THE THIRTY-FIRST IDILLION.
Argument.
The conceit of this Idillion is very delicate. Wherein it is imagined how Venus did send for the Boar who in hunting slew Adonis, a dainty youth whom she loved: and how the Boar answering for himself that he slew him against his will, as being enamoured on him, and thinking only to kiss his naked thigh; she forgave him. The Poet's drift is to shew the power of Love, not only in men, but also in brute beasts: although in the last two verses, by the burning of the Boar's amorous teeth, he intimateth that extravagant and unorderly passions are to be restrained by reason.
ADONIS.
WHEN Venus first did see Adonis dead to be; With woeful tattered hair And cheeks so wan and sear, The wingèd Loves she bade, The Boar should straight be had. Forthwith like birds they fly, And through the wood they hie; The woeful beast they find, And him with cords they bind. One with a rope before Doth lead the captive Boar: Another on his back Doth make his bow to crack. The beast went wretchedly, For Venus horribly He feared; who thus him curst: "Of all the beasts the worst, Didst thou this thigh so wound? Didst thou my Love confound?" The beast thus spake in fear "Venus, to thee I swear! By thee, and husband thine, And by these bands of mine, And by these hunters all, Thy husband fair and tall, I mindèd not to kill! But, as an image still, I him beheld for love: Which made me forward shove His thigh, that naked was; Thinking to kiss, alas, And that hath hurt me thus. "Wherefore these teeth, Venus! Or punish, or cut out: Why bear I in my snout These needless teeth about! If these may not suffice; Cut off my chaps likewise!" To ruth he Venus moves, And she commands the Loves, His bands for to untie. After he came not nigh The wood; but at her will He followed Venus still. And coming to the fire, He burnt up his desire.
Emblem.
Raris forma viris, secula prospice,
Impunita fuit.
FINIS.
The Spoil
of
Antwerp.
Faithfully reported by a
true Englishman, who was
present at the same.
November 1576.
Seen and allowed.
Printed at London by Richard Jones.
[The first thing here is to settle the authorship of this anonymous tract; which was also anonymously entered at Stationers' Hall, probably from political reasons. From internal evidence at pp. [149], [155], [161], it is clear that the Writer was not one of the Fellowship of the English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp; but was an Englishman who had arrived in that city on the 22nd October 1576. Who this Writer was would seem to be clearly settled by the following extracts from documents in the State Paper Office, London.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vols. 139-140.
915. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 15 September 1576.
The troubles and news of Flanders have set all the soldiers of this realm in a triumph....
But now I mean to become an eyed-witness of the stir in Flanders; and from thence your honour shall shortly (GOD willing) hear of me.
951.George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 7 October 1576.
Whereof I trust shortly to understand more, for to-morrow (GOD willing) I go towards the Low Countries; and mean to spend a month, [or] two, or three, as your Honours shall like, in those parts.
For I mean to spend this winter (or as long as shall be thought meet) in service of my country. I beseech your Honour to confer with Master Secretary [Sir Francis Walsingham] who can more at large make you privy to my intent.
955. Sir Amias Paulet, Ambassador for England
in France, to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Paris, 12 October 1576.
Master Gascoigne is departed towards Flanders; having prayed me to recommend him unto you by my letters, and also to convey these letters enclosed unto you.
If this George Gascoigne, who, as his handwriting shows, is doubtless the Soldier-Poet, left Paris on the 8th October, he could very well have come to Antwerp, as the Writer of this narrative states, at page [149], he did, by the 22nd of that month.
Gascoigne the Poet was a very tall man, so that he was called "long George." This he seems to refer to at page [155], where he says, "I got up like a tall fellow."
For further confirmation of Gascoigne being the Author, see pp. [164-6] .
2. The best Plan of Antwerp, about the time of the Spanish Fury, that we have met with, is that of George Braun's Civitates Orbis Terrarum, Vol. I., Plan 17.
3. All the dates in the following narrative are Old Style.
4. It is to be specially noted that Antwerp was a Roman Catholic city that had never, in the least way possible, rebelled against Philip II.; and that its awful destruction was made, without the least provocation, by the soldiers of its Sovereign, that should have protected it. Its only crime was its great wealth. 5,000 merchants met in its Bourse, or Exchange, every week. It was then the Venice of the North, with about 125,000 inhabitants.
The following extract will explain the general position of affairs in Flanders about this time.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr [Thomas] Wilson [Ambassador for
England in Flanders] to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.
And except despair drive the Prince [of Orange], I do not think that ever he will yield that to [the Duke of Anjou, the] Monsieur [of France] which he hath in his power; being now in better case since these late troubles than ever he was before: having Zierikzee and Haarlem again; and Tergoes also, which he never had before.
There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp; Lierre, 8 English miles from thence; [Den]dermonde, 18 miles distant; and Maestricht, 50 miles distant; and more they have not in their power....
The States, so far as I can understand, have none other intention, but that the Spaniards may be sent out of the country; and then they offer to live in all obedience to their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards will not depart except the King expressly command them. In the mean season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.]
(Continued at page [164].)
[The following Preface occurs in the Bodleian copy of this Tract.]
To the Reader.
I Shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader, to correct the errors passed and escaped in printing of this pamphlet according to this Table.[2]
And furthermore to understand that this victory was obtained with loss of but five hundred Spaniards, or six [hundred] at the most; of whom I heard no man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don Emanuel.
Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty [treatise]; and therefore thought meet to place it here in the beginning. And therewithal to advertise thee, that these outrages and disordered cruelties done to our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers: neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the English House [see pp. [161], [164]], a man of any charge or reputation. So that I hope, these extremities notwithstanding, the King their master will take such good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in the end, shall rest satisfied with reason; and the amity between our most gracious Sovereign and him shall remain also firm and unviolate: the which I pray GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm. Amen.
The Spoil of Antwerp.
SINCE my hap was to be present at so piteous a spectacle as the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example which hath already filled all Europe with dreadful news of great calamity, I have thought good, for the benefit of my country, to publish a true report thereof. The which may as well serve for profitable example unto all estates of such condition as suffered in the same: as also answer all honest expectations with a mean truth set down between the extreme surmises of sundry doubtful minds; and increased by the manifold light tales which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate [prejudiced] rehearsals.
And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town do seem unto the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of GOD's so just a scourge and plague; and yet the fury of the vanquishers do also seem more barbarous and cruel than may become a good Christian conqueror: let these my few words become a forewarning on both hands; and let them stand as a lantern of light between two perilous rocks; that both amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather fire out of the flint and honey out of the thistle.
To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written; and to that end I presume to publish this Pamphlet; protesting that neither malice to the one side, nor partial affection to the other, shall make my pen to swerve any iote [jot or iota] from truth of that which I will set down, and saw executed.
For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the vanquishers: their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes, spoils, incests, and sacrileges committed in sundry other places, might yield me sufficient matter without the lawful remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or if I would undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad the miseries and calamities of the vanquished: their long sustained injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their continual broils in war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their accusations without cause, and condemnations without proof, might enable a dumb stone to talk of their troubles, and fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to lament and bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours.
But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a plain truth, for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been carried about with doubtful reports; and for a profitable example unto all such as, being subject to like imperfections, might fall thereby into the like calamities.
And to make the matter more perspicuous; I must derive the beginning of this Discourse a little beyond the beginning of the Massacre: that the cause being partially opened, the effect may be the more plainly seen.
It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp hath been, by all likelihood, long pretended [designed] by the Spaniards: and that they have done nothing else but lie in wait continually, to find any least quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof whereof, their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city, on 26th April 1574]; when their watch-word was Fuora villiacco! [This is apparently old Spanish for Out with the townsfolk!] might sufficiently bewray their malicious and cruel intent. And though it were then smoothly coloured over [explained away] and subtilly appeased by the crafty devisers of the same: yet the coals of the choler, being but raked up in the embers of false semblance, have now found out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath; which meeting together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their detestable devices.
For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over-wearied with the intolerable burden of their tyrannies; and having taken arms to withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies: the town of Antwerp, being left open and subject unto the Citadel, did yet remain quiet; and entered not into any martial action.
Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved; and having not yet opportunity to work their will so colourably [with a sufficient pretence] as they wished) bestowed certain cannon shot out of the said Castle, and slew certain innocent souls; with some other small harm and damage done to the edifices: thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor Flemings, and to make them take arms for their just defence; whiles they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust pretence. And this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October [1576] last.
Now to answer all objections; I doubt not but it will be alleged that the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the town; because they of the town did not shoot at the Prince of Orange's ships, which lay within sight thereof: but alas it is easy to find a staff when a man would beat a dog.
For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either to the town or Castle than friendly to waft up [convoy] all manner of grain and victuals for the sustenance of the said town: which even then began to want such provisions by reason that the said Spaniards had built a Fort on [the] Flanders side upon the same river [the Scheldt]; and thereby stopped all such as brought victual to the said town; burning and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all terror to the poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might lack provision.
And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a bridge, which was the open passage between Antwerp and Machlen [Malines], at a village called Walem [Waelhem], a manifest proof of their plain intent to distress the said town, and to shut up the same from the rest of Brabant: since they were walled in with the river on the one side; and on that other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their commodities to the same.
All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town of Antwerp appeased the people; and put up [with] these injuries until they might be better able to redress them.
Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain High Duches [Germans], entered the town of Maestricht upon a sudden; and put the same to sack: killing and destroying great numbers of innocent people therein. A thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never revolted; but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects to their King [Philip II]: and the one half thereof pertained also unto the Bishop of Liege, who had yet meddled nothing at all in these actions.
The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby the cruel intent of the Spaniards; and doubting [fearing] their Duche [German] garrison, which was of the Count Oberstein's Regiment, as they were also which betrayed Maestricht) began to abandon the town, leaving their houses and goods behind them; and sought to withdraw themselves into some place of safer abode.
Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and doubting that the town would shortly be left desolate, levied a Power of 3,000 Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen [mostly Walloons and Germans]; and sent the same, under the conduct of the Marquis D'Havré, the young Count [Philip] d'Egmont, Monsieur de Capres, Monsieur de Berselle [or Berselen], Monsieur de Gogines, and other Nobles and Gentlemen, to succour and defend the town of Antwerp against the cruel pretence [designs] of the said Spaniards.
And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the 2nd of this instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east or south-east side thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat the Spaniards, being enraged, discharged sundry shot of great artillery from the Castle; but to small purpose.
At last, Monsieur [Frédéric Perrenot, Sieur] de Champagney, who was Governor of the town, and the Count Oberstein, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded of the States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town in such order?
