FOOTNOTES:

[32] White gets the order of events wrong here. Endicott came before the charter was secured.

[33] This grant included the territory granted by the New England Council to Gorges in 1623. This was due, no doubt, to geographical ignorance. Ferdinando Gorges ("Briefe Narration," in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Third Series, V, 80), after explaining how the new Company came to ask for a grant from the New England Council, adds: "to which it pleased the thrice honored Lord of Warwick to write to me [from London], then at Plymouth, to condescend that a Patent might be granted. ... Whereupon I gave my approbation so far forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gorges' interests, whereof he had a patent." Gorges always felt that the grant to the Massachusetts Bay Company had worked a great injustice to his family. Cf. American History and Government, §§ 57, note, 61.

[34] The very obscure sentence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, written even later than Winthrop's one sentence, carries a like implication; but it contains such gross errors of chronology about external events that it can carry no weight at all as to motives of his adversaries (Mass. Hist. Society Collections, Third Series, VI, 80).

[35] Curiously, even Osgood, almost infallible in colonial history, refers only to Winthrop's sentence (with justifiable caution, to be sure), without any reference to the contrary evidence in the Records.

[36] This item is added by Higginson in his written acceptance of the above terms.

[XII. THE COLONY BECOMES A PURITAN ENTERPRISE]

58. Decision to Transfer the Charter to the Colony

a. First Official Proposition to Transfer the Charter to America

Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, I, 47-51.

A Generall Court, holden for the Company of the Mattachusetts Bay, in New England, at Mr. Deputies House, on Tewsday, the 28 of July, 1629.

... [A long meeting with much business]

And lastly, Mr. Governor read certaine proposicions conceived by himselfe, viz, that for the advancement of the plantacion, the inducing and encouraging persons of worth and qualitie to transplant themselves and famylyes thether,[37] and for other weighty reasons therein contained, to transferr the government of the plantacion to those that shall inhabite there, and not to continue the same in subordinacion to the Company heer, as it now is. This business occasioned some debate; but by reason of the many great and considerable consequences therupon depending, it was not now resolved upon; but those present are desired privately and seriously to consider hereof, and to sett down their particular reasons in wryting, pro and contra, and to produce the same at the next Generall Court, where, they being reduced to heads and maturely considered of, the Company may then proceede to a fynall resolucion there [on]; and in the meane tyme they are desired to carry this businesse secretly, that the same bee not divulged.

b. The Cambridge Agreement

Hutchinson's Collection of Original Papers (1769), 25, 26. Cf. American History and Government, §§ 58, 59.

The True Copy of the Agreement at Cambridge, August 26, 1629.

Upon due consideration of the state of the Plantation now in hand for New-England, wherein wee whose names are hereunto subscribed, have engaged ourselves, and have weighed the greatnes of the worke in regard of the consequence, God's glory, and the Churches good; as also in regard of the difficultys and discouragements which in all probabilityes must be forecast upon the execution of this businesse; Considering withall that this whole adventure grows upon the joynt confidence we have in each other's fidelity and resolution herein, so as no man of us would have adventured it without assurance of the rest: Now, for the better encouragement of ourselves and others that shall joyne with us in this action, and to the end that every man may without scruple dispose of his estate and affayres as may best fit his preparation for this voyage; it is fully and faithfully agreed amongst us, and every of us doth hereby freely and sincerely promise and bind himselfe in the word of a christian and in the presence of God, who is the searcher of all hearts, that we will so really endeavour the prosecution of this worke, as by God's assistance, we will be ready in our persons, and with such of our several familyes as are to go with us, and such provision as we are able conveniently to furnish ourselves withall, to embarke for the said Plantation by the first of March next, at such port or ports of this land as shall be agreed upon by the Companie, to the end to passe the seas, (under God's protection,) to inhabite and continue in New-England: Provided always, that, before the last of September next, the whole government, together with the patent for the said Plantation, be first, by an order of Court, legally transferred and established to remain with us and others which shall inhabit upon the said Plantation: and provided also, that if any shall be hindered by such just and inevitable lett or other cause, to be allowed by 3 parts of four of these whose names are hereunto subscribed, then such persons, for such tymes and during such letts, to be discharged of this bond. And we do further promise, every one for himselfe, that shall fayle to be ready through his own default by the day appointed, to pay for every day's default the sum of £3, to the use of the rest of the Companie who shall be ready by the same day and time.

[Several of these signers did not come to America.]

c. Decision by the Company

Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, I, 49 ff.

(1) A Generall Court, holden at Mr. Deputyes House, the 28 of August, 1629.

