Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

Thursday, January 16.

Commerce of the United States.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Report of the Secretary of State on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries, when

Mr. Nicholas rose and spoke as follows:

Mr. Chairman: I feel a great embarrassment in speaking on this subject, from a distrust of my ability to treat properly its acknowledged importance, and from the apparent expectation of the audience. I feel too, as the member from Maryland who spoke yesterday did, from the imputation of motives, well knowing that the Representatives of my country are industriously reported to be enemies of the Government, and promoters of anarchy, and that the present measure is imputed to these principles. It is somewhat remarkable, that farther north we are charged with selfishness, and want of attachment to the general welfare, for a supposed opposition to measures of the import of the present. I mention this contradictory inference, to show that the shameful designs charged upon us, are not proved by the fact, and to place the guilt where it only exists, in the malignity of the accuser.

It is a commonly received opinion, that trade should be intrusted to the direction of those immediately interested in it, and that the actual course of it is the best which it could take; this principle is by no means a safe one, and, as applied to the trade of America, is extremely fallacious. It can never be just, where the beginning and growth of a commerce have not been free from all possible constraint, as to its direction; as that can never be called a business of election which has been created under foreign influence. The manner in which America was first peopled, and the nurture she received from Great Britain, afford the most striking contrast to the requisite before mentioned. The first inhabitants of America were educated in Great Britain, and brought with them all the wants of their own country, to be gratified chiefly by the productions of that country. Aided by British capital, in the settlement of the wilderness, and depending on the same means for the conveyance of its produce to a place of consumption, it was inevitable, that the demand for British commodities should keep pace with the improvement of the country. In the commencement of American population and its early stages, there does not appear to have been a chance of comparing the advantages of commercial connection with different countries, and it will be found that in its progress, it was still more restrained. In the last years of the dependence of America on Great Britain, the principal part of America was occupied by large trading companies, composed of people in Great Britain, and conducted by factors, who sunk large sums in the hands of the farmers, to attach them to their respective stores, by which means competition was precluded, and a dependence on the supplies of those stores completely established. Since the Revolution, the business has been conducted by persons in the habit of dependence on Great Britain, and who had no other capital than the manufactures of that country furnished on credit. The business is still almost wholly conducted by the same means. In no stage of its growth then, does there appear to have been a power in the consumer to have compared the productions of Great Britain with those of any other country, as to their quality or price, and therefore there is no propriety in calling the course of trade, the course of its choice.

The subject before the committee naturally divides itself into navigation and manufactures, in speaking of which, I shall offer some other considerations, to show that the same effects are by no means to be expected from the greatest commercial wisdom in individuals, which are in the power of the general concert of the community; the one having in view profit on each separate transaction, the other, promoting an advantageous result to the whole commerce of the country.

In considering the importance of navigation to all countries, but especially to such as have so extensive a production of bulky articles as America, I think I shall show that the last observation is accurately right, and that the interest of the whole community, not those only who are the carriers, but those also who furnish the object of carriage, positively demands a domestic marine, equal to its whole business; and that, even if it is to exist under rates higher than those of foreign navigation, it is to be preferred. In circumstances of tolerable equality, that can never however entirely be the case; for, in the carriage of the produce of one country, by the shipping of another, to any other place than the country to which the shipping belongs, there is considerably more labor employed than would have been by domestic shipping, as the return to their own country is to be included. On this ground, it may be confidently asserted, that where the materials of navigation are equally attainable, they will always be more advantageously employed by the country for whose use they are intended; and that if, under such circumstances, another country is employed as the carrier, it must be under the influence of some other cause than interest, as it respects that particular business. A dependence on the shipping of another country tends to establish a place of deposit in that country of those exports which are for the use of others, if it is at a convenient distance from them. The superintendence of property makes short voyages desirable for the owner, and the connection that soon takes place between the money capital of a country and its shipping interests, greatly strengthens the vortex. The attainment of wealth beyond the demands of navigation, leads to an interest in the cargo itself, and then the agency in selling to the consumer becomes important. It is apparent that, as the final sale depends on the wants of the purchaser, all intermediate expenses of care and agency must be taken from the price to which the maker would be entitled. Our own commerce has involved this loss, in a remarkable degree, and it has gone to an enormous extent, from a necessity of submitting to the perfidy of agents, arising from a dependence established by means of the so much boasted credit.

