[Copies of the letters from Mr. Henry to Sir James Craig, relative to his mission to the United States, in the year 1809.]
No. 1.
Answer to the letter of Mr. Secretary Ryland, proposing the mission, &c.
Montreal, Jan. 31, 1809.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the favor of your letter of the 26th instant, written by the desire of his Excellency, the Governor-in-Chief, and hasten to express, through you, to his Excellency, my readiness to comply with his wishes.
I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from His Excellency the assurance of the approbation of His Majesty's Secretary of State, for the very humble services that I may have rendered.
If the nature of the service in which I am to be engaged will require no other disbursements than for my individual expenses, I do not apprehend that these can exceed my private resources.
I shall be ready to take my departure before my instructions can be made out.
I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,
J. H.
H. W. Ryland, Esq., Secretary, &c.
No. 2.
To His Excellency the Governor General, &c., in answer to his letter of instructions, &c.
Montreal, Feb. 10, 1809.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of instructions, the letter of credence, and the cipher for carrying on my correspondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cipher, and am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some points which might enable me to understand it clearly. I have compared the example with my own exemplification of the cipher, and find a difference in the results; and as the present moment seems favorable to the interference of His Majesty's Government in the measures pursued by the Federal party in the Northern States, and more especially as the Assembly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set forward immediately, than wait for any further explanation of the means of carrying on a secret correspondence, which the frequency of safe private conveyances to Canada will render almost wholly unnecessary. Should it, however, be necessary at any time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and simple mode. In it there is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular numbers for particular phrases; so that when I do not find in the index the particular word I want, I can spell it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to say that "troops are at Albany," I find under the letter T, that No. 16 stands for "troops," and number 125 for "Albany;" the intervening words "are at" I supply by figures corresponding with the letters in these words.
It will be necessary to provide against accident by addressing the letters to Mr. ——, of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelope, which he will understand. When he receives it he will then address the enclosure to your Excellency, and send it from Montreal by mail. I will be careful not to address your Excellency in the body of the letter, nor sign my name to any of them. They will be merely designated by the initials A. B.
If this mode should, in any respect, appear exceptionable, your Excellency will have the goodness to order a more particular explanation of the card. It would reach me in safety enclosed to ——, Boston.
I have the honor to be, with profound respect, your Excellency's most obedient servant, &c.
J. H.
No. 3.
Burlington, (Vt.,) Feb. 14, 1809.
Sir: I have remained here two days in order fully to ascertain the progress of the arrangements heretofore made for organizing an efficient opposition to the General Government, as well as to become acquainted with the opinions of the leading people relative to the measures of that party which has the ascendant in the National Councils.
On the subject of the embargo laws there seems to be but one opinion; namely, that they are unnecessary, oppressive, and unconstitutional. It must also be observed, that the execution of them is so invidious as to attract toward the officers of Government the enmity of the people, which is of course transferable to the Government itself; so that, in case the State of Massachusetts should take any bold step toward resisting the execution of these laws, it is highly probable that it may calculate upon the hearty co-operation of the people of Vermont.
I learn that the Governor of this State is now visiting the towns in the northern section of it, and makes no secret of his determination, as Commander-in-Chief of the militia, to refuse obedience to any command from the General Government which can tend to interrupt the good understanding that prevails between the citizens of Vermont and His Majesty's subjects in Canada. It is further intimated that, in case of a war, he will use his influence to preserve this State neutral, and resist, with all the force he can command, any attempt to make it a party. I need not add that, if these resolutions are carried into effect, the State of Vermont may be considered as an ally of Great Britain.
To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter exist in the neighboring States, or even in the eastern section of this State, I am not able to conjecture. I only say with certainty, that the leading men of the Federal party act in concert; and therefore infer that a common sentiment pervades the whole body throughout New England.
I have seen a letter from a gentleman now in Washington to his correspondent in this place; and, as its contents may serve to throw some light on passing events there, I shall send either the original, or a copy, with this despatch. The writer of the letter is a man of character and veracity; and, whether competent or not to form correct opinions himself, is probably within the reach of all the knowledge that can be obtained by the party to which he belongs.
It appears by his statement that there is a very formidable majority in Congress on the side of the Administration; notwithstanding which, there is every reason to hope, that the Northern States, in their distinct capacity, will unite, and resist, by force, a war with Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will first show itself is probably not yet determined upon; and may, in some measure, depend upon the reliance that the leading men may place upon assurances of support from His Majesty's representatives in Canada; and as I shall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can be done with effect, there is no doubt that all their measures may be made subordinate to the intentions of His Majesty's Government. Great pains are taken by the men of talents and intelligence to confirm the fears of the common people, as to the concurrence of the Southern Democrats in the projects of France; and every thing tends to encourage the belief, that the dissolution of the Confederacy will be accelerated by the spirit which now actuates both political parties. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 4.
Windsor, (Vt.,) Feb. 19, 1809.
Sir: My last (No. 3) was written at Burlington, the principal town in the northern part of the State of Vermont. I am now at the principal town in the eastern section.
The fallacy of men's opinions, when they act under the influence of sensibility, and are strongly excited by those hopes which always animate a rising party, led me to doubt the correctness of the opinions which I received in the northern section of this State; which from its contiguity to Canada and necessary intercourse with Montreal, has a stronger interest in promoting a good understanding with His Majesty's Government. Therefore, since my departure from Burlington, I have sought every favorable occasion of conversing with the Democrats on the probable result of the policy adopted by the General Government. The difference of opinion is thus expressed. The Federal party declare that, in the event of a war, the State of Vermont will treat separately for itself with Great Britain; and support to the utmost the stipulations into which it may enter, without any regard to the policy of the General Government. The Democrats, on the other hand, assert, that in such a case as that contemplated, the people would be nearly divided into equal numbers; one of which would support the Government, if it could be done without involving the people in a civil war, but, at all events, would risk every thing in preference to a coalition with Great Britain. This difference of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern section of Vermont are not operated upon by the same hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They are not dependent on Montreal for the sale of their produce nor the supply of foreign commodities. They are not apprehensive of any serious dangers or inconvenience from a state of war; and although they admit that the Governor, Council, and three-fourths of the representation in Congress are of the Federal party, yet they do not believe that the State would stand alone and resist the National Government. They do not, however, deny that, should the State of Vermont continue to be represented as it is at present, it would in all probability unite with the neighboring States in any serious plan of resistance to a war which it might seem expedient to adopt. This, I think, is the safer opinion for you to rely on; if, indeed, reliance ought to be placed on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, which is ever changing, and must ever be marked with ignorance, caprice, and inconsistency. As the crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon a hazardous alternative will increase; and, unfortunately, there is not in Vermont any man of commanding talents capable of attracting general confidence, of infusing into the people his own spirit; and, amidst the confusion of conflicting opinions, dangers, and commotion, competent to lead in the path of duty or safety. The Governor is an industrious, prudent man, and has more personal influence than any other; but his abilities are not suited to the situation in which a civil war would place him. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 5.