[Present: 25 Names given.]

Mr. Deputie acquainted this Court, that the espetiall cause of their meeting was to give answere to divers gentlemen,[38] intending to goe into New England, whether or noe the chiefe government of the plantacion, togeather with the pattent, should bee settled in New England, or heere.

Wherupon it was ordered, that this afternoone Mr. Wright, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others as they should thinke fitt to call unto them, whether they were of the Company or not, to consider of arguments against the setling of the chiefe government in New England.

And, on the other syde, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson, Captain Venn, and such others as they should call unto them, to prepare arguments for the setling of the said government in New England; and that tomorrow morning, being the 29th of August, at 7 of the clock, both sydes should meete and conferr and weigh each others arguments, and afterwards, at 9 of the clock, (which is the tyme appointed of meeting for a General Court,) to make report therof to the whole Company, who then will determine this business.

(2) A General Court, at Mr. Deputyes House, the 29th of August, 1629.

This day the committees which were appointed to meete yesterday in the afternoone to consider of arguments pro and contra touching the setling of the government of the Companyes plantacion in New England, being according to the order of the last Court mett togeather, debated their arguments and reasons on both sydes; where were present many of the Assistants and generalitie; and after a long debate, Mr. Deputie put it to the question, as followeth:

As many of yow as desire to have the pattent and the government of the plantacion to bee transferred to New England, soe as it may bee done legally, hold up your hands: Soe many as will not, hold upp your hands.

Where, by ereccion of hands, it appeared by the generall consent of the Company, that the government and pattent should bee setled in New England, and accordingly an order to bee drawne upp.

[This by no means settled the matter. The question arose as to how to protect the property rights of those stockholders who were to remain in England, and several meetings were devoted to consideration of various plans proposed.]

59. Decision of Puritan Gentlemen to Settle in the Colony[39]

a. Winthrop's Argument for a Puritan Colony

Robert Winthrop's Life and Letters of John Winthrop, I, 309 ff.

This argument is generally ascribed to John Winthrop, and one manuscript of it at least is said to be in his handwriting. The first printed copy was made by Hutchinson in his Collections, but from a different manuscript.

Reasons to be considered for justifieinge the undertakeres of the intended Plantation in New England, and for incouraginge such whose hartes God shall move to joyne with them in it.

1.—It will be a service to the Church of great consequence to carry the Gospell into those parts of the world, to helpe on the comminge of the fullnesse of the Gentiles, and to raise a Bulworke against the Kingdome of Ante Christ which the Jesuites labour to reare up in those parts.

2.—All other churches of Europe are brought to desolation, and our sinnes, for which the Lord beginnes allreaddy to frowne upon us and to cutte us short, doe threatne evill times to be comminge upon us, and whoe knowes but that God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whome he meanes to save out of the generall callamity; and seeinge the Church hath noe place lefte to flie into but the wildernesse, what better worke can there be, then to goe and provide tabernacles and foode for her against she comes thither:

3.—This Land growes weary of her Inhabitants, soe as man, whoe is the most pretious of all creatures, is here more vile and base then the earth we treade upon, and of less prise among us then an horse or a sheepe: masters are forced by authority to entertaine servants, parents to mainetaine there oune children, all tounes complaine of the burthen of theire poore, though we have taken up many unnessisarie yea unlawfull trades to mainetaine them, and we use the authoritie of the Law to hinder the increase of our people, as by urginge the Statute against Cottages, and inmates; and thus it is come to passe, that children, servants, and neighboures, especially if they be poore, are compted the greatest burthens, which if thinges weare right would be the cheifest earthly blessinges.

4.—The whole earth is the Lords garden and he hath given it to the Sonnes of men with a general Commission: Gen:1:28: "Increace and multiplie, and replenish the earth and subdue it," which was againe renewed to Noah: the end is double and naturall, that man might enjoy the fruits of the earth, and God might have his due glory from the creature: why then should we stand striving here for places of habitation, etc. (many men spending as much labour and coste to recover or keepe sometimes an acre or tuoe of Land, as would procure them many and as good or better in another Countrie) and in the meane time suffer a whole Continent as fruitfull and convenient for the use of man to lie waste without any improvement?

5.—We are groune to that height of Intemperance in all excesse of Riott, as noe mans estate allmost will suffice to keepe saile with his aequalls: and he whoe failes herein, must live in scorne and contempt. Hence it comes that all artes and Trades are carried in that deceiptfull and unrighteous course as it is allmost impossible for a good and upright man to mainetayne his charge and live comfortablie in any of them.