Who answered, That they came to enter the same as friends, and to entrench and defend it from the Spaniards: protesting further, That they would offer no manner of violent damage or injury to the persons or goods of any such as inhabited the same.
Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] de Champagney and Count Oberstein went out unto them, and conferred more privately together by the space of one hour: and returned into the town, leaving the Estates' Power at a village called Borgherhout.
On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November 1576], they were permitted to enter, and came into the town: 21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6 Cornets of Horsemen.
Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought them sacks of wool and other such provision; wherewith they approached the Yard or plain ground which lieth before the Castle: and, placing the same at the ends of five streets which lie open unto the said Castle Yard [Esplanade], entrenched under them with such expedition that in less than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well fortified from the Castle, for any sudden [attack].
At this time and twelve days before [i.e. from 22nd October 1576], I was in the said town of Antwerp, upon certain private affairs of mine own; so that I was enforced to become an eyed-witness [see page [142]] of their Entry [i.e. of the States' troops] and all that they did: as also afterwards—for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not depart—to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed.
The Castle thundered with shot at the town: but it was a very misty day; so that they could neither find their marks very well, not yet see how the streets' ends were entrenched.
It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the inhabitants, and how soon many hands had despatched a very great piece of work. For, before midnight, they had made the trenches as high as the length of a pike; and had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [Counterscarp] between all those streets and the Castle Yard: the which they perfected unto the half way from St George's Churchyard unto the water's side by St Michael's; and there left from work, meaning to have perfected it the next day.
That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had been finished: as shall appear by a Model [Plan] of the whole place which I have annexed to this treaty [treatise]; by view whereof the skillful Reader may plainly perceive the execution of every particularity.[3]
These things thus begun and set in forwardness; it is to be noted that the Spaniards (having intelligence of the States' Power, when it set forward from Brussels; and perceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had sent to Maestricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could be made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the 4th of this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all met at the said Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could gather, were these:
There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen, led by Alonzo de Vargas who is the General of the Horsemen; and 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, Francesco de Valdez.
There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, Juliano de Romero.
There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the same that rebelled for their pay and other unreasonable demands, immediately after the Winning of Zierikzee [J. de Rodas, at page [168], states that these 2,000 soldiers were "desperate men.">[ These had none other conductor than their Electo [or Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief; at this time a man named Navarette], after the manner of such as mutiny and rebel: but were of sundry Companies, as Don Emanuel's, and others. Nevertheless I have been so bold in the Model [Plan] as to set down the said Don Emanuel, for their leader: both because I think that, their mutiny notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit; and also because he was slain amongst them at their entry.
Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or thereabouts; besides some help that they had of the garrison within the Castle. And besides, 1,000 High Almains [Germans] or more; which came from Maestricht, Lierre, and those parts. And they were of three sundry Regiments:
Charles Fugger's, Polwiller's, and Frondsberger's: but they were led all by Charles Fugger. So that the whole force of the Spaniards and their complices was 5,000 and upwards.
The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said 4th day [of November 1576], about ten of the clock before dinner: and, as I have heard credibly reported, would neither stay to refresh themselves, having marched all night and the day before; nor yet to confer of anything but only of the order how they should issue and assail: protesting and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp: the which vow they performed, contrary to all men's reason and expectation.
Their order of entry into the Castle Yard [Esplanade], and their approach to the trenches I did not see: for I could not get out of the town; neither did I think it reasonable to be Hospes in aliena republica curiosus.
Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I will also here rehearse it for a truth:
The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maestricht and Lierre, came through a village on the east side of the town called Borgerhout about ten of the clock before noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates, being thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen and Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But before they could issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were passed on the south-east side of the town ditch, and entered at a Gate which standeth on the Counterscarf of the Castle Yard [Esplanade], called the Windmill Port. There entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen; saving the High Almains [Germans] who marched round about the Castle, by a village called Kiel; and, trailing their pikes on the ground after them, came in at a small Postern on the Brayes by the river, and on the west side of the Castle.
Those which came from Alost, came through the said village called Kiel, and so, through the Castle, [and] issued out of the same at the Fore Gate, which standeth towards the town.
Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard, about eleven of the clock; they of Alost and of the Castle cast themselves into four Squadrons; they of Maestricht and Lierre into two Squadrons, and their Horsemen into a Troop behind them; and the High Almains [Germans] into a Squadron or Battalion by the river's side.
Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every Squadron should charge and endure; they cast off certain Loose Shot [Skirmishers] from every Squadron, and attacked the Scarmouch [? Piquet]. The which continued not one hour; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto the Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged pell mell.
The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and trenches with thundering shot: but now, upon a signal given, ceased to shoot any more, for fear to hurt their own men; wherein I noted their good order, which wanted no direction, in their greatest fury.
The Walloons and Almains [Germans] which served in the Trenches, defended all this while very stoutly. And the Spaniards with their Almains continued the charge with such valour, that in fine they won the Counterscarf, and presently scaled the Trenches with great fury. The Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any fresh relief or supply, many of them in this meanwhile being slain and hurt, were not able any longer to repulse the Spaniards: so that they entered the Trenches about twelve of the clock, and presently pursued their victory down every street.
In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they flanked the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no longer resistance of any Power; and they proceeded in chase, executing all such as they overtook. In this good order they charged and entered; in this good order they proceeded; and in as good order, their lackays and pages followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on fire in every place where their masters had entered.