Amherst, (N. H.,) Feb. 23, 1809.
Sir: A gentleman going direct to Canada affords a safe and favorable opportunity of giving you some further account of my progress.
I will not make use of the post offices when I can avoid it, because private occasions supersede the necessity of writing in cipher; and the contempt of decency and principles, which forms part of the morals of the subaltern officers of a democracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same indifference that they break their words, when either curiosity or interest is to be indulged.
I have not had sufficient time nor evidence to enable me to form any opinion for myself, of the lengths to which the Federal party will carry their opposition to the National Government in the event of a war; which may be inferred from the result of the election of Governors which, within two months, will be made in the States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. From all I know, and all I can learn of the General Government, I am not apprehensive of an immediate war. The embargo is the favorite measure; and it is probable that other means will be employed to excite England to commit some act of hostility, for the sole purpose of placing the responsibility of war on that country. This I most particularly recommend to the consideration of ministers. The dread of opposition, and of the loss of popularity, will certainly keep the ruling party at Washington inactive. They will risk any thing but the loss of power; and they are well aware, that their power would pass away with the first calamity which their measures might bring upon the common people, from whom that power emanates, unless, indeed, they could find a sufficient excuse in the conduct of Great Britain. This impression cannot be too deeply felt by His Majesty's Ministers; nor too widely spread throughout the British nation. It will furnish a sure guide in every policy that may be adopted toward the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
A. B.
No. 6.
Boston, March 5, 1809.
Sir: I am favored with another opportunity of writing to you by a private conveyance; and think it probable, at this season, that the frequency of these will render it unnecessary to write to you in cipher.
It does not yet appear necessary that I should discover to any person the purpose of my visit to Boston; nor is it probable that I shall be compelled, for the sake of gaining more knowledge of the arrangements of the Federal party in these States, to avow myself as a regular authorized agent of the British Government, even to those individuals who would feel equally bound with myself to preserve, with the utmost inscrutability, so important a secret from the public eye. I have sufficient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper period for offering the co-operation of Great Britain, and opening a correspondence between the Governor General of British America, and those individuals who, from the part they take in the opposition to the National Government, or the influence they may possess in any new order of things that may grow out of the present differences, should be qualified to act on behalf of the Northern States. An apprehension of any such state of things as is pre-supposed by these remarks, begins to subside, since it has appeared, by the conduct of the General Government, that it is seriously alarmed at the menacing attitude of the Northern States. But, although it is believed that there is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are entertained that Mr. Madison will fall upon some new expedients to bring about hostilities. What these may be, can only be deduced from what appears to be practicable. A non-intercourse with England and France will probably supersede the embargo; which, by opening with the rest of Europe a partial, legitimate commerce, and offering strong temptations to that which is illegal, will expose the vessels to capture, detention, and embarrassment; will justify the present policy, and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment as will enable the Government of this country to throw the whole blame and responsibility of war from its own shoulders upon those of the British Ministry. If, in this, the party attached to France should calculate with correctness, and the commerce of New England should greatly suffer, the merchants, being injured and discouraged, would not only acquiesce in the restrictive system, but even submit to war. On the other hand, should the small traffic, permitted by a non-intercourse law, be lucrative and uninterrupted, the people would be clamorous for more, and soon compel the Government to restore the friendly relations between the two countries.
While I offer my opinion upon this subject, I cannot but express a strong hope that, if any terms should be proposed by either Government, to which the other might think proper to accede, that a principal motive to the adjustment of differences should be understood to arise from the amicable disposition of the Eastern States, particularly of the State of Massachusetts. This, as it would increase the popularity of the friends of Great Britain, could not fail to promote her interests. If it could not be done formally and officially, nor in a correspondence between Ministers, still, perhaps, the administration in the Parliament of Great Britain might take that ground, and the suggestion would find its way into the papers both in England and America.
It cannot be too frequently repeated, that this country can only be governed and directed by the influence of opinion, as there is nothing permanent in its political institutions; nor are the populace, under any circumstances, to be relied on, when measures become inconvenient and burdensome. I will soon write again, and am yours, &c.
A. B.
(In cipher.) No. 7.
Boston, March 7, 1809.
Sir: I have now ascertained, with as much accuracy as possible, the course intended to be pursued by the party in Massachusetts that is opposed to the measures and politics of the Administration of the General Government.
I have already given a decided opinion that a declaration of war is not to be expected; but, contrary to all reasonable calculation, should the Congress possess spirit and independence enough to place their popularity in jeopardy by so strong a measure, the Legislature of Massachusetts will give the tone to the neighboring States, will declare itself permanent until a new election of members, invite a Congress, to be composed of delegates from the Federal States, and erect a separate government for their common defence and common interest. This Congress would probably begin by abrogating the offensive laws, and adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power and authority thus assumed. They would, by such an act, be in a condition to make or receive proposals from Great Britain; and I should seize the first moment to open a correspondence with your Excellency. Scarcely any other aid would be necessary, and perhaps none required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifax station, to protect the maritime towns from the little navy which is at the disposal of the National Government. What permanent connection between Great Britain and this section of the Republic would grow out of a civil commotion, such as might be expected, no person is prepared to describe; but it seems that a strict alliance must result of necessity. At present the opposition party confine their calculations merely to resistance; and I can assure you that, at this moment, they do not freely entertain the project of withdrawing the Eastern States from the Union, finding it a very unpopular topic; although a course of events, such as I have already mentioned, would inevitably produce an incurable alienation of the New England from the Southern States.
