Monday, April 25.
General Wilkinson.
Mr. Clark said it would be recollected by the House, that he had some time since been directed to make a statement in relation to General Wilkinson. He now held in his hand a correspondence with the Spanish Government, which he would lay upon the table, as it went to substantiate the facts contained in that statement.
These papers were read, and consist chiefly of memoranda in the handwriting of Philip Nolan, and purporting to be instructions from General Wilkinson to Thomas Power, and of answers from Thomas Power.
Mr. Randolph moved that they be printed.
Mr. Smilie opposed the printing, as, if it were indeed testimony, this House was not the tribunal to decide upon it.
Mr. Randolph said it was certain, that from the noise in the House, or some other cause, the papers as read could not be understood. They appeared to embrace a correspondence of Philip Nolan, said to be the agent of General Wilkinson, with Power, and in the course of them there was a recommendation that General W.’s handwriting should not be used. He presumed that gentlemen felt more interested in these than in the papers every day laid on their table and printed.
Mr. Smilie said they had had enough of this business of denunciation, and he wished no more of it. He was willing that the papers should be sent to the court of inquiry, but he would go no further.
Mr. Randolph called for the yeas and nays on the motion for printing.
Mr. Rhea supported the motion for printing.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays on printing, and carried, 52 to 30.
On motion of Mr. Kelly,
Resolved, That the papers and information relative to the conduct of General James Wilkinson, which have been this day communicated to this House by Daniel Clark, Esq., be transmitted to the President of the United States.
Five o’clock, P. M.
Non-Importation.
The bill from the Senate to authorize the President, under certain contingencies, to suspend the non-importation law, having been called up, and a motion having been made to postpone it indefinitely,
Mr. Newton begged the House to consider one moment before they postponed this bill. They had already passed a law authorizing the President of the United States to suspend the operation of the embargo law, in the event of a general peace, or such accommodation to neutrals as should render the commerce of the United States safe. Now, in the event of that law being suspended, it might also be proper to suspend this.
Mr. Nelson said he should never vote for the repeal or suspension of this law. He hoped to see the time when it should become a permanent regulation; he would not yield to any of the powers of Europe, and he wished to be independent of them. There were many things now imported from Europe which could as well be made in our own country. If they could be as well made, he considered it sound policy to give a preference to our own manufactures, and so far to prohibit theirs as to effect a preference of our own. Whether in this principle I am right or wrong, said he, I am certainly right in this: That at this late period of the session it is impossible to discuss such a question as this, and therefore I wish the motion to prevail.
Mr. Burwell said he would add but a single observation to those of the gentlemen just sat down. He was in favor of postponing the bill indefinitely, because he wished it to be understood that we have a right to make all regulations we please respecting our commerce, or trade, or aught else, without consulting the dispositions of any power whatever. He wished it to be understood here and elsewhere, and therefore he was in favor of postponement of this bill.
Mr. Marion said he was one of those who originally voted for the non-importation law, and he had never repented his vote; but he voted for it under a firm persuasion that it would go into operation. It had been afterwards suspended because there was a negotiation pending and a prospect of accommodation; but if it were the determination never to suffer it to go into operation, he had much rather see it repealed. If it were to be kept in suspension, hung up like a rod in terrorem, it would merit ridicule. What cause could there be for suspending it at present? Any negotiation pending? He believed not. If it were the understanding of a majority that the bill should not go into operation, he hoped they would propose a repeal of it.
Mr. Eppes said it appeared that the question of suspension of the non-importation act was very different from that of a suspension of the embargo. The former was a measure of coercion on Great Britain, and whether it had that effect or not, he believed at the time the law was passed that the only way which we could operate on that power was by commercial restrictions; and he felt now free to declare, that if ample reparation were made for the outrage on the Chesapeake, if the decrees were withdrawn and every injury redressed, that he would hold on upon the non-importation act so long as the impressment of our seamen remained. Whenever you take off this, said he, you have nothing to enforce your rights as to impressment, nor as to that system of commercial pillage which has been adopted by Great Britain. We know that the embargo was imposed as a measure of safety. It was to give us time to make preparation to meet the event. If the decrees which produced the embargo are withdrawn, the embargo may be withdrawn with propriety. But let me ask any gentleman whether he believes that any circumstances which produced the non-importation act will be removed? Whether they believe that Great Britain will give up her system of impressing seamen? If he does, let him look at the course she has adopted. After appointing a Minister to negotiate with you, she has issued a proclamation, establishing the right of impressment on its broadest footing. Shortly after, it was declared by the King, at the opening of Parliament, to be one of those rights which never could nor ever would be admitted. I was originally in favor of the non-importation law, and I am still so. If gentlemen take into consideration all the circumstances which produced the law, I will venture to say that there is not a man in the House originally in favor of it who can now vote for its suspension. It has never yet been fairly in operation. It is now indeed a law of the land, but its operation is virtually suspended by the embargo. I am in favor of its going into operation, and never will consent to its suspension till its intended effect be fulfilled, or the experiment is made.
The question of indefinite postponement was carried—58 to 29.
Home Manufactures.
Mr. Bibb said, that notwithstanding the difference of opinion which had taken place occasionally between the members of this House during the present session, on questions of policy, he was pleased to perceive that no difference of sentiment existed in regard to the injuries done us by foreign nations. He believed that but one spirit actuated the people of the United States—that they were attached to their country, and to their country alone. He wished not only by professions, but by practice, to show foreign nations that we can live without them. He therefore offered the following resolution:
Resolved, That the members of the House of Representatives will appear at their next meeting clothed in the manufactures of their own country.
Mr. Macon would never agree to a resolution which they could not enforce. Congress have nothing to do with this subject. He could not conceive what effect this resolution could have. If it was intended as a pledge, he was not willing to give it; if to have force, he denied their authority to enforce it.
Mr. Rhea said, if the House adopted the resolution, he should pay no regard to it. He would appear in what clothing he chose, this resolution to the contrary notwithstanding.
Mr. Eppes admitted that the resolution could have no force; it was intended to express the feelings of the House. He should rejoice to see every member of the House and every man in the nation, clothed entirely in the manufactures of this country. It would establish an independence of the best kind. The proposition was a valuable one, and he wished to God that the ladies could be placed in a situation to adopt a similar resolution. If he were to appear in the manufactures of his own State, he must be confined to a homely garb; but if the resolution passed, he would, before the next season, have cloth manufactured for his use in his own family. Mr. E. calculated that a million of men in the United States wore broadcloth coats, and if they were all manufactured in this country the saving would be immense.
Mr. Macon did not conceive it fair that those who like him had no wives at home to make them coats, should not only be reproached for their misfortune, but pointed at as sinners. He had during this session bought himself a suit, but he was not able to obtain American manufacture. His friend from Maryland (Mr. Nelson) had procured him a hat, and that was all that he could obtain of American manufacture. As to the ladies, if they were to legislate on the subject he did not believe that the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Eppes,) fond as he is of the ladies, would persuade one in the House, or in the nation, to agree to such a resolution. Had I a wife, I should be willing to see her dressed to her own satisfaction. The ladies have a right to dress as they please, and he did not care who knew it. The gentleman from Virginia reminded him of a neighbor who used often to say, O, how rich we might be, if it was not for the expense of eating and clothing!
Mr. Bibb said he had hoped that the resolution would be at once adopted unanimously. He did not wish to provoke debate, and therefore withdrew his resolution.
Adjournment.
Mr. G. W. Campbell, from the committee appointed on the part of this House, jointly with a committee appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States and inform him of the proposed adjournment of Congress, reported that the committee had performed that service, and that the President had signified to them that he had no further communication to make to Congress during the present session.
A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate, having completed the legislative business before them, are now ready to adjourn.
Ordered, That a message be sent to the Senate to acquaint them that this House, having finished the business before them, are now about to adjourn until the day appointed by law for the next meeting of Congress; and that the Clerk of this House do go with the said message.
The Clerk accordingly went with the said message, and, being returned, Mr. Speaker adjourned the House until the first Monday in November next.