The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the town [being chiefly those commanded by the Marquis d'Havré] being grown into some security by reason that their Trenches were so high as seemed invincible; and, lacking sufficient generals or directors, were found as far out of order as the Spaniards were to be honoured for the good order and direction which they kept.
For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches came straggling and loose. Some came from the furthest side of the town. Some, that were nearer, came very fearfully! and many, out of their lodgings, from drinking and carousing; who would scarcely believe that any conflict was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in the streets to put them out of doubt that they dallied not.
To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was such that they never had a Corps du Gard [Block House] to supply and relieve their Trenches; but only one in the Market Place of the town, which was a good quarter of a mile from their fortifications: and that also was of Almains [Germans commanded by that double-dyed traitor Cornelis Van Einden, or Van Ende]; who, when they spied the Spaniards, did gently kneel down, letting their pikes fall, and crying, O liebe Spaniarden! O liebe Spaniarden! ["O dear Spaniards!" That is, Van Einden traitorously joined with the invading Spaniards.]
Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach, charge, and assault, together with their proceeding in victory; and that by credible report, both of the Spaniards themselves and of others who served in their company: let me also say a little of that which I saw executed.
I was lodged in the English House, ut supra: and had not gone abroad that morning by reason of weighty business which I had in hand the same day. At dinner time [which was then about 11 a.m.], the Merchantmen of my country, which came out of the town and dined in my chamber, told me, That a hot scarmouch [skirmish] was begun in the Castle Yard, and that the fury thereof still increased. About the midst of dinner, news came, That the shot was so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people could be discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were fully ended, That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the Trenches.
Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into a high tower of the said English House: from whence I might discover fire in four or five places of the town towards the Castle Yard; and thereby I was well assured that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches.
So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to see the certainty thereof: and as I passed towards the Bourse [Exchange] I met many; but I overtook none. And those which I met were no townsmen, but soldiers: nether walked they as men which use traffic, but ran as men which are in fear.
Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the townsmen stand every man before his door with such weapons as they had; I demanded of one of them, What it meant?
Who answered me in these words, Helas, Monsieur, il n'y a point d'ordre; et voilà la ruine de cette ville! [Alas, Sir, there is no order; and behold the ruin of this town!]
Ayez courage, mon ami! [Have courage, my friend!], quoth I; and so went onwards yet towards the Bourse: meeting all the way more and more [of those] which mended their pace.
At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed to be but a boy of years, drew his sword, and laid about him, crying Où est ce que vous enfuyez, canaille? Faisons tête, pour l'honeur de la patrie! [Where are you flying to, rascals? Make head, for the honour of our country!] Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and went backwards towards the Bourse.
The which encouraged me, par compagnie, to proceed.
But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that time I came on the farther side of the Bourse, I might see a great troop coming in greater haste, with their heads as close together as a school of young fry or a flock of sheep; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse, towards the Market Place: and, having their leaders foremost (for I knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and staves), [they] bare me over backwards; and ran over my belly and my face, [a] long time before I could recover on foot.
At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and seeing them run so fast, began thus to bethink me, "What, in God's name, do I hear? which have no interest in this action; since they who came to defend this town are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves."
And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of flyers came so fast that they bare me on my nose, and ran as many over my back, as erst had marched over my stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow; and went with them for company: but their haste was such as I could never overtake them until I came at a broad cross street, which lieth between the English House and the said Bourse.
There I overtook some of them grovelling on the ground, and groaning for the last gasp; and some others which turned backwards to avoid the tickling of the Spanish Musquets [Musketeers]: who had gotten the ends of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways. And there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase and fearing to be surprised with such as might follow in tail of us; I gave adventure to pass through the said cross street: and, without vaunt be it spoken, passed through five hundred shots before I could recover the English House.
At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants standing before the gate: whom I would not discomfort nor dismay but said, That the Spaniards had once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone back again.
Nevertheless I went to the Governor: and privily persuaded him to draw in the company; and to shut up the gates.
The which he consented unto: and desired me, because I was somewhat better acquainted with such matters than the Merchants, to take charge of the key.
I took it willingly, but before I could well shut and bar the gate, the Spaniards were now come forwards into the same street; and passing by the door, called to come in; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the gate, where I answered them; whereof one came very near my nose, and piercing through the gate, strake one of the Merchants on the head, without any great or dangerous hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was yet such, that they could not attend the spoil; but passed on in chase to the New Town, where they slew infinite numbers of people: and, by three of the clock, or before, returned victors; having slain, or put to flight, all their enemies.
And now, to keep promise and to speak without partiality, I must needs confess that it was the greatest victory, and the roundliest executed, that hath been seen, read, or heard of, in our Age: and that it was a thing miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height should be entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen and Horsemen.
For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten in, the Horsemen found means to follow: and being, many of them, Harquebussiers on horseback, did pass by their own Footmen in the streets; and much hastened both the flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto speedy executioners.
But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards for their valour and order, must therewith confess that it was the very ordinance of GOD for a just plague and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible.
And yet the disorder and lack of foresight in the Walloons did great[ly] help to augment the Spanish glory and boast.
To conclude. The Count d'Oberstein was drowned in the New Town. The Marquis d'Havré and [Sieur de] Champagney escaped out of the said New Town, and recovered the Prince of Orange's ships.
Only the young Count [Philip] of Egmont was taken, fighting by St Michael's. Monsieur de Capres and Monsieur de Gogines were also taken. But I heard of none that fought stoutly, saving only the said Count of Egmont; whom the Colonel Verdugo, a Spaniard of an honourable compassion and good mind, did save: with great danger to himself in defending the Count.
