Tuesday, December 15.
Barbary Powers.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, the following resolution being under consideration:
"Resolved, That it is expedient that the President be authorized by law, further and more effectually to protect the commerce of the United States against the Barbary Powers."
Mr. Nicholson said, that when this resolution was yesterday laid on the table, he had moved, for reasons that he had assigned, to strike out the words "further and more." He was, on reflection, more and more persuaded of the accuracy of his objections to the unqualified terms of the original motion. If we adopt it, we pledge ourselves to increase the naval force at present at the disposition of the President. But if his modification were agreed to, every gentleman would remain at liberty to put his own construction on the words "effectual force." Uninformed as we were as to the necessity of increasing the force, it would be highly improper to commit ourselves by any precipitate decision. He, therefore, moved to strike out the words "further and more."
Mr. Giles opposed the striking out the words, which, in his opinion, did not relate to the quantum of force placed under Executive disposition, but to the measures proposed to be taken by the Executive. He should vote for the motion unamended, though he had been, and still was, as averse as any gentleman in that House to an improper augmentation of the Army or Navy. With respect to the Navy, he was friendly to it as it now stood, or to an augmentation of it to meet any particular emergency.
Mr. S. Smith said that as he understood the resolution, it went not to pledge any man to augment the Navy, but to authorize the President, with the present force, to take measures for the defence of our trade. We were at war with Tripoli. Against that power, therefore, the President felt himself at liberty to act efficiently. But gentlemen should advert to our situation with regard to Algiers and Tunis. Those powers may become hostile. They may become so in the recess of Congress. It may be necessary without delay to protect our trade against them. Will you then confine the President, in relation to these powers, to a Peace Establishment? Certainly, when these circumstances were duly weighed, no gentleman will refuse the power which this resolution is intended to confer.
Mr. Smilie was in favor of the amendment for one reason. He was ready at all times to grant commerce every necessary protection. But by adopting this resolution, we pledge ourselves, without inquiring into the necessity, to extend further protection. No doubt further protection will be required. But he thought it premature to make any pledge until all the documents connected with the subject were before the House.
Mr. Mitchill suggested the propriety of amending the original resolution by inserting after the word "law," "if necessary." This would render the resolution conditional. To the resolution he was a friend. For when the aspect and extent of the United States were considered, it must be evident to every man that we were a commercial people. The bulk and extensiveness of our produce required vessels to carry it to foreign countries. The carriage required protection. The Government must of course give protection. With respect to the Mediterranean expedition, no plan under the Government had been better devised; and he had no hesitation to say, that if the Mediterranean trade required further protection, he would be for making further appropriations of the public moneys.
Mr. Nicholson said he could not agree to the suggestion of the gentleman from New York, as by adopting it we should do nothing. How does the matter now stand? Congress has put into the hands of the President six frigates, which he had used for the public service in the Mediterranean. This was not a fit time to express his opinion on the propriety of the measures of the Executive. But when a fit occasion did offer, he would have no hesitation to say the President had done right.
To return to the point—The President had now six frigates. If we agree to the resolution, do we not pledge ourselves to increase this force?
One squadron had been sent to the Mediterranean; another was in operation to go there, he understood. This was all right. But there followed no necessity from these circumstances to pledge ourselves to increase the force.
We were not even acquainted with the sentiments of the President on this point. His communications did not inform us that he desired a larger force. If he did desire it, he would say so. He had, on the contrary, recommended a reduction of the Army and Navy; and to desire an augmentation of the latter, would be, in the same breath, to say one thing and mean another.
Mr. Eustis.—The President, in his communications, has informed us that he has hitherto acted on the defensive. The simple question now is, whether he shall be empowered to take offensive steps. This has no relation, therefore, to an increase of the force; nor shall we, by adopting it, pledge ourselves to such effect.
Mr. Giles was happy that the discussion was one more of words than of principles. He perfectly coincided with the gentleman from Maryland, who had moved the amendment, in his general sentiments. It would be wrong in this House prematurely to pledge itself for an increase of naval force. But the words of the resolution do not relate to the quantum of force, but entirely to the measures to be taken with any force. When the President is authorized further and more effectually to protect our trade, it was not said that we will give him four or six additional frigates; but merely that he is to have means, more or less, which shall be adequate to make offensive operations against those who shall make offensive operations against us.
It was well understood that he was for keeping the Navy within proper bounds; but if ever there was a case where it was required, this was the case, and he acknowledged that he was for empowering the President to authorize not merely a dismantlement of a vessel, but her capture.
The question was then taken on Mr. Nicholson's amendment and lost.
When the original motion of Mr. Smith was carried.
Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant to the said resolution; and that Mr. Eustis, Mr. Samuel Smith, Mr. Dana, Mr. Mitchill, and Mr. Jones, do prepare and bring in the same.