Wednesday, January 29.
Neutral Rights.
Mr. Jackson called for consideration of the unfinished business of yesterday, viz: the motion of Mr. Smilie to discharge the Committee of Ways and Means from the further consideration of so much of the President’s Message as relates to the invasion of neutral rights by some of the belligerent powers. On taking up this business the House divided—yeas 37; carried.
The motion having been submitted from the Chair, Mr. Dawson opposed it. He said the wish of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to bring this subject under the view of the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union might at any time be gratified by going into that committee and moving any resolution he might see fit, as the Message generally was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. He believed, however, that the floor of the House was not the proper place to make declarations of what is the law of nations. He believed that a volume of such declarations would be of no avail; it was their duty to act and not to declare on such subjects; and whenever the gentleman from Pennsylvania or any other gentleman, would bring forward measures calculated to prevent an infraction of our neutral rights, they should receive his support. At present he must be against adopting the resolution.
Mr. Smilie said he did not expect any opposition to the motion he had made. If the Committee of Ways and Means should be discharged from the business, it would consequently come before the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union without any motion, as the Message was generally before that committee.
In reply to the remark that this motion would be treating the Committee of Ways and Means with disrespect, Mr. Smilie said, he thought the ground on which he had placed the business would have removed every idea of the kind. He did not say the Committee of Ways and Means were not as competent to the business as any other select or standing committee; but he had declared from the beginning that in his opinion, in point of principle, the reference ought to have been made to the Committee of the Whole. This is the ninth week of the session, and gentlemen charge us with having done nothing. Do not gentlemen see, from the state of the Committee of Ways and Means, that this course has become absolutely necessary? Shall a business of the first importance that can occur during the session, be neglected on this account? Not only the eyes of all America, but likewise of all Europe, are looking with anxiety on the steps which we shall take in this business; for all the maritime powers of Europe are interested in this great question relative to neutral rights. Are we, then, in consequence of the deranged situation of a select committee, to remain with our hands tied up? For myself I do think, that the interests of our country call upon us to take immediate steps. I repeat it, that on a similar occasion with this, a similar course was pursued. Gentlemen will remember, that in the third Congress, when we before suffered from the misconduct of Great Britain, certain resolutions which became the subject of discussion originated in a Committee of the whole House. What, indeed, are we to expect from the Committee of Ways and Means? Are they in possession of the general sense of the House on this subject, as a guide in making their report? This is not the case, as we have had no discussion of the subject; and until it shall be brought under a view of a Committee of the whole House, it is impossible to tell in what the opinions of members will centre.
Mr. Jackson.—I have but a single observation to make in addition to those which have fallen from the gentleman from Pennsylvania. So far as relates to myself, it is not my object to discuss in Committee of the Whole, the abstract questions of the law of nations, but to adopt measures for the effectual resistance and punishment of the infraction of those laws, as far as we can. If, according to the course pointed out by my colleague, any resolution should be submitted on this subject in Committee of the Whole, it will be objected that the subject is before a standing committee, and it will be said to be disrespectful to act on it until they shall have reported. If my colleague, therefore, be of opinion, that we should adopt any efficient and prompt measures, the better and speedier way will be for him to join in the motion. I hope the motion will prevail. In the name of heaven, if we are not disposed to do any thing, let us tell the people so.
Mr. Crownishield.—From the beginning I was opposed to referring this subject to the Committee of Ways and Means. I saw no reason for its going to a standing committee. Without meaning to cast any censure on the Committee of Ways and Means, I am in favor of the motion. We have been in session seven or eight weeks—the reference was made as early as the 6th of December, and we have yet no report. The question is perhaps as interesting a one as has been presented since the establishment of a National Government. What is our situation? Our ships are plundered in every sea, our seamen are impressed, three thousand of them are in the service of one nation. We are a neutral nation, and it is not proper that any belligerent nation should employ them in this manner. Like the gentleman from Virginia, I am ready to act, I want no report to guide my decision. I am prepared—not for war measures, but for a non-intercourse act with Great Britain. I am willing to suspend all intercourse with Great Britain until she shall give back the ships she has stolen from us, and the seamen she forcibly detains. I shall not be more ready to take this step after a report from the Committee of Ways and Means than I am now. The simple question is, whether we shall abandon trade altogether, or resist the unjust aggressions made upon it? But it was not my object in rising, to go any length into the subject; I only rose to express my opinion in favor of the course pointed out by the motion. The Committee of Ways and Means is deranged, disorganized; two members are absent, and the Chairman unfortunately is sick. We have no expectation of a report; it may not come till the end of the session.