In this conflict there were slain 600 Spaniards, or thereabouts. And on the Thursday next following [8th November 1576], a view of the dead bodies in the town being taken, it was esteemed at 17,000 men, women, and children. [This would be apart from those drowned in the Scheldt.] A pitiful massacre, though GOD gave victory to the Spaniards.
And surely, as their valiance was to be much commended; so yet I can much discommend their barbarous cruelty in many respects. For methinks that as when GOD giveth abundance of wealth, the owner ought yet to have regard on whom he bestow it: even so, when GOD giveth a great and miraculous victory, the conquerors ought to have great regard unto their execution. And though some, which favour the Spanish faction, will alledge sundry reasons to the contrary: yet, when the blood is cold and the fury over, methinks that a true Christian heart should stand content with victory; and refrain to provoke GOD's wrath by [the] shedding of innocent blood.
These things I rehearse the rather, because they neither spared Age nor Sex, Time nor Place, Person nor Country, Profession nor Religion, Young nor Old, Rich nor Poor, Strong nor Feeble: but, without any mercy, did tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor means to resist them.
For Age and Sex, Young and Old; they slew great numbers of young children; but many more women more than four score years of age.
For Time and Place; their fury was as great ten days after the victory, as at the time of their entry; and as great respect they had to the Church and Churchyard, for all their hypocritical boasting of the Catholic Religion, as the butcher had to his shambles or slaughter house.
For Person and Country, they spared neither friend nor foe, Portugese nor Turk.
For Profession and Religion, the Jesuits must give their ready coin; and all other Religious Houses, both coin and plate: with all short ends that were good and portable.
The Rich was spoiled because he had; and the Poor were hanged because they had nothing. Neither Strength could prevail to make resistance, nor Weakness move pity for to refrain their horrible cruelty.
And this was not only done when the chase was hot; but, as I erst said, when the blood was cold; and they [were] now victors without resistance.
I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcases which lay at every Trench where they entered; the thickness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a man.
I forbear also to recount the huge numbers drowned in the New Town: where a man might behold as many sundry shapes and forms of man's motion at [the] time of death as ever Michael Angelo did portray in his Tables of Doomsday [Picture of the Last Judgment].
I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains [Germans], who lay burned in their armour. Some [with] the entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body free. Some [with] their head and shoulders burnt off; so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, and there take an anatomy of the secrets of Nature. Some [were] standing upon their waist; being burnt off by the thighs. And some no more but the very top of the brain taken off with fire; whiles the rest of the body did abide unspeakable torments.
I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every street with the gore and carcases of horses; neither do I complain that the one lacked burial, and the other flaying, until the air, corrupted with their carion, infected all that yet remained alive in the town.
And why should I describe the particularity of every such annoyance as commonly happens both in camps and castles where martial feats are managed?
But I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning and destroying of the stately Town House, and all the muniments and records of the city: neither can I refrain to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented unto sundry honest dames and virgins.
It is also a ruthful remembrance, that a poor English Merchant, who was but a servant, having once redeemed his master's goods for 300 crowns, was yet hanged until he were half dead, because he had not 200 more to give them. And the halter being cut down, and he come to himself again; [he] besought them on knees, with bitter tears, to give him leave to seek and try his credit and friends in the town, for the rest of their unreasonable demand. At his return, because he sped not, as indeed no money was then to be had, they hung him again outright: and afterwards, of exceeding courtesy, procured the Friars Minor to bury him.
To conclude. Of the 17,000 carcases which were viewed on the Thursday: I think, in conscience, 5,000, or few less, were massacred after their victory; because they had not ready money wherewith to ransom their goods at such prices as they pleased to set on them. At least, all the World will bear me witness, that ten days after, whosoever was but pointed at, and named to be a Walloon, was immediately massacred without further audience or trial.
For mine own part, it is well known that I did often escape very narrowly; because I was taken for a Walloon. And on Sunday, the 11th of this instant [November 1576], which was the day before I gat out of the town, I saw three poor souls murdered in my presence, because they were pointed [at] to be Walloons: and it was well proved, immediately [after], that one of them was a poor artificer, who had dwelt in the town eight years before, and [had] never managed arms, but truly followed his occupation.
Furthermore, the seed of these and other barbarous facts brought forth this crop and fruit, That, within three days, Antwerp, which was one of the richest towns in Europe, had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, but only in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every Don DIEGO must walk, jetting up and down the streets, with his harlot by him, in her chain and bracelets of gold. And the notable Bourse, which was wont to be a safe assembly for merchants and men of all honest trades, had now none other merchandise therein but as many dicing tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.
Men will boast of the Spaniards, that they are the best and most orderly soldiers in the World: but, sure[ly], if this be their order, I had rather be accounted a Besoigner [French for an indigent beggar] than a brave soldier in such a Band: neither must we think, although it hath pleased GOD (for some secret cause only known to his divine Majesty) to yield Antwerp and Maestricht thus into their hands; that he will spare to punish this their outrageous cruelty, when his good will and pleasure shall be to do the same. For surely their boasting and bragging of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged.
I have talked with sundry of them; and demanded, Why they would command that the Town House should be burned?
And their answer was, Because it was the place of assembly where all evil counsels were contrived.