6.—The ffountaines of Learning and Religion are soe corrupted as (besides the unsupportable charge of there education) most children (even the best witts and of fairest hopes) are perverted, corrupted, and utterlie overthroune by the multitude of evill examples and the licentious government of those seminaries, where men straine at knatts and swallowe camells, use all severity for mainetaynance of cappes and other accomplyments, but suffer all ruffianlike fashions and disorder in manners [morals] to passe uncontrolled.

b. Winthrop's Argument for Coming Himself to America

John Winthrop sent the following "Considerations" relating to himself to various friends for their advice. Life and Letters, I, 327.

Particular Considerations in the case of J: W:

1: It is come to that issue as (in all probabilitye) the wellfare of the Plantation dependes upon his goeinge, for divers of the Chiefe Undertakers (upon whom the reste depende) will not goe without him.

2: He acknowledges a satisfactorye callinge, outwarde from those of the Plantation, inwardly by the inclination of his oun hearte to the worke, and bothe approved by godly and juditious Devines (whereof some have the first interest in him), and there is in this the like mediate call from the Kinge, which was to his former imployment.

3: Though his means be sufficient for a comfortable subsistence in a private condition heere, yet the one halfe of them being disposed to his 3: elder sonnes, who are now of age, he cannot live in the same place and callinge with that which remains; his charge being still as great as before, when his means were double: and so if he should refuse this opportunitye, that talent which God hath bestowed upon him for publike service, were like to be buried.

4: His wife and suche of his children, as are come to years of discreation, are voluntarylye disposed to the same Course.

5: Most of his friends (upon the former considerations) doe consent to his change.

c. Decision of John Winthrop, Jr.

John Winthrop, Jr., to his Father

Winthrop's Life and Letters of John Winthrop, I, 306-307.

Sir,—My humble duty remembered to you and my mother....

For the business of New England, I can say no other thing but that I believe confidently, that the whole disposition thereof is of the Lord, who disposeth all alterations, by his blessed will, to his own glory and the good of his; and, therefore, do assure myself, that all things shall work together for the best therein. And for myself, I have seen so much of the vanity of the world, that I esteem no more of the diversities of countries, than as so many inns, whereof the traveller that hath lodged in the best, or in the worst, findeth no difference, when he cometh to his journey's end; and I shall call that my country, where I may most glorify God, and enjoy the presence of my dearest friends. Therefore herein I submit myself to God's will and yours, and, with your leave, do dedicate myself (laying by all desire of other employments whatsoever) to the service of God and the Company herein, with the whole endeavors, both of body and mind.

The CONCLUSIONS, which you sent down, I showed to my uncle and aunt, who liked them well. I think they are unanswerable; and it cannot but be a prosperous action, which is so well allowed by the judgments of God's prophets, undertaken by so religious and wise worthies of Israel, and indented to God's glory in so special a service.

... So, desiring your prayers and blessing, I commend you to the Almighty's protection, and rest

Your obedient son,
John Winthrop.

London, August 21, 1629.

d. News from New England, 1629

Higginson's Relation is the name under which his New-England's Plantation is commonly quoted. Apparently he sent back the manuscript in the early fall (September, presumably) of 1629, some four months after his arrival. The little book was printed in London in 1630, but before that time it (together with earlier letters) had had much influence in leading to the main Puritan migration. The selections below are taken from Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, where the spelling is modernized.

The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as appeareth in the abundance of grass that groweth everywhere, both very thick, very long, and very high in divers places. But it groweth very wildly, with a great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, because it hath never been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be believed how our kine and goats, horses and hogs do thrive and prosper here, and like well of this country.

In our Plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here. Yea, Joseph's increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more than a hundredfold this year. And all this while I am within compass; what will you say of two hundred fold, and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn. Credible persons have assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of thirteen gallons of corn he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure, and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen shillings; and so of this thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six shillings eight pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the year following, as by reckoning will appear; where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn I suppose any where else to be found but in this country, being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, etc.; and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of divers colors, that you might see the truth of it.

Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their own maintenance.

The temper of the air of New-England is one special thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and dry air; that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body ... and therefore I think it is wise course for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New-England; for a sup of New-England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale.

60. Early Attitude of the Puritan Colony to the Church of England

It is certain that the Puritans did not expect, at first, to separate so far and so definitely from the Church of England as they very soon did separate. On this, cf. American History and Government, § 82, and observe also, besides a and b below, passages in No. 52, close, and No. 62 c, close.

a. Winthrop's Farewell Letter to the Church of England

April 7/17, 1630

Hutchinson's Massachusetts Bay, Appendix I (1769). About two thirds the letter is here reproduced. Winthrop is supposed to be the author.

