Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)

by United States. Congress

Monday, May 21.

Presents to Ministers.

Mr. Bayard said, he had a resolution to offer to the House, which he trusted would meet with no opposition from any quarter. It was intended solely to explain the grounds upon which the House proceeded when they refused to consent that Mr. Pinckney should receive the presents usually made by foreign Courts to Ministers upon taking leave, and which had been offered to him by the Courts of London and Madrid. He had purposely avoided in the resolution any expression of approbation of the conduct of Mr. Pinckney during his missions, because he perfectly knew that no approbation of that House could add to the high sense the people of the United States already entertained of the integrity and talents of that gentleman; and because it did not belong to the occasion for the House to express any opinion as to the conduct of the gentleman during the time he was employed abroad. That the design of the resolution he had to submit, was simply to negative an implication which possibly might be made, that, as the constitution certainly did contemplate cases in which Ministers might be allowed to receive presents, the House were induced, by reasons connected with the conduct of this gentleman, to refuse the liberty to accept the presents; whereas he was perfectly satisfied, from the declarations of gentlemen who opposed the permission, who had all taken occasion to testify much esteem for the character and entire approbation of the conduct of Mr. Pinckney while in office, that their opposition arose from principles of general policy, which led them to think that, in no case should presents be allowed to be received. Nay, they had said, that the purity of this gentleman's character, and the importance of his services, furnished a happy opportunity of establishing an invariable rule precluding the acceptance of these presents, which no merit hereafter should induce the House to depart from. The subject, however, was of so delicate and tender a nature, that he conceived it a piece of justice on the part of the House to state explicitly the grounds upon which their decision was made, in order to preclude the possibility of any mistake as to their motives. He should rely, therefore, with perfect confidence, that the following resolution would be unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That this House, in refusing to allow Thomas Pinckney, late Minister at the Court of London, and Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Madrid, to receive the presents usually made by the said Courts to foreign Ministers on taking leave, were induced to such refusal solely by motives of general policy, and not by any view personal to the said Thomas Pinckney.

Mr. Griswold moved the postponement of this resolution till to-morrow.

The question on postponement was put and negatived—41 to 34.

The question on agreeing to the resolution then recurred—

Mr. Sewall had some doubts as to the propriety of the determination of the general question, as he believed, by that determination, the House had parted with an advantage placed in them by the constitution. He thought the best way of settling this business would be to reconsider that question. He knew one gentleman who had voted upon it through mistake, and there might be several others in the same situation.

The question on agreeing to the resolution was put and carried unanimously.

Naturalization Law.

On motion of Mr. Sewall, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill supplementary to, and to amend the act to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal the act heretofore passed on that subject.

Mr. Sewall moved to fill the blank specifying the length of time necessary for an alien to give notice of his intention to become a citizen, before he can be admitted, with "five years." Carried.

The blank declaring the length of time necessary for an alien to reside here before he can be admitted a citizen, Mr. S. moved to fill with "fourteen years."

Mr. McDowell hoped this blank would not be filled with so long a time. The residence now required from foreigners before they can become citizens is five years. He would not object to an increase of the length of this term to seven years; or, if the committee thought nine better, he would not object to it. He did not wish to discourage an emigration to this country of respectable foreigners, by barring them from the rights of citizenship. The policy of this country had always been different, and he did not wish entirely to change it. When persons come here from foreign countries, it was our interest to attach them to us, and not always to look upon them as aliens and strangers.

The question for filling the blank with "fourteen," was put and carried—41 to 40.

Mr. Sewall moved a clause providing that no alien who comes from a country at war with us, shall be admitted to citizenship while such war continues. Agreed to.

Mr. Gallatin wished to know whether the provisions of this act are intended to extend to persons who were in this country previous to the passing of the law of January, 1795, which requires a residence of five years before an alien can become a citizen, but who have neglected to become citizens, as well as to all those aliens who have come to the country since January, 1795; although they may have made the declaration by that law required three years before they can become so, of their intention of becoming citizens of the United States. The law of January, 1795, had made an exception in favor of all aliens then in the country.

As the bill stands at present, Mr. G. said, it would have a retrospective effect on three descriptions of persons, viz: all those aliens who were in this country prior to the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States, and who were not naturalized under the State laws before the act of 1790; in the next place, it affects all those who, under the law of 1790, might have been naturalized, and all those who, under the law of 1795, might hereafter be naturalized, provided they have made the necessary declaration of their intention of becoming citizens. From the year 1795, many persons, with a view of making themselves citizens of this country as soon as the law would allow them, have renounced their allegiance to the countries from whence they came, and if this bill passes in its present form, they will for ten or twelve years to come be without citizenship in any country. He hoped, therefore, some exception would be made in favor of the descriptions of persons which he had named.