As though it were just that the stocks and stones should suffer for the offence of men. But such is their obstinate mind and arrogancy that, if they might have their will, they would altogether raze and destroy the towns, until no one stone were left upon another. Neither doth their stubborn blindness suffer them to perceive that in so doing they should much endamage the King their Master; whom they boast so faithfully to honour, serve, and obey.
As for the injuries done by them unto our own Nation particularly; I will thus set down as much as I know.
We were quiet in the House appointed for the Mansion of English Merchants, under safe Conduct, Protection, and Placard [Placcaet=Proclamation] of their King: having neither meddled any way in these actions; nor by any means assisted the Estates of the country with money, munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the Governor [Thomas Heton] and Merchants, foreseeing the danger of the time, had often demanded passport of the King's Governors and Officers to depart.
And all these, with sundry other allegations, we propounded and protested unto them before they entered the English House; desiring to be there protected, according to our Privileges and Grants from the King their Master; and that they would suffer us there to remain, free from all outrage spoil or ransom, until we might make our estate known unto [Sancho d'Avila] the Castellan [of Antwerp Castle] and other Head Officers which served there for the said King.
All which notwithstanding; they threatened to fire the House unless we would open the doors: and, being once suffered to enter, demanded presently the ransom of 12,000 crowns of the Governor. Which sum, being not indeed in the House, neither yet one-third part of the same; they spared not with naked swords and daggers to menace the Governor, and violently to present him death; because he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds.
I will not boast of any help afforded by me in that distress: but I thank the Lord GOD! who made me an instrument to appease their devilish furies. And I think that the Governor and all the Company will confess that I used mine uttermost skill and aid for the safeguard of their lives, as well as [of] mine own.
But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding; the Governor [Thomas Heton], being a comely aged man and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and procure reverence in any good mind; especially the uprightness of his dealing considered: they enforced him, with great danger, to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels which were in the House; and to prepare the remnant of 12,000 crowns at such days and times as they pleased to appoint.
And of the rest of our Nation, which had their goods remaining in their several pack-houses and lodgings elsewhere in the town; they took such pity that four they slew, and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt: spoiling and ransoming them to the uttermost value that might be made, or esteemed, of all their goods. Yea, a certain one, they enforced to ransom his goods twice; yea, thrice: and, all that notwithstanding, took the said goods violently from them at the last.
And all these injuries being opened unto their chief Governors in time convenient; and whiles yet the whole sum, set for [the] several ransoms of our countrymen and the English House in general, were not half paid; so that justice and good order might partly have qualified the former rigours proferred by the soldiers: the said Governors were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light, of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town. So that it seemeth they were fully agreed in all things: or, if any contention were, the same was but [a] strife who, or which, of them might do greatest wrongs. Keeping the said Governor and Merchants there still, without grant of passport or safe conduct, when there are scarcely any victuals to be had for any money in the town; nor yet the said Merchants have any money to buy it, where it is. And as for credit; neither credit nor pawn can now find coin in Antwerp.
In these distresses, I left them the 12th of this instant November 1576; when I parted from them: not as one who was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery; but to solicit their rueful causes here, and to deliver the same unto Her Majesty and [the Privy] Council in such sort as I beheld it there.
And this is, in effect, the whole truth of the Sacking and Spoil of so famous a town. Wherein is to be noted—that the Spaniards and their faction being but 5,000; the Trenches made against them of such height as seemed invincible; the Power within the town, 15,000 or 16,000 able fighting men well armed, I mean the townsmen ready armed being counted: it was charged, entered, and won in three hours; and before six hours passed over, every house therein sacked, or ransomed at the uttermost value.
The which victory (being miraculous and past man's capacity to comprehend how it should be possible) I must needs attribute unto GOD's just wrath poured upon the inhabitants for their iniquity, more than to the manhood and force of the Spaniards. And yet I mean not to rob them of their deserved glory; but to confess that both their order and valour in charging and entering was famous: and had they kept half so good order, or shewed the tenth part of such manly courage, in using their victory and parting of their spoil; I must then needs have said that Cæsar had never any such soldiers. And this must I needs say for them that, as their continual training in service doth make them expert in all warlike stratagem; so their daily trade in spoiling hath made them the cunningest ransackers of houses, and the best able to bring a spoil unto a quick market, of any soldiers or master thieves that ever I heard of.
But I leave the scanning of their deeds unto GOD, who will bridle their insolency when he thinketh good and convenient. And let us also learn, out of this rueful tragedy, to detest and avoid those sins and proud enormities which caused the wrath of GOD to be so furiously kindled and bent against the town of Antwerp.
Let us also, if ever we should be driven to like occasion, which GOD forbid! learn to look better about us for good order and direction; the lack whereof was their overthrow. For surely the inhabitants lacked but good guides and leaders: for (having none other order appointed, but to stand every man armed in readiness before his door) they died there, many of them, fighting manfully; when the Wallooners and High Duches [Germans] fled beastly.
Let us also learn to detest the horrible cruelties of the Spaniards, in all executions of warlike stratagems; lest the dishonour of such beastly deeds might bedim the honour wherewith English soldiers have always been endowed in their victories.
And finally let us pray to GOD for grace to amend our lives, and for power and foresight to withstand the malice of our enemies: that remaining and continuing in the peaceable protection of our most gracious Sovereign, we may give Him the glory; and all due and loyal obedience unto Her Majesty, whom GOD now and ever prospect and preserve. Amen.