THE HUMBLE REQUEST of his Majesties Loyall Subjects, the Governour and the Company late gone for New England; for the obtaining of their Prayers, and the Removall of Suspicions and Misconstructions of their Intentions.

... And howsoever your Charitie may have met with some Occasion of Discouragement through the Misreport of our Intentions, or through the Disaffection or Indiscretion of some of us, or rather amongst us: for we are not of those who dreame of Perfection in this World; yet wee desire you would be pleased to take Notice of the Principals and Body of our Company, as those who esteeme it our honour to call the Church of England, from whence wee rise, our deare Mother; and cannot part from our native Countrie, where she specially resideth, without much Sadness of Heart, and many Tears in our Eyes, ever acknowledging that such Hope and Part as we have obtained in the common Salvation, we have received in her Bosome, and suckt it from her Breasts: wee leave it not therefore as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there, but blessing God for the Parentage and Education, [and] as Members of the same Body, [we] shall alwaies rejoice in her Good, and unfeignedly grieve for any Sorrow shall ever betide her, and while we have Breath, sincerely desire and indeavour the Continuance and Abundance of her Welfare, with the Inlargement of her Bounds in the Kingdome of Christ Jesus.

Be pleased therefore, Reverend Fathers and Brethren, to helpe forward the Worke now in Hand; which if it prosper, you shall be the more glorious. [A fervent request for prayers.]...

What Goodness you shall extend to us in this or any other Christian Kindnesse, wee, your Brethren in Christ Jesus, shall labor to repay ... promising, so farre as God shall enable us, to give him no Rest on your Behalfes, wishing our Heads and Hearts may be Fountains of Tears for your everlasting Welfare, when we shall bee in our poor Cottages in the Wildernesse ... And so commending you to the Grace of God in Christ, wee shall ever rest,

Your assured Friends and Brethren,

From Yarmouth, aboard
the Arabella, April 7, 1630.

John Winthrop, Gov. [and six other signatures].

b. Opinion of Captain John Smith, 1630

Smith's Works (Birmingham edition), 926, 958.

The following passages come from the introduction to Smith's "Pathway to the Inexperienced," his last pamphlet, written in 1631, to support the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Smith wrote at the home of a brother of John Winthrop's first wife, and seems to have been well acquainted with the Puritan leaders.

Pardon me if I offend in loving that [which] I have cherished truly, by the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and youth. If it over-glad me to see Industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged ende[a]vours, not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discontented Brounists, Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separatists, and such factious Humorists: for no such they will suffer among them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of then (John Winthrop etc.) have assured mee; and the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe. ...

They have ... God's true Religion (they say) taught amongst themselves, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechising ... and commendable good orders to bring those people [natives] with whom they have to deale ... into a Christian conversation ... which done, in time, ... may grow a good addition to the Church of England.

[Smith evidently had some doubts on the matter, as his parenthetical expressions show. But he had confidence enough to dedicate this booklet to the two Archbishops of Canterbury and York.]

61. Political Principles of the Puritans

From John Calvin's Institutes (1559; translation of 1813, III, 517-551).

a. [Attempt to justify a union of church and state]

III.—Nor let anyone think it strange that I refer to human polity the due maintenance of religion ... I do not allow men to make laws respecting religion and the worship of God ... though I approve of civil government which provides that the true religion, ... contained in the law of God, be not violated and poluted.

b. [Of the parts of government and the supremacy of magistrates]

These are three. The Magistrate, who is the guardian and conservator of the laws: The Laws, according to which he governs: The People, who are governed by the laws, and obey the magistrate....

IV.—The Lord hath not only testified that the function of magistrates has his approbation and acceptance, but hath eminently commended it to us, by dignifying it with the most honourable titles. ... This is just as if it had been affirmed, that the authority possessed by kings and other governors over all things upon earth is not a consequence of the perverseness of men, but of the providence and holy ordinance of God....

VII.—Those who are not restrained by so many testimonies of Scripture, but still dare to stigmatize this sacred ministry [magistrates] as a thing incompatible with religion and Christian piety, do they not offer an insult to God himself, who cannot but be involved in the reproach cast upon his ministry? And in fact they do not reject magistrates, but they reject God, "that he should not reign over them."...