The truth is, the common people have so long regarded the Constitution of the United States with complacency, that they are now only disposed in this quarter to treat it like a truant mistress, whom they would, for a time, put away on a separate maintenance, but, without further and greater provocation, would not absolutely repudiate.
It will soon be known in what situation public affairs are to remain until the meeting of the New Congress in May, at which time, also, this Legislature will again assemble. The two months that intervene will be a period of much anxiety.
In all I have written I have been careful not to make any impression analogous to the enthusiastic confidence entertained by the opposition, nor to the hopes and expectations that animate the friends of an alliance between the Northern States and Great Britain.
I have abstracted myself from all the sympathies these are calculated to inspire; because, notwithstanding that I feel the utmost confidence in the integrity of intention of the leading characters in this political drama, I cannot forget that they derive their power from a giddy, inconstant multitude; who, unless in the instance under consideration they form an exception to all general rules and experience, will act inconsistently and absurdly. I am yours, &c.
A. B.
No. 8.
Boston, March 9, 1809.
Sir: In my letter No. 6, I took the liberty to express my opinion of the probable effect of the non-intercourse law, intended to be enacted; and of the mode by which Great Britain may defeat the real intention of the American Government in passing it. But as this sort of impunity recommended might, in its application to every species of commerce that would be carried on, be deemed by Great Britain a greater evil than war itself, a middle course might easily be adopted, which would deprive France of the benefits resulting from an intercourse with America, without, in any great degree, irritating the maritime States.
The high price of all American produce in France furnishes a temptation which mercantile avarice will be unable to resist. The consequence is obvious. But if, instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which may be arrested in pursuing this prohibited commerce, they should be compelled to go into a British port, and there permitted to sell them, I think the friends of England in these States would not utter a complaint. Indeed, I have no doubt that if, in the prosecution of a lawful voyage, the British cruisers should treat the American ships in this manner, their owners would, in the present state of the European markets, think themselves very fortunate, as it would save them the trouble and expense of landing them in a neutral port, and from thence reshipping them to England, now the best market in Europe for the produce of this country. The Government of the United States would probably complain, and Bonaparte become peremptory; but even that would only tend to render the opposition in the Northern States more resolute, and accelerate the dissolution of the confederacy. The generosity and justice of Great Britain would be extolled; and the commercial States exult in the success of individuals over a Government inimical to commerce, and to whose measures they can no longer submit with patient acquiescence. The elections are begun; and I presume no vigilance or industry will be remitted to insure the success of the Federal party. I am, &c.
A. B.
P. S. Intelligence has reached Boston that a non-intercourse law has actually passed, and that Martinique has surrendered to British forces.
No. 9.
Boston, March 13, 1809.
Sir: You will perceive, from the accounts that will reach you in the public papers, both from Washington and Massachusetts, that the Federalists of the Northern States have succeeded in making the Congress believe that, with such an opposition as they would make to the General Government, a war must be confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for that Government to sustain. The consequence is, that, after all the parade and menaces with which the session commenced, it has been suffered to end without carrying into effect any of the plans of the Administration, except the interdiction of commercial intercourse with England and France, an event that was anticipated in my former letters.
Under what new circumstances the Congress will meet in May, will depend on the State elections and the changes that may in the mean time take place in Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarcely mistake her true policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, every act which can irritate the maritime States ought to be avoided, because the prevailing disposition of these will generally be sufficient to keep the Government from hazarding any hostile measures. If a war between America and France be the grand desideratum, something more must be done; an indulgent and conciliatory policy must be adopted, which will leave the Democrats without a pretext for hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too hot for delay, will probably compel this Government to decide which of the two great belligerents is to be its enemy. To bring about a separation of the States, under distinct and independent governments, is an affair of more uncertainty, and, however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series of acts and a long-continued policy tending to irritate the Southern and conciliate the Northern people. The former are agricultural, the latter a commercial people. The mode of cherishing and depressing either is too obvious to require illustration. This, I am aware, is an object of much interest in Great Britain, as it would forever secure the integrity of His Majesty's possessions on this continent, and make the two Governments, or whatever number the present confederacy might form into, as useful and as much subject to the influence of Great Britain as her Colonies can be rendered. But it is an object only to be attained by slow and circumspect progression, and requires, for its consummation, more attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country than Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it.
An unpopular war, that is, a war produced by the hatred and prejudice of one party, but against the consent of the other party, can alone produce a sudden separation of any section of this country from the common head.
At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace that Great Britain should make any great concession at the present moment, more especially, as the more important changes that occur in Europe might render it inconvenient for her to adhere to any stipulations in favor of neutral maritime nations.
Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very partial relief to the people of this country from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which they have reluctantly submitted for some time past, I lament the repeal of the embargo, because it was calculated to accelerate the progress of these States towards a revolution that would have put an end to the only Republic that remains to prove that a Government founded on political equality can exist in a season of trial and difficulty, or is calculated to insure either security or happiness to a people. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 10.
Boston, March 29, 1809.
Sir: Since my letter of the 13th, nothing has occurred which I thought worthy of a communication.
The last weeks of this month, and the first of April, will be occupied in the election of Governors and other executive officers in the New England States.
The Federal candidate in New Hampshire is already elected by a majority of about one thousand votes. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive connections, and inoffensive manners. These account for the smallness of the majority.
In Connecticut no change is necessary, and none is to be apprehended.
In Rhode Island it is of no consequence of what party the Governor is a member, as he has neither civil nor military power, being merely President of the Council.
In Massachusetts it is certain that the Federal candidate will succeed.
A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength of parties, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a measure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized opposition to the projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the whole of the New England States have transferred their political power to his political enemies; and the reason that he has still so many adherents is, that those who consider the only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation of peace, have still great confidence that nothing can force him (or his successor, who acts up to his system, or rather is governed by it) to consent to war. They consider all the menaces and "dreadful note of preparation" to be a mere finesse, intended only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. From every sort of evidence, I confess I am myself of the same opinion, and am fully persuaded that this farce, which has been acting at Washington, will terminate in a full proof of imbecility and spiritless temper of the actors. A war attempted without the concurrence of both parties, and the general consent of the Northern States, which constitute the bone and muscle of the country, must commence without hope, and end in disgrace. It should, therefore, be the peculiar care of Great Britain to foster divisions between the North and South, and, by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect her own projects in Europe, with a total disregard of the resentments of the Democrats of this country. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 11.
