Wednesday, November 26.

A new member, to wit, Lyttleton W. Tazewell, returned to serve as a member of the House for the State of Virginia, in the room of John Marshall, who has resigned his seat, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.

Address to the President.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the reply to the President's Speech, which was read by paragraphs, and reported to the House without any amendments, as follows:

To John Adams, President of the United States:

Sir: The House of Representatives have received with great respect the communication which you have been pleased to make to the two Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the present session.

The final establishment of the seat of National Government which has now taken place within the District of Columbia, is an event of no small importance in the political transactions of our country: and we cordially unite our wishes with yours, that this territory may be the residence of happiness and virtue.

Nor can we, on this occasion, omit to express a hope, that the spirit which animated the great founder of this city, may descend to future generations, and that the wisdom, magnanimity, and steadiness, which marked the events of his public life, may be imitated in all succeeding ages.

A consideration of those powers which have been vested in Congress over the District of Columbia will not escape our attention; nor shall we forget that, in exercising these powers, a regard must be had to those events which will necessarily attend the Capital of America.

The cheerfulness and regularity with which the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have returned to the condition of private citizens, is a testimony clear and conclusive of the purity of those motives which induced them to engage in the public service; and will remain a proof, on all future occasions, that an army of soldiers drawn from the citizens of our country, deserve our confidence and respect.

No subject can be more important than that of the Judiciary, which you have again recommended to our consideration, and it shall receive our early and deliberate attention.

The Constitution of the United States having confided the management of our foreign negotiations to the control of the Executive power, we cheerfully submit to its decisions on this important subject. And in respect to the negotiations now pending with France, we sincerely hope that the final result may prove as fortunate to our country, as the most ardent mind can wish.

So long as a predatory war is carried on against our commerce, we should sacrifice the interests and disappoint the expectations of our constituents, should we, for a moment, relax that system of maritime defence, which has resulted in such beneficial effects. At this period, it is confidently believed that few persons can be found within the United States, who do not admit that a Navy, well organized, must constitute the natural and efficient defence of this country against all foreign hostility.

The progress which has been made in the manufacture of arms, leaves no doubt that the public patronage has already placed this country beyond all necessary dependence on foreign markets for an article so indispensable for defence; and gives us assurances that, under the encouragement which government will continue to extend to this important object, we shall soon rival foreign countries, not only in the number, but in the quality of arms completed from our own manufactories.

Few events could have been more pleasing to our constituents, than that great and rapid increase of revenue which has arisen from permanent taxes. Whilst this event explains the great and increasing resources of our country, it carries along with it a proof which cannot be resisted, that those measures of maritime defence which were calculated to meet our enemy upon the ocean, and which have produced such extensive protection to our commerce, were founded in wisdom and policy. The mind must, in our opinion, be insensible to the plainest truths, which cannot discern the elevated ground on which this policy has placed our country. That national spirit, which alone could vindicate our common rights, has been roused, and those latent energies, which had not been fully known, were unfolded and brought into view, and our fellow-citizens were prepared to meet every event which national honor or national security could render necessary. Nor have its effects been much less important in other respects.

Whilst many of the nations of the earth have been impoverished and depopulated by internal commotions and national contests, our internal peace has not been materially impaired; our commerce has extended, under the protection of our infant Navy, to every part of the globe; wealth has flowed without intermission into our seaports, and the labors of the husbandman have been rewarded by a ready market for the productions of the soil.

Be assured, sir, that the various, and important subjects recommended to our consideration, shall receive our early and deliberate attention; and, confident of your co-operation in every measure which may be calculated to promote the general interests, we shall endeavor, on our part, to testify, by our industry and despatch, the zeal and sincerity with which we regard the public good.

The report of the committee was immediately taken up, and, on the question to agree to the Address,

Mr. Nicholas rose and observed that he regretted the introduction of political matter, calculated to produce discord and division. He was averse to the House spending time in propounding political theories, as no good, but much mischief, might flow from such a procedure. Had no other topics or sentiments been alluded to than those contained in the President's Speech, there would have been much less division in the House than was to be expected from the insertion of extraneous ideas. He had no intention, however, to enter into a detail of the objections he entertained to the Address. For the reasons he had assigned, and others which he felt, he thought the style of the Address not only unnecessary, but worse than useless. He concluded by desiring the yeas and nays to be taken.

The question, being taken, was carried in the affirmative—yeas 36, nays 32, as follows:

Yeas.—Bailey Bartlett, William Cooper, Wm. Craik, John Davenport, Franklin Davenport, George Dent, Joseph Dickson, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Elizur Goodrich, Roger Griswold, Archibald Henderson, Benjamin Huger, Jas. H. Imlay, Henry Lee, Silas Lee, James Linn, Lewis R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Robert Page, Josiah Parker, Jonas Platt, Leven Powell, John Read, Nathan Read, Wm. Shepard, John C. Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Peleg Wadsworth, Robert Waln, Lemuel Williams, and Henry Woods.

Nays.—Phanuel Bishop, Robert Brown, Gabriel Christie, Matthew Clay, William C. C. Claiborne, John Condit, John Dawson, Lucas Elmendorph, Edwin Gray, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, George Jackson, Aaron Kitchell, Michael Leib, Nathaniel Macon, Peter Muhlenberg, Anthony New, John Nicholas, John Randolph, John Smilie, John Smith, Richard Stanford, David Stone, Thomas Sumter, Benjamin Taliaferro, John Thompson, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, and Jos. B. Varnum.

Resolved, That Mr. Speaker, attended by the House, do present the said Address; and that Mr. Griswold, Mr. Macon, and Mr. Craik, be a committee to wait on the President to know when and where it will be convenient for him to receive the same.

Credentials of Members.

Mr. Dent, from the Committee of Elections, to whom were referred the certificates and other credentials of the members returned to serve in this House, made a report, in part, which was read as follows:

"That they have examined the credentials of several members, claiming seats in the House, in consequence of resignations which have taken place, and find that, by the certificate of the Governor of Massachusetts, dated the eleventh day of November, eighteen hundred, under the seal of the State, Nathan Read (of Danvers) is duly elected, in the place of Samuel Sewall; that by the certificate of the Governor of Connecticut, bearing date twentieth day of October, eighteen hundred, with the seal of the State annexed, John Cotton Smith is duly elected, in the place of Jonathan Brace; and that, by the certificate of the Deputy Sheriff of Henrico, the Sheriff of Hanover, the Sheriff of New Kent, the Deputy Sheriff of Charles City, and the Sheriff of James City Counties, composing one entire district in the Commonwealth of Virginia, under their respective seals, Lyttleton Waller Tazewell is duly elected, in the place of John Marshall.[58]

"The committee also find, by an authenticated certificate signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the President of the Legislative Council of the Territory north-west of the river Ohio, dated the seventh day of November, eighteen hundred, that Wm. McMillan is duly elected to represent the said Territory, in the place of William Henry Harrison.

"Whereupon, the committee are of opinion that Nathan Read, (of Danvers,) John Cotton Smith, and Lyttleton Waller Tazewell, are entitled to take their seats in the House in the place of Samuel Sewall, Jonathan Brace, and John Marshall, who have resigned; and that William McMillan is entitled to take his seat therein, with the right of debating, but not of voting, in the place of William Henry Harrison, who has resigned."

Ordered, That the said report do lie on the table.