One reason which led him to mention this circumstance was, that there are a great number of persons in the State of Pennsylvania, and many in the district from whence he came, who, though they are not citizens of the United States, really believe they are. This mistake has arisen from (an error common to most of the districts of the United States) a belief that an alien's being naturalized by the laws of a State Government, since the act of 1790, made him a citizen of the United States. The Mayor of Philadelphia, till the year 1795, admitted citizens under the State law, who afterwards considered themselves as citizens of the United States. He always thought that construction to be wrong—Congress having the power to pass, and having passed an uniform naturalization law, which, in his opinion, excluded the idea of admission to citizenship on different terms by the individual States. But he knew the contrary opinion till lately generally prevailed. Indeed, he knew that at the late election in this city, the votes of respectable merchants, who had obtained American registers for their vessels, on a presumption of their being citizens, were refused on this ground. The same mistake had extended to other parts of the Union. It may be said that, since the year 1795, these persons might have gone to any of the courts and have become citizens. In this city, and in others, he supposed persons had generally done so; but where people are two or three hundred miles distant from the District Court of the United States, they had not always an opportunity of doing it, especially on account of a construction of the act of 1795, which had prevailed in some counties of Pennsylvania, and which made it doubtful whether any court in the State out of the city, could administer the oath of citizenship. Mr. G. supposed that since the year 1790, from ten to fifteen thousand emigrants had come into the State of Pennsylvania, two-thirds of whom believed, till lately, that they were citizens of the United States, from their having been naturalized by the laws of that State. It has now been discovered that they are not citizens; but since that discovery was made, they have not had an opportunity of being admitted according to the law of the United States. If some limited period was given to these persons to come forward to be naturalized, and they did not become citizens in that time, he should be willing to exclude them. He thought, indeed, provision should be made for all these persons, but he would not move any amendment until he had heard the opinion of the committee on the subject. The amendment just adopted, for excluding their enemies from citizenship, would do away any objection which could be urged against a provision of this kind. Indeed, the persons he alluded to generally came from the territories of the King of Great Britain, and three-fourths of them from Ireland.

Mr. Sewall said, this subject was before the select committee, and it was the opinion of a majority of that committee that no exception ought to be made, but that the bill should pass in its present form. His own sentiments were decidedly against any alteration. As to the Irishmen whom the gentleman from Pennsylvania has mentioned, as they have neglected to avail themselves of the privilege of becoming citizens, he supposed they did not place any high value upon it. They are now permitted to hold lands; and from the present distracted state of the country from whence they have emigrated, he did not think it would be prudent to make them eligible to hold seats in the Government after a residence of five years. He believed the liberty which the United States have given in this respect heretofore has been unexampled, and it was high time the evils which had arisen from this imprudent liberality should be remedied. The present distracted state of the world, and the attempts made to disturb other governments, showed the necessity of the proposed regulations.

Mr. S. did not consider the persons who had been mentioned as laboring under any disadvantages. Considering what they have left, and what they receive here, their situation is vastly improved by the change which they have made, without giving them any chance of becoming members of our government, for they would have had little chance of becoming members of the government which they have left. He did not suppose they came here with a view of getting into the government, but to acquire property, and to enjoy peace and happiness, and this they might do independent of citizenship. As he saw no good, therefore, to be derived to the country from admitting these persons to citizenship, but much danger, he hoped the bill would be agreed to as reported.

Mr. Gallatin said, if the bill was proceeded with, he would prepare an amendment in favor of those classes of persons he had mentioned.

The bill was accordingly proceeded with; and coming to the fifth section, where it is provided, that if an alien shall continue to reside here, and shall refuse or neglect to make a report of his residence, and receive a certificate thereof, he shall forfeit two dollars, and shall be liable to be arrested as a suspected person—

Mr. Gallatin moved to strike out the words printed in italic. It was sufficient, he said, that such a person should pay a fine. It was a new thing to punish a man by imprisonment, not for delinquency, but because he was suspected. A conduct of this kind had been highly condemned in another country, and he hoped it would not be adopted here.

Mr. Sewall said, it was the intention of the committee to show the nature of the offence of omitting to make the proper report; to show that such omission would lay the citizens under the suspicion of not acting openly and candidly.

Mr. Sitgreaves remarked, that if his colleague's objection only went to the words "suspected person," his motion went too far.

The question was put and negatived—37 to 36.

Mr. Gallatin then proposed an amendment to the following effect:

"Provided that any alien who was resident within the limits, and under the jurisdiction of the United States, before the 29th of January, 1795, and any alien who shall have made a declaration of his intention of becoming a citizen of the United States, in conformity to the provisions of an act establishing a uniform rule of naturalization, passed on that day, may be admitted to become citizens of the United States, according to the provisions of that act."

Mr. Craik was disposed to go much further than is proposed in this bill in restricting aliens from becoming citizens of this country. He should have no objection to say, that no foreigner coming into this country after this time, shall ever become a citizen; but he believed if this law was to have a retrospective operation on all those foreigners now residing within the United States, who have neglected to become citizens, it would be very unjust. There was a large class of persons, he said, in the country from which he came, who are not naturalized under any law, and many others who had been naturalized under the State law; about the legality of which, as had been stated, there is much doubt, though in Maryland and Virginia foreigners are still naturalized by the States, notwithstanding the law of the United States.

In deciding upon this question, Mr. C. said, it would not be proper to take into consideration emigrants from any particular country. Many of the persons he alluded to, are Germans, and well entitled to every privilege that can be given them, and whose neglect to become citizens was probably owing to their ignorance of our language and laws. He should, therefore, be in favor of this amendment, especially as far as it respects those aliens who were in this country before the year 1795.

Mr. Bayard said, though foreigners were prevented from becoming citizens of the United States until they have resided fourteen years in the country, in many of the States, they are entitled not only to vote for filling the offices of the State Governments, but also for filling those of the United States. Therefore, the only privilege which they are denied, is the capacity of becoming members of the Federal Government; which was a denial, he thought, recommended by sound policy. And he did not see why the restriction should not extend to the aliens now within the United States, as to those who shall hereafter come here. If aliens residing here had any right to expect an exception, it must be on the ground of compact. He did not, however, consider naturalization laws in that light. Aliens cannot be considered as members of the society of the United States; our laws are passed on the ground of our own policy, and whatever is granted to aliens is a mere matter of favor; and, if it is taken away, they have no right to complain. Every principle of policy, in his opinion, required this regulation to be made general; for he believed there were as many Jacobins and vagabonds come into the United States during the last two years, as may come for ten years hence; so that these very persons against whom this law was intended to operate, will become citizens, and may be chosen into the government. He hoped, therefore, the amendment would not be adopted.

With respect to those persons who have given notice of their intention of renouncing their allegiance to the foreign country from whence they came (for they do not actually renounce it until they become citizens) it can make no difference to them, especially those referred to by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because it is a principle of the British law, that British subjects have not a right to alienate themselves; they cannot renounce their allegiance to the British King. No objection, therefore, could be had against the measures being general on that ground.

Mr. Macon was apprehensive that gentlemen in their zeal to get at particular persons, will go too far in this business. He agreed with them, that, for three or four years past, people of all sorts of politics had come to this country, from the highest aristocrat to the greatest Jacobin; and he doubted not that persons who were very desirous of becoming citizens, or who had any particular end to answer by it, had availed themselves of the law. But there are persons in distant parts of the Continent, who have never yet become citizens, perhaps from their not being in the way of going through the ceremony, and because they had no apprehension of the privilege being taken from them. Many had also omitted to do it from an ignorance of our language. He hoped, therefore, this amendment would be agreed to. If persons have given notice of their intention to become citizens, they have complied in part with the laws; and he did not think it would be right to put it out of their power to comply with the other part.

Mr. Sewall said, this amendment would comprehend those aliens who have come here since the year 1795, though they may have made no declaration of their intention to become citizens, as they may make the declaration before the law passes. As to the other description of persons, he had not the same objection to them. He agreed with the gentleman from Delaware, that our regulations in this respect are made for our own convenience and safety, and that no alien has a right to complain, if these regulations should disappoint his expectations.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, this was either a question of right or expediency. He presumed no gentleman was prepared to say any alien had acquired an absolute and positive right in this country to citizenship at any particular time. If not, it was a mere matter of expediency; and, when it is considered in this light, there can be little difficulty in seeing the danger and disadvantages which would arise from allowing foreigners to become citizens, as heretofore, or as proposed by the present amendment. They are too evident to be enumerated.