Boston, April 13, 1809.
Sir: I send to Mr. R—— a pamphlet entitled "Suppressed Documents." The notes and comments were written by the gentleman who has written the analysis which I sent by a former conveyance. These works have greatly contributed to excite the fears of the men of talents and property, who now prefer the chance of maintaining their party by open resistance and a final separation, to an alliance with France and a war with England; so that, should the Government unexpectedly, and contrary to all reasonable calculation, attempt to involve the country in a measure of that nature, I am convinced (now that the elections have all terminated favorably) that none of the New England States would be a party in it. But, as I have repeatedly written, the General Government does not seriously entertain any such desire or intention. Had the majority in the New England States continued to approve of the public measures, it is extremely probable that Great Britain would now have to choose between war and concession. But the aspect of things in this respect is changed, and a war would produce an incurable alienation of the Eastern States, and bring the whole country in subordination to the interests of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce the terms upon which the commercial States should carry, and the agricultural States export, their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the Democrats as to the other party; therefore, they will avoid a war, at least until the whole nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we consider of what materials the Government is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their measures. The past Administration, in every transaction, presents to the mind only a muddy commixture of folly, weakness, and duplicity. The spell by which the nations of Europe have been rendered inert and inefficient, when they attempted to shake it off, has stretched its shadows across the Atlantic, and made a majority of the people of these States alike blind to duty and to their true interests. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 12.
Boston, April 26, 1809.
Sir: Since my letter No. 11, I have had but little to communicate.
I have not yet been able to ascertain, with sufficient accuracy, the relative strength of the two parties in the legislative bodies in New England.
In all these States, however, Governors have been elected out of the Federal party, and even the Southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of Federal members in the next Congress.
The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the Secretary of State at Washington you will have seen before this can reach you. It has given much satisfaction to the Federal party here, because it promises an exemption from the evil most feared, (a war with England,) and justifies their partiality towards Great Britain, which they maintain was founded upon a full conviction of her justice, and sincere disposition to preserve peace. Even the Democrats affect to be satisfied with it; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy of the restrictive system of Mr. Jefferson.
But the great benefit that will probably result from it will be, that Bonaparte may be induced to force this country from her neutral position. Baffled in his attempts to exclude from the continent the manufactures of Great Britain, he will most likely confiscate all American property in his dominions and dependencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than this contribute to give influence and stability to the British party. The invidious occurrences of the rebellion would be forgotten in the resentment of the people against France, and they would soon be weaned from that attachment to her which is founded on the aid that was rendered to separate from the mother country. While Great Britain waits for this natural, I might say necessary, result of the negotiation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the American Government? Every sort of evidence and experience prove that the Democrats consider their political ascendency in a great measure dependent on the hostile spirit that they can keep alive towards Great Britain, and recent events demonstrate that their conduct will be predicated upon that conviction; it is, therefore, not to be expected that they will meet, with corresponding feelings, a sincere disposition on the part of England to adjust all matters in dispute. They are at heart mortified and disappointed to find that Great Britain has been in advance of the French Government, in taking advantage of the provisional clauses of the non-intercourse law; and if they show any spirit at the next session of Congress towards France, it will be only because they will find Bonaparte deaf to entreaty and insensible of past favors; or that they may think it safer to float with the tide of public feeling, which will set strongly against him unless he keep pari passu with England in a conciliatory policy. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 13.
Boston, May 5, 1809.
Sir: Although the recent changes that have occurred quiet all apprehension of war, and, consequently, lessen all hope of a separation of the States, I think it necessary to transmit by the mail of each week a sketch of passing events.
On local politics I have nothing to add; and as the parade that is made in the National Intelligencer of the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to preserve amicable relations with Great Britain is, in my opinion, calculated to awaken vigilance and distrust, rather than inspire confidence, I shall (having nothing more important to write about) take leave to examine his motives.
I am not surprised at his conditional removal of the non-intercourse law, with respect to Great Britain, because it was made incumbent on him by the act of Congress; but the observations made on his friendly disposition towards Great Britain is a matter of no little astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His speech on the British Treaty in 1796; his attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of "British debts" and British property; his commercial resolutions, grounded apparently on an idea of making America useful as a colony to France; his conduct while Secretary of State; all form an assemblage of probabilities tending to convince me, at least, that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which the rights and pretensions of Great Britain would be fairly recognized. It seems impossible that he should at once divest himself of his habitual animosity, and that pride of opinion which his present situation enables him to indulge; but, above all, that he should deprive his friends and supporters of the benefit of those prejudices which have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common people towards England, and which have so materially contributed to invigorate and augment the Democratic party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is, in this stage of the affair, harmless enough to inquire into the cause of the apparent change. He probably acts under a conviction that, in the present temper of the Eastern States, a war could not fail to produce a dissolution of the Union; or he may have profited by the mistakes of his predecessor, and is inclined to seize the present opportunity to prove to the world that he is determined to be the President of a nation, rather than the head of a faction; or he has probably gone thus far to remove the impression on the minds of many that he was under the influence of France, in order that he may, with a better grace, and on more tenable grounds, quarrel with Great Britain in the progress of negotiating a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, I am very certain his party will not support him in any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure to temporize when great events call upon them for decision, and are sluggish and inert at the moment when the worst of evils is in action. This is the character of the Democrats in the Northern States. Of those of the South I know but little. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 14.
Boston, May 25, 1809.
Sir: My last was under date of the 5th instant. The unexpected change that has taken place in the feelings of political men in this country, in consequence of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the friendly proposals of Great Britain, has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict of parties; and they both regard him with equal wonder and distrust. They all ascribe his conduct to various motives, but none believe him to be in earnest.
The State of New York has returned to the Assembly a majority of Federal members. All this proves that an anti-commercial faction cannot rule the Northern States. Two months ago the State of New York was not ranked among the States that would adopt the policy of that of Massachusetts; and any favorable change was extremely problematical.
I beg leave to suggest that, in the present state of things in this country, my presence can contribute very little to the interests of Great Britain. If Mr. Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by His Majesty's ministers, it is unnecessary for me, as indeed it would be unavailing, to make any attempt to carry into effect the original purposes of my mission. While I think it to be my duty to give this intimation to you, I beg it may be understood that I consider myself entirely at the disposal of His Majesty's Government. I am, &c.
A. B.
No. 15.
Montreal, June 12, 1809.
Sir: I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I received, through Mr. Secretary Ryland, your Excellency's commands to return to Canada; and after the delay incident to this season of the year, in a journey from Boston, arrived here yesterday.
Your Excellency will have seen, by the papers of the latest dates from the United States, that a formidable opposition is already organized in Congress to the late measures of Mr. Madison; and it is very evident that if he be sincere in his professions of attachment to Great Britain, his party will abandon him. Sixty-one members have already voted against a resolution to approve of what he has done; and I have no doubt the rest of the Democratic party will follow the example as soon as they recover from the astonishment into which his apparent defection has thrown them.
The present hopes of the Federalists are founded on the probability of a war with France; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organized enough to prevent a war with England.
It would be now superfluous to trouble your Excellency with an account of the nature and extent of the arrangements made by the Federal party to resist any attempt of the Government unfavorable to Great Britain. They were such as do great credit to their ability and principles; and, while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her interests in America from decay. My fear of inducing a false security on the part of His Majesty's Government in their efficiency and eventual success, may have inclined me to refrain from doing them that justice in my former letters which I willingly take the present occasion to express.
I trust your Excellency will ascribe the style and manner of my communications, and the frequent ambiguities introduced in them, as arising from the secrecy necessary to be observed, and my consciousness that you understand my meaning, on the most delicate points, without risking a particular explanation.
I lament that no occasion commensurate to my wishes has permitted me to prove how much I value the confidence of your Excellency, and the approbation already expressed by His Majesty's Minister. I have the honor to be, &c.
J. H.
I certify that the foregoing letters are the same referred to in the letter of H. W. Ryland, Esq., dated May 1, 1809, relating to the mission in which I was employed by Sir James Craig, by his letter of instructions, bearing date February 6, 1809.
JOHN HENRY.
Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry.
Quebec, May 1, 1809.
My Dear Sir: The news we have received this day from the States will, I imagine, soon bring you back to us; and if you arrive at Montreal by the middle of June, I shall probably have the pleasure of meeting you there, as I am going up with Sir James and a large suite. The last letters received from you are to the 13th April. The whole are now transcribing, for the purpose of being sent home, where they cannot fail of doing you great credit, and I most certainly hope they may eventually contribute to your permanent advantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurance that no effort within the compass of my power shall be wanting to this end.
I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old England truckling to such a debased and accursed Government as that of the United States.
I am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken in procuring the books, though, if Spain fails, I shall scarcely have heart to look into them. I can add no more, but that I am, most heartily and affectionately, yours,
H. W. R.
J. Henry, Esq., Boston.
Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry.
May 4, 1809.
My Dear Sir: You must consider the short letter I wrote to you by the last post as altogether unofficial; but I am now to intimate to you, in a more formal manner, our hope of your speedy return, as the object of your journey seems, for the present at least, to be at an end.
We have London news, by the way of the river, up to the 6th of March, which tallies to a day with what we have received by the way of the States.
Heartily wishing you a safe and speedy journey back to us, I am, my dear sir, most sincerely, yours,
H. W. R.
Have the goodness to bring my books with you, though I shall have little spirit to look into them, unless you bring good news from Spain.
John Henry, Esq.
Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel.
June 13, 1811.
Sir: I take the liberty to enclose to you a memorial addressed to the Earl of Liverpool, and beg you will have the goodness either to examine the documents in your office, or those in my own possession, touching the extent and legitimacy of my claim.
Mr. Ryland, the Secretary of Sir J. Craig, is now in London, and, from his official knowledge of the transactions and facts alluded to in the memorial, can give any information required on that subject. I have the honor to be, &c.
J. H.
Memorial of Mr. Henry to Lord Liverpool.
The undersigned most respectfully submits the following statement and memorial to the Earl of Liverpool:
Long before and during the administration of your Lordship's predecessor, the undersigned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties, and to the political measures in the United States of America.
Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, when His Majesty's Governor General of British America had reason to believe that the two countries would be involved in a war, and had submitted to His Majesty's Ministers the arrangements of the English party in the United States for an efficient resistance to the General Government, which would probably terminate in a separation of the Northern States from the General Confederacy, he applied to the undersigned to undertake a mission to Boston, where the whole concerns of the opposition were managed. The object of the mission was to promote and encourage the Federal party to resist the measures of the General Government, to offer assurances of aid and support from His Majesty's Government of Canada, and to open a communication between the leading men engaged in that opposition and the Governor General, upon such a footing as circumstances might suggest; and, finally, to render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of His Majesty's Government.
The undersigned undertook the mission, which lasted from the month of January to the month of June, inclusive, during which period those public acts and legislative resolutions of the Assemblies of Massachusetts and Connecticut were passed which kept the General Government of the United States in check, and deterred it from carrying into execution the measures of hostility with which Great Britain was menaced.
For his services on the occasions herein recited, and the loss of time and expenses incurred, the undersigned neither sought nor received any compensation, but trusted to the known justice and liberality of His Majesty's Government for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, be estimated in pounds, shillings, and pence. On the patronage and support which was promised in the letter of Sir J. Craig, under date of the 26th January, 1809, (wherein he gives an assurance "that the former correspondence and political information transmitted by the undersigned had met with the particular approbation of His Majesty's Secretary of State; and that his execution of the mission, proposed to be undertaken in that letter, would give him a claim not only on the Governor General, but on His Majesty's Ministers,") the undersigned has relied, and now most respectfully claims, in whatever mode the Earl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt.
The undersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir J. Craig promised him an employment in Canada, worth upwards of one thousand pounds a year, by his letter, herewith transmitted, under date of September 13, 1809, which he has just learned has, in consequence of his absence, been given to another person. The undersigned abstains from commenting on this transaction, and most respectfully suggests that the appointment of Judge Advocate General of the province of Lower Canada, with a salary of five hundred pounds a year, or a Consulate in the United States, sine curia, would be considered by him as a liberal discharge of any obligation that His Majesty's Government may entertain in relation to his services.
Mr. Peel, Secretary to Lord Liverpool, to Mr. Henry
Downing Street, June 28, 1811.
Sir: I have not failed to lay before the Earl of Liverpool the memorial, together with several enclosures, which was delivered to me a few days since by General Loft, at your desire.
His Lordship has directed me to acquaint you that he has referred to the correspondence in this office of the year 1809, and finds two letters from Sir James Craig, dated 10th April and 5th May, transmitting the correspondence that has passed during your residence in the Northern States of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability and judgment, but Lord Liverpool has not discovered any wish on the part of Sir James Craig that your claims for compensation should be referred to this country, nor indeed is allusion made to any kind of arrangement or agreement that had been made by that officer with you.
Under these circumstances, and had not Sir James Craig determined on his immediate return to England, it would have been Lord Liverpool's wish to have referred your memorial to him, as being better enabled to appreciate the ability and success with which you executed a mission undertaken at his desire. Lord Liverpool will, however, transmit it to Sir James Craig's successor in the Government, with an assurance that, from the recommendations he has received in your favor, and the opinion he has formed on your correspondence, he is convinced the public service will be benefited by your active employment in a public situation.
Lord Liverpool will also feel himself bound to give the same assurance to the Marquis Wellesley, if there is any probability that it will advance the success of the application which you have made to his Lordship.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
ROBERT PEEL.
J. Henry, Esq., No. 27 Leicester Square.
Mr. Ryland to Mr. Henry.
Tuesday Evening, July 2, 1811.
My Dear Henry: It gives me real pleasure to find that the apprehension I had formed with respect to the fulfilment of your expectations is likely to prove erroneous. As every thing which passed, relative to your mission, was in writing, I think you will do well by submitting to Mr. Peel all the original papers. I myself could give no other information relative to the subject, than what they contain, as you and I had no opportunity of any verbal communication respecting it till after your mission terminated, and I never wrote you a letter in the Governor's name which had not previously been submitted to his correction.
The impression I had received of your character and abilities made me anxious to serve you even before I had the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, and the same desire has operated on me ever since; I am, therefore, entitled to hope that any opinion which I may have given you, as to your best mode of obtaining an employment under Government, will be received with the same candor that gave rise to it. I think you will do well to persevere, as you propose. I have no doubt that every letter from you, which Sir James sent home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the established practice there is to bind the despatches and enclosures yearly up together.
H. W. RYLAND.
John Henry, Esq., &c.
Mr. Henry to Mr. Peel.
27, Leicester Square, London,
September 4, 1811.
Sir: I have just learned the ultimate decision of my Lord Wellesley, relative to the appointment which I was desirous to obtain; and find that the subsisting relations between the two countries forbid the creating a new office in the United States, such as I was solicitous to obtain. In this state of things I have not a moment to lose in returning to Canada; and have taken my passage in the last and only ship that sails for Quebec this season. As I have not time to enter (de novo) into explanations with the gentleman who is in your office, and as I have received the assurances from you, in addition to the letter from my Lord Liverpool, of the 27th June, that "his Lordship would recommend me to the Governor of Canada for the first vacant situation that I would accept," I beg the favor of you to advise me how I am to get that recommendation without loss of time. I have the honor to be, &c.
J. HENRY.
Robert Peel, Esq., &c.
Despatch of Lord Liverpool to Sir George Prevost.
Downing Street, Sept. 16, 1811.
Sir: Mr. Henry, who will have the honor of delivering this letter, is the gentleman who addressed to me the memorial, a copy of which I herewith transmit, and to whom the accompanying letter from Mr. Peel was written by my direction.
In compliance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance which I have given of stating to you my opinion of the ability and judgment which Mr. Henry has manifested on the occasions mentioned in his memorial, and of the benefit the public service might derive from his active employment in any public situation in which you should think proper to place him.
I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
LIVERPOOL.
To Sir George Prevost, Baronet, &c.
[The following is the report of the Secretary of State, communicated to the Senate by the Message of the 12th March, 1812.]
Department of State, March 12, 1812.
The Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate of the 10th instant, has the honor to report: That this department is not in possession of any names of persons in the United States who have, in any way or manner whatever, entered into, or countenanced the project or the views for the execution or attainment of which John Henry was, in the year 1809, employed by Sir James Craig; the said John Henry having named no person or persons as being concerned in the said project or views referred to in the documents laid before Congress on the 9th instant. Which is respectfully submitted,
JAMES MONROE.
The Message and documents having been read, Mr. Rhea made a motion to print them.
Mr. Pitkin said that he had no objection to the papers being printed, but that he rose to protest against the sentiments attributed in these papers to the Federal party, being considered as those of the citizens of the State which he had the honor to represent. He trusted it would not be believed that they had any knowledge of any mission of this kind from Canada, or from any other quarter.
It was the first time that he had heard that the opposition to the embargo in the States of Vermont or Massachusetts had any connection with the British Government, or with any project of a separation of the Union in any manner, much less under the agency of a British spy. So far as he could understand the papers from the first reading, Mr. P. said they did not intimate that any disclosure had been made to any individual of the United States by Mr. Henry of the object of his mission, or that his scheme had been advocated or supported by any one. And I trust no gentleman will take the character of the parties in any section of this country, from a man who it seems has proved a traitor to his own Government. So far as the statements made in these papers may be considered as involving the party in concert with the Federal party, in any scheme of co-operation with the British Government in dividing the Union, it is one of the grossest libels that ever was uttered. Nor do I feel willing to take the character of the people of this country from the mouth of this man. He does not stop at debasing the character of the people of this country, but he utters a libel against all parties and against the Government itself. He states that in the extra session of Congress in May, 1809, there were sixty-one votes against Mr. Madison, in consequence of his arrangement with Mr. Erskine; when we all know that the vote on the resolution approving of the President's conduct in that affair was no criterion by which to judge. While, therefore, gentlemen will not, as I presume they will not, place any confidence in the statements made by this man against themselves, and against those whom he styles Democrats, I trust they will be equally incredulous as to any statements he has made against those he has called Federalists, with respect to their co-operation with the British Government in dividing the Union. More especially as they come from one who, disappointed at not receiving the promised reward from his Government, has turned traitor to his employers.
Mr. Bibb said he agreed with the gentleman who just sat down on one point, that a full investigation ought to be had. It was due to the Congress, to our connections with Great Britain, that an inquiry should be made into the transaction now exposed to view; and, in addition to the motion for printing, he should move a reference of the Message to the Committee of Foreign Relations.
Mr. Gholson said it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evidence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the Eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious scheme to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country: and yet, Mr. G. said, it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort, in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated, as matter of fact, what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British Government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would say no more.
Mr. Quincy said he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British Government, or any other Government, an idea that there was a party in this country who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. The Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be inquired into. What is the fact, admitting all that this person has said to be true? Why, that an agent from the British Government, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the spot which he represents as the hot-bed of opposition, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not contain an intimation that he dared to mention such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connection as is supposed in these papers with as much abhorrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the Government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event, and not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country for the purpose of serving party views. But here, in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed has not. been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission.
Mr. Wright said that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Gentlemen should reflect that this very disclosure might be one of the means used by this miscreant to divide this country. If he wished to promote division, how could he better attain his object than by denouncing the people of a particular section? Who is this man, and where is he? is an inquiry that ought to be made. I am not one of those who would, without inquiry, take the words of a spy, traitor, and villain, as truth. It might be well to print a sufficient number for the House, but no more until they knew more about it. However gentlemen in the Eastern States might have been dissatisfied at particular measures, the embargo law for instance, their opposition to them had arisen from their operation on their particular interests, and not that they had any disposition to sever themselves from the Union. This business had been very correctly communicated by the Executive to Congress; but they ought to act on it with temper, prudence, and coolness. Mr. W. protested against considering any such disposition as it attributed to a certain party to exist, particularly in the spot which has been frequently and emphatically styled the cradle of the Revolution. He could not feel the same disposition which some appeared to do, to give consequence to this affair.
Mr. Troup did not consider these papers as involving the character of any portion of our people. They appeared to him to be calculated merely to put the people on their guard against foreign emissaries or agents employed for the purpose of effecting a dismemberment of this Union. As to the opinions this person expresses of parties, &c., they are merely the individual speculations of this man, and cannot have much weight. But the documents have a most important bearing. They establish the fact that a foreign Government, on the eve of hostility with us, has for some time past employed an agent to foment divisions among us; and another fact, which, considered in connection with other circumstances, is of great importance. They show the deep-rooted hostility of this foreign power to our Republican Government and liberties—a hostility which could stop at nothing short of a dismemberment of the country. After the affair of the Wabash, when it was said that the Indians had been instigated by the same enemy to hostilities against us, the British Minister's choler rose; he denied the whole. He avails himself of suggestions in public prints to deny their statements; to state that so far from a disposition to stir up the Indians against us, the contrary was the fact; that, indeed, Sir James Craig has been intent on diverting Indian hostilities. Sir, may we not reasonably believe him to have fomented Indian hostilities in one part of the country, while in another he was promoting disunion in the body of the people? These, sir, are the only facts disclosed of importance; the only facts which would justify the publication of more than the ordinary number of copies.
Mr. Fisk said that the remarks which had been made by gentlemen, induced him to ask the indulgence of the House, to give some information and make a few observations relative to the subject now under consideration. This Mr. Henry was an Englishman, but had long resided in this country; so long that he had obtained a captaincy in the army raised in the year 1798; he was a man of gentlemanly deportment, and reputed good moral character; that he (Mr. Fisk) and his colleague (Mr. Strong) well remembered when he passed through Burlington, in the Spring of the year 1808, and that his object was at that time much suspected to have been what he now states; but as a politician, he was thought by the Republicans to have been a firm believer in the British maxim, "that the end sanctifies the means;" and the Federal party enjoyed the full benefits of his principles and labors while he lived in Vermont. Sir, gentlemen say that he is a traitor, a spy, and, therefore, what he here relates is not entitled to credit. However dishonorable a transaction like this may be deemed by our Government, whose motives and conduct are directed and squared by the principles of morality and justice, yet, I believe, it is not thought so very disgraceful in the British Government, as to be beneath her first characters to undertake. Sir, was the mission to Copenhagen to destroy that city, murder the innocent inhabitants, and to rob the Danes of their fleet, a more honorable one than this? Certainly not. And yet, sir, the famous Mr. Jackson, who went on that mission was considered worthy of being a Minister to this country, where he was caressed and highly esteemed by some; and performed both missions much to the satisfaction of his master. Why, sir, can gentlemen seriously doubt the truth of the facts stated by this Mr. Henry, when they have it from the highest authority, that the former British Minister, Mr. Erskine, while here, at this very time, was in the same business this Henry was sent to perform? In a letter written by that Minister to this Government, and published by its order, he tells them:
"I have endeavored, by the most strict and diligent inquiries into the views and strength of the Federal party, to ascertain to what extent they would be willing and able to resist the measures of the party in power, and how far they could carry the opinions of this country along with them in their attempts to remove the embargo, without recurring to hostilities against both Great Britain and France."
And again, he tells them in his letter of the 15th February, 1809, when speaking of the divisions which then agitated this country, and the opposition made to the laws by the people of the Eastern States:
"The ultimate consequences of such differences and jealousies, arising between the Eastern and Southern States, would inevitably tend to a dissolution of the Union, which has been for some time talked of, and has of late, as I have heard, been seriously contemplated by many of the leading people in the eastern division."
Now, sir, when the British Minister was on this business, by order of his Government, is it extraordinary or incredible that this Henry should be sent on the same errand by Governor Craig? The occurrences of those times place the fact out of doubt. I perfectly recollect that on my return home from this place in March, 1809, I was informed of this Henry having passed through the country; and it was then conjectured that he was on the very business which he now states. But, say gentlemen, he libels and calumniates the Government! Why, sir, he does not more so than has often been done on this floor by a gentleman not now present, or than has been done for years by one description of presses and newspapers in this country.
The division of the Union is not a new subject. As early as the time the Jay Treaty agitated this country, I saw two numbers in the "Centinel," printed at Boston, holding out the idea of a separation of the States. I am very far from believing it was ever the wish of the great body of the Federal party, or that they will knowingly join the enemies of this country to effect such a purpose, but that there are some who call themselves Federalists, and who in principle and feeling are Englishmen, that would do it, I have no doubt.
Mr. Smilie said the character of this man was nothing to us, though it might be to him, and he therefore should not follow the example of gentlemen who had made so free with it. There was one point in which he considered the publication of these documents, which was of real importance; that they exhibited to the American people what sort of a nation we had to deal with. It appeared to him that Great Britain considered no means dishonorable provided they would accomplish the attainment of her object. With respect to Mr. Wright's idea, that the publication of the papers would throw an odium on the leading parties in this country, said Mr. S., none of those papers said any thing more disrespectful to the parties in this country than those parties had frequently said of each other in the public prints. He never had believed that the mass of the Federal party wished a separation of the Union; but that there were men in it attached to the British interests, he knew to be true. There was at least enough in these papers to put every man on his guard with respect to the insidious, dishonorable conduct of that Government, and he would therefore vote for printing 5,000 copies.
Mr. Macon said this was one of those debates which sometimes arose in the House, in which all were on one side of the question. Nothing can be more true than that these papers do prove that Great Britain has not yet ceased her attempts to disturb the peace of this nation. That they were genuine he believed, although they came from a man whom that Government had employed. There was nothing new in the manner of communicating them. How was it in the conspiracy of Blount and Liston? Mr. Adams communicated the disclosure to Congress. I imagine that Burr's conspiracy was communicated by some one who was or had been engaged in it. In this case, a man who had been in the service of this Government, preferring the British, was, while in Canada, engaged by Governor Craig to go into a part of this country to endeavor to procure a division of the Union. Mr. M. said he had, four years ago, stated that both Great Britain and France had agents in this country. Had they not had them in other countries? They had; and he cited Holland as a particular instance.
The only question that presents itself is, Is the information useful to us? Does it not confirm every man in the belief that while she is making professions of friendship through her Minister here, Great Britain is, in another direction plotting our destruction by her secret agents? It would be happy for us if we had not also French agents here. I never did believe the Federal party had any notion of joining Great Britain; but this nation, favored as it is, has yet not been clear of discord; and to say that there is not a man in the Federal or Republican parties who would wish a union with Great Britain or France, would be to say what I do not believe.
As to this man, he is just such a one as the British usually employ for these purposes; he is one of their own agents. Can England complain of our giving credit to a man with whom her first Secretary of State and the Governor General of Canada correspond? I care nothing about the cause which brings him here, it is an affair between him and them. The question is, Has he told the truth? I verily believe he has. I understood enough of the papers, as read, to know that he was the agent of the British Government sent here to sow disunion, and that was enough for me. So long as we are governed by interest, mutual wants, or common sense, so long shall we continue united. We are placed in such a situation that we ought to love each other, and we always should, did not our mad passions sometimes run away with us. One part of the nation delights in using the sea; another in agriculture; we supply each other's wants; we ought never to dream of separation. And, sir, when these messengers of hell are sent here shall we not look at them? Let us have the papers printed, sir.
Mr. Key made some remarks which were not all distinctly heard by the reporter. He wished that the publication could have been accompanied with some refutation of its contents, as it would go to alarm the people with an idea of the existence of a spirit in one section of this country which he was sure did not exist. He was not only for committing the subject, but for following it up with a full and prompt examination. Sure I am, said Mr. K., that the people of Europe have mistaken the American character. Whatever difference of opinion may exist among ourselves, there can be none as to the propriety of supporting the integrity of the Union. There can be no doubt that the people of this country, of all descriptions, will rally around the constitution. France had heretofore supposed she possessed a party in this country, but there was not a man of sense in the country who believed it. Foreign nations would err in this way, having no correct knowledge of the sentiments of the people. If we were soon to be involved in war, it was proper that no distrust should exist in one part of the community against another; and he therefore regretted that a complete investigation could not be had before the papers were published.
Mr. Milnor said his purpose in rising now was to express the anxious desire he felt that on this question there might not be the least division of sentiment manifested in the House. He should be extremely sorry at any time; above all, at a period of our national progress when it was thought that a change of circumstances of the most important kind was about to take place; that at this time an opinion should be imbibed that any portion of the people of this country were favorable to England. The candor of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) redounded to his honor. He was extremely glad to find gentlemen acknowledge, with respect to the party in which he stood enrolled, whatever might be our internal differences, &c., that they could not be suspected of hostility to the Union; there could be no idea entertained by sensible men of either party that there was among us any considerable portion of men who are inimically disposed to the union of the States.
That these papers proved a dishonorable attempt on the part of the British Government Mr. M. said he had no doubt. Although a strong sensation would probably be produced by the discovery of this circumstance, and it might be perverted much to the injury of the feelings of particular individuals, he hoped the good sense of the community would induce them, while they properly appreciated this attempt of a foreign Government, not to be led into rash or injudicious measures. He really wished the affair might be probed to the bottom; and that the British Minister having in one case come forward with a disavowal for his Government, would say in some shape or other what was the real state of the case now before the House.
The motion for printing was unanimously agreed to.
Mr. Bibb moved to amend his motion for reference to the Committee of Foreign Relations, so as to give the committee power to send for persons and papers.
Mr. Troup said that on occasions of this kind great care should be taken lest the House be hurried by a momentary excitement into an act of precipitancy. He had confidence in the discretion of the Committee of Foreign Relations, but the vesting such a power in the committee might be considered as an instruction by the House to proceed under any circumstances to bring Mr. Henry before them. He had no doubt in his own mind that the communication had been voluntary on the part of Mr. Henry, but he entertained as little that there may have been certain stipulations and conditions which the Executive would feel itself under the strongest obligations of good faith to comply with, and which would exempt the individual making the disclosure from any responsibility of any kind. Whatever may be thought of the motives of Mr. Henry in making the disclosure, or whatever the epithets applied to him in debate, certain it was, Mr. Henry had done service to the country, and ought to be protected by it. If the committee should, on examination, think proper to proceed to summon persons, or call for papers, the House would not hesitate to vest them with the necessary powers.
Mr. Grundy stated what was his impression as to the course he should incline to pursue as a member of the Committee of Foreign Relations, if these papers should be referred as proposed, to that committee. If any engagements, express or implied, had taken place between the Administration and Mr. Henry, that he should be free from detention, &c., he should not, as one of the committee, consent to violate that engagement.
The question on reference was carried unanimously.
The question to clothe the committee with compulsory power was carried—104 to 10.