That there is this tendency in the employment of foreign shipping, is not only proved by the commercial importance of Holland, which became thus, from her naval resources, the storehouse of Europe, without furnishing any thing from her own productions, but also from the varied experience of America. Before the Revolution, every thing for European consumption was carried to Great Britain, but, since America has possessed shipping of her own, and in the Northern States, there has been an accession of capital, the export to England is reduced one-half. It is true, indeed, that there is still nearly one-half of what she receives, that is re-exported, but it will be found that she still retains a proportioned share of those influences which formerly carried the whole. Great Britain, under all the discouragements of our laws, which, we are told by the mercantile members of the committee, amount to a prohibition where they have any rivals, did, until the European war, possess one-third of the foreign tonnage employed in America. This has been supported by the dependence into which the Southern States were placed by credit, and here, as in every other step of the connection, this engine extorts advantages from us, beyond the compensation which is always secured in the first advance. If there wanted other proof of the British interest in the American navigation being supported in direct opposition to our interests, it may be found in the comparative state of the tonnage employed, where it appears that, after the protecting duties once had their effect, the additional tonnage, to a considerable amount, has been entirely American, and that the British tonnage has remained very nearly stationary, and in proportion to their undue influence.

In time of war, in addition to the inconveniences before stated, which are enhanced by throwing the trade from its accustomed channel, there are great and important losses brought on a country by this kind of dependence. If your carriers are parties to the war, you are subjected to the war freight and war insurance on your cargo, and you are cut off from all the markets to which they are hostile; and, indeed, from our experience in the present war, I may say you are cut off from the market of your carriers themselves, as it would have been impossible for British vessels to have escaped in our seas last summer. To what extent this loss goes may be seen from a calculation in the Secretary of State's report on the fisheries, making the proportion of war to that of peace in the one hundred years, as forty-two to one hundred; and on that calculation there can be no hesitation in determining that the interest of the farmers requires that this foreign dependence should end here.

But the European war, by making a temporary exclusion of British shipping, has already brought on us the greatest mischief of such a regulation: and, by the encouragement it has afforded to our shipping, almost completed the remedy; so that we have reason to consider this as a fortunate period. But, it is not merely the advancement of our marine that is contemplated by the present resolutions; the security of that which we have is also dependent on them. The danger from the Algerines has been estimated in this House at five per cent. on the vessel and cargo, but the whole encouragement to our own shipping in our existing laws consists in the one-tenth additional duty on goods imported in foreign vessels. Whenever there shall be a European peace, which cannot be far distant, the whole difference between the two sums will be a direct encouragement on British ships, and will probably be equal to two freights. Do gentlemen rely on the precarious prospect of building frigates, and the more precarious service to be rendered by them when built, so much as to neglect any other regulations for the safety of our shipping when they are so much in their power?

Having shown that the actual state of our commerce is by no means the most beneficial, as far as navigation is concerned, I will proceed to consider the benefits derived from the consumption of those European manufactures which form the principal part of the stores of America. And here it may safely be said, that national policy by no means justifies the almost exclusive preference given to those of Great Britain. It is not always true that the commodity which is bought for least money is the best bargain, for the means of payment form an important consideration in all traffic, and accommodations in it may more than counterbalance an inequality of price. If one man will receive an article in exchange which you can sell to no other, it will certainly be a saving to deal with him at a high advance on his property. If there are countries which would become great consumers of American produce, on the terms of reciprocal consumption, and we find a difficulty, as is often the case, in vending that produce, is it not of great national importance to excite those acts which are to become the foundation of the connection, even if, in the first instance, it is to be attended with inconvenience and loss? France may be made a connection of this sort. She is at this time almost, if not quite, on a footing with Great Britain in the consumption of American products, and every hand which shall receive employment from us will add to her wants. We are told that it is of no less importance to us to find a country which can supply us advantageously than one which will consume our productions; and that, as commerce is no longer carried on by barter, it is no less beneficial to sell in one country and buy in another, than if we could complete the exchange in the same country. This might be true, if your production was limited, and the demand for it certain; but, with a greatly improving agriculture, and some risk in our markets, the object is important. Great Britain being the factory of those things which would make her most dependent on the agricultural interest, and the national wealth being probably at the greatest height, there is no expectation that her consumption will increase. On the other hand, as labor is now to receive its direction in France to the manufacturing arts, so far as concerns America, you will take from the agricultural strength a large class of people, and by that means create a dependence on you, at least to the amount of their own consumption, and the wealth you will diffuse will give ability to thousands who are now too poor to bid for your commodities. Nor is it probable that you will purchase this important benefit on very disadvantageous terms; for it is agreed on all hands that many important arts are well understood there, and that labor, which forms the principal part of the cost of most articles, is considerably cheaper in France than in England.