Mr. Gregg.—I rise to express a similar opinion with the gentleman who has just sat down.
I am in favor of the motion for the reasons which he has assigned and for another reason; for the sake of consistency. Though the subject be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, it is likewise referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. The memorials from the merchants of New York and Philadelphia have taken this latter course. This brings the subject before a Committee of the Whole. We are under the same obligation to take up the business of our constituents as the Message; and as the business is of the greatest importance, I hope the whole subject will be referred to a Committee of the Whole.
Mr. Bidwell.—The gentleman from Pennsylvania has anticipated me in an idea which I meant to have expressed. As the principal document on this subject is the Message of the President, I think it proper that that should be placed with the same committee charged with the memorials of merchants from different towns. Another reason may be mentioned in favor of this course of procedure. At the commencement of the session there was a strong reason for referring the subject to a special committee. It was a principal object at that time to inquire into the extent and degree of the injuries received from belligerent nations; as since that time we have received full information on those points from the Executive Department, that reason is done away, and there is no necessity for any investigation by a select committee.
The motion to discharge the Committee of Ways and Means was then agreed to—yeas 68.
Non-Intercourse.
Mr. Gregg said, that he considered the insults offered to our Government, and the injuries done to our citizens by some of the belligerent nations, to be of such a nature, as to demand the interposition of Government to obtain redress. It appeared from the memorials and remonstrances of the merchants of New York, Philadelphia, and other of our seaport towns, now on our table, as well as from Executive communications, that vessels the bona fide property of citizens of the United States, have been seized by their cruisers, and they and their cargoes condemned, contrary to our rights as a neutral nation, and to what has long been considered as the law of nations on this subject. Great numbers of our fellow-citizens have been impressed, and notwithstanding our repeated remonstrances, they are cruelly retained in bondage, and compelled to act in a service, perhaps very abhorrent to their feelings, far from their country and their friends. To these insults and injuries, said Mr. G., we can no longer submit, unless we are willing to surrender that independence which has been, and I trust always will be, our pride and our boast. So great are these injuries and aggressions, and so unremittingly are they persevered in, that I do not know but that they might be considered as a sufficient cause on which to ground a declaration of war. That, however, is not my object. I deprecate war, and will not agree to resort to it, until other means, which we have in our power, are tried in vain. We do, I think, possess means, which, if properly used, cannot fail of accomplishing the object. To these I hope we will now resort, and for the purpose of bringing them into view, I will submit a resolution to the consideration of the House, reserving any further observations on the subject, until the resolution shall be taken up in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, to which I intend moving its reference.
Mr. Gregg then offered the following resolution:
Whereas Great Britain impresses citizens of the United States, and compels them to serve on board her ships of war, and also seizes and condemns vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and their cargoes, being the bona fide property of American citizens, not contraband of war, and not proceeding to places besieged or blockaded, under the pretext of their being engaged in time of war in a trade with her enemies which was not allowed in time of peace:
And whereas the Government of the United States has repeatedly remonstrated to the British Government against these injuries, and demanded satisfaction therefor, but without effect:
Therefore, Resolved, That until equitable and satisfactory arrangements on these points shall be made between the two Governments, it is expedient that from and after the —— day of —— no goods, wares, or merchandise, of the growth, product, or manufacture of Great Britain, or of any of the colonies or dependencies thereof, ought to be imported into the United States. Provided, however, that whenever arrangements deemed satisfactory by the President of the United States shall take place, it shall be lawful for him by proclamation to fix a day on which the prohibition aforesaid shall cease.
The House having agreed to consider this resolution,
Mr. Thomas said he had seconded the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and should give it his decided support. It would however have suited him better, had it gone still further, and interdicted all commercial intercourse with that nation, until she should cease to commit depredations on our commerce, impress our citizens on the high seas into her service, and abandon the new principles which she had lately interpolated in the maritime code, and which he considered as unjust as they were unauthorized by the acknowledged law of nations.
But as unanimity in the Legislature of the nation was desirable at all times, and particularly so on great national questions, he was disposed, in order to produce that result on the present occasion, to yield a part of his own opinion to meet the views of other gentlemen.
The present was an important question, and he hoped the honorable mover would consent that it should lie a day or two for consideration, and moved that it be printed.
Mr. Gregg said his wish was to refer the resolution to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and made a motion to that effect which was agreed to without a division, and the resolution ordered to be printed.