Written the 25th day of November 1576,
by a true Englishman, who was
present at this piteous Massacre,
ut supra.
(Continued from page [143].)
5. The following illustrative documents, now in the State Paper Office, London, carry on the story of the Spanish Fury to a somewhat later date.
The spelling of the word Gascon is so important, that we took the opinion of several experts at the State Paper Office upon it. They were all unanimous that the word is written Gascon, and not Gaston as printed in Volume 140 of the Calendar of those Foreign State Papers. That being so and the Christian name being given as George: it is clear that Thomas Heton, in the flurry in which he wrote the Memorial from the Company, wrote George Gascon phonetically for George Gascoigne.
6. The next two documents are the letters which the Soldier-Poet brought to England, when he got out of Antwerp on 12th November 1576, as stated at page [162].
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,009. Thomas Heton to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Antwerp, 10 November 1576.
Right Honourable, the 3rd of this month the States' men, Horsemen and Footmen, entered this town with consent: and on the morrow, which was Sunday the 4th of this present, the Spaniards with certain Almains, out of the Castle, entered the town and drave away the States' Power and they fled as they could: the town [being] put to sack, with a pitiful slaughter and a miserable spoil.
Our House [was] entered by Twelve Spaniards, soldiers, who put me and the rest of the Company in great fear. We were put to ransom first at 12,000 crowns; and since it is grown one way and [an]other to 3,000 more: and what the Company have lost, that had their chambers and pack-houses in the town in burghers' houses, at this present, I know not; but they are spoiled of all.
In the name of the Company there is a letter written to the honourable [Privy] Council of our state [See next document] most humbly beseeching that their Honours would be a mean for us to Her Majesty, as to their Honours in this case they shall think good.
If we might have had passport when I required it, first of the States, then of Monsieur [DE] Champagney Governor of this town, and after of the Lords of this town, as both by the Intercourse [of 1507] and Privileges we ought in right to have had; then had we avoided this great peril of life and miserable spoil which we have sustained.
And now I most humbly beseech you to move my good Lords that some [persons and money] may be sent over for our comfort, that we may be permitted to pass out of this town in person, and [also] such goods as we have remaining. For in this town we shall lack both victuals and fuel; and also be daily in fear of the like spoil that we have sustained.
And thus, what for the great peril that I have sustained, and the burden and charge of my Office; I must crave pardon though my writing be not as it should be.
I do perceive they [the Spaniards] stand here in doubt how Her Majesty will take this doing to us.
The Lord send me and my wife into England, if it be his good will.
At Antwerp, the 10th of November 1576.
Thomas Heton.
1,010 The Merchant Adventurers to the Privy Council.
From Antwerp, [10] November 1576.
Right Honourable our good and gracious Lords, &c. In all humbleness these are showing to your Honours that in respect of the troubles all over this country, and especially the danger in this town of Antwerp; such of our Society as are here remaining did purpose, and some attempted, to have, in due time, removed from this place both their persons and goods; some by water and some by land, as well towards England as for Duchland [Germany.] And being letted [hindered] of their purpose and attempts both the ways, and not suffered to pass their goods out of this town; whereupon [they] sought to have had free passage and passport here, according to the Intercourse and Safe Conduct.
But after many delays, from time to time; the 3rd day of this month, our requests were plainly denied, either to be granted, or by writing answered.
So as, the 4th day, we are fallen into great peril of our lives; divers of our Company being hurt, and some slain. And by sacking of this town ever since, we are not only spoiled of our money and goods that were in private houses thereof; but also we are further forced, for ransom and safeguard of our persons and goods within the principal House of our residence here, to answer and content the Spanish soldiers and others who, in the Fury, entered our said House, accounting charges, above the sum of £5,000 Flemish.
Towards furniture [furnishing] whereof, we have been constrained to give them all the money and plate that was in our said House; and also to use our credit for so much as we could get besides. And yet all accounted and delivered to them doth not discharge the one half of the sum; and for the rest we have given them Bills payable at a month, and some part at two months: so as now we have not money to provide for our needful sustentation.
Wherefore we most humbly beseech your good Lordships and Honours, of your accustomed clemencies, to have compassion upon us; and to be means to our most gracious Sovereign Lady, the Queen's Majesty, that speedy order may be given for our relief, and release out of this place: where presently [at present] we are void of money and credit; and shortly are like[ly] to be void of sustenance, and not able to get it for money.
The discourse of these tragedies we omit, and refer the same to be reported to your Lordships by this bringer, Master George Gascon; whose humanity, in this time of trouble, we, for our parts, have experimented.
And so leaving the further and due consideration of our case unto your Right Honourable wisdoms and clemencies; we beseech Almighty GOD to preserve your good Lordships and Honours in long health and felicity.
Written at Antwerp, this [10th] day of November 1576,
By your Lordships' and Honours'
Most bound and obedient.
The Governor and Fellowship of the
English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp,
Thomas Heton.
7. In 1602, an anonymously written Play, based on this Narrative, was published in London, under the title, A larum for London, or the Siege of Antwerp, in 4to.
8. Five days after Gascoigne got out of Antwerp; the English Ambassador was there. No doubt he helped our Merchant Adventurers in their dire extremity.
Jeronimo de Rodas, or Roda, was the supreme villain in command of the troops that had sacked the town; as Sancho d'Avila was in charge of Antwerp Castle. Doctor Wilson thus reports a conversation that he had with Rodas on the 17th November 1576, thirteen days after the massacre began. This gives us the Spanish view of the matter; and also such miserable excuse as they could possibly offer for their villany, which however is no excuse at all.