Another very important operation of a discrimination in favor of France will be that, by encouraging liberal industry, you may put an end to some practices which, in the existing state of consumption, greatly depreciate our commodities. I mean the public provision made in granaries, and the supply from them in times of scarcity, which destroys the competition that raises every thing to its just value. Different consequences have been foretold as likely to result from those measures, to which I shall give a short examination. We are told that the preference long since given by our laws has been equal to a prohibition of British vessels, and that, to the extent to which it has gone, the best effects have been produced. To secure this operation from a recent attack, and at the same time to extend it to some branches of trade, to which its principles would equally extend, is the object of the marine resolutions. We have no reason to apprehend bad consequences from an action which has hitherto had good consequences. As to the increased duties on manufactures, I think the prospect in no way threatening; for, if there should be found no country to supply our wants on better terms, the diminution of consumption will be only in proportion to the duty. This can be by no means alarming, considered as the worst consequence of the measure to men with whom the impost is the favorite mode of collecting the revenue, at a time when the public wants are equal to any possible produce. If there shall be found a competitor with Great Britain for our consumption, the great object will be attained, as it must be accompanied by a corresponding consumption of American productions. But we are told that there will be a conflict of commercial regulations between this country and Great Britain, and that the consequence will be, the loss of the market she affords us. The probable consequences of such a conflict will best determine whether it is to be expected, as it will commence, on her part as well as ours, with a view to consequences. The danger which she can alone apprehend is the loss of the market for her manufactures; and to obviate this, it would be absurd to widen the breach between us, as that would tend, in a direct proportion, to the establishment of unfriendly habits and manufactures, either here or in other countries, which would rival her own. If, however, the ultimate advantage would justify such measures, the immediate distress of her people would forbid it. The American trade must be the means of distributing bread to several hundred thousand persons, whose occupations would be wholly ended with the trade, and the Government is by no means in a situation to bear their discontent. Their navigation and manufactures draw many important ingredients from America which would be lost to them. The creditors of the people of America, to an immense amount, would be deprived of the remittances which depend on a friendly intercourse. On the whole, it would add to the disorders of the Government among those who, perhaps, have heretofore contributed to its support, without gratifying any thing but an arrogant resentment. But we are told that our own citizens would be equal sufferers, and are more to be injured by being stopped in a career of rapid improvement. It will be hard to anticipate any real misfortune to America in such a contest, unless the temporary loss of indulgencies, which are by no means necessary, can be so called. The consumption of Great Britain is, according to the most friendly calculation, not more than one-third of our purchases from her, and, therefore, the national wealth, independent of the gratification of our appetites, will receive an immense addition, and a vast fund will be procured to make lasting and valuable improvements, which would be degraded by comparison with the gewgaws of a day. It is to be remarked that the diminution of our exports would be divided among large classes of people, and in all cases forms a deduction from the annual income, rather than a total loss. This will result from the various objects of American industry and the division of the markets of its produce. This forms an important difference between America and Great Britain, in an estimate of the effects of a rupture between the two countries. In my opinion, the habits of the Southern States are such as to require the control which is said to be the consequence of these measures. Under the facility offered by the modes of trade before spoken of, and the credit which is said to be so beneficial, they have not only involved themselves in debt, but have contracted habits which, with the power of gratification, must always keep them so. We did hope that the administration of justice would have corrected the evil, but we now find that it cannot be corrected but by entire changes. It is founded in the policy of the merchant himself, and this circumstance is enough to present to the minds of the committee a long train of dependent mischiefs. It is a fact, supported by the best evidence, that our merchants who get their goods from the manufacturer pay as much for them as the shopkeeper who buys at Baltimore or Philadelphia. This is one of the consequences of the want of credit which always will follow a reliance on collection from farmers; and there can be no doubt that the merchant is indemnified for his disgrace as well as his advance. The result of the whole train of indulgence is, that our goods are bought at an advance from a half to one-fourth of what they could be afforded for in cash sales. Nor does the mischief stop here. It brings a subjection which materially affects the sale of our produce. I do believe, myself, that the war with Great Britain did not bring half the mischief on us that their credit has; and I very much suspect a credit for consumption will always be found equally mischievous. It by no means resembles money loans, as is insinuated by the gentleman from South Carolina, by freeing a man's own resources for any other use. It is certain that there is no other safe regulation of a farmer's expenses than his income; and experience every day proves that, when so regulated, they always fall short of the income, and that, when they depend on credit, they always exceed it, and thereby subject future revenue. Lessening the importation of foreign manufactures will increase our household fabrics, which experience has proved to be highly profitable, as the labor is done by a part of the community of little power in any other application. Regular efforts in this way have been, in my country, certainly productive of independence.

Mr. Goodhue.—Mr. Chairman: The propositions now before us having been considered by several gentlemen, who have already spoken, and who have given such a particular detail of calculations, I shall confine myself to some general observations on the subject.

The gentleman from Maryland has made an observation which struck me very forcibly as applied to the subject before us, because it is a maxim to which all mankind have assented, and upon which all mankind continually practise—it was this: "there is no friendship in trade;" and it maybe added, as a necessary consequence, there ought to be no hatred in trade. By following a path founded upon so obvious a maxim as the foregoing, we may be sure of a right guide, but if we deviate from it, we are in danger of being led into unforeseen error and mischief. It is unquestionably our duty to attend to the navigation and commerce of our country, and give it every proper encouragement which time and circumstances admit; this has ever been my wish and my conduct.

This object, so important and desirable, must be effected by fixed principles and regulations, such as giving our vessels a decided preference in our own ports above the ships of every other nation whatever, by paying less tonnage and other duties; by suffering no foreign ships to bring into the United States the productions of any other country than the one to which they belong; and by prohibiting foreign ships from coming to the United States from those places where our own ships are prohibited.

These are the fixed principles and regulations by one or all of which our navigation and commerce can only be promoted, and must never be deviated from, when adopted in favor of any one nation whatever—unless it be in return for some special advantage granted to us by any particular nation as an equivalent. Hitherto, our Government has proceeded to distinguish foreign ships, only by making them pay greater tonnage and duties than our own. If circumstances required it, and the time is judged a seasonable one, I shall be willing to proceed further.

Let us examine what advantages we enjoy in consequence of any commercial treaties we have already formed, for the propositions before us are proposed to affect only those nations with whom we have no treaties. We have commercial treaties with Prussia, Sweden, France, and Holland, and in the dominions of neither of those powers have our ships or the produce of this country (except in the single article of our oil in France) been admitted on any more favorable terms than the ships or produce of any other nation; and for this obvious reason, because our treaties only ensure the advantages they may grant to the most favored nation; and, being circumstanced in such a manner as not judging it for their interest to distinguish any one by its favors, we are left only in the enjoyment of a trade with them on the terms common to all other nations. This being the case, I would not give one farthing to have like treaties formed with every other nation, for they have not been, and never can be, of any service to us; if we expect to derive any advantage from commercial treaties, we must stipulate for some certain good, for some other good which we may grant them in return.

Mr. Clark differed from many members who had spoken before him, in the view they took of the subject; he conceived it ought to be considered in a political light. We had many wrongs to complain of, and we should endeavor to obtain redress. The English have violated our treaty, just after it was ratified, by taking away our negroes, and since by holding our posts; they have also set the savages on our backs, and have not they let loose the Algerines upon us? Shall we sit still and bear it? How can we help it? it is asked. They will retaliate, we are told. How retaliate? Will they refuse to sell us their manufactures? He remembered that, even in old times, a non-importation agreement made them repeal their stamp act. We have surely as well now as we had then a right not to buy their goods; we don't want to cram our provisions down their throats, or to force them to buy our lumber. During the non-importation agreement, we did not perish with cold; we found, even then, that among ourselves we could make wherewith to clothe ourselves; we are surely as able to do it now. We then gained our point; we should now be much more powerful with the same weapon: many of her manufacturers are already starving for want of employment. We should add greatly to their distress, and soon bring the Government to their senses, and they will be glad to enter into a commercial treaty with us.

The balance of trade with Great Britain is much against us; and by carrying to Portugal and Spain what we send to them, we should receive cash in return. France will not always be in a storm, and a supply of the manufactured articles we want may soon be received from that quarter.

He did not see to what purpose calculations three hours long had been brought forward. It was very well for merchants to calculate in their counting houses; but he conceived the Legislature should determine the question upon political considerations. He concluded by remarking, that he believed by this time the committee must pretty clearly see that he was in favor of the resolutions.

Mr. Parker considered the resolutions on the table as indefinite and unintelligible. If revenue is the object, we should remember the remark of Dr. Swift, that in the arithmetic of taxation, two and two do not always make four, but sometimes only one. He thought there was a jarring in the third resolution, which contradicted the first. The leading clause of the first resolution, which has occasioned so long a debate, is in these words: "That the interest of the United States would be promoted by further restrictions and higher duties, in certain cases, on the manufactures and navigation of foreign nations employed in the commerce of the United States, than those now imposed." The third resolution which Mr. P. referred to, is in these words: "That the duty on vessels belonging to the nations having commercial treaties with the United States, ought to be reduced to —— per ton." The resolutions meant either too much, or nothing. He would move to amend the first resolution, but that he hoped it would be altogether cast aside.

Mr. S. Smith (of Maryland) rose and apologized to the committee for presuming to intrude upon them a second time by the delivery of his sentiments. He said that a personal attack had been made yesterday upon him in that House. It had met him out of doors, and had gone into the world. After he had done speaking yesterday, a member had risen, and held forth as a fundamental observation, that "gentlemen possessing capitals of their own were in favor of the propositions; but that dealers upon credit were against them." When this remark was made, as he had but just sat down from delivering his negative to the resolutions, he could not help thinking himself aimed at as one of those dealers upon credit. [Here the member referred to rose, and solemnly declared that a personal allusion to Mr. Smith had never entered his mind.] Mr. S. went on to observe, that the whole assertion was erroneous. The merchants of America are men of liberal sentiments—more so, he believed, than merchants of any other part of the world. They are not to be biased by the petty motives of interest, in prejudice to the public interest of their country. The gentleman whom he referred to had spoke of an alarming British influence in some of the commercial cities of America. He had alleged that merchants, by their connection with Britain, would be under its influence; but there was no such thing. In this country, merchants studied the constitution, and were attached to it. In other countries, they minded only profit. As a reflection had been thrown on merchants who dealt upon credit, he should take leave to observe that credit was a very good thing. As to himself, he had before the war began, acquired, by his industry, as much property as placed him beyond the necessity of credit. By the war he was reduced to nothing. After the peace, he again began as he set out at first. By the same industry and the same talents, he had once more acquired independence. By the British buccaneers, he had lost as much, since the present war began, as the gentleman to whom he rose in reply, would think a tolerable fortune for dividing among his sons; yet he could still spare time from his business for the service of his country.

The question was then taken to postpone the subject to the first Monday in March next; and it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 51, nays 47, as follows:

Yeas.—Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Abraham Clark, Isaac Coles, Henry Dearborn, George Dent, William Findlay, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Nicholas Gilman, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, William B. Grove, George Hancock, Carter B. Harrison, John Heath, Daniel Heister, John Hunter, William Irvine, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Alexander Mebane, William Montgomery, Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, Joseph Neville, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Nathaniel Niles, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, John Patton, Andrew Pickens, Francis Preston, Robert Rutherford, Thomas Scott, John S. Sherburne, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Thomas Spring, Thomas Tredwell, Philip Van Cortlandt, Abraham Venable, Francis Walker, Benjamin Williams, and Joseph Winston.

Nays.—Fisher Ames, James Armstrong, John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Shearjashub Bourne, Benjamin Bourne, Lambert Cadwalader, Thomas Claiborne, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Jonathan Dayton, Samuel Dexter, Thomas Fitzsimons, Uriah Forrest, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, Henry Glenn, Benjamin Goodhue, James Gordon, Samuel Griffin, Thomas Hartley, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Samuel Holten, John Wilkes Kittera, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Francis Malbone, Joseph McDowell, William Vans Murray, Jeremiah Smith, Samuel Smith, William Smith, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, John Watts, Paine Wingate, and Richard Winn.

Monday, January 20.

Algerine Affairs.

The Committee of Ways and Means, appointed, pursuant to the resolutions of the House, on the communications from the President of the United States relative to Algiers, brought in a report, which was twice read, and referred to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.

Ordered, That it be printed for the use of the members.

The report states that the naval force for the protection of the trade of the United States, shall consist of four ships of forty-four guns each, 18 and 9 pounders, and two of twenty guns each. The aggregate sum wanted for this purpose is estimated at six hundred thousand dollars; to raise which, one per cent. additional duty is proposed to be laid on imported goods now paying seven and one-half per cent.; five per cent. additional on stone, marble, &c.; and on all stone and earthenware, three cents additional; on salt, per bushel, six cents additional, per ton, on all vessels of the United States employed in foreign trade; and twenty-five cents additional, per ton, on all other vessels.

On motion of Mr. Fitzsimons, an addition was made to the Committee of Ways and Means; so that it now consists of a member from every State, who are to make another report respecting the fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States.

Ordered, That Mr. Gilman, Mr. Watts, Mr. Orr, Mr. Patton, Mr. Baldwin, and Mr. Israel Smith, be added to the committee appointed to report to this House the naval force adequate to the protection of the commerce of the United States against the Algerine corsairs, together with an estimate of the expense, and the ways and means of defraying the same.

Tuesday, January 28.

French Refugees.

A petition of Peter Gauvain and Louis Dubourg, in behalf of the French refugees of Cape François, now at Baltimore, was presented to the House and read, praying that Congress will speedily decide on the memorial of the committee appointed by the Legislature of Maryland, to draw for, and distribute, the moneys granted by that State for the relief of the French emigrants from the Island of St. Domingo.

Mr. Murray moved that it should be referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, along with the report of the select committee upon it. He thought it would be an act of humanity to relieve the persons mentioned in the petition. And if that was improper, he thought that the next greatest act of humanity which could be done, was to relieve them from suspense.

Mr. Clark was of opinion that the matter should be instantly taken up, as the fund for their relief expired on the 2d of February next.

Mr. Hunter, from South Carolina, mentioned a remarkable exertion of benevolence respecting persons of this kind which had taken place in that State. The motion was agreed to, and the House directly resolved itself into a committee on the question.

It was then moved and seconded, that the President be authorized to pay $10,000 of the public money for the use of the refugees, and to negotiate the payment of it, with the Ministry of France.

Mr. Boudinot was convinced, that, by the constitution, the House had a right to give it in the first instance. He considered the committee as too confined, and thought that it should have comprehended all the people of this sort in North America. Many of these people since winter set in, must have perished of cold and want in the streets of Philadelphia, but for the benevolence of some well-disposed people. He urged the committee, in the most pathetic language, to extend immediate and effectual relief.

Mr. S. Smith was confident that Congress would be repaid with thanks by the Republic of France. He said that a supply of powder and ball had been sent from one of the Southern States to St. Domingo, and that the price had been punctually and thankfully repaid. Santhonax and Polverel had been recalled, who were the authors of all the mischief that had happened. The refugees expected to return to their settlements before the first of May, and they would then be very able and very willing to repay the money themselves.

Mr. Smilie recommended the entering into a negotiation with the French Ambassador, for securing payment of what sum should be voted.

Mr. Clark hoped that the motion would instantly pass. In a case of this kind, we were not to be tied up by the constitution. Were Algerines cast upon the mercy of America, in such a situation, he would pay them the same tribute of humanity. The French Ambassador had restricted his services to a particular class of people. It was not the business of the House, whether the refugees at Baltimore were democrats or aristocrats. They were men; and, as such were entitled to compassion and to relief.

Mr. S. Smith, in reply to Mr. Smilie, said, that Mr. Genet, when solicited on behalf of these people, made answer that he was not authorized on the part of the Republic to give them any thing, but sent them $2,000 from himself.

Mr. Smilie replied that Mr. Smith had mistaken him; he did not wish to seek money from Mr. Genet. But he thought it would be singular to give away so large a sum, without endeavoring to secure the approbation of the French Minister, as a step towards repayment.

Mr. Dexter had formerly entertained scruples, but he now approved the motion.

Mr. Nicholas did not approve the motion in its original shape, nor did he like it better for its being now altered into a motion for authorizing the President to pay the money. Mr. N. expressed, in the strongest and most unequivocal language, his compassion for the sufferers; but, as he had not seen a way pointed out of relieving them, agreeably to the constitution, he recommended a shorter one. Out of the liberal compensation which the members of that House received from the country, he thought that the sum wanted might easily be subscribed. He did not know whether the Republic would thank us for helping them; perhaps they might be accounted rebels.

Mr. Fitzsimons proposed a second amendment of the original motion.

Mr. Nicholas replied: If this thing goes down at all, it should be as an act of charity, and marked in giving, that it is going beyond our power, but that, from a knowledge of the universal wish of our constituents, and a sense of our general obligations to France, we have granted the money.

Mr. Scott pressed for the relief in reference to the citizens of Baltimore. If they were invaded by an army, we certainly would assist them; and where is the difference, (added Mr. S.,) whether they be an army of fighters, or an army of eaters. We must relieve them, to be sure.

Mr. S. Smith said that these distressed people were all women and children, except three old men. The boys who were old enough, had been bound apprentices. The men had been enlisted by the advice of Mr. Genet, who said the Republic wanted recruits. He had likewise obtained two ships for five hundred of the refugees who wanted to go to France. Genet was able to do nothing more for them, as the $2,000 that he gave, were out of his own pocket. It had been alleged that there was no precedent for relieving these people. He mentioned two: The Americans in captivity at Algiers had been assisted by the British Consul. Some years ago, the crew of an American vessel had been shipwrecked on the coast of Portugal. They were assisted with the utmost generosity by a private gentleman. In both cases, Congress thankfully repaid the money advanced. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) had offered his salary, but the idea had not been supported, so that it went for nothing. And are we (said Mr. S.) to stand up here, and tell the world that we dare not perform an act of benevolence? Is this to be the style of an American Congress? The gentleman from Virginia had said that perhaps these people would be considered as traitors by the Republic. Were women and fatherless children to be regarded as traitors? Mr. S. was extremely affected, and apologized more than once to the House for the warmth with which he spoke. He said that himself and several others who had witnessed the scene of distress, were surprised; the gentleman did not feel as they did.

Mr. Madison possessed constitutional scruples. He thought that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) would not have injured his cause by a greater moderation of language, nor his credit for benevolence by not saying that his sympathy arose chiefly from being an eye-witness.

At last, the Speaker proposed to the committee an amendment, which met the ideas of the members, and the resolution passed, as follows:

Resolved, That a sum not exceeding —— dollars be appropriated for the support of such of the inhabitants of St. Domingo, resident within the United States, as shall be found in want of such support.

That a regular account of the moneys so expended be kept; and that the President of the United States be requested to obtain a credit therefor, in the accounts between the French Republic and the United States.

Ordered, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill in conformity with the foregoing resolution, and providing for the due application of the moneys aforesaid; and that Mr. Ames, Mr. Tracy, and Mr. Dent, be the said committee.