Tuesday, December 15.
Address to the President.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair, on the draft of an answer to the President's Speech. The following sentence being under consideration:
"Contemplating that probably unequalled spectacle of national happiness, which our country exhibits, to the interesting summary which you, sir, have been pleased to make, in justice to our own feelings, permit us to add the benefits which are derived from your presiding in our councils, resulting as well from the undiminished confidence of your fellow-citizens, as from your zealous and successful labors in their service."
Mr. Parker moved to strike out the words "probably unequalled," and from the word "councils," to the end. He owned that the United States owe much to the President for his services on most occasions; but he had sometimes erred as other men. He could not for his own part subscribe to the expressions contained in the words which he had moved to strike out; his confidence in the President was diminished in consequence of a late transaction.
Mr. Sherburne called for a division of the question; that a question should first be put upon the words "probably unequalled," and afterwards upon striking out the latter part of the clause.
The question was accordingly put upon the words "probably unequalled," and they were struck out, 43 to 39.
Mr. Murray rose to make a few observations on the motion for striking out from the word "councils." As a Representative from Maryland, he said, he could not on this occasion be contented to give a silent vote. The Legislature of that State had not long since declared, that their confidence in the President remains undiminished; and though his single sentiment might be deemed unimportant when viewed in connection with the unanimous vote of his State, yet he was free to declare, that his confidence in the Chief Magistrate had experienced no diminution. The Legislature of Maryland, he observed, had foreseen that attempts would be made, and saw that unjustifiable attempts were actually making to diminish the confidence of the people in the President; they therefore resolved to give the sanction of their unanimous vote to his character, declaring that the President retained their confidence, and that he had merited it. Though not bound by the opinion of the Legislature of that State, he conceived it his duty not to give a silent vote on the present occasion.
Mr. Giles had hoped that nothing would have been brought before the House calculated to disturb the harmony that ought to subsist, by involving the discussion of delicate points. He had as much zeal as any man for the preservation of the President's fame and reputation; but he could not go the length of the expressions in the clause objected to. He could not agree to it in its present shape, because the assertion in it does not correspond with the fact. After this remark, there could not, he conceived, be any inconsistency in voting against the word and still feeling a regard for the President. He hoped his fame and reputation might never receive a stain, but pass unimpaired to posterity. He should vote for striking out.
Mr. Freeman wished the motion might be so modified as to involve the striking out of the word "undiminished" only. Though he for himself, he observed, might say that his confidence in the President was undiminished, he could not utter the same sentiment in behalf of the people at large. In his opinion the confidence of a part (a very small one perhaps) of the people was diminished; though that of a majority might be unshaken.
Mr. Harper said he had no difficulty in declaring, that his own confidence in the President was undiminished, but he could not go so far as to pledge himself that that of all the people was so. He never, he said, had been in the habit of worshiping the President. He considered him as a man, not infallible, but as a wise, honest, and faithful public servant, and he was prepared in all places and situations to declare this opinion; but he was not ready to pronounce concerning the opinion of the people of the United States. Some time hence they may become unanimous in their confidence; but he could not say that it was not diminished. He was ready to declare for himself but not for others. If called upon to declare whether a majority, whether four-fifths of the people retained their confidence in the President, he could declare it as his opinion in the affirmative; but the clause as it stands includes the whole, and he declared as it stood could not command his vote. He concluded by expressing his intention, when it would be in order, to introduce a modification of the clause, so as to express the undiminished confidence of the House in the President.
Mr. Parker, in coincidence with the wish of Mr. Freeman, agreed to confine his motion to striking out the word "undiminished."
Mr. Sedgwick doubted whether, after a division of the question, and a question being taken on the first part, a modification of the second part would be in order.
The Chairman declared it in order.
Mr. Sedgwick viewed the present motion as even more objectionable than the first; it went directly to a denial of undiminished confidence for the President on the part of the House and the public. There was a time, he said, when no man could have supposed that the period would have arrived, that in the popular branch of the Government, the confidence of the people and their Representatives in that man could have been questioned.
Having been on the committee that framed the answer, and maturely considered the subject in every part, he would mention some of the observations that occurred to his mind particularly in favor of the part now objected to. Lest in the course of them his sensibility on this subject should betray him into some warmth of expression, he begged leave to premise that he wished to wound the feelings of no man.