We must remember that it would be the Ambassador's policy to keep fair with Rodas, who was master of the situation for the moment.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr Thomas Wilson to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.
And now, if it please your Honours, I am to declare my coming to Rodas, who did send unto me a Safe Conduct for me and mine, upon a letter that I did write to him from Ghent the 10th of this month: and the 17th of the same, I did speak with him; immediately after my coming to Antwerp.
And, delivering my Letters of Credit, [I] made him acquainted with all that I did at Brussels; and that my coming [to Flanders] was for the King's benefit and honour: assuring him that if either the Estates would alienate this country [of Flanders] to any foreign Prince, or would convert it to themselves in prejudice of the King [Philip II.]; Her Majesty would employ all her force to withstand such attempts.
These speeches he liked very well: and was persuaded, even by plain demonstration before my departure, that my coming was to none other end; as it was not indeed.
Hereupon he declared unto me at large, the whole doings at Brussels, the Mutinies made by the Spaniards at Alost and elsewhere after their victory had at Zierikzee; and blamed greatly the young heads at Brussels, and the fury of the people to use the King's Council, and to break up the door of his Palace, in such sort as they did: [Rodas was very nearly made prisoner in the Palace at Brussels on 5th September 1576, by the Seigneur De Hèze:] clearing the Council from all intention of evil to the town, or people, of Brussels; making a very great discourse unto me of this matter.
"Well," quoth I, "you are well revenged of the people by your late victory here in Antwerp; which hath been very bloody."
"Can you blame us?" quoth he. "Is it not natural to withstand force with force; and to kill rather than to be killed? and not to lose the King's piece committed to our charge?"
All this I granted: and praised the Spaniards for their valiant courage; that, being so few, could, with policy and manhood, overcome so many.
"But now," quoth I, "I pray you give me leave to speak a little. After you were lords of the town—which you got wholly and quietly within two hours after your issuing forth—what did you mean, to continue still killing, without mercy, people of all sorts that did bear no armour at all; and to murder them in their houses? to fire the chiefest and fairest part of the city, after you were in full and quiet possession of all? And not contented to spoil the whole town, but to ransom those that were spoiled? And to spare no Nation: although they did bear no arms at all; nor yet were dealers in any practice at all against the King's Ministers, or the Spaniards?"
His answer was, That the fury of the soldiers could not be stayed: and that it grieved him much when the city was on fire; and [that there] was no sparing to kill, when all were conquered. The soldiers of Alost were adventurers, had no Captains, desperate persons: and would not be ruled by any Proclamation or commandment that could be given or made.
"Well," quoth I, "if the Fury could not be stayed; yet the Ransoming might be forbidden; which is an act against the Law of all Nations." And therefore I required him, in the name of the Queen's Majesty, to command restitution to be made to the English Nation....
To conclude, he told me, That he would be glad to do what he might for restitution; but he thought it would be hard. For that which is to be paid with Bills, which for the Company amounteth to 5,000 crowns, at the month's end: the same [Bills], he saith, shall be discharged; and the bonds cancelled. Further he hath promised to grant a Safe Conduct for all English Merchants to go (with their goods remaining, ships, and merchandizes), without danger, withersoever they will: not aiding, or abetting, the King's enemies.
9. We next give the opinion of the Sieur de Champagney as to how the massacre came about.
In the following January, he was in England: and then presented a long Memorial in French, to our Privy Council; in which occurs the following reference to the Spanish Fury.
S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 142.
1,029. The Sieur de Champagney's Declaration.
At London, in January 1577.
That he undertook the Government of Antwerp most unwillingly, at the express desire and command of the King of Spain. That, during his Government, he did all in his power to restrain the excesses of the Spaniards in the Citadel; so far as to incur their odium and hatred. That he was unable to prevent the sack of the town, owing to the treachery of the Almain Colonels [Van Einden &c.] of the only troops under his command; who would not suffer the burghers to arm in their defence.
10. Edward Grimeston, in his General History of the Netherlands to 1608 (which is mainly based on J. F. Le Petit's Chronique, printed at Dordrecht in 1601) gives the following account of the destruction of Antwerp Castle, which had been built by the Duke of Alva.
The inhabitants of Antwerp being still in fear, by reason of their Castle, so long as the war was thus wavering, fearing they should be, at some time, again surprised (terming it a den of thieves, an invention of men full of cruelty, a nest of tyranny, a receptacle of all filthy villany abomination and wickedness) obtained leave of the States to dismantle it towards the town.
The which the burghers began the 28th of August [1577], with such spleen as there was neither great nor small (wives children, gentlewomen, and burghers; and all in general) but would pull down a piece of it; men, women, and servants going thither, with their Ensigns displayed, having many victuallers on the plain before the Castle [the Esplanade]; so as it seemed a camp. And although the masons' work was great, strong, and thick; yet were they not long in beating it down on that side.
Soon after, in imitation of that of Antwerp, followed the dismantling of the Castles of Ghent, Utrecht, Valenciennes, Bethune, Lille, Aire, and others; and the Citadel of Arras was laid open towards the town. p. 647.]
Footnotes
[2] ] The necessary corrections have been herein made.—E.A.
[3] ]This Plan of Antwerp at the time of the Spanish Fury, drawn up from the instructions of George Gascoigne, is wanