw and wood. On approaching it, they saw women and other Indians carrying out of the house cotton stuffs and other articles, which they placed in front of the stacks. The Indian made them enter the house, where men and women were carrying out all it contained. In order to avoid passing the Christians, they made an opening in the straw, and passed the things out that way. Our people saw them taking from some large vessels full of maize, plates, hatchets, and bracelets of silver which they carried outside the straw walls. This Indian appeared to be the head of the family from the respect shown him. He took them inside, and signed to them to be seated, and ordered two Orejones (Indians with large ears), whom they supposed to be his slaves, to give them maize wine to drink out of some jars, which stood in the house buried up to their necks in the earth. They poured the wine into large gourds, and handed these to the Spaniards. The two Orejones said that at three days’ journey from that place there were Christians living with a tribe called Payzunoes; they then told the way to Tapuaguazú, which is a high mountain. Soon many natives arrived in their war-paint and feathers, with bows and arrows. The Indian spoke very volubly to them, and he also took a bow and arrows; he sent men, who came and went, with messages, by which the Spaniards knew that he was summoning the population from the neighbouring villages, and intended killing them. The captain told the Christians who were with him to come out of the house altogether, and return by the way they came, before more Indians had assembled; by this time there were over three hundred. Ribera gave the natives to understand that he would go and fetch many other Christians who were close at hand, and, as they were expecting more to arrive, they had only to wait till he came back. By this ruse our people escaped, but, at a stone’s throw from the house, the Indians, who saw they were escaping, pursued them with cries, and shot many arrows at them. They followed them into the forest, where the Christians defended themselves, and the Indians, thinking there were a larger number of them here, durst not pursue further, but let them go; all the Spaniards, however, were wounded. They came back the way they went, and it took them only twelve days to return to the place where they had left the governor, whence they had marched in twenty-one days. The captain estimated the distance from the Port of Los Reyes to the villages of those Indians at seventy leagues.

[356] Shad.

A lagoon twenty leagues from this port, in crossing which they had the water knee-deep, was, upon their return, so greatly increased that it covered a league of land, and was two pikes deep. They crossed it in rafts with great danger and difficulty. The captain added that, before attempting to enter that country, it would be necessary to wait till the waters subsided. The Indians he had seen were called Tarapecosies; they have plenty of provisions, and they rear geese and poultry like ours. This was the account given by Francisco de Ribera and by the Spaniards who accompanied him, and by the guide, all of whom confirmed what Francisco de Ribera had said.

There were some Indians in the port of Los Reyes belonging to the same tribe of Tarapecosies, from whose village de Ribera had just returned. They had come with Garcia, the interpreter, when he made his journey into the interior and returned defeated by the Guaranís of the Paraguai. These Indians had escaped with the Chaneses, who had also fled and lived all together in the port of Los Reyes. The governor, wishing for further information, sent for them. They immediately recognised the arrows that Francisco de Ribera had brought with him, which had been shot at him by the Tarapecosies, as those used in their native country. The governor asked them why their fellow-tribesmen had wished to kill those who had gone to see them. They answered that the Tarapecosies were no enemies of the Christians; on the contrary, they were their friends since Garcia had visited their country and trafficked with them. The reason why they had tried to kill the Spaniards was because these had taken Guaranís with them whom they regarded as enemies; for in former times these people had invaded their territory and sought to destroy them. The Christians, they said, should have taken an interpreter with them who knew their language, to let them know the object of their visit, for they were not in the habit of making war upon those who did them no injury. If they take an interpreter, they added, they will be well treated and supplied with provisions, and gold and silver, which are obtained from the tribes of the interior. Asked from what tribe and how they acquired their gold and silver, they answered that the Payzunos, who lived three days’ journey off, gave them these precious metals in exchange for bows and arrows and slaves, which they took from other tribes; the Payzunos obtained them from the Chaneses, Chimenos, Carcaraes, Candirées, and other Indian nations who possess an abundance of them. They were shown a brass candlestick very bright and shiny, to see if the gold they had in their land was like that. They said that the metal of the candlestick was hard and base, but their metal was soft and without smell, and more yellow. Then they were shown a gold ring, and asked if that were the metal of their country, and they said it was. They were also shown a tin plate, very bright and shiny, and asked if the silver in their country was of that kind. They answered that this metal stank, and was base and soft; theirs was whiter, harder, and had no bad smell. A silver cup was then put in their hands, and they were greatly pleased with it, and said that of that metal they had quantities in their land in the form of small vases and other things in use among the Indians, such as plates, bracelets, crowns, small hatchets, and other objects.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FIRST.]

How the governor sent for Gonzalo de Mendoza.

THE governor, in order to provide what was necessary for the exploration of this country as it beseemed the service of His Majesty, sent, without delay, for Gonzalo de Mendoza to recall him and his men from the land of the Arianicosies. Before leaving their village, however, he was to endeavour to get the Indians to return to their houses and pacify them.

Soon after the arrival of Francisco de Ribera and his six Spaniards at the port of Los Reyes, all the people there began to suffer from fevers, so that there were not sufficient men to mount guard in camp. Even the Guaranís were sick of this malady, and several died.

Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote that all his people were also ill of the fever, and that he was sending in the brigantines all the sick and infirm. He had not been able to make peace with the Arianicosies, though he had several times made friendly overtures and offered them presents. Yet in spite of this they came every day and attacked him. The country, he said, abounded in provisions, both in the fields and lakes. Besides the provisions he had sent in the brigantines, a large quantity was left for the natives. The sickness that had attacked all the people was attributable to the pollution of the water, which had become brackish as it rose.

About this time the Indians living in an island about one league from port Los Reyes, who are called Socorinos and Xaqueses, seeing how sick and weak the Christians were, began to make war upon them. They no longer came to traffic and barter with the Christians as they had hitherto done, nor informed them of the evil designs of the Guaxarapos; they even joined these latter, and prepared for a campaign against the Spaniards. The Indian Guaranís whom the Spaniards had brought in their armada were in the habit of going out in their canoes, in company with some Christians, to fish in the lagoon, a stone’s-throw from the camp. One morning five Christians, four of whom were boys, had gone in the canoes with these Guaranís, when the Xaqueses, Socorinos, and many other Indians of that island, came out and captured the five Christians, killed the newly-converted among the Guaranís, and brought the rest to their island, where they hacked the five Christians in pieces and distributed them among the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other natives of the environs of port Viejo (the ancient). Other tribes, who were associated with them for the purpose of making war upon the Christians, had their share of the flesh of these unfortunate people. Not content with this, as the people were ill and weak, they came with great daring to attack the settlement where the Christians were, and set fire to it. These shouted, “To arms, to arms, the Indians are killing the Christians.” As the whole settlement was now under arms, they went out to meet the Indians, who, nevertheless, succeeded in capturing more Christians, and among them one called Pedro Mepen, and some others who were fishing in the lagoon, and ate these as they had done the first five.

The following morning at daybreak a large number of canoes were seen filled by warriors, who were running away to the opposite side of the lagoon; they uttered loud cries, pointed their bows and arrows, and held them up to make us understand that they had made the assault. They penetrated into the island situated in the lagoon of Los Reyes, and killed this time fifty-eight Christians. The governor having witnessed this disaster, told the natives of the port of Los Reyes to demand from the Indians of the island the release of the Christians they had captured. These people having gone and demanded their release, were told that the Guaxarapos had taken the prisoners away. From that time they continually came at night, made incursions on the lagoon to see if they might capture any Christians or Indians fishing there, so as to prevent their fishing; for they declared the land was theirs and that the Christians had no right to fish there; that we must leave the country, otherwise they would kill us. The governor sent to try and appease them, and to tell them to keep the peace they had made, and restore the Christian and Indian captives they had taken, promising in such case to treat them as friends, but that if they refused, he would act against them as enemies. He repeated this message several times, but they would not submit, and did not cease hostilities, and doing us all the mischief they could. Seeing these measures were of no avail, the governor ordered that an inquiry should be held, and when this had been done in accordance with the advice of the officers and clergy, these people were proclaimed enemies, war was declared against them, and the country was protected from the ravages daily committed.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SECOND.]

How Hernando de Ribera returned from his exploration along the river.

ON the 30th January 1543, Captain Hernando de Ribera returned with the vessel and men entrusted to him for the exploration of the higher reaches of the river. But when he returned he found the governor and all his people sick with fever and shivering fits, so he could not make his report.[357] By that time the water in the river had so swollen that all the land was inundated, and it was impossible to renew the exploration. The natives say that the floods continue for four months, and rise five or six fathoms, and that they then enter their canoes with their houses and provisions, as I have related above, and are not able to land. The natives of this country kill and eat one another. When the waters subside they set up their houses again on shore in the same places as before. The land is about this time infected with malaria, arising from the putrefaction of fish, which are left in large numbers on the dry land, and with the high temperature then prevailing it is impossible to endure the stench.

[357] This report will be found at the end of the Commentaries.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-THIRD.]

What befell the governor and his people in the port of Los Reyes.

THE governor remained three months in this port of Los Reyes with all his people ill with fever, waiting till God should be pleased to restore them to health, and the waters should subside to enable them to undertake the exploration of the country. But every day the sickness increased and the waters rose. We were, therefore, obliged to withdraw from the port of Los Reyes in great trouble. Besides the illness by which we were attacked, there were so many mosquitoes of various kinds that we could neither sleep nor rest day and night; the sufferings we endured from this plague were even worse than the fever. Because of these inconveniences, and as the officers had requested him to abandon the port and to return to the city of Ascension, where the people could recover, the governor having referred to the clergy and officers, decided on withdrawing. Yet he would not allow the Christians to take with them about a hundred girls, whom the natives of Los Reyes, upon the governor’s arrival, had offered to the captains and officers of distinction, so as to be on good terms with them, leaving them to do what they pleased with the girls. The motive of this refusal was to avoid the offence against God done in this way. He ordered, at the moment of departure, the fathers of these girls to receive them back into their houses till our return, being unwilling that their parents should be dissatisfied and the country scandalised because of this. To give more importance to this action of his, he published a rescript of His Majesty, forbidding, under the severest penalty, anybody from removing natives from their homes. The natives were well satisfied with this measure, but the Spaniards were greatly discontented, some of them felt ill-disposed towards him, and from that time he was detested by the majority. This was the motive or pretext for their subsequent conduct, as I shall relate further on. All the people, Christians and Indians, having embarked, he came in twelve days to the port of Ascension, though it had taken two months to ascend the same way. Though sick to death, the people derived strength from their desire to return home. The perils and difficulties of this voyage were certainly not light, for the men were not strong enough to handle their arms to resist the enemy, or make use of an oar to help to steer the vessels; and had it not been for the culverins we carried, our trouble would have been greater. We drew the canoes of the Indians into the midst of the brigantines to protect them from the enemy’s attacks till we came to their homes, and for better security the governor distributed some Christians in the canoes.

We took every precaution, and kept a sharp look-out for the enemy, when, as we were passing the lands of the Guaxarapos, these natives attacked us suddenly with a number of canoes. They assailed some rafts that were being taken in reserve, and wounded a Christian with a dart, which pierced him in the breast, so that he fell dead on the spot. His name was Miranda, and he came from Valladolid. They also wounded some of our Indians, and would have caused us more losses had it not been for our culverins. The weakness of the soldiers was the cause of it.

On the 8th April of the same year we arrived at the town of Ascension with our troops, our Guaranís, and our vessels. The Governor and the Christians that were with him were all sick and weak. On his arrival, Captain Salazar told him that he had assembled over 20,000 Indians and a large number of canoes to go out against the Agaces, for, since the departure of the governor, they had not ceased making war upon the Christians and the natives, plundering and slaying them, taking from them wives and children, burning villages and committing every kind of excess. When the governor arrived, the expedition to punish the Agaces had not yet started. We found the caravel ordered by the governor nearly finished. He had intended sending it, as soon as it was ready, to bear information to His Majesty of all that had happened in his voyage of discovery and all that had passed in the country. Orders were now given to complete the caravel.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FOURTH.]

How the governor, having arrived with his people at the town of Ascension, was made a prisoner.