It was proper, he said, to inquire into facts on which the expression now objected to was grounded. Is the confidence of the people in the services, and patriotism, and wisdom of the Chief Magistrate diminished? His experience led him to say no; then, in the existing circumstances, is it not right for the Representatives to make the declaration to their constituents and the world? To suppose the people, who, at the present moment, enjoyed so many blessings under the President's administration, could feel their confidence in him impaired, would suppose a baseness of disposition unworthy of them and of the services he has rendered. Who could review the glorious conduct of our Chief during the conflict of the Revolution, his unwearied labors for the public good, his bravery, moderation, and humanity; who could observe him in his happy retirement, covered with glory, and accompanied by the blessings of his country; then forsaking his retirement, putting at hazard the mighty mass of his reputation, and be insensible of his services? Who could review the critical situation in which he preserved our peace and prosperity during a glorious administration of six years; who could review these things and not have his heart filled with gratitude and esteem? He expressed his belief, that, a late measure of the Executive was less the object of the dislike of some, than affording the opportunity for the vent of passions and feelings deep-rooted before.
As to the sense of the people of the President, he believed it unaltered, as to his immediate constituents, he was sure it was; and if so, it was the duty of the House to make the declaration to the world—a duty the House owed to themselves and their constituents, and the more binding from the nature of the Government the people had chosen.
Though the President had twice been called to the Presidency by the unanimous and unsolicited voice of his fellow-citizens; though in obedience to that voice he had made a sacrifice no other man would have made; though the only reward he has received for his services has been the approbation of his country, yet, nevertheless, licentious presses had lately teemed with infamous and scandalous abuse of him. Is this, he asked, consonant to the feelings of the House, and shall they not attempt to counteract its effects in the only constitutional manner? Shall they not declare their own and their constituents' confidence undiminished in that officer of the Government?
He has told the Legislature that he wishes to co-operate, to preserve unimpaired the blessings we enjoy. Does the House believe this? then is it wrong to express their confidence?
He believed, he said, that the efforts made to destroy the character of this first of men, instead of producing the mischief intended, would effect the contrary; and he also expressed his belief that the tide of his popularity at the present moment flowed with unusual strength.
It has been intimated, he observed, that sanctioning the vote of confidence, contemplated in the clause of the Address under consideration, would implicate an approbation of a late measure of the Executive, and would preclude the possibility of a free opinion when that measure might come under the consideration of the House. He declared, upon his honor, that he had no intention that the vote now contemplated should have that effect. He did not conceive, that the vote of undiminished confidence, which he now pressed, involved an approbation of all the measures of the Executive; it did not exclude the idea of fallibility; for what man is infallible? It is only implied, according to his conception, an approbation of the general tenor of the conduct of the Executive. When the House express their confidence in a public officer, they cannot mean that they believe him infallible, but only that his character, grounded on his general conduct, receives their approbation.
If, when the Chief Magistrate is attacked in the manner the President has been attacked, he is left to be overwhelmed with unmerited abuse; what man with talents to be useful, a reputation to be injured, or feelings to be wounded—what man will hazard all to serve an ungrateful country? It will render the station of Chief Magistrate sought only by mercenaries. If confidence is denied to the Executive, it will only create vacancies in the high offices of Government to be filled by those harpies who prey upon the vitals of the State.
Another consideration, he said, should have an influence on this occasion. The fame of the Chief Magistrate's character has filled the whole world; the Americans are particularly distinguished as a people for their uniform attachment towards him. If, at this time of day, they indirectly declare their want of confidence in that man, they will justify the malignant predictions which have been uttered against our system of Government.
These considerations, he said, had weighed on his mind. If the motion for striking out prevailed, he declared it would distress him beyond any circumstance that had occurred to him during his public life, especially at this period, and under the present circumstances of affairs. He should consider the prevalence of this motion as tantamount to a declaration, that the House and their constituents did not feel their confidence in the President unimpaired.
Mr. Livingston lamented the situation which the drafted Address reduced the House to; but he could not give his assent to it as it stood; he should vote for striking out the word "undiminished," if a question on it should be urged. He did not conceive himself called to a seat in the House to express opinions, much less the opinions of others, but to make laws. He felt so much the delicacy of the situation which the wording of the Address had placed the House in, that he wished the dilemma of a vote might be avoided. The gentleman last up also lamented the situation, and justly observed, that striking out the word was tantamount to a declaration that the confidence reposed in the President was diminished. But he begged to remind him that it was the framers of the Address, and he was one of them, that involved the House in this disagreeable situation.
He declared himself so young in the parliamentary proceedings, as not exactly to know how to avoid a question on the present motion. He declared he was not prepared to say what the opinion of his constituents concerning the President was. The confidence of many of them he knew was shaken; that of others was increased.
He moved, if in order, that the committee should rise, and the Address be recommitted.
This was carried, and Messrs. Freeman and Baldwin added to the committee.
Adjourned.