Thursday, December 13.
Philip Van Cortlandt, from the State of New York, appeared, and took his seat.
Address to the President.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Address yesterday reported, in answer to the Speech of the President of the United States, and Mr. Dent having taken the chair, the Address was read, as follows, omitting the words printed within brackets, which were added as amendments: The words printed in italics were struck out in the discussion, so that the Address to be presented to the President contains the words printed within brackets, and does not contain those printed in italics.
John Adams, President of the United States—
Sir: The House of Representatives unite with you in deploring the effects of the desolating malady by which the seat of Government and other parts of our country have recently been visited. In calling our attention to the fatality of its repeated ravages, and inviting us to consider the expediency of exercising our constitutional powers, in aid of the health laws of the respective States, your recommendation is sanctioned by the dictates of humanity and liberal policy. On this interesting subject we feel the necessity of adopting every wise expedient for preventing a calamity so distressing to individual sufferers, and so prejudicial to our national commerce.
That our finances are in a prosperous state, notwithstanding the commercial derangements resulting from this calamity, and from external embarrassments, is a satisfactory manifestation of the great extent and solidity of the public resources. Connected with this situation of our fiscal concerns, the assurance that the legal provisions for obtaining revenue by direct taxation will fulfil the views of the Legislature, is peculiarly acceptable.
Desirous as we are that all causes of hostility may be exterminated [removed] by the amicable adjustment of national differences, we learn with satisfaction, that in pursuance of our treaties with Spain and with Great Britain, advances have been made for definitively settling the controversies relative to the Southern and the North-eastern limits of the United States. With similar sentiments have we received your information, that the proceedings under commissions authorized by the same treaties, afford to a respectable portion of our citizens, the prospect of a final decision on their claims for maritime injuries committed by subjects of those powers.
It would be the theme of mutual felicitation, were we assured of experiencing similar moderation and justice from another Power, [the French Republic,] between whom [which] and the United States differences have unhappily arisen. But this is denied us by the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by this Government towards an amicable adjustment of those differences, and by the various inadmissible pretensions on the part of that nation.
The continuing in force the decree of January last, to which you have more particularly pointed our attention, ought, of itself, to be considered as demonstrative of the real intentions of the French Government. That decree proclaims a predatory warfare against the unquestionable rights of actual commerce; which [with] our means of defence, our interest and our honor, command us to repel. It therefore now becomes the United States to be as determined in resistance as they have been patient in suffering, and condescending in negotiation.
While those who direct the affairs of France persist in the enforcement of decrees so hostile to our essential rights, their conduct forbids us to confide in any of their professions of amity.
As therefore the conduct of France hitherto exhibits nothing which ought to change or relax our measures of defence, the policy of extending and invigorating those measures, demands our sedulous attention. The sudden and remarkable advantages which this country has experienced from a small naval armament, sufficiently prove the utility of its establishment. As it respects the guarding of our coast, the protection of our trade, and the facility of safely transporting the means of territoral defence to every part of our maritime frontier, an adequate naval force must be considered as an important object of national policy. Nor do we hesitate to adopt the opinion, that, whether negotiations with France are resumed or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.
In this conjuncture of affairs, while with you we recognize our abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of events for the ordinary blessings of Providence, we regard, as of high national importance, the manifestation, in our country, of a magnanimous spirit of resistance to foreign domination. This spirit merits to be cherished and invigorated by every branch of Government, as the estimable pledge of national prosperity and glory.
Disdaining a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no foreign guarantee of our liberties, resolving to maintain our national independence against every attempt to despoil us of this inestimable treasure, we confide, under Providence, in the patriotism and energies of the people of these United States for defeating the hostile enterprises of any foreign power.
To adopt with prudent foresight such systematical measures as may be expedient for calling forth those energies wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on the ocean, or on our own territory—and to reconcile with the proper security of revenue, the convenience of the mercantile enterprise, on which so great a proportion of the public resources depends—are objects of moment, which shall be duly regarded in the course of our deliberations.
Fully as we accord with you in the opinion, that the United States ought not to submit to the humiliation of sending another Minister to France, without previous assurances sufficiently determinate that he will be duly accredited, we have heard, with cordial acquiescence, [approbation,] the declaration of your purpose, steadily to observe those maxims of humane and pacific policy by which the United States have hitherto been governed. While it is left with France to take the requisite steps for accommodation, it is worthy the Chief Magistrate of a free people, to make known to the world, that justice on the part of France will annihilate every obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse, and that the Executive authority of this country will respect the sacred rights of embassy. At the same time, the wisdom and decision, which have characterized your past Administration, assure us that no illusory professions will seduce you into any abandonment of the rights which belong to the United States as [a] free and independent [nation.]
The clerk having read the Address, it was again read by the Chairman by paragraphs.
[After a few slight amendments the answer was agreed to.]
Mr. Thatcher wished, as no objection was made to the Address, that it might be entered on the journals as unanimously agreed to; but, on the question being put, a few noes being heard, the Speaker declared it not carried.
The usual resolution was then passed, that the Speaker, attended by the House, do present the Address, and that a committee be appointed to wait upon the President, to know when and where he will be pleased to receive the same.
Messrs. Dana, Venable, and Harper, were appointed a committee for this purpose. They waited upon the President accordingly, and Mr. Dana reported that the President would receive the Address to-morrow, at his own house, at twelve o'clock.[37]