VIII.—And for private men, who have no authority to deliberate on the regulation of any public affairs, it would surely be a vain occupation to dispute which would be the best form of government in the place where they live. ... Indeed if these three forms of government, which are stated by philosophers [Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy], be considered in themselves, I shall by no means deny, that either aristocracy or a mixture of aristocracy and democracy far excell all others; and that indeed not of itself, but because it very rarely happens that kings regulate themselves so that their will is never at variance with justice and rectitude; or in the next place, that they are indued with such penetration and prudence, as in all cases to discover what is best. The vice or imperfection of men therefore renders it safer and more tolerable for the government to be in the hands of many, that they may afford each other mutual assistance and admonition, and that if any one arrogate to himself more than is right, the many may act as censors and masters to restrain his ambition. ... But if those, to whom the will of God has assigned another form of government, transfer this to themselves so as to be tempted to desire a revolution, the very thought will be not only foolish and useless, but altogether criminal....

XIV.—From the magistracy we next proceed to the laws, which are the strong nerves of civil polity, or, according to an appellation which Cicero has borrowed from Plato, the souls of states, without which magistracy cannot subsist.

XXII.—The first duty of subjects towards their magistrates is to entertain the most honourable sentiments of their function, which they know to be a jurisdiction delegated to them from God, and on that account to esteem and reverence them as God's ministers and vicegerents. For there are some persons to be found, who shew themselves very obedient to their magistrates, and have not the least wish that there were no magistrates for them to obey, because they know them to be so necessary to the public good; but who, nevertheless, consider the magistrates themselves as no other than necessary evils. But something more than this is required of us by Peter, when he commands us to "honour the king;" and by Solomon when he says, "Fear thou the Lord and the King:" for Peter, under the term honour, comprehends a sincere and candid esteem; and Solomon, by connecting the king with the Lord, attributes to him a kind of sacred veneration and dignity. ... The obedience which is rendered to princes and magistrates is rendered to God, from whom they have received their authority.

XXIII.—Hence follows another duty: that, with minds disposed to honour and reverence magistrates, subjects approve their obedience to them, in submitting to their edicts, in paying taxes, in discharging public duties and bearing burdens which relate to the common defence, and in fulfilling all their other commands. ... For, as it is impossible to resist the magistrate without, at the same time, resisting God himself, though an unarmed magistrate may seem to be despised with impunity, yet God is armed to inflict exemplary vengeance on the contempt offered to himself. Under this obedience I also include the moderation which private persons ought to prescribe to themselves in relation to public affairs, that they do not, without being called upon, intermeddle with affairs of state, or rashly intrude themselves into the office of magistrates, or undertake any thing of a public nature. If there be anything in the public administration which requires to be corrected, let them not raise any tumults, or take the business into their own hands, which ought to be all bound in this respect, but let them refer it to the cognizance of the magistrate, who is alone authorized to regulate the concerns of the public.

XXV.—But, if we direct our attention to the word of God, it will carry us much further; even to submit to the government, not only of those princes who discharge their duty to us with becoming integrity and fidelity, but of all who possess the sovereignty, even though they perform none of the duties of their function. For though the Lord testifies that the magistrate is an eminent gift of his liberality to preserve the safety of men, and prescribes to magistrates themselves the extent of their duty; yet he, at the same time, declares, that whatever be their characters, they have their government only from him; that those who govern for the public good are true specimens and mirrors of his beneficence; and that those who rule in an unjust and tyrannical manner are raised up by him to punish the iniquity of the people; that all equally possess that sacred majesty which he hath invested with legitimate authority....

XXIX.—But it will be said, that rulers owe mutual duties to their subjects. That I have already confessed. But he who infers from this that obedience ought to be rendered to none but just rulers, is a very bad reasoner. For husbands owe mutual duties to their wives, and parents to their children. Now, if husbands and parents violate their obligations, if parents conduct themselves with discouraging severity and fastidious moroseness towards their children, whom they are forbidden to provoke to wrath: if husbands despise and vex their wives, whom they are commanded to love and to spare as the weaker vessels; does it follow that children should be less obedient to their parents; or wives to their husbands? They are still subject, even to those who are wicked and unkind....

XXXII.—But in the obedience which we have shewn to be due to the authority of governors, it is always necessary to make one exception, and that is entitled to our first attention, that it do not seduce us from obedience to him, to whose will the desires of all kings ought to be subject, to whose decrees all their commands ought to yield, to whose majesty all their scepters ought to submit....

62. Early Hardships and Religious Matters, 1630-1631

a. Extracts from Winthrop's "History of New England"

John Winthrop, leader of the great Puritan migration of 1630, while on board ship, began a "Journal," which gradually merged into a great contemporary "History." The work was printed first in 1790. A better edition appeared in 1853; and, that edition having long been "out of print," the work was reëdited by Dr. James K. Hosmer in 1907 ("Original Narratives" Series). The spelling and punctuation have been modernized in all these editions.

(1) [The Voyage.]

April 6, 1630. [Eight days on board; but still delayed at Yarmouth in the English Channel]....

Our captain called over our landmen, and tried them at their muskets, and such as were good shot among them were enrolled to serve in the ship, if occasion should be.

The lady Arbella[40] and the gentlewomen, and Mr. Johnson and some others went on shore to refresh themselves....

Thursday, 8. ... The wind continued N. [blank] with fair weather, and after noon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships to stand towards us; having more wind than we, they came up apace, so as our captain and the masters of our consorts were more occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers,[41] (for we were told at Yarmouth, that there were ten sail of them waiting for us;) whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down some cabins which were in the way of our ordnance, and out of every ship were thrown such bed matters as were subject to take fire, and we heaved out our long boats, and put up our waste cloths, and drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and instruments for fireworks; and for an experiment our captain shot a ball of wild-fire fastened to an arrow out of a cross-bow, which burnt in the water a good time. The lady Arbella and the other women and children were removed into the lower deck, that they might be out of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and comfortable all the company appeared; not a woman or child that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have been great, if things had proved as might well be expected, for there had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy's ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces; but our trust was in the Lord of Hosts; and the courage of our captain, and his care and diligence, did much encourage us. [The fleet prove to be friends.]

Saturday, 10. ... This day two young men, falling at odds and fighting, contrary to the orders which we[42] had published and set up in the ship, were adjudged to walk upon the deck till night with their hands bound behind them, which accordingly was executed; and another man, for using contemptuous speeches in our[42] presence, was laid in bolts till he submitted himself, and promised open confession of his offence.

Lord's day, [May] 2. The tempest continued all the day, with the wind W. and by N., and the sea raged and tossed us exceedingly; yet, through God's mercy, we were very comfortable, and few or none sick, but had opportunity to keep the Sabbath, and Mr. Phillips preached twice that day....

Friday, 21. ... A servant of one of our company had bargained with a child to sell him a box worth 3 d. for three biscuit a day all the voyage, and had received about forty ... We caused his hands to be tied up to a bar, and hanged a basket, with stones, about his neck, and so he stood for two hours.

(2) [Early Religious Practices.]

July 27. We, of the congregation [at Boston] kept a fast, and chose Mr. Wilson our teacher,[43] and Mr. Nowell an elder, ... We used imposition of hands, but with this protestation by all, that it was only as a sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry that he received in England.[44]

[1631. April 12.]

At a court holden at Boston, (upon information to the governour that they of Salem had called Mr. Williams to the office of a teacher), a letter was written from the court to Mr. Endecott to this effect: That whereas Mr. Williams had refused to join with the congregation at Boston, because they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they lived there; and, besides, had declared his opinion, that the magistrate might not punish the breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, as it was a breach of the first table; therefore, they marvelled they would choose him without advising with the council; and withal desiring him [Endicott] that they would forbear to proceed till they had conferred about it....

b. Winthrop's Letters

John Winthrop from New England to his Wife, September 9/19, 1630

Winthrop's Life and Letters of John Winthrop, II, 48-49 and 53-55.

My Dear Wife,—The blessing of God all-sufficient be upon thee and all my dear ones with thee forever.

I praise the good Lord, though we see much mortality, sickness and trouble, yet (such is his mercy) myself and children, with most of my family, are yet living, and in health, and enjoy prosperity enough, if the affliction of our brethren did not hold under the comfort of it. The lady Arbella is dead, and good Mr. Higginson, my servant, old Waters of Neyland, and many others. Thus the Lord is pleased to humble us; yet he mixes so many mercies with his corrections, as we are persuaded he will not cast us off, but, in his due time, will do us good, according to the measure of our afflictions. He stays but till he hath purged our corruptions, and healed the hardness and error of our hearts, and stripped us of our vain confidence in this arm of flesh, that he may have us rely wholly upon himself.

The French ship, so long expected, and given for lost, is now come safe to us, about a fortnight since, having been twelve weeks at sea; and yet her passengers (being but few) all safe and well but one, and her goats but six living of eighteen. So as now we are somewhat refreshed with such goods and provisions as she brought, though much thereof hath received damage by wet. I praise God, we have many occasions of comfort here, and do hope, that our days of affliction will soon have an end, and that the Lord will do us more good in the end than we could have expected, that will abundantly recompense for all the trouble we have endured. Yet we may not look for great things here. It is enough that we shall have heaven, though we should pass through hell to it. We here enjoy God and Jesus Christ. Is not this enough? What would we have more? I thank God, I like so well to be here, as I do not repent my coming; and if I were to come again, I would not have altered my course, though I had foreseen all these afflictions. I never fared better in my life, never slept better, never had more content of mind, which comes merely of the Lord's good hand; for we have not the like means of these comforts here which we had in England. But the Lord is all-sufficient, blessed be his holy name. If he please, he can still uphold us in this estate; but, if he shall see good to make us partakers with others in more affliction, his will be done. He is our God, and may dispose of us as he sees good.

I am sorry to part with thee so soon, seeing we meet so seldom, and my much business hath made me too oft forget Mondays and Fridays. I long for the time, when I may see thy sweet face again, and the faces of my dear children. But I must break off, and desire thee to commend me kindly to all my good friends, and excuse my not writing at this time. If God please once to settle me, I shall make amends. ... The good Lord bless thee and all our children and family. So I kiss my sweet wife and my dear children, and rest

Thy faithful husband,

Jo. Winthrop.

I would have written to Maplestead, if I had time. Thou must excuse me, and remember me kindly to them all.

This is the third letter I have written to thee from New England.

[November 29/December 9, 1630.]

... Thou shalt understand by this, how it is with us since I wrote last, (for this is the third or fourth letter I have written to thee since I came hither,) that thou mayest see the goodness of the Lord towards me, that, when so many have died and so many yet languish, myself and my children are yet living and in health. Yet I have lost twelve of my family,[45] viz. Waters and his wife, and two of his children: Mr. Gager and his man: Smith of Buxall and his wife and two children: the wife of Taylor of Haverill and their child: my son H. makes the twelve. And, besides many other of less note, as Jeff. Ruggle of Sudbury, and divers others of that town, (about twenty,) the Lord hath stripped us of some principal persons, Mr. Johnson and his lady, Mr. Rossiter, Mrs. Phillips, and others unknown to thee. We conceive, that this disease grew from ill diet at sea, and proved infectious. I write not this to discourage thee but to warn thee and others to provide well for the sea, and, by God's help, the passage will be safe and easy, how long soever. Be careful (I entreat thee) to observe the directions in my former letters; and I trust that that God, who hath so graciously preserved and blessed us hitherto, will bring us to see the faces of each other with abundance of joy. My dear wife, we are here in a paradise. Though we have not beef and mutton etc., yet (God be praised) we want them not; our Indian corn answers for all. Yet here is fowl and fish in great plenty. I will here break off, because I hope to receive letters from thee soon, and to have opportunity of writing more largely. I will say nothing of my love to thee, and of my longing desires towards thee. Thou knowest my heart. Neither can I mention salutations to my good friends, other than in general. In my next, I hope to supply all. Now the Lord, our good God, be with thee and all my children and company with thee. Grace and peace be with you all. So I kiss my sweet wife and all my dear children, and bless you in the Lord. Farewell.

Thy faithful husband,

Jo. Winthrop.

c. Thomas Dudley to the Countess of Lincoln March, 1631

Force's Historical Tracts (1638), II, No. 4.

To the righte honourable, my very good Lady,
 the Lady Brydget, Countesse of Lincoln

Your letters (which are not common or cheape) following mee hether into New-England, and bringeing with them renewed testimonies of the accustomed favours you honoured me with in the old, have drawne from mee this narrative retribucion (which in respect of your proper interest in some persons of great note amongst us)[46] was the thankfullest present I had to send over the seas. Therefore I humblie intreat your honour this bee accepted as payment from him, who neither hath nor is any more than your honours old thankful servant,

Thomas Dudley.

Boston in New England,
March 12th 1630 [March 22, 1631].

[A narrative of the beginnings of the colony, through the sending of Higginson's company in the spring of 1629.]

Theis by their too large comendacions of the country ... invited us soe strongly to goe on that Mr. Wenthropp of Soffolke (who is well knowne in his owne country and well approved heere for his pyety, liberality, wisdome, and gravity) comeing into us, wee came to such resolution that in April, 1630, wee sett sail from Old England with 4 good shipps. And in May following, 8 more followed, 2 haveing gone before in February and March, and 2 more following in June and August besides another set out by a private merchant. Theis 17 Shipps arrived all safe ... but made a long, a troublesome, and a costly voyage. ... Our four shipps which set out in Aprill arrived here in June and July, wheere we found the colony in a sadd and unexpected condicion; above 80 of them beeing dead the winter before and many of those alive, weake and sicke; all the corne and bread amongst them all hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight, insoemuch that the remainder of 180 servants wee had the 2 years before sent over, comeing to us for victualls to sustaine them, wee found ourselves wholly unable to feed them ... whereupon necessity enforced us, to our extreme loss, to give them all libertie, who had cost us about 16 or 20 pounds a person furnishing and sending over. But bearing theis things as we might, wee beganne to consult of the place of our sitting downe: for Salem, where wee landed, pleased us not. [They decide upon six new settlements, besides the already established Salem and Charlestown.] This dispersion troubled some of us; but helpe it wee could not, wanting ability to remove to any place fit to build a towne upon, and the time too short to deliberate longer, least the winter should surprise us before we had builded our houses. ... So, ceasing to consult further for that time, they who had health to labour fell to building, wherein many were interrupted with sicknes, and many dyed weekely, yea almost dayley. ... Insomuch that the shipps being now uppon their returne ... there was, as I take it, not much less than an hundred (some think many more) partly out of dislike of our government which restrained and punished their excesses, and partly through fear of famine (not seeinge other means than by their labour to feed themselves), which returned back againe. And glad were wee so to bee ridd of them. Others also, afterwards hearing of men of their owne disposition which were planted at Piscataway, went from us to them; whereby though our numbers were lessened, yet wee accounted ourselves nothing weakened by their removall.

Before the departure of the shipps, wee contracted with Mr. Peirce, Mr. [Master] of the Lyon ... to returne to us with speed with fresh supplies of victualls....

The shipps beeinge gone, victualls wastinge, and mortality increasinge, wee held diverse fasts in our severall congregations, but the Lord would not yet bee depricated [A long list of deaths] And of the people who came over with us ... [from Aprill to December] there dyed by estimacion about 200 at the least....

If any come hether to plant for worldly ends, that canne live well at home, hee comits an errour of which hee will soon repent him. But if for spirittuall, and that noe particular obstacle hinder his removeall, he may finde here what may well content him: viz., materialls to build, fewell to burn, ground to plant, seas and rivers to ffish in, a pure ayer to breath in, good water to drinke till wine or beare canne be made,—which, toegether with the cowes, hoggs, and goates brought hether allready, may suffice for food; for as for foule and venison, they are dainties here as well as in England. Ffor cloaths and beddinge they must bringe them with them, till time and industry produce them here. In a word, wee yett enjoy little to bee envyed, but endure much to bee pytyed in the sicknes and mortalitye of our people. And I do the more willingly use this open and plaine dealinge, least other men should fall short of their expectations when they come hether, as wee to our great prejudice did, by means of letters sent us from hence into England, wherein honest men, out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote somewhat hyperbolically of many things here. If any godly men out of religious ends will come over to helpe us ... I thinke they cannot dispose of themselves or their estates more to Gods glory ... but they must not bee of the poorer sort yett for diverse yeares. Ffor we have found by experience that they have hindered, not furthered the worke. And for profaine and deboshed persons, their oversight in comeinge hether is wondered at, where they shall finde nothing to content them. If there bee any endued with grace and furnished with meanes to feed themselves and theirs for 18 months, and to build and plant,—lett them come into our Macedonia to helpe us.

[Record of disasters; the return of the Lyon] ... Also, to increase the heape of our sorrous, wee received advertisement by letters from our friends in England and by the reports of those who came hether in this shipp to abide with us ... that those who went discontentedly from us last yeare, out of their evill affections towards us, have raised many false and scandelous reports against us, affirminge us to be Brounists in religion and ill affected to our state at home, and that theis vile reports have wonne creditt with some who formerly wished us well. But wee doe desire, and cannot but hope, that wise and impartiall men will at length consider that such malcontents have ever pursued this manner of casting dirt to make others seeme as fowle as themselves, and that our godly friends to whom wee have ben knowne will not easily believe that wee are soe soon turned from the profession wee soe long have made in our native Country. And for our further clearing, I truely affirme that I know noe one person who came over with us the last yeare to bee altered in his judgment and affection eyther in ecclesiasticall or civill respects since our comeinge hether; but wee doe continue to pray dayley for our soveraigne lord the Kinge, the Queene, the Prince, the royal blood, the counsaile, and the whole state, as dutye bindes us to doe and reason persuades others to believe. For how ungodly and unthankfull should wee be if wee should not thus doe ... Lett our friends therefore give no creditt to such malicious aspersions, but bee more ready to answer for us than wee heare they have bene. Wee are not like those which have dispensation to lye....