FIFTEEN days after the arrival of the governor at Ascension, the officers of His Majesty, who hated him because he refused to consent to things done against the service of God and the king, seeing him arrive with the other Christians in this extremity, conspired with their friends on St. Mark’s Day to take him prisoner that night. They had already depopulated the best and principal port of the province, with the intention of rebelling against the sovereign, as they have now done. In order to carry out their plans in the most effective way, they told a hundred men that they knew the governor was about to take from them their property, their houses, and their Indian girls, and would distribute these among the men who had returned from the exploring expedition; that it was a great injustice and contrary to the service of His Majesty. “This night”, they added, “we will go and require him, in the name of the king, not to take away your houses, nor your lands, nor your Indian girls, and, as we fear the governor may have us arrested, arm yourselves and bring your friends, for you will be doing a great service to His Majesty in this way.” It was arranged that at the Ave Maria these men should come armed to two houses which would be assigned to them, and should hold themselves in readiness there for further orders. So the insurgents, ten or twelve in number, entered the apartment where the governor was lying on his bed of sickness, with cries of “Liberty, liberty, long live the king!” They were the supervisor Alonso Cabrera, the accountant Philip de Caceres, Garcia Vanegas, acting treasurer, a servant of the governor named Pedro de Oñate (who was in the room with him, opened the door to the conspirators, and was an active promoter of the insurrection), Don Francisco de Mendoza, Jaime Rasquin (who held an arquebus and a poisoned dart at his breast), Diego de Acosta, Portuguese interpreter, and Solorzano, a native of Canaria. These men entered with arms in their hands and seized the governor, dragged him out of the room in his shirt, continuing to cry: “Liberty, liberty!” They called him a tyrant, levelled their arquebuses at him, saying such words as these: “Now you shall pay the penalty of your offences and the losses you have caused us.” When they had come out into the street they were joined by others whom they had enlisted on their side, who, seeing they were carrying the governor off a prisoner in that fashion, said to Pedro Dorantes and the others: “Let the responsibility of this rest with the traitors who did the deed; you brought us here on the pretext that our goods, houses, and Indian girls would be taken from us, but your real object was to make us parties to your treason against the king”; upon this they drew their swords, and there was a serious scrimmage. As the insurgents were now approaching the houses of the officers some took refuge in the house of Garcia Vanegas, dragging the governor along with them. Others remained at the door, saying to those who had taken the part of the governor: “You are betraying us; don’t say that you did not know what was going to be done; help us to put him into prison. If you attempt to deliver him we will cut you to pieces and chop off your heads. It is a matter of life and death to you; aid us, therefore, to complete what we have begun, and we will all share the goods, the Indian girls, and furniture of the governor.” The officers then entered the small room in which the governor was confined, placed him in irons, and set a watch upon him. Having done this they repaired to the house of Juan Pavon, alcalde mayor, and to that of the alguazil, Francisco de Peralta. When they had come to the alcalde mayor’s, Martin de Ure, a Biscayan, as leader, seized by force the staff of office. They did the same at the alguazil’s, and, having struck these functionaries several blows with the fist and knocked them about, they called them traitors and took them to the public prison, where they were put in the stocks by the head. They set at liberty the prisoners, among whom was one sentenced to death for having murdered a certain Morales, a gentleman of Seville. Having done this, they took a drum and marched about the streets, exciting the people to rebel, and uttering loud cries of “Liberty, liberty! Long live the king!”

After they had made the circuit of the city in this way, the same individuals went to the house of Pero Hernandez, secretary of the province, who was ill at the time. They arrested him, as well as Bartolomé Gonzales, took possession of his property and documents, and carried him prisoner to the house of Domingo de Irala, where they placed him in chains, and, after insulting him, left him in the hands of the sentinels. Then they published the following proclamation: “The officers of His Majesty prohibit all persons from appearing in the streets; anyone going out of doors will be considered a traitor and condemned to death.” Having done this they again shouted, “Liberty, liberty!” While posting this order, they pushed and hustled everyone they met in the streets, forcing people to enter their houses.

They then went to the house of the governor, where he kept his property, papers, and the letters he had received from the king appointing him governor of the province, as well as the acts by which his authority had been recognised. They forced open some chests, extracted all the documents contained in them, and took possession of everything. They also opened a chest, locked with three keys, containing the public indictments against officers charged with crimes referred to the king for final sentence. They took also his goods, stuffs, provisions, oil, steel, and iron, besides a number of other things. Most of these things disappeared, everything being looted. They denounced him as a tyrant, and abused him in every way. The remainder of his property was bestowed upon such as professed to be attached to him, who took them under pretext of deposit; but these so-called friends of the deposed governor really helped the insurgents. His property was said to be worth over 100,000 castellanos,[358] according to the value current then; he had also ten brigantines.

[358] A gold coin formerly in use in Spain. During the reign of the Catholic kings it was worth 490 maravedis of silver, equal to about 4s. 9d. The value of these coins afterwards fluctuated. This sum is undoubtedly grossly exaggerated.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FIFTH.]

How the population assembled before the house of Domingo de Irala.

THE following day the officers published in the streets, by sound of drum and trumpet, that all the people should assemble in front of the house of Captain Domingo de Irala. Their friends and partisans having gone there armed, a libel was read by the public crier in a loud voice. It stated that the governor had ordered them all to be deprived of their possessions and to be treated as slaves: and that they, in the general interests of liberty, had laid hands on his person. When this libel had been read they called out, “Sirs, cry, Liberty, liberty, long live the king!” And this was accordingly done by their friends. After these proceedings they inveighed against the governor, and many said, “Come what may, let us kill this tyrant who wished to ruin and destroy us.”

When the fury of the population had somewhat calmed down, they elected Domingo de Irala as deputy-governor and captain general of the whole province. This man had already been elected once before in the place of Francisco Ruiz, once Don Pedro de Mendoza’s deputy. Ruiz had been in truth a good deputy-governor; but against all justice, and from envy and malice, he was deposed and Domingo de Irala elected in his stead. Someone having said to the supervisor, Alonso Cabrera, that they had acted badly in that case, because Francisco Ruiz had colonized the country and been at great pains to maintain it, he answered that they had acted thus because Ruiz would not do what they wished, but that Domingo de Irala, whose rank was less than their own, would always do what they bade him; and for this reason all the officers elected him. They appointed Pero Diaz del Valle alcalde mayor, because he was a friend of Domingo de Irala, and gave the insignia of alguazil to a certain Bartolomé de la Marilla, a native of Truxillo, a friend of Nuflo de Chaves, and to Sancho de Salinas, a native of Cazalla.

Then the officers and Domingo de Irala made it known that they intended fitting out a new expedition to the country discovered by the governor, to search for gold and silver, and sending it, when found, to His Majesty, in order that they might be pardoned the crime they had committed. Should they not succeed in finding gold, they would not return, as they feared punishment; yet it might happen that they found so much of the precious metal that the king, in return for it, would make them a present of the country. By such means as these they cajoled the people. However, everybody knew enough of their misdeeds and their past and present conduct to decline consenting to the proposed expedition. And since then the majority of the people began to remonstrate against the imprisonment of the governor. Then the officers and newly-appointed magistrates began to maltreat those who showed discontent at the governor’s imprisonment. They imprisoned them, deprived them of all their possessions, and tormented them in every way. When these people took refuge in the church, in order to avoid being arrested, they stationed watchmen at the door, so that no provisions might reach them. They punished those who attempted to relieve them, disarmed all the inhabitants and harassed them by every means in their power. They, moreover, said in public that they would kill any persons who might show discontent at the governor’s imprisonment.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SIXTH.]

Of the tumults and disturbances that took place in the country.

FROM that time tumults and dissensions frequently arose among the people. Those that were of the party of the king denounced the rebel officers and their partisans as traitors. These, fearing the inhabitants, went armed day and night; they built stockades and other works for their defence, barricaded the streets, and withdrew into five or six houses. The governor was confined in a small room in the house of Garcia Vanegas, so as to have him in their midst. The alcalde and alguazils daily searched the houses immediately surrounding that in which the governor was held a captive, for fear lest an attempt might be made to enter them by means of mines. When the officers saw two or three men of the governor’s party talking together, they would immediately raise the alarm, enter the place in which governor Nuñez was confined, lay their hands on their daggers, and swear that if an attempt were made to rescue him they would cut off his head and throw it to his would-be deliverers. They appointed four men, whom they considered the bravest of their band, to stand ready armed with poniards, and made them swear that on the first attempt to rescue him in the name of His Majesty they would immediately enter and behead him. These men were posted so near the governor that he could hear them talking and sharpening their daggers. These executioners were Garcia Vanegas, Andres Hernandez, el romo, besides others.

Not only was the arrest of the governor the cause of general tumult and dissension, there were also many private disputes and lawsuits in consequence of the edicts which had followed. Some said that the officers and their friends were traitors, and had done wrong in arresting Alvar Nuñez; that they had caused the ruin of the country as then appeared, and even now appears to be the case. Others took the contrary view; and they killed, wounded, and maimed one another. The officers and their friends said that the partisans of the governor and those who wished him set at liberty were traitors, and should be punished as such; they forbade suspected persons from talking together. Whenever they saw two men together in the streets they drew out an act of inquest, and arrested them in order to know what they were saying; and if three or four collected together, they fell upon them with their weapons. They had placed sentries on the roof of the house in which the governor was confined, in two sentry-boxes, that they might overlook the whole town and adjacent country. Their spies, too, reported what was being done and said in the town. At night, thirty armed men patrolled the streets, arresting anybody they met, demanding to know whither they were going, and for what purpose. As the tumults and disorders increased, the officers and their partisans became harassed, and begged the governor to give an order to the people to keep the peace and not revolt; and if necessary to fix a penalty for disobedience to this order. The officers drafted this order for him to sign, but when he had signed it they were advised not to publish it, because they pretended that everybody had been in favour of his arrest. For this reason the order was not published.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH.]

How the governor was kept in prison.

WHILE these events were happening the governor was very ill in bed, and for the sake of his health chains were fastened round his feet; by his pillow a candle burned, for the prison was dark, no light being admitted, and so damp that the grass grew under his bed; he had the candle because he might want it at any moment. To crown his miseries, they had searched among the whole population for the man most evilly disposed towards him, and they found one named Hernando de Sosa, whom the governor had punished for striking an Indian chief. This man was placed on guard in the same room with him. The prison closed with two sliding doors furnished with padlocks; the officers and their partisans watched him day and night armed to the teeth; and there were upwards of one hundred and fifty of them, all paid with his property.

Notwithstanding this strict watch kept upon him, every night, or every third night, an Indian woman who brought him his supper conveyed him a letter written by one of his friends, informing him of all that happened outside his prison. They begged him to say what he wished them to do, three parts of the people being determined to die with the Indians in order to deliver him. They had feared to do this because of the threats of the officers to kill him should an attempt at a rescue be made. Seventy of those guarding him were ready to join them and make themselves masters of the principal entrance of the prison. They promised to defend him till the arrival of his friends. The governor opposed this project, because it could not easily be accomplished without the slaughter of a large number of Christians. Besides, when once the scheme had been put into execution, the Indians would have put an end to the Christians and brought about the final ruin of the country. For these reasons he dissuaded them from their purpose.

The Indian woman who brought him a letter every third night, and took back an answer, passed through the midst of the guards, who stripped her naked, examined her mouth and ears, and cut off her hair, for fear of her concealing anything. They even searched her in parts which modesty compels me not to mention. This woman, as I have stated, passed the guard quite naked, and having come to where the governor was, handed the gaoler what she brought, and then sat down on his bed, for the room was small. She then began to scratch her foot, and while engaged in this way, drew forth a letter which she handed to the governor behind the back of the gaoler. This letter, written on very thin paper, was deftly rolled up and covered with black wax; this was concealed under the lesser toes, and attached to these by two black threads. In this way she brought the letters and the necessary paper for him to write his answer, and a little powder made of a certain black stone of the country, which, moistened with a little saliva or water, made ink. The officers and their friends suspected her, for they had learned that the governor knew what was passing outside the prison, and what they were doing. In order to be sure of this, they chose four of the more youthful of their party to seduce the Indian woman—not a difficult task, for these women are not sparing of their charms, and consider it an affront to deny their favours to anyone; they say, moreover, that they have received them for that purpose. These four youths accordingly intrigued with her and gave her many presents; but they could never make her divulge her secret during the whole of their intercourse, which lasted eleven months.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-EIGHTH.]

How the insurgents ravaged the land and took possession of the property of the inhabitants.

WHILE the governor was in this situation, the officers and Domingo de Irala gave public permission to all their friends and partisans to go into the villages and huts of the Indians and take by force their wives, daughters, hammocks, and other of their possessions, a thing contrary to the service of His Majesty and the peace of the country. While this was going on they would scour the country, strike the Indians blows with sticks, carry them off to their houses, and oblige them to labour in their fields without any remuneration. When the Indians came and complained to Domingo de Irala and the officers, these answered that it was no affair of theirs, which pleased the Christians, because they knew that this answer was given to suit their pleasure and secure their support, for they might say that they had full liberty to do what they liked. These replies and bad treatment caused the country to be deserted. The natives withdrew to the mountains, and concealed themselves in places where the Christians could not find them. A large number were Christians, together with wives and children. When they left the settlement they lost the religious teaching of the monks and clergy, the governor having paid great attention to their religious instruction. A few days after his arrest they destroyed the caravel which he had made to send advice to His Majesty of all that was passing in the province; for the insurgents hoped to get the people to undertake a voyage of discovery in that country, where the governor had already partly explored; they thought they might obtain gold and silver there, and that they would have the honour of rendering important service to the king.

There being no justice in the land, the inhabitants and colonists suffered many wrongs from the officers and magistrates appointed by the insurgents. They were imprisoned and deprived of their property; at least fifty of them became so indignant that they retreated into the interior towards the coast of Brazil, with the intention of finding means of proceeding to Spain and informing His Majesty of all the wrongs, misdeeds, and disturbances passing in the land. Many others were overtaken and kept in prison a long time; their arms and all their possessions were taken away and distributed among their friends and partisans, in order to engage their support for the party in power.

[CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-NINTH.]

How the monks left the country.

WHILE this sad state of things was going on without hope of remedy, the monks—friar Bernardo de Armenta[359] thinking the moment opportune for putting into execution their long-conceived project of departing (having already attempted it, as I have said before), spoke about it to the officers and to Domingo de Irala, in order that they should give them permission and the necessary help to reach the coast of Brazil. These officers consented, in order to give them satisfaction because they had opposed the governor, who had hindered their taking the route they wished. Permission was accordingly granted to them, and the necessary help to go to Brazil. They took with them some Spaniards and Indian women, to whom they were teaching Christianity.

[359] The name of the other monk is omitted in the text. It was probably Alonzo Lebron; cf. supra, pp. [100], [136].

During his captivity the governor had asked the insurgents several times to let him appoint a deputy to rule the province in the name of His Majesty, in order to terminate the tumults and disorders that were of such constant occurrence, and restore justice and tranquillity in the land. After making this nomination he would have liked to go before the king and render an account of all that had passed, and the actual position of affairs. The officers answered, however, that by his arrest his authority had lost all its force, and that the person they had nominated as governor would serve the purpose. Every day they entered his prison and threatened to put an end to his life. The governor replied that, should they decide upon doing this, he begged, and even if necessary he required, them in God’s name and the king’s to send him a clergyman to confess him. They said that if they gave him a confessor it would be Francisco de Andrada, or another native of Biscay (who were concerned in the insurrection), and if he would have neither of them, he should have none at all, because the others were their enemies and his supporters. In fact, they had arrested Antonio d’Escalera, Rodrigo de Herrera, and Luis de Miranda, because they had said, and were still saying, that the arrest of the governor was a great sin, and contrary to the service of God and His Majesty, and would bring ruin upon the land. The priest, Luis de Miranda, had been imprisoned with the Alcalde mayor for more than eight months without seeing sun or moon all that time. And the insurgents would never consent that any other of the clergy except those we have named should confess him.

A gentleman[360] named Anton Bravo, eighteen years of age, having been heard to say one day that he would form a scheme to release the governor from prison, the officers and Domingo de Irala had him arrested, and applied the torture to him, to find pretext for punishing and ill-treating others whom they hated. They offered him his liberty if he would incriminate others whom he had named in his evidence. These were all taken and disarmed. Anton Bravo was publicly bastinadoed in the street, proclaimed a traitor, and accused of being unfaithful to His Majesty by trying to deliver the governor from prison.

[360] In original, hidalgo, from hijo de algo, i.e., a person of good birth.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTIETH.]

How they tortured those who were not on their side.

THIS was the cause of many other cruel torturings to find out if the persons accused had concerted measures for the release of the governor from prison. They sought to know who were the persons concerned in the scheme, how he was to be delivered, and if the ground were mined. Many were deprived of the use of their limbs by these tortures. Inscriptions having been found on the walls, which said, “Thou shalt die for thy king and thy law,” the officers, Domingo de Irala, and the magistrates, took steps to find out who were the authors, swearing and threatening to punish them, and they arrested a number of persons, whom they put to the torture.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-FIRST.]

How they wished to kill a sheriff who had made them a requisition.

AFFAIRS being in the state I have described, a certain Pedro de Molina, a native of Guadix, and judge of that town, having been witness of the misfortunes and troubles that were taking place in the country, determined, in His Majesty’s interests, to enter the stockaded enclosure where Domingo de Irala and his officers were residing, and in the presence of all, doffing his cap, he asked Martin de Ure, the notary, to read to the officers a requisition that the evils, murders, and injustice occasioned by the arrest of the governor might cease. He demanded that Alvar Nuñez should be set free, and that he should be allowed to invest some fitting person, with his authority, to govern the province in the name of His Majesty, and maintain peace and justice. The notary at first refused to read it because the insurgents were present, but at length he took it, and said to Pedro de Molina that if he wished it read he must pay him his fee. Pedro de Molina drew his sword and handed it to him. The notary declined the sword as a pledge for payment. Then Pedro de Molina took off his woollen hood and gave it to him, saying: “Read it, I have no better pledge to offer.” Martin de Ure took the hood and the requisition, and threw them both down at his feet, declaring that he would not notify it to those gentlemen. Thereupon Garcia Vanegas, the deputy-treasurer, addressed some insulting words to Pedro de Molina, threatening to have him beaten to death, and that he deserved it for daring to speak in that way. Pedro de Molina then went out, raising his cap, considering himself fortunate in escaping without further ill-treatment.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-SECOND.]

How the insurgents gave the Indians permission to eat human flesh.

THE officers and Domingo de Irala, wishing to gain favour among the natives, gave them permission to kill and eat their Indian enemies. Many of those who availed themselves of this license were converted Christians. The insurgents had adopted this expedient, unbecoming to the service of God and His Majesty, and horrible to all who knew of it, in order to prevent the Indians from leaving the country, and attaching them to their party. They told them the governor was a bad man, inasmuch as he would not authorise their killing and eating their enemies, and that he had been arrested on that account, and that they now gave them free permission to do this.

In spite of all their efforts, the officers and Domingo de Irala, seeing that the tumults and quarrels would not cease, but were daily on the increase, decided to remove the governor from the province, while those who took this step chose to remain where they were and not return to Spain; they only desired to expel him and some of his friends. The partisans of the governor, on hearing this resolution, were much excited. They said that since the officers had usurped the power of deposing the governor and arresting him, and had given their supporters to understand that they would go with him to Spain, to explain their conduct to His Majesty, they must keep their promise, and if they all refused to go, that two, at all events, should accompany him, and that the other two might remain in the province. So they arranged it in that way, and, in order to take him to Spain, they equipped one of the brigantines which he had built for exploring and conquering the country. This gave rise to serious altercations, owing to the discontent that prevailed at seeing they were about to take Alvar Nuñez from the province. The officers resolved upon arresting the leaders of the malcontents, but durst not carry out their intention. In this dilemma they had again recourse to the governor, conjuring him to put an end to all the scandals and disorders; that if his friends would give their word not to attempt his release, that they on their side, and their magistrates, would promise not to arrest anybody, or do any injury to anybody, and would set those free whom they had arrested, and they swore it. As the governor had now been in prison a long time, and nobody had seen him, it was suspected and feared that they had secretly murdered him. They were accordingly asked to allow two monks and two gentlemen to enter his prison and see him, so that they might certify the people he was still alive. The officers promised they would do this three or four days before it was time for him to embark, but they broke their word.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-THIRD.]

How the insurgents had to write to His Majesty and send him a report.

AT this juncture the officers prepared several memoirs to send to Spain, accusing the governor and making him odious to everybody. To lend a favourable colour to their own criminal acts, they wrote things that never happened and were entirely untrue. While the brigantine was being equipped for her voyage, the friends of the governor arranged with the carpenters to hollow a timber as big as a man’s thigh, and three spans long, and place inside it a general act of accusation which the governor had addressed to His Majesty, and other important papers collected by his friends when he was arrested. This packet was taken and enveloped in a waxed cloth, and the piece of timber was fastened to the poop of the brigantine with six nails above and six below. The carpenters said that they had placed it there to strengthen the brigantine, and the secret was kept so well that nobody discovered it. The master carpenter told a sailor of it, so that when the vessel arrived in Spain the documents might be taken out. It had been arranged with the officers that the governor should be seen by his friends before he embarked, but neither Captain Salazar nor anybody saw him. One night, towards midnight, Alonso Cabrera, the supervisor, and Pedro Dorantes, his factor, accompanied by a large number of arquebusiers, presented themselves at the prison; and each arquebusier carried three lighted fuses in his hand, so as to make the number appear greater than it was. Then Alonso Cabrera and Pedro Dorantes entered the room in which he lay; they seized him by the arm and lifted him out of the bed with the chains round his feet; he was very ill, almost to death. They carried him in this state to the gate leading into the street, and when he saw the sky, which he had not seen till then, he entreated them to let him render thanks to God. When he rose from his knees, two soldiers took him under the arms and carried him on board the brigantine, for he was extremely weak and crippled. When he saw himself in the midst of these people, he said to them: “Sirs, be my witnesses that I appoint, as my deputy, Juan de Salazar de Espinosa, that he may govern this province instead of me, and in the name of His Majesty, maintaining order and justice till the King should have been pleased to make other dispositions.” Hardly had he finished speaking than Garcia Vanegas, deputy treasurer, rushed upon him, dagger in hand, saying: “I do not recognise what you say; retract, or I will tear your soul from your body.” The governor had, however, been advised not to say what he did, because they were determined to kill him, and these words might have occasioned a great disturbance among them, and the party of the King might have snatched him from the hands of the others, everybody being then in the street. Garcia Vanegas having withdrawn a little, the governor repeated the same words; then Garcia sprang with great fury on the governor, and placed a dagger to his temple, saying to him as before: “Withdraw what you have said, or I will tear your soul from your body.” At the same moment he inflicted a slight wound on his temple, and pushed the people who were carrying the governor with so much violence that they fell with him, and one of them dropped his cap. After this they quickly raised him again, and carried him precipitately on board the brigantine. They closed the poop of the vessel with planks, put two chains on him which prevented him from moving; then they unmoored and descended the river.

Two days after the embarkation of the governor and the departure of the brigantine, Domingo de Irala, the accountant Philip de Caceres, and the factor Pedro Dorantes assembled their friends and attacked the house of Captain Salazar. They seized him and Pedro de Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, put them in irons, and sent them down the river to overtake the brigantine. These two officers were taken to Spain with him, and it is certain that if Captain Salazar had wished it the governor would not have been arrested, and still less would they have been able to take him out of the country and carry him to Castille; but, as he remained deputy governor, his conduct was not altogether frank. Cabeza de Vaca begged that two of his servants might be allowed to accompany him to prepare his food and attend upon him during the voyage. Accordingly they let the two servants go, not however to wait on him, but to row four hundred leagues on the river, for none could be found willing to do this work. They forced some of the people to come, others fled into the interior, and the property of such was confiscated and distributed among those that were pressed for the service. The officers did a very wrong thing during the voyage, and it was this: every two or three days they spread among their partisans and their friends a thousand calumnies against him, and finally said: “We have, as it is manifest, done you a great deal of good and acted for your advantage and that of the king, in consideration for this, sign this paper.” In this way they filled four quires of paper with signatures, and during the voyage down the river composed their calumnious statements while these who had signed their names to the paper remained at Ascension, three hundred leagues up the river. It was upon this document that the charges brought against the governor were framed.

[CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-FOURTH.]

How they gave arsenic three times to the governor during the voyage.

WHILE descending the river the officers ordered a certain Biscayan named Machin to prepare the food for the governor and then to pass it to Lope Duarte, one of the confederates of Domingo de Irala, and guilty, like the rest, of complicity in his arrest. He came from Spain as solicitor to Domingo de Irala and to attend to his affairs. While the governor journeyed in this fashion, arsenic was administered to him three times; but as an antidote against this poison he carried with him a bottle of oil and a piece of the horn of a unicorn. When he felt unwell he made use of these remedies; day and night his sufferings were great. But it pleased God that he escaped safely. He entreated the officers, Alonso Cabrera and Garcia Vanegas, to allow his own servants to cook for him, as he would take his meals from nobody else. To this they replied that he would have to take his food from whomsoever they chose; if he did not take it from the persons commissioned to give it him, he might die of hunger, it mattered little to them. He abstained from food several days, but hunger at length compelled him to take what they gave him. The insurgents had promised several persons to take them on board the caravel (afterwards destroyed) to Spain if they would support their faction and help them to arrest the governor and not oppose them. Two of these were Francisco de Paredes, a native of Burgos, and Friar Juan de Salazar, of the Order of Our Lady of Mercy. They carried as prisoners with them Luis de Miranda, Pedro Hernandez, Captain Salazar de Espinosa, and Pedro Vaca. Having descended the river to the island of San Gabriel, they would not allow either Francisco de Paredes or friar Juan de Salazar to remain on board, fearing lest these two persons should support the governor’s cause in Spain, and give a true account of what had happened. For this reason they compelled them to re-embark on the brigantines that returned up the river to Ascension, although they had sold their houses and property for much less than they were worth when they were compelled to leave. This caused them to make such an outcry that it was pitiable to hear them. Here the servants of the governor, who had accompanied him thus far, rowing all the way, were obliged to leave him, a loss he felt more than anything he had yet endured; nor did they feel the separation less acutely. They remained two days at the island of San Gabriel, when some of them left for Ascension, and the others for Spain. The brigantine which bore the governor had eleven banks of rowers, and contained twenty-seven persons altogether.

They pursued their voyage down the river till they entered the sea, when a violent tempest arose. The brigantine became waterlogged, and all the provisions were spoilt; all that they managed to preserve was a little flour, some lard, fish, and a little water. They were all very near being drowned. The officers who had charge of the governor said that God had sent them this terrible tempest as a punishment for the wrongs and injustice they had made their prisoner suffer. They resolved, therefore, to take off his chains and let him out of prison. Alonso de Cabrera filed them asunder, Garcia Vanegas kissed his feet, though Cabeza de Vaca would not allow it. They said openly that God had sent them those four days’ sufferings as a retribution for the wrongs they had done him. They acknowledged they had grievously wronged him, and that all their depositions were false; that the malice and jealousy they bore him prompted them to administer two thousand false oaths, and this because in three days he had discovered a country and a route, while those who had lived in the country for twelve years had not been able to accomplish it; and they implored his pardon, and that he would not inform His Majesty how they had arrested him. As soon as they had taken the chains off the governor the sea and wind subsided, and the tempest, which had lasted four days, calmed down. We navigated in the open sea for 2,500 leagues without having sight of land, and seeing nothing but water and sky. All the food we had was a flour-cake fried in a little lard, with a little water to drink. We were obliged to break off the planks of our vessel to make a fire to cook our cake. In this way, with infinite suffering, we arrived at the Azores, belonging to His most serene Majesty of Portugal, the voyage having lasted three months. We should not have suffered so severely from hunger had we touched on the Brazilian coast, or at the island of St. Domingo, in the Indies; but the officers dared not do this, for they felt guilty and dreaded being arrested and brought to justice as rebels against their king. On arriving at the Azores the officers in charge of the governor separated because of the dissensions they had had, and each went his own way; but first they tried to induce the justice of Angra to arrest the governor, so as to prevent him from giving information to His Majesty of the crimes and disorders they had committed. They alleged that when he passed Cape Verd he had pillaged the port and country. The judge having heard their deposition, told them to be gone, for his king would not allow himself to be robbed, and did not keep his ports in such a weak state of defence that anybody might dare to attack them. Having seen that, in spite of their malice, they could do nothing to detain him, they embarked, and arrived in Spain eight days before the governor, who was delayed by contrary winds. Being the first to present themselves at court, they gave out that Cabeza de Vaca had gone to the King of Portugal to inform him about those countries beyond the sea. A few days later the governor arrived at court. The night of his arrival all the guilty parties disappeared; they went straight to Madrid, where they hoped to find the court, as, in fact, they did. Meanwhile the Bishop of Cuenca, who presided over the council of the Indies,[361] died. This prelate would have punished the crimes and treason committed against His Majesty in that country. Some days afterwards the officers and the governor were released, on giving bail that they would not leave the jurisdiction of the court. Garcia de Vanegas, who was one of those who had arrested the governor, died a sudden, terrible death, his eyes having fallen out of his head, and he never declared the truth of what had passed. Alonso Cabrera, the supervisor, his accomplice, lost his reason, and in a fit of frenzy he killed his wife at Loxa. The friars who had taken part in the revolt and troubles also died suddenly, which seemed to show the small blame attaching to the governor in his conduct towards them. After keeping him eight years under arrest at court, he was set at liberty and acquitted. He was relieved of his governorship for divers reasons; for his enemies said that if he returned to punish the guilty, he would have occasioned more troubles and dissensions in that country. He therefore lost his appointment, besides other losses, without receiving any compensation for all the money he had spent in relieving the Spaniards, and in his voyage of discovery.

[361] This was a special council for the government of the Spanish possessions in the Indies. It was called Real Consejo de las Indias.

[Narrative of Hernando de Ribera.]

IN the city of Ascension, which is by the river Paraguai, in the province of Rio de la Plata, on the 3rd March, in the year of Our Lord, 1545, appeared before me, public notary, and the legal witnesses, being in the church and monastery of Our Lady of Mercy, Redeemer of captives, Captain Hernando de Ribera, conquistador in this province, and deposed as follows: When Señor Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, governor and adelantado and captain-general in the name of His Majesty, of the province of Rio de la Plata, was in the port of Los Reyes, whence he started on his exploration last year (1543), he commissioned me to take one brigantine, and a certain number of men, and explore up a certain river called Ygatu, which is an arm of two great rivers, viz., the Yacareati and the Yaiva, flowing, according to the reports of the Indians, through the settlements of the interior; and I, Hernando de Ribera, having arrived at some Indians called Xarayes, in consequence of information received from them, left the brigantine in a safe haven, and entered the interior of the country with forty men, in order to see and examine it with my own eyes. And having pursued my journey past many Indian settlements, and obtained from their inhabitants and other natives who came to see me, full reports touching the land, I examined and sifted these statements, in order to learn the truth, being moreover, acquainted with the language of the Carios, and therefore able to hold intercourse with those tribes.

Juan Valderas, royal notary, whom I had with me at this time, wrote down and made a note of certain things relating to that discovery. Yet I would not tell him the whole truth concerning the riches and the settlements of the various tribes inhabiting those regions, lest he should write it in his report. And he, the said notary, did not know, nor did he fully understand the matter, for my intention was at that time to have communicated it directly to the governor, in order that he might forthwith proceed to the conquest of that land, as it beseemed the service of God and His Majesty.

After penetrating several days’ journey into the interior, I was obliged to return to the port of Los Reyes, in compliance with orders sent me by the governor. And because I found him and all his people sick on my arrival, I had no opportunity of reporting my discovery, nor communicating all the information I had collected from the natives. A few days afterwards he was compelled to return to Ascension to save the lives of his people, and having again fallen sick a few days after his arrival in that city, he was arrested by the officers of His Majesty (as everybody knows), so that I was unable to make my statement.

Seeing that the officers of His Majesty are about to return to Spain with the governor, and fearing that he may in the meanwhile die, or be removed to some other place where the report might not be delivered to him, and that His Majesty’s service might in this way suffer loss, and the governor himself be prejudiced, and that I might be held blameworthy—taking all this, I say, into consideration, and for the discharge of my conscience, now I, in order to serve God and the King, and the governor in his name, desire to make a declaration of the said discovery, that His Majesty may know of it and the reports I obtained from the natives. I have therefore asked and required the notary to receive my statement, which is as follows:

“I, Captain Hernando de Ribera, say and declare that on the 20th of December last year (1543), I set out from the port of Los Reyes in the brigantine El Golondrino (‘The Swallow’) with fifty-two men, in obedience to the governor’s orders, and went on navigating the river Ygatu, which is an arm of the aforesaid two rivers Yacareati and Yaiva, and is very wide and voluminous; and on the sixth day I entered the parent stream of these two water-courses. According to the reports of the natives where I happened to land, these two rivers come from the interior of the country, the Yaiva most probably from the Sierras of Santa Martha. This river is wide and deep, and greater than the Yacareati, which according to the Indians, flows from the Peruvian Sierras; and between those two water-courses there is a wide expanse of land, and innumerable villages and tribes. According to the natives, the Yaiva and the Yacareati unite in the country of the Indians called Perobazanes, and there they separate again, and seventy leagues lower down they reunite.

“After navigating that river for seventeen days, I passed through the land of the Perobazanes, and arrived at another country, where the inhabitants are called Xarayes. These people are agriculturists, have a quantity of provisions, and rear geese, fowls, and other birds. They fish and hunt, and are a reasonable people, obeying their chief. Being in one of their settlements, consisting of about a thousand houses, and well received by their chief, Camire, I collected information concerning the settlements of the interior. In consequence of that information, I left the brigantine under the care of ten men, and taking a guide from the said Xarayes, advanced three days inland, till I reached the settlements of a tribe of Indians, called Urtueses, a good people, cultivating the soil like the Xarayes. From this place, I went on through an inhabited country, till I reached fourteen degrees twenty minutes going westwards.

“While staying in the settlements of the Urtueses and Aburuñes, many chiefs of tribes farther inland came and spoke with me, and brought feathers, like those of Peru, and metal plates in the rough. From them I also obtained information, questioning each individually concerning the settlements and tribes beyond. All these Indians told me that at ten days’ march from there, towards the west-north-west, there were women inhabiting large villages, who possessed a large quantity of white and yellow metal, and all their domestic utensils and vessels were of this metal, and their chief was a woman. They are a warlike people, much feared by the Indians. Before reaching those female warriors it is necessary to pass a tribe of very small Indians, who make war upon the women, and also upon those Indians who gave the information. At a certain time of the year these women unite with their neighbours, and cohabit with them. And if the children born of this intercourse be girls, the mothers keep them; if they are boys, they send them as soon as they are weaned to their fathers. On the other side of the settlements of these women, bordering with them, there are very large villages and tribes of Indians. These statements they made of their own free will, without my asking them. They talked also of a large lake, which they call the House of the Sun, because they say the sun locks himself in there, and said that these women lived there between the flanks of Santa Martha and the lake on the west-north-west, and that beyond the settlements of those women were other large nations of black people. According to the description they gave, these negroes are eagle-faced, with pointed beards like the Moors. We asked them how they knew those people to be black, and they answered that their fathers had seen them and other tribes living in that neighbourhood had reported it. These people clothe themselves, and have houses of stone and earth; they are tall, and possess white and yellow metal in such abundance that they make use of no other material for their domestic utensils and vases, and all kinds of great vessels. We asked where those black people lived, and they pointed to the north-west, saying, that should we wish to go there, we might reach their settlements in fifteen days. And it seemed to me, judging from the indications given by the Indians, that those settlements lie in twelve degrees towards the north-west, between the sierras of Santa Martha and Marañon. They are a race of warriors fighting with bows and arrows. The same Indians also gave us to understand that between west-north-west and north-west, one quarter north, there are many tribes of Indians with such large settlements that it is a day’s journey to pass from one end to the other; and all are rich in white and yellow metal, and wear clothes. They may be reached in a short time, always passing through inhabited country.

“Farther to the west there is a large lake, so wide that it is impossible to see from shore to shore, and by its side dwells a nation who wear clothes, and possess much metal and brilliant stones, which they work into the borders of their dress; and they find these stones in the lake. They have large villages, are agriculturists, and have stores of provisions, besides an abundance of geese and other birds. From the place where I was they said I might reach the lake and its settlements in fifteen days, always travelling through inhabited country, abounding in metal, and by good roads. They offered to show us the way thither when the floods subsided, though we were but few Christians, and the settlements we should have to pass were very large and populous.

“I also formally declare that the Indians showed me by signs that in the direction west, one quarter south-west, there are large towns, with houses built of earth, inhabited by a good people, clothed, very rich, and possessing plenty of metal. They rear a large number of great sheep, using these for agriculture and transport. I asked if those people were far off, and they answered that the route thither lay through a thickly inhabited country, and that it was not far. Among those people they said there were other Christians, and great waterless deserts of sand. We asked them how they knew there were Christians on that side, and they answered, that in times gone by the Indians living in that neighbourhood had been heard to say that as they were passing the desert they met many white people, clothed, with beards, and they had certain animals with them (evidently, according to their showing, horses), and riders on their backs, and that owing to the want of water they had returned, and many had died on the way. The Indians thought they had come from the other side of the desert. They showed us also, by signs, that in the direction west, one quarter south, there were high mountains, and an uninhabited country. Having heard that there were people dwelling beyond those deserts, the Indians had attempted to pass that way, but were unable to proceed, because they died of hunger and thirst. We asked them how they came to learn all this, and they answered, that all the Indians of this country communicated with one another, and it had been related how those Indians had seen the Christians and their horses crossing the desert. They said, too, that on the south-west skirt of those mountains there were many large settlements, and people rich in metal; and beyond these again lay the salt water and the great ships. We asked them if those settlements were ruled by separate chiefs, and they answered, that there was only one chief who ruled all the towns, and was obeyed by all. I further declare, that in order to verify their statements I questioned each of them separately for a day and a night, and they always repeated the same story without any variation whatever.”

The above statement was made by Hernando de Ribera, who said and declared that he had received it with all clearness, faithfully and loyally, without fraud and deceit; and in order that all credit and faith should be given to it, and that there should not be the slightest doubt concerning it, or any portion thereof, he said he would swear to the truth of it, and he swore in the name of God and Santa Maria, and on the four sacred gospels, upon which he placed his right hand, a missal being held open for that purpose by the reverend father, Francisco Gonzalez Paniagua, at the very place where the sacred gospels are written, and on the sign of the cross, like this: ✠, where he also placed his right hand to testify that the aforesaid statement, according to the form and manner of it, was given, said, and declared by the Indian chiefs of the aforesaid land, and by other aged men whom he had diligently examined and interrogated in order to learn the truth, and have a clear understanding of the interior of the country.

After he had obtained this information, other Indians of different settlements came to see him, especially of a large village, called Uretabere. He went one day’s march in their territory, and collected information wherever he went, and all the statements agreed. He declared, moreover, under the sanctity of his oath, that there was no exaggeration or imagination in anything he had said, nothing but the truth, without fraud or reservation whatsoever. He also declared that the Indians assured him that the river Yacareati has a fall from a high mountain.

This he certifies to be true, so help him God, and if it be otherwise may he pay dear in this world with his body, and in the next with his soul. This oath having been read out to him, he said: “I swear it, Amen.”

The aforesaid captain asked and required me to testify to this statement, as much for his peace of mind as to serve as evidence for the aforesaid governor, and to preserve his rights; the following being witnesses: the aforesaid reverend father Paniagua; Sebastian de Valdivieso, valet of the said governor; Gaspar de Hortigosa and Juan de Hoces, citizens of Cordoba, all of whom have signed their names as follows: Francisco Gonzalez Paniagua, Sebastian de Valdivieso, Juan de Hoces, Hernando de Ribera, Gaspar de Hortigosa.

Done before me, Pedro Hernandez, notary.

---

[INDEX,]

A.

• Abacoten, Indian chief, [132]
• Abangobi, Indian chief, [111]
• Abipones, Indian tribe, [xxxvi], [16]
• Abrego, Diego de, quarrels with Francisco de Mendoza, [78] seq.;
  • his name also written Abreu and Abriego, [79];
  • his cousins marry Irala’s daughters, [79] seq.
• Aburuñes, [266]
• Achkere. See [Aracaré]
• Achkeres, why so called, [42];
  • no tribe of that name, [ib.]
• Acosta, Diego de, [240]
• ——, Gonzalo de, [122]
• ——, author of “History of the Indies” referred to, [66]
• Acuña, Hector de, [207]
• Adelantado, the title, [xv], [35], [96]
• Agazes, Indian tribe (Aygais), [xxxvi], [16], [18];
  • their war with the Spaniards, [18] seq.;
  • their place, [19], [22], [23], [54], [131];
  • their treatment of captives, [ib.];
  • their wars, [131] seq.;
  • peace with, [132] seq.;
  • peace broken by, [150] seq.; [153];
  • judgment passed on, [158], [238];
  • expedition to punish, [239]
• Alabos, Indian chief, [132]
• Alcalde Mayor, [158]
• Algarroba, the seed of the carob-tree, [18]
• All Saints’ Eve, [33], [165]
• Almenza, Martin de, [136], [137], [159]
• Almirante (Almiranda), a Spanish title, [89]
• Alvar Nunez. See [Cabeza de Vaca]
• Amazon, [xxxiii]
• Amazons, [xxxix], riches of, [45];
  • reports concerning, [45] seq.;
  • island inhabited by, [46], note, [ib.];
  • their king’s name, [ib.]; [48]
• America, partition of, [xxi];
  • trade with, [xxiv];
  • general language of, [xxxiii]
• Amida. See [Sheep]
• Amne. See [Sheep]
• Anchieta, the missionary, [xxxiii]
• Andalusia, [5]
• Andes, Cordillera of, [xxxiii], [xxxvi]
• Andrada, Francisco d’, [159], [251]
• Angelis, Don Pedro de, editor of Schmidt’s voyage referred to, [xxiii]
• Anghiera, Pedro Martyr de, [xxv]
• Angra, justice of, [261]
• Añiriri, Indian chief, [107]
• Anta, or Tapir. See [Sheep]
• Antilles, sea of the, [xxxiii]
• Antorff. See [Antwerp]
• Ants, red and black, [200];
  • antidote against stings of, [ib.]
• Antwerp, [xv], [xxiv], [1], [81], [88], [91]
• Anzures, Pero, Gobernacion of, [65];
  • sent to conquer Chunchos, [73], note
• Aracaré (Achkere), Indian chief, [37], [160];
  • his treachery, [161] seq., [163];
  • executed by Spaniards, [164]
• Argentina, pampas of, [xxxiii]
• Argentina, poem, [10]
• Arianicosies, Indian tribe, [223], [224], [226], [233]
• Armenta, Bernardo de, a Franciscan friar, [100], [105], [116], [136], [159], [175];
  • leaves the country, [250]
• Armeven (Armuia), [91]
• Aroaz, Juan de, notary, [108]
• Arquebusiers, [107], [177]
• Arroba, a Spanish weight, [195]
• Arrows made of cane, [11]
• Artaneses, Indian tribe, [212]
• Arthus, Prof. Gotard, [xxii]
• Arumaya river, [73]
• Ascension. See [Asuncion]
• Asher, J., his essay on “Hulsius’s Voyages” referred to, [xxx]
• Assumption, Feast of the, [22]
• Asuelles. See [Anzures]
• Asuncion (Desumsion), city of, [xxii];
  • founded, [22], note; [24], [27], [28], [35];
  • distance from Santa Catalina, [36]; [38], [39], [51], [57], [59], [61];
  • latitude of, [74];
  • besieged, [79]; [81], [86];
  • always Ascension in the Commentaries, [102], [103], [104], [105], [109], [115], [118], [122], [123], [124], [125], [127], [128], [132], [134], [135], [137], [138], [149], [156], [157], [160], [161], [164], [165], [166];
  • fire at, [ib.];
  • rebuilt, [167]; [173], [177], [179], [180], [181];
  • return of expedition to, [237] seq., [239], [260], [263]
• Atabare, or Tabaré, Indian chief, his hostility to the Spaniards, [170] seq., [180];
  • offers to accompany the expedition, [181]
• Ave Maria, [142]
• Aygais. See [Agazes]
• Ayolas (Eyollas), Juan de, [xxvi], [xxvii], [6];
  • placed in command, [12]; [13], [14];
  • sails up Paraná, [ib.];
  • takes Lambaré, [21], [22]; [23], [24], [26];
  • death of, [27], [62];
  • sick Spaniards left by, [70], [102], [103], [109], [123], [124], [182], [185], [186], [187]
• Azara, Don Felix de, his opinion of Schmidt’s voyage, [xxxv], [4]

B.

• Bachacheis. See [Mbaiás]
• Bachereos. See [Xarayos]
• Bachkeku or wacheku. See [Bananas]
• Bagenberg, [25]
• Bananas, [63]
• Barba, Don Diego de, [146]
• Barbacoas or parrillas for roasting meat, [154]
• Barchkonis, [66], [68]
• Barcia, de, his translation referred to, [xxiii], [6], [35], [37], [65]
• Barco Centenera, the pseudo-poet, [10]
• Bareia, [81]
• Barter trade, [15]
• Batates. See [Guatatas]
• Bats, vampire, [199] seq.
• Beni, River, [73]
• Bermejo, Rio (Red River), [19]
• Bigg-Wither, referred to, [108]
• Black River, the lagoon, [195]
• Blood of wild beasts drank by Indians, [7]
• Blue stone worn in lip, [72]
• Boa, the, [84]
• Boar, wild, [15], [19], [118], [135]
• Bodelle. See [Rodela]
• Bonas Aeieres. See [Buenos Ayres]
• Bone Speranso. See [Buena Esperanza]
• Brabant, [91]
• Bravo, Anton, bastinadoed, [252]
• Brazil, [xiv], [xviii];
  • the name, [xxii], [32], [35], [175], [176], [190], [250]
• Brazilian (Brazil) wood, [xxii], [xxviii], [85], [86]
• Breastplates on horses, [146]
• Bresa, Baron de la, [xxiv]
• Brigantines (Parchkadienes), [xxvi], [10], [12], [13], [21], [28], [34], [37], [39], [40], [49], [51], [59], [62], [162]
• Buena Esperanza, or Corpus Christi, founded by Mendoza, [15], note, [22]
• Buenos Ayres (Bonas Aeires), Santa Maria de, foundation of, [xxvi], [7];
  • besieged, [11]; [31], [32], [33], [34], [36];
  • province of, [81]; [101], [102], [103], [104], [106];
  • abandoned, [xvi], [123], [124], [125];
  • relief sent to, [127], seq.; [164], [165],
  • measures to re-establish, [165]
• Bull, Papal, [xxi]
• Bullets, stone, [8]
• Burton, Sir Richard, his edition of Hans Stade referred to, [xviii]

C.

• Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez, his parentage, [xiii], [xvi];
  • opposed by Irala, [ib.];
  • judgment and acquittal of, [xvii];
  • Commentaries of, [ib.]; [xviii], [xx], [xxvii];
  • route opened by, [xviii], [xx], [xxx];
  • referred to, [27], [35] seq.;
  • Schmidt’s opinion of, [35], note, [41], [49], [51], [52];
  • arrest and imprisonment of, [52] seq.;
  • is sent to Spain, [53];
  • honesty and capacity of, [ib.], note;
  • horrible treatment suffered by, [ib.];
  • his captivity in Florida, [95];
  • returns to Spain, [ib.];
  • offers to lead a relief expedition, [ib.];
  • appointed Adelantado, [96];
  • equips at his own cost an expedition, [ib.];
  • vessels bought by, [ib.];
  • is detained in Cadiz, [ib.];
  • sets sail, [ib.];
  • arrives at La Palma, [ib.];
  • sails towards Cape Verd, [ib.];
  • takes possession of Cananea, [99];
  • arrives at Santa Catalina, [ib.];
  • disembarks his people, [100];
  • treats Indians kindly, [ib.], [107];
  • protects monks, [101];
  • clothes Spanish refugees, [103] seq.;
  • hastens to Asuncion, [104];
  • opens route overland, [ib.];
  • leaves Santa Catalina, [106];
  • begins his march, [ib.];
  • enters the interior, [107];
  • discovers Indian settlements, [ib.];
  • takes possession of territory for king, [107];
  • his name, [108];
  • his generosity to Indians, [109];
  • protects natives, [109] seq.;
  • writes to Asuncion, [118];
  • descends the Yguazú, [120];
  • orders rafts to be made, [121];
  • arrives at Asuncion, [125];
  • shows his credentials, [ib.];
  • recognised as governor, [ib.];
  • his orders to rebuild Buenos Ayres, [128];
  • summons meeting of clergy, [128];
  • assembles native vassals, [129];
  • makes peace with Agazes, [132];
  • clothes needy Spaniards, [134];
  • reduces taxation, [ib.];
  • arrests officers, [ib.];
  • consults clergy, [136] seq.;
  • leads expedition against Guaycurús, [139];
  • narrow escape of, [143];
  • restores order in his troops, [ib.];
  • his dispositions for attack, [146];
  • inquires into the acts of the Agazes, [151];
  • receives the submission of Guaycurús, [154];
  • sends further relief to Buenos Ayres, [159];
  • prepares to explore province, [159] seq.;
  • orders vessels to be built, [162];
  • returns thanks for safety of Spaniards, [166];
  • supplies destitute Spaniards, [167];
  • assembles clergy and officers, [168];
  • orders brigantines to be equipped, [169];
  • supports friendly Indians, [170];
  • writes to Irala, [173];
  • animosity against, [175];
  • orders depositions to be taken, [176];
  • starts on voyage of discovery, [177];
  • builds a church, [ib.];
  • reaches Tapua, [178];
  • stays at Itapuan, [183];
  • treats with Payaguás, [186] seq.;
  • orders soundings to be taken, [191];
  • speaks with Guaxarapos, [192];
  • takes possession of Los Reyes, [198];
  • cautions Spaniards and Guaranís, [198];
  • bitten by a vampire bat, [199] seq.;
  • holds a council, [205];
  • decides on an advance, [215];
  • arrives at Rio Caliente, [216];
  • is advised to return, [220];
  • sends Ribera to Tapuá, [221];
  • summons chiefs of Los Reyes, [222];
  • sends for provisions, [223];
  • sends Hernando Ribera to the Xarayes, [225];
  • recalls Mendoza, [233];
  • falls sick with fever, [236];
  • remains at Los Reyes, [237];
  • orders Indian girls to be restored, [237];
  • returns to Asuncion, [238];
  • conspiracy against, [239] seq.;
  • his property seized, [242];
  • his life threatened, [245];
  • his imprisonment, [247];
  • corresponds with his friends, [247] seq.;
  • asks for a confessor, [251], [253];
  • appoints a deputy, [257];
  • is chained on the brigantine, [257];
  • poison administered to, [259];
  • his chains filed asunder, [260];
  • arrives at the Azores, [261];
  • in Spain, [ib.];
  • is arrested and kept a prisoner eight years, [262];
  • acquitted and released, [ib.];
  • losses sustained by, [ib.]
• Cabeza de Vaca, Pedro Estopiñan, nephew of Alvar Nuñez, sent by sea to Buenos Ayres, [36], [106], [107];
  • arrives at Asuncion, [164];
  • his report, [ib.];
  • seized and put in irons, [258];
  • sent to Spain, [ib.]
• Cabot, Sebastian, expedition under, [xiv], [xxv];
  • fort of, [15];
  • referred to, [202]
• Cabrera (Gabrero), Alonso, arrives from Spain, [14], [32], [33], [52], [125];
  • letter signed by, [165]; [240], [243], [256], [259];
  • files the governor’s chains asunder, [260];
  • loses his reason and kills his wife, [262]
• ——, Antonio, [37]
• Caceres, Felipe de, [52];
  • sent to the La Plata, [101], [104], [125];
  • accompanies expedition, [177]; [240]
• Cacocies Chaneses. See [Xarayes]
• Cactus hedge round Indian village, [67]
• Cadiz (Calles), [1], [88], [90], [98]
• Caguazú, Indian settlement, [136], [137]
• Calderon, [31]
• Calles. See [Cadiz]
• Camire, Indian chief, [211], [212], [265]
• Camoati, Guaraní word for beehives, [77]
• Campo, el (the plain), [104], [107]
• Camus, M., his collection of voyages referred to, [xxxiv]
• Cananea, [36], [99], [100]
• Canaria, [96]
• Canary Islands, their distance from San Lucar, [2]; [4]
• Candelaria, port of, [102], [185];
  • latitude of, [186];
  • now Corumbá, [ib.]
• Candirées, Indian tribe, [203], [232]
• Cannibalism, remarks on, [xxxvi] seq.;
  • denied by the editor of this book, [xxxviii];
  • Schmidt’s notices of, [20];
  • C. de Vaca’s notices of, [129], [234], [254]
• Canoes, [13];
  • swiftness of, [193];
  • large, [194]
• Cape Verde, [96], [261];
  • islands, [4], [97], [98]
• Capibara, or Capincho, water-hog, [184];
  • chase of, [ib.]
• Capitana, name of ship, [96], [124], [127]
• Captives in war, treatment of, [20], [129] seq.
• Caracas, province of, [xxiv]
• Caravels (Karabella), [32], [35]
• Carcaraes, Indian tribe, [203], [232]
• Carch Karaisch. See [Guaycurus]
• Cardas, a kind of teasel, [155]
• Cardos (Cardes), Spanish for thistle, [69]
• Carendies. See [Quirandis]
• Carib and Caniba, name given by Indians of Hayti to their enemies, [xxxvii]
• Carieba, [57];
  • taken by treachery, [58]
• Carios, name by which Schmidt calls the Guaranís, [14], [15], [19];
  • extent of their country, [19];
  • their superiority for work, [ib.];
  • their customs, [20];
  • their cannibalism, [ib.];
  • their treatment of prisoners, [ib.];
  • their war, [ib.];
  • their town, [ib.];
  • their forts, [21];
  • pits dug by, [ib.];
  • their fight with the Spaniards, [ib.];
  • their submission, [22];
  • build a town for the Spaniards, [ib.]; [27], [28], [37], [38], [40], [41];
  • their insurrection, [54];
  • expedition against, [55] seq.;
  • their fortifications, [56], [57], [59];
  • defeat of, [59];
  • join Irala’s expedition, [62]; [64], [70], [71], [76], [81], [82], [83], [102]
• Carob bean (Prosopis dulcis mimosa), [18], [135];
  • flour and wine made of, [ib.]
• Casas, Bartolomé, de las, [xxv];
  • abridges Columbus’ Journal, [xxxvii]
• Casca, de. See [La Gasca]
• Cassia trees, [189];
  • fruit of, [ib.]
• Castellano, gold coin, value of, [242]
• Castille, [258]
• Centenera. See [Barco]
• Ceuti, lemon of, [189]
• Chaco, Indians of the, [xiv]; [xvi]
• Chanés (Chameses, Chaneses), Indian tribe, [65], [66], [102], [103], [191], [197], [202], [203], [231], [232]
• Charles V, King of Spain, [xiii], [xxiii];
  • his partiality for Flemings, [xxiv] seq.;
  • abdication of, [xxix]
• Charúas, tribe of Indians, [xxxvi], [6] seq.; [11]
• Chaves, Nuflo de, sent to Peru, [75], [76]; [244]
• Cheriguanos, now named Moxos and Chiquitos, their country, [xxvii], [37]
• Chimencos, Indian tribe, [203], [232]
• Chiquitos, [xxvii]
• Chunchos, territory of, [73]
• Cipoyay, Indian chief, [107]
• Cock, crow of, saves a ship, [98]
• Coligny protects Villegaignon, [xxix]
• Columbus, Christopher, alteration of his words carne viva regarding the natives of Hayti, [xxxvi] seq.
• Compans, Ternaux, his Collection of Voyages referred to, [xxxiv];
  • his erroneous identifications, [xxxiv], [19], [85]
• Cordova, or Cordoba, [100], [270]
• Corpus Christi, fort, [15], [29]
• Correa, Antonio, [207], [209]
• Corumbá, [186]
• Cotton, [19], [212]
• Crocodile, legend concerning, [42] seq.
• Crossbowmen, [107]
• Cuenca, Bishop of, [262]
• Ciudad Real de Guaira, [118]
• Curitiba, city of, [108]
• Cuyaba, river, [190]
• Cuzco (called by Schmidt, Ruessken), [76]

D.

• Dabere. See [Tabaré]
• Dantas. See [Sheep]
• Danube, river, [60]
• Darts, tipped with flint, [8], [54], [67]
• De Bry, his collection referred to, [xxii];
  • publishes Schmidt’s voyage, [xxx]
• Deer, [44], [45], [66], [68], [118], [148], [149]
• Demerieff. See [Teneriffe]
• Desumsion. See [Asuncion]
• Diaz, Ruy, [62]
• Diembus. See [Timbus]
• Diess. See [Diaz]
• Doberim Carolus. See [Dubrin]
• Domingo, an Indian, [176]
• Dorantes, Pedro (the factor), reconnoitres a way inland, [104];
  • his report, [125];
  • joins expedition, [177];
  • returns to Asuncion, [181]; [240], [256], [258]
• Dryandri, Dr. Johann, Stade’s work written by, [xxx]
• Duarte, Lope, a confederate of Irala, [259]
• Dubrin, Carlos, [14]
• Duechkamin, town of, [19];
  • M. Ternaux, erroneous identification of, [ib.];
  • probably Tomina, [ib.], note

E.

• Ear ornaments, [40]
• Earthquake, [165]
• El Golondrino (the Swallow), name of vessel, [265]
• Escalera, Antonio d’, [251]
• Espinosa. See [Salazar]
• Espiritu Santo, province and port of, [86]
• Estopiñan, Pedro. See [Cabeza de Vaca]
• Eyolla. See [Irala]
• Eyollas, Johann. See [Ayolas]

F.

• Farol, Spanish for lantern, [90]
• Fenugreek, [18];
  • not the herb from which the wine was made, [ib.], [24], [25]
• Ferdinand and Isabella, [xiii]
• Fish, [5], [87];
  • extraordinary numbers of, [189], [194];
  • gold, [195]
• Flemings, funds supplied by, [xxiv];
  • favours shown to, [xxv];
  • take part in expedition, [ib.];
  • their struggle for independence, [xxx]
• Flemish merchants, [xv]
• Flooded land, marching through, [47]
• Floods on Paraguai, [41], [47], [193], [194]
• Florida, [xvii], [35]
• Flying-fishes, [5]
• Francisco, a converted Indian, succours the Christians, [122], [127]
• Franck, Sebastian, his Collection of Voyages, [xvi], [xxix], [xxx]
• Frio, cape, [99]
• Fucar, the word, [xxiv]
• Fuegians, cannibalism attributed to, [xxxviii]
• Fuggers, family of wealthy merchants, [xxiv], [xxviii]
• Furs of the Indians, [9]

G.

• Gabaretha, [81]
• Gabrero. See [Cabrera]
• Galan, Francisco Ruiz, [29]
• Game, abundance of, [229]
• Garcia, Alejo, the fabulous, [202]
• Garcia, the interpreter, [190] seq.;
  • his expedition into the interior, [191], [202];
  • not the pilot of that name, [202]; [209], [231]
• Garcia Diego, the pilot, [xiv], [202]
• Garcia, Ruy, sent by Irala to Peru, [75]
• Gastra, de. See [Caceres]
• Geese, [15], [19], [63], [66], [68], [118];
  • kept by Indians to destroy crickets, [168]
• Germans take part in Mendoza’s expedition, [xxv]
• Gold and silver, [45], [48], [49], [90], [212], [214], [232], [244]
• Gold plates worn for ornaments, [48]
• Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, [xxvii]
• Gomera, island, [2]
• Gonzales, Bartolomé, [241]
• Gonzalo, an Indian, [103]
• Gran Canaria, [100]
• Guaçani, an Indian chief, his hostility to the Spaniards, [170], [180], [181], [191]
• Guadalquivir, comparison with, [117]
• Guadix, [253]
• Guaira (or Paraná), Jesuit missions in, [111];
  • province of, [xix], [xxii], [xxviii], [xxxiii], [36], [81]
• Guanacos, [63]
• Guapay, river, [65], [73].
• Guaraní family, [xx]
• Guaraní language, [xxxiii], [16], [129], [206]
• Guaranís, only one nation of, [xxxv];
  • divisions of, [ib.]; [107];
  • their cannibalism, [ib.]; [110], [111], [112], [114];
  • settlements of, [117];
  • arrayed for battle, [121]; [123];
  • pillaged by Agazes, [131] seq., [133]; [140];
  • march to battle, [141];
  • panic among [144];
  • timidity of, [146]; [148], [149], [150];
  • chiefs sent for, [152], [153], [155];
  • attack Buenos Ayres, [165];
  • extreme point occupied by, [182], [184]
• Guaranís, of the interior, [203], [204], [206], [210] seq., [213], [215], [217], [228], [231];
  • suffer from fever, [233]; [234], [238]
• Guatatas, [142], [146], [153]
• Guatos, a tribe of Indians, [213], [227], [234]
• Guaycurús (Guaicurús), a tribe of warriors and hunters, [15], [16], [25];
  • their food, [ib.];
  • their habits, [135];
  • feared by other tribes, [ib.];
  • kind to their wives, [ib.];
  • injuries committed by, [136];
  • proclaimed enemies, [137];
  • message sent to, [ib.];
  • their movements watched, [138], [140]; [142], [144];
  • their mode of beheading prisoners, [147];
  • defeat of, [ib.];
  • allow liberty to their women, [148]; [149], [150];
  • captives set free, [152];
  • submission of, [153] seq.;
  • their barter with the Spaniards, [155], [157]
• Guayviaño, port of, [177], [182], [183]
• Guaxarapos, country of, [189];
  • submission of, [190]; [192], [193], [213];
  • attack Spaniards, [222], [227], [234], [235], [238]
• Guazú, Chera, an Indian chief, [13]
• Gulgaises. See [Guaicurús]
• Guzman, Alonso Riquelme de (called by Schmidt, Richkell), father of Ruy Diaz, [79]
• Guzman, Ruy Diaz, author of La Argentina, [xxvii], [27], [73], [79]

H.

• Hammocks, [84]
• Hannego. See [Vanegas]
• Hayti, [xxxvi]
• Heads of enemies, how preserved, [55]
• Hens, [15], [19], [63], [66], [68]
• Hernandez, Andres, [245]
• ——, Juan, [29]
• ——, Pero, or Pedro, secretary of Cabeza de Vaca, [37];
  • arrested, [241], [260], [270]
• Herrera, Antonio de, the historian, referred to, [xxv], [xxvii], [1], [15], [27]
• ——, Rodrigo de, [251]
• Herrezuelo, Luiz de, a monk, [159]
• Hidalgo, the word, [252]
• Hieronimus, [70]
• Hoces, Juan de, [270]
• Honey, abundance of, [77]; [110], [124]
• Horses and mares brought from Spain, [7];
  • fears excited by, [117]; [147], [181], [183]
• Hortigosa, Gaspar de, [270]
• Hulcken, large merchantmen, [88]
• Hulsius, Levinus, his edition of Schmidt’s voyage referred to, [xxx], [xxxiii];
  • note by, [50]
• Hulst, or Hulsen, Johann von, a merchant, [81], [86]

I.

• Iegnis, King of the Amazons, [46]
• Iepedii, or Ipiti river. See [Bermejo]
• Ieperis. See [Yapirus]
• Iguape, [xiv]
• Iguazu. See [Yguazu]
• Indians, their fear of the horses, [110], [117];
  • remove their camps, [110];
  • cordial reception by, [115], [123];
  • their deference for old women, [119];
  • houses of, [124];
  • attack Spaniards, [126];
  • protection of, [128] seq.;
  • their cannibalism, [129];
  • swiftness of foot of, [135];
  • converted, [136], [160], [163];
  • custom of, [140];
  • Spaniards dependent on, [144]; [148];
  • accompany Spaniards on their discovery, [163];
  • complaints by, [176];
  • in war paint, [178];
  • habits of, [193] seq.;
  • their ornaments, [207]
• Inriquizava. See [Yeruquihaba]
• Ipaneme (Ipané) river and port, [60], [181], [182], [191]
• Irala, Domingo Martinez de, principal part taken by, [xvi];
  • personal ambition of, [ib.],
  • defence of, [xvii]; [xxvi] seq.;
  • obtains title of governor, [xxviii]; [xxx], [14], [28], [29], [30], [31], [32], [34];
  • yields up government to Cabeza de Vaca, [36];
  • subdues the Carios, [38];
  • supposed author of conspiracy against Cabeza de Vaca, [53];
  • elected governor, [ib.];
  • attacks and defeats the Carios, [57] seq.;
  • advances against Tabaré, [60];
  • proposes expedition, [61];
  • sends messengers to Peru, [65];
  • his letter, [73]; [75], [78];
  • marries his daughters to Spaniards, [80]; [102];
  • is blamed for the death of Ayolas, [103];
  • withdraws from the country of the Payaguás, [ib.]; [125], [143];
  • sent to explore Upper Paraguai, [160], [165];
  • returns from his exploration, [167];
  • his report, [168];
  • ordered to assist Mendoza, [172];
  • makes peace with hostile chiefs, [174]; [185], [241];
  • elected deputy governor, [243] seq.; [249], [252], [253], [254], [258], [259]
• Iron plates, a mistake of author’s, [58]
• Isabella, Queen of Spain, [148]
• Itabitan. See [Itapuan]
• Itapuan, [183]
• Itaqui, two ports of that name, [180]
• Itati, [212]
• Itatis, [37], [41], [43]

J.

• Jejuy (Giguy) river, [170]
• “Jigger.” See [Nigua]
• Juberich Sabaije. See [Yeruquihaba]

K.

• Kalles. See [Cadiz]
• Karchkonis, or Karckkockios, [66], [68], [71] seq., [77]
• Keyser, Christoff, agent of Fugger, [80]
• Kueremagbas. See [Mbaiás]
• Kumero. See [Gomera]
• Kuniglin, probably guinea-pigs, [66]

L.

• La Gasca, governor of Peru, [65], [74]
• Lambaré, [20]
• La Palma, island of, [4], [96], [97]
• La Plata. See [Rio de la Plata]
• Las Piedras, or Pan de Azúcar, [160] seq.
• Lauchstein. See [Lujan]
• Leagues, Castilian, [4]
• Lebron, friar Alonzo, [100], [105], [116], [136], [159], [175], [250]
• Lezcano, Juan Gabriel de, [159]
• Lieme. See [Lima]
• Locusts, crops eaten by, [68]
• Lopez, Antonio, a pilot, [104]
• Lima, [74], [76]
• Lip ornaments, [20], [37], [40], [43], [72], [214], [230]
• Lisbon, [xxiv], [xxviii], [81], [85]
• Llamas, or great sheep of Peru, [63];
  • used for riding, [ib.], [204]
• Los Reyes, port of, [168], [169], [174], [189], [191], [196];
  • curious rocks near, [ib.];
  • shallows of, [197];
  • Indians of, [199];
  • church built at, [201], [203], [205], [213], [215], [220], [221], [225], [231], [233], [234], [235], [237], [263], [264], [265]
• Loxa, wife of Alonso Cabrera, [262]
• Luchsam, Jörg. See [Lujan]
• Lujan, Jorge, [6], [10]

M.

• Machin, a Biscayan, [259]
• Machkaria, an Indian chief, [56]
• Machkasis, Rio, [66], [73], [75]
• Machkokios, [65], [73]
• Machkuerendas, perhaps Mocoretas, [16];
  • language of, [ib.], [17]
• Maijeaijs. See [Mbaiás]
• Maijegoni, or Maigenos, [67], [70] seq.
• Maipai. See [Mepenes]
• Maize wine, [230]
• Malaria, from putrefying fish, [236]
• Manchossa. See [Mendoza]
• Mandepore, Mandcoch parpij, Mandeochade, Mandioch Mandapore. See [Manioc]
• Mandubís, mandues or manduís (pea-nuts), [25], [37], [40], [41], [63], [118], [155], [199]
• Manioc, [14], [15], [19], [37], [41], [63];
  • drink made from, [69], [199]
• Mantles made by Indian women, [45], [49], [65], [155]
• Mapennis. See [Mepenes]
• Marañon, sierra of, [267]
• Marilla, Bartolomé de la, [244]
• Markets for sale and barter of Indian commodities, [155]
• Marroni, [67]
• Martin Garcia, Island, [33]
• Matanza river, de la, [9]
• Mataraes, Indian tribe, [188]
• Matto Grosso, [xxvii]
• Mayáes. See [Mbaiás]
• Mayas, [153]
• Mbaiás, their kindness to the Spaniards, [18];
  • their mode of piercing the nose, [ib.]; [26], [54];
  • their mode of fighting, [55]; [57], [63];
  • attack by, [64];
  • slaughter of, [65]; [66], [203]
• Mbiaçá or Mbiaçai, the country opposite Santa Catalina Island, [35], [83], [100]
• Mechseckheim. See [Mexico]
• Mello, Homem de, referred to, [121]
• Mendoza, Antonio de, [29], [30];
  • death of, [31]
• ——, Diego, death of, [8]
• ——, Don Pedro de, first Adelantado of Rio de la Plata, [xv], [xvi], [xxi], [xxv], [xxvi], [xxvii];
  • his expedition, [1], note;
  • appoints Juan Osorio to the command, [5]; [6], [7], [8], [10], [12];
  • dies on the voyage back to Spain, [13]; [32], [35], [70], [95], [101], [102]
• ——, Don Francisco, [52], [240]
• ——, Gonzalo de, [32], note;
  • sent to relieve Buenos Ayres, [159];
  • disaster to, [165];
  • sent to obtain supplies from Indians, [169];
  • writes to the governor, [170] seq.;
  • commands the rear flotilla, [190];
  • sent for provisions, [223];
  • his orders, [224] seq., [226] seq., [233]
• ——, Jorge de, his love-adventure not known in history, [2] note, [4]
• Mepen, Pedro, [234]
• Mepenes, or Abipones, [17];
  • their hostility, [ib.];
  • they only fight on water, [18], [63]
• Merchireses, Indian tribe, [142]
• Mexico, [4]
• Miguel, a converted Indian, [109]
• Miranda, a Spaniard killed, [238]
• Miranda, Luis de, the priest, [251], [259]
• Molina, Pedro de, [253] seq.
• Monkeys pull and throw down pine-cones to eat, [113]
• Monks, obstinacy of, [116];
  • consulted, [159];
  • take to flight, [175] seq.
• Montoya, Ruiz de, the missionary, [xxxiii]
• Moors, pointed beards of, [266]
• Morales, a gentleman of Seville, [241]
• Mormosén, Indian chief, [137], [138]
• Moussy, Martin de, referred to, [121]
• Moxos, [xxvii]
• Musical instruments of Indians, [44]

N.

• Naperus. See [Yapirus]
• Navarrete, his Collection of Voyages referred to, [xxxii], [xxxvii]
• Navigation, rules observed in, [33], [89]
• Niedhart, Sebastian, [xxv], [2], [80]
• Nigua, Guaraní for the small flea known in W. Africa as “Jigger”, [74]
• Nova Hispania, [4], [75]
• Nuremberg, [2];
  • things made at, [48]
• Nythart, Hans, his translation of Terence’s play of “The Eunuch”, [52]

O.

• Ocampo, Augustin de, an officer sent by Irala to Peru, [75]
• Old age rare among Indians, [50]
• Oñate, Pedro d’, [240]
• Orejones, why so called, [200];
  • compared with the Incas, [ib.], [230]
• Orejon, Francisco, a Spaniard, [118]
• Orellana, a Spanish officer, the first to navigate the river Amazon, [46]
• Orthuses. See [Urtuesses]
• Osorio, Juan, [5];
  • unjustly put to death, [6]
• Ossorig, Hans. See [Osorio]
• Ostriches, [15], [19], [44], [63], [66], [68], [141], [149]
• Ostrich flesh, [138]
• Oviedo, Fernandez de, the historian, [xxvi]

P.

• Pabesse. See [Pavés]
• Pabon, Johan, [8]
• Pacheco, a mulatto, [190]
• Padades. See [Potatoes]
• Paeime, or Paine, Heinrich, [xxv], [2], [3]
• Palm tree, [48];
  • young shoots of, [216]
• Palm nuts, flour made of, [216]
• Palma (Palman), [2], [3], [4].
  • See also [La Palma]
• Palometa (Palmede), teeth of, used by Indians for beheading prisoners, [54], [147]
• Paniagua, Francisco Gonzales, [269], [270]
• Parabor, or Parabog. See [Paraguai]
• Parabor, parabog, or paraog, a Guaraní word, [20], ethnological note
• Paraguai, conquest of, [xvii], [xviii];
  • conquerors of, [xxx];
  • language spoken in, [xxxiii]
• —— river, [xiv], [xix], [xxvi];
  • expedition up, [14]; [18], [19], [20], [23], [26], [28], [35], [37], [39], [41], [44], [51];
  • affluents of, [60]; [62], [102], [103];
  • province of, [111], [118]; [125], [131], [132], [135], [137], [149], [153], [163], [167], [181], [182], [189], [190];
  • loses itself, [195]; [202], [203], [212], [263]
• Paraiso, Isla del, [41], [43]
• Paraná, [xxxvi], province of, [36], [108], [111];
  • river, [xiv], [xxvi];
  • width of, [6], [7], [10], [12], [15], [16], [18], [28], [33];
  • originally called Rio de Solis, [ib.] note; [35], [81], [103], [108];
  • also called Rio de la Plata, [120];
  • width of, [121]; [122], [126], [127], [128], [164], [165]
• Parana Wassu, or Guazú. See [Parana river]
• Paraná-pané river, now called Paraná-panema, [111]
• Paranon. See [Parana]
• Parchkadienes. See [Brigantines]
• Paredes, Francisco de, [259], [260]
• Parnawuie, a Spaniard, [76]
• Parroni, [67]
• Parrots, [66];
  • kept by natives, [127];
  • feathers used for ornament, [141]
• Pat, or podell, a boat, [3], [6], [12]
• Patos, port of Los, [xxvi]
• Paves (Pabesse), [56]
• Pavon, Juan, [29], [241]
• Payaguas (Peijembas or Peyssennas), an Indian tribe, [23];
  • food of, [24], [25], [26];
  • slay Ayolas and his Spaniards, [27], [28], [103], [182];
  • parley with, [186];
  • chief of, [187];
  • flight of, [188], [193]
• Paysunóes, Indian tribe, [203], [230], [232]
• Pea-nuts. See [Mandubis]
• Peihoni, [66], [67]
• Peijembas. See [Payaguás]
• Peijssenas, probably the same as the Payaguás, [26], [66], [69] seq.
• Peischo Spaide. See [Swordfish]
• Pequiry R., tributary of Paraná, [118], [119], [126]
• Peralta, Francisco de, [241]
• Perobazanes, [265]
• Peru, [xvi], [xxvii];
  • mountains of, [19]; [74], [75], [76];
  • sierras of, [265]
• Pesche-spate, or Peje-espada. See [Swordfish]
• Pesche de ferre, or Peces-sierras, [5], [87]
• Phillip II, King of Spain, [xxix]
• Pilot, punishment of, [34]
• Pine-trees, great size of, [112];
  • fruit of, [ib.]; [117]
• Pinzon, Vicente Yañez, [84]
• Pique. See [Nigua]
• Piraputanas, native name for shad, [229]
• Piratininga. See [San Paulo]
• Piseron. See [Pizarro]
• Pitfalls made by Indians, [21]
• Pizarro, El Marqués Don Francisco, [75];
  • historical note, [ib.]
• ——, Gonzalo, his rebellion, [74], [75];
  • his beheadal, [ib.]
• Plate, river. See [Rio de la Plata]
• Polyphemus, fable of, [xxxviii]
• Portugal, king of, [xiv], [5], [81], [85], [88];
  • his vassals killed by natives, [104], [120], [262]
• Portuguese, [4], [5], [120]
• Portuguese territory, how delimited, [xxi], [81]
• Potatoes, (Padades), [14], [25], [40], [41], [63];
  • three kinds of, [114]
• Potosi (called by Schmidt, Poduesis), [76]
• Priesiell. See [Brazil]
• Protestants, French, try to set foot in Brazil, [xxix]
• Pupebaie, an Indian chief, [110]
• Purchas, his Pilgrims, [xxiii]

Q.

• Quintana referred to, [xxv]
• Quirandis, a tribe of Indians, [7], [8];
  • fight with, [8], [9], [11], [15]

R.

• Ramallo, Juan (called by Schmidt, Reinmelle), [84], [85];
  • historical note, [ib.];
  • his sons, [ib.];
  • his family the founders of the city of San Paulo, [ib.]
• Rasquin, Jaime, [240]
• Ray, wound inflicted by, [200];
  • its tail used for tattooing, [207]
• Real Consejo de las Indias, [262]
• Ribera, Francisco de, [41];
  • sent to Tapua, [221];
  • returns, [228];
  • his report, [229] seq., [230], [232], [233]
• ——, Hernando de, [41], [42], [46], [49];
  • sent to explore, [225];
  • returns from his exploration, [236];
  • narrative of, [263-270]
• Rio Caliente, [216]
• Riogenea. See [Rio de Janeiro]
• Rio de Janeiro, [xxviii];
  • meaning of the name, [5], [6];
  • by whom discovered, [5]; [86], [99]
• Rio de la Plata, conquest of, [xiii];
  • discovery of, [xiv]; [xv], [xvii], [xviii], [xxvi], [xxx], [xxxv], [1], [2], [6], [13], [19], [20];
  • government of, [32]; [35], [42], [76];
  • province of, [xx];
  • how divided, [81]; [95], [100], [106], [120]
• Riodellaplata. See [Rio de la Plata]
• Rio del Oro, [193]
• Rodela, [56]
• Romero, Johann (or Juan), [12], [159];
  • left in command at Los Reyes, [215];
  • his report, [222]
• Rosario, [xiv]
• Rossel, or Rosel, Peter, [xxiv], [xxix], [86];
  • mentioned by Hans Staden, [ib.];
  • receives Schmidt kindly, [ib.]
• Ruiz, Francisco, [243]
• Rutia, Miguel de, an officer sent by Irala to Peru, [75]

S.

• Sabalos, or shad, [229]
• Salazar, Captain Juan de, [6], [39], [146];
  • left as lieutenant of the governor, [177];
  • desired to complete the caravel, [178]; [238], [256], [257]
• —— Juan de, a monk, [159], [259], [260]
• Salinas del Jaurú, [65], [72], [74]
• Salinas, Sancho de, [244]
• Salleisser. See [Salazar]
• Salt region, [72]
• Salvaischo, Lazarum, [6], historical note
• Samacosis, or Surukusis, [37], [40], [41], [42], [51];
  • their town burnt, [51]
• San Antonio, cape, [6], [33]
• Sancte Augo. See [Santiago]
• San Fernando, Point, [33]
• San Francisco, colony of, [xix];
  • river, island, and bay of, [99], [105]
• San Juan, river, [165]
• San Lucar de Barrameda, [xviii], [2], [88]
• San Paulo (or Pablo) in Brazil, [85];
  • province of, [xxiv], [99]
• San Thomé, island of, [50]
• San Vicente (or Santos), [xv], [xix], [xxi], [xxiv], [xxviii];
  • capitania of, [36];
  • first Portuguese colony in Brazil, [84], [85], [86]
• Sancti Spiritus, [xiv]
• Sanabria, Don Diego de, takes command on death of his father, [xviii];
  • his armada dispersed, [ib.];
  • his unfortunate enterprize, [xix]
• —— Don Juan de, appointed third adelantado of Rio de la Plata, [xviii]
• Santa Catalina (or St. Catherine), island, [xix], [xx], [xxii], [xxvi], [32];
  • a possession of Spain, [ib.], [33], [35];
  • given to Cabeza de Vaca, [36]; [99], [100], [101], [104], [105], [107];
  • province of, [108]; [124], [127], [164]
• Santa Lucia, hills, [191]
• Santa Maria, cape, [6], [33];
  • distance from it to San Gabriel, Island, [34]
• —— Puerto de. See [Buenos Ayres]
• Santa Martha, sierras of, [265], [267]
• Santiago, battle-cry of Spaniards, [146]
• Santiago or St. Iago Island, one of the Cape Verd Islands, [4], [5], [50]
• Schaubhut, a fish, [5]
• Schelebethueba, [84]
• Scherues. See [Xarayos]
• Schetz or Schetzen, Heinrich, [88]
• Schetzen, Erasmus, [xxiv], [xxviii], [xxix], [81], [85], [86]
• Schmidt, Ulrich, his lineage unknown, [xiii] seq.;
  • agent of Flemish merchants, [xv];
  • his name, [ib.];
  • first edition of his book, [xvi];
  • period embraced by his voyage, [xvii], [xx];
  • links his fortune with Irala, [xxvii];
  • not noticed by the chroniclers, [ib.], [xxviii];
  • does not mention Hans Stade, [xxix];
  • errors committed by, [xxxiv];
  • Azara’s opinion of, [xxxv];
  • leaves Antwerp, [1];
  • arrives at Cadiz, [ib.];
  • at San Lucar, [2];
  • at island of La Palma, [ib.];
  • erroneous distances given by, [4];
  • historical notes, [ib.], [5];
  • arrives at Rio de la Plata, [6];
  • helps to found Buenos Ayres, [7] seq.;
  • fights against Quirandis, [ib.];
  • ascends the Paraná, [12];
  • the Paraguai, [18];
  • fights against Agazes, [19];
  • and Carios, [21];
  • at Asuncion, [23];
  • takes part in expedition of Ayolas, [24] seq.;
  • returns with Irala, [26];
  • descends the Paraguai and Parana, [28];
  • at Corpus Christi, [30];
  • at Buenos Ayres, [32];
  • sails for Santa Catalina, [ib.];
  • is shipwrecked, [34];
  • walks to San Gabriel, [ib.];
  • ascends the Parana, [35];
  • remains at Asuncion, [ib.];
  • records arrival of Cabeza de Vaca, [36];
  • takes part in Irala’s expeditions, [37] seq.;
  • his remarks on the Xarayos, [44];
  • on the Amazons, [45] seq.;
  • marches through flooded land, [46] seq.;
  • his booty, [49];
  • his observations on climate, [50];
  • astronomical errors of, [50] seq.;
  • his remarks on Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, [51] seq.;
  • his illness, [53];
  • an accomplice in conspiracy against Alvar Nuñez, [ib.];
  • his remarks on native warfare, [54] seq.;
  • takes part in military operations, [57] seq.;
  • is disabled and rides on a sheep, [63];
  • captives and booty taken by, [65];
  • queer names given by, [ib.];
  • is selected for important duty, [69];
  • gains favour among the men, [ib.];
  • takes part in expedition to Peru, [71] seq.;
  • his opinion of Pizarro, [74];
  • his remarks on Peru, [75];
  • on the fertility of the country, [77];
  • his share of slaves, [78];
  • receives letter from Seville, [80];
  • applies for leave of absence, [ib.];
  • letters and report delivered by, [ib.];
  • sets out on homeward journey, [81];
  • curious names of places mentioned by, [ib.];
  • comes to the Tapis, [82];
  • his account of that people, [ib.];
  • two of his companions killed, [ib.];
  • is attacked and defends himself, [83];
  • forests described by, [83];
  • fatigues endured by, [84];
  • arrives at San Vicente, [85];
  • is received by Peter Rossel, [ib.];
  • sails from San Vicente, [ib.];
  • puts into Espiritu Santo, [88];
  • arrives at Lisbon, [ib.];
  • posts to Seville, [ib.];
  • arrives at San Lucar, [ib.];
  • at Cadiz, [ib.];
  • narrowly escapes shipwreck, [90];
  • at Cadiz, [ib.];
  • sails for Holland, [91];
  • arrives at Isle of Wight, [ib.];
  • at Antwerp, [ib.]
• Schmidt, editions of his Voyage, [xxii].
  • See also [Bibliography]
• Schue Eiiba Thuescha, [84]
• Segura, Pedro, [80]
• Segurola, Don Saturnino, his collection of MSS., [xxiii]
• Seville, [xiv], [xv], [xxiv], [xxvi], [xxviii], [2], [78], [80], [88], [241]
• Sheep, Indian, [15], [19], [25], [45], [56], [63], [68], [118]
• Siberis, [47], [48], [50], [68] seq.
• Sibylla. See [Seville]
• Sierra do Mar, [108]
• Sierra, meaning of the word, [116]
• Silver, pieces of, [xiv];
  • crowns, [64].
  • See also “[Gold and silver]”
• Skins of tiger, tapir, deer, etc., [155]
• Smith, Buckingham, translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios, referred to, [xvii]
• Snake, monstrous, [16]
• Sococies, [191], [197], [202], [224]
• Socorinos, [224], [234]
• Solis, Juan Diaz de, [xiv], [84]
• Solorzano, [240]
• Sosa, Hernando de, [247]
• Sousa, Martin Affonzo de, sent to Brazil, [xiv];
  • factory established by, [xxiv];
  • colony founded by, [85];
  • his captaincy and discovery, [120]
• ——, Thomé de, [xix]
• Spain, [xxx];
  • propaganda against, power of, [xxxi];
  • conquests of, how based, [xxi]
• Spaniards discover Rio Janeiro, [5];
  • suffer from famine, [9] seq.;
  • execution of three, [10];
  • ill-treated by their officers, [101], [103];
  • perilous position of, [126] seq.;
  • their wars with natives, [131] seq.;
  • drowned in crossing river, [139];
  • land and establishments of, [151];
  • critical situation of, [165];
  • escape the fire at Asuncion, [166];
  • their destitute condition, [167];
  • wounded by poisonous arrows, [173];
  • health of, [184];
  • wild fruit eaten by, [189];
  • suffer from fever, [233];
  • discontent of, [238]
• Spanish government, colonial policy of, [xxx];
  • enemies of, [xxxii]
• Spanish Jesuit missionaries, [xxxiii]
• Spanish words Germanised, [24], [56]
• Stade, Hans, his narrative, [xviii] seq.;
  • he is contemporary with Schmidt, [ib.];
  • by whom written, [xxx];
  • not mentioned by Schmidt, [xxix];
  • mistakes made by, [85], [86]
• St. Andrew’s Day, [91]
• St. Anthony’s Day, [85]
• St. Bartholomew’s Day, [2]
• St. Domingo, island of, [261]
• St. Fernando, mountain of, [24], [40], [62];
  • position of, [ib.], [63], [65]
• St. Gabriel, island of, [6], [7];
  • distance from, to Cape Santa Maria, [34], [260]
• St. Hieronymus’s Day, [88]
• St. Iago, island of, [97];
  • climate of, [ib.];
  • gold plentiful in, [ib.]
  • See [Santiago]
• St. James’s Day, [80]
• St. Jerome, cannibalism attributed to the Scotch in the time of, [xxxviii]
• St. John’s Day, [12], [86]
• St. John’s bread, [18], [24]
• St. Mark, name of brigantine, [197]
• Sthuesia river, possibly the Xejuy, or Ipané, [60]
• Stockades, [57]
• Suelapa, erroneous rendering of an Indian name, [30]
• Sugar factories in Brazil, [86]
• Sumere, or straw-fish, [87]
• Sun, house of the, [266]
• Surukufers. See [Samacosis]
• Surukusis. See [Samacosis]
• Swamps, difficult marching in, [208]
• Sword-fish, [5], [87]
• Symanni, [66], [67]

T.

• Tabaré, (Dabere or Thabere), brother of Aracaré, [38] seq.; [58], [59];
  • submission of, [61]
• Tabellino, Diego, [37]
• Tabor, Indian chief, [132]
• Tamacoxas, also called Samacosis and Machkasis, [73], [76], [77]
• Tapapirazú, an Indian chief, [109]
• Tapis (Tapii), Toppis, or Tupys, the tribes inhabiting the south of Brazil, [xix], [xxviii], [5], [81] seq. ethnological note;
  • their habits, [82];
  • their language, [ib.];
  • hostility of, [83], [216], [229]
• Tapuá, an Indian village, [137], [138], [178], [179]
• Tapuaguazú, [218], [219], [228], [230]
• Taquari river, tributary of Parana-pané, [111]
• Tarapecosies, a tribe, [231], [232]
• Tardes. See [Darts]
• Targets, made of skins, [56] seq.
• Teasel (cardas), used instead of hemp and thread, [155];
  • nets made of, [194]
• Teneriffe island, [2]
• Terceira, one of the Azores, [88]
• Teste de Terzero. See [Terceira]
• Thiembus. See [Timbus]
• Thistles used for food, [7], [48], [164]
• Thohanna, [66], [67]
• Thraso, the soldier in Terence’s play of “The Eunuch”, [52]
• Three Kings’ Day, [91], [167]
• Tibagi river, affluent of Parana-panemá, [108]
• Tiger, man killed by, [126];
  • panic caused by, [143] seq.;
  • skins of, [155]
• Timbus (Tyembus or Thiembus), an Indian tribe, described, [12] seq.; [14], [15];
  • island inhabited by, [22];
  • chief of, killed by Spaniards, [29];
  • treachery of, [30] seq., [32]
• Tocanguasú, an Indian chief, [107]; [108]
• Tocangusir, an Indian chief, [111]
• Tomina, [19]
• Tonina (tunny-fish), [87]
• Topyis. See [Tapis]
• Tordesillas, treaty of, [xiv], [xxi]
• Traveller’s tree, the (Urania speciosa), [68]
• Truxillo, [244]
• Tucuman, [19]
• Tuguy, the place, [112], [113]
• Tupi, Tupis, Tupin, Tape. See [Tapis]
• Turkish corn or maize, [33], [37], [40], [63], [66]

U.

• Unhealthy country, [50]
• Ure, Martin de, [241], [253]
• Uretabere, village, [269]
• Urquaie. See [Uruguay]
• Ursa Major, constellation of, [51]
• Urtueses (Orthuses), [47];
  • mortality among, [48], [53], [265], [266]
• Uruguay river, [83]

V.

• Vaca, Cabeza de. See [Cabeza]
• Vaca, Pedro, [260]
• Valderas, Juan, notary, [264]
• Valdivieso, Sebastian, [270]
• Valladolid, [xvii], [238]
• Valle, Pedro Diaz del, [244]
• Vanegas, Garcia, [52], [240], [245], [253];
  • threatens the governor’s life, [257];
  • kisses the governor’s feet, [260];
  • his terrible end, [262]
• Vardellesse, Germanised form of Spanish fortaleza, [24]
• Vera, Don Pedro, grandfather of Alvar Nuñez, [xiii];
  • province named after, [36]; [108]
• Vergara, Captain, [161]
• ——, Francisco Ortiz de (called by Schmidt, Fergere), [79]
• Vicenda. See [San Vicente]
• Viejo, port, [234]
• Villegaignon takes possession of Rio de Janeiro, [xxix]

W.

• Welzer, Jacob, [xxiv], [xxv], [2]
• West Indies, slaves introduced into, [xxv]
• Weybingen, no village of that name, [24], [25]
• Whale, length and capacity of, [1]
• Whales, harm done by, [86] seq.
• Wiessay. See [Mbiaçá]
• Wight, Isle of, [91]
• Wild boar, [118], [216], [229]
• Wine made of the carob bean, [18];
  • of honey, [19], [63];
  • of maize, [230]
• Women, sale and barter of, [20]
• Worms, white (weevil), fried for food, [115]
• Wydt. See [Wight]

X.

• Xaqueses, [197], [234]
• Xaquetes, [191]
• Xarayos, Xarayes or Guarayos (Scherues), [40], [41], [43];
  • King of, [44], [46], [47], [50]; [168], [205];
  • chief of, [207];
  • their dress, [209];
  • their habits, [211] seq.;
  • country of, [213], [214], [217], [225], [226], [263], [265]
• Xeme, the measure, [200]

Y.

• Yacaré, a Guaraní word for the amphibious animals, [42]
• Yacareati River, [263], [265], [269]
• Yaiva River, [263], [265]
• Yapirús or Apirus, Yaperús (Jeperis or Naperus), a tribe of Payaguás, [26], [54], [56], [57], [61], [149], [153];
  • peace made with, [156];
  • deputation from, [ib.];
  • nomadic habits of, [157]
• Yeruquihaba (Juberich Sabaiie), [58], [59];
  • distance of, from Asuncion, [59], [81], [179]
• Ygatu. See [Yguatu]
• Yguaron, an Indian chief, [122]
• Yguatú River, affluent of Paraná, [117]
• Yguatú, probably Igatu, now Jaurú River, [195];
  • crosses erected at, [196], [225], [263], [265]
• Yguazú, Iguazú, or Iguassu River, affluent of Paraná, [xxviii], [108], [118], [119];
  • fall of, [120] seq.;
  • latitude of, [123]
• Ytabucú or Itapucú River, [105], [106]

Z.

• Zchemiaisch Saluaischo, a tribe of small people, [16], [17]
• Zchemui. See [Chanes]
• Zchera Wassu. See [Guazu]
• Zechuas, [11]
• Zechurias. See [Charuas]
• Zeeland, [91]
• Zeicho Lijemii, an erroneous rendering of a chief’s name, [29]
• Zeyhannis, [66], [68]