But it was supposed that there were a large number of individuals in this country entitled to citizenship by the law of 1790, but who have, nevertheless, neglected to become citizens. It was a little extraordinary, he said, if this were so; that persons should for so long a time have neglected to embrace a right which, it is now represented, it would be doing them great injury to deprive them of. As to those persons who came into the country since the law of 1795, he saw no good reason for making an exception in their favor. As policy, safety, and security, dictated the measure, he hoped the bill would be passed as reported.

Mr. W. Claiborne said he could not reconcile it to his feelings to vote for the bill without the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because it would be doing a number of people whom he represented the greatest injustice. Those people, be said, were peculiarly situated. It was only at the last winter session that the State of Tennessee was represented on this floor; and, at the time of passing the naturalization law, the people of that country were not in a situation to receive information of what was done in Congress. It need not be a matter of surprise, therefore, if, in that frontier country, there are many persons aliens who did not take advantage of the law of 1790. There are numbers of such who have given the strongest proofs of attachment to the country; they have fought and bled in the service of the United States, and are as much wedded to the Government of the United States as any man born on American soil. If this amendment does not prevail, it will affect many valuable citizens of the State of Tennessee who were citizens in the year 1795, and ten years before that time. These persons would be deprived of rights, because they were living in a country in which there was no post road, and where, of course, they had no newspapers to give them information of what was going on at the seat of Government. He hoped, therefore, it would not be agreed to.

Mr. J. Williams hoped this provision would be agreed to. When an act is passed, good reasons, he said, ought to be given before any change takes place. Many persons had come into this country from an expectation of being naturalized at the end of a certain period; but, if this provision is not agreed to, the system will be entirely changed. He saw no difficulty which could arise from agreeing to this provision, as persons from countries at war with this country could not be made citizens at all. He knew a number of persons who had not taken advantage of the naturalization law, who perhaps are as good men as any in the United States. It was true, he said, that by the laws of the several States aliens are allowed to hold land; but when foreigners come here to reside, and behave well, he did not see why they ought to be prevented from becoming citizens. They contribute their share of the expense of government, and it was an acknowledged principle that representation and taxation ought to go together; which would not be the case if the bill was passed without this amendment.

The question was put and carried, there being 52 votes for it.

The committee then rose, and the House proceeded to take up the amendments.

The amendment of Mr. Gallatin coming again under consideration,

Mr. Coit hoped that part of the clause would be disagreed to which embraces persons who were in this country before the year 1795, but who had never shown any disposition to become citizens. Those who came since, and had given notice of their intention of becoming citizens, stand on very different ground. He should have no objection to the latter being accepted, in the way proposed, but not the former.

After a few observations on this amendment, it was negatived—49 to 32.

Mr. Sitgreaves proposed an amendment, limiting the time within which aliens, included in Mr. Gallatin's proposition, should be permitted to avail themselves of the exception in their favor, viz: those who were in this country before the year 1795, within one year after the passing of this act; and those who have come here since, and given notice of their intention to become citizens, within four years from the time of such notice having been given.

The question was first put on the former part of the amendment.

Mr. T. Claiborne did not wish to punish men for not being born here, but to punish both natives and foreigners when guilty. He hoped two years would be allowed instead of one.

The question on two years was put and negatived—31 to 39. It was then put on one, and carried—57 votes being for it.

The question on the second part of the amendment was then put.

Mr. Varnum said, the impulse of the moment led members to believe that these restrictions upon foreigners were necessary. He thought there was no necessity for any measures being taken with respect to foreigners, except such as belong to the nation with whom we expect to be at war; yet, he had no particular objection to restrictions being made with respect to such foreigners as shall hereafter come to this country; but, having heretofore held out inducements to foreigners to come to this country, and when they are come, with an expectation of becoming entitled to the rights of citizens in a certain time, he would not disappoint those expectations.

Mr. T. Claiborne said, this was a very important bill, and he should wish a little more time to consider on it; he therefore moved an adjournment.

The motion was put and negatived, there being only 15 votes for it.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, the observation of the gentleman from Massachusetts could only be applicable when the principle of the bill was under consideration; whereas, the present proposition only went to limit the period within which advantage should be taken of the indulgence proposed to be allowed.

Mr. Varnum moved a division of the amendment, and proposed to allow till the 1st of September next for persons to make a declaration of their intention to become citizens.

This motion was not seconded; and the question on the amendment was put and carried—47 to 31.

The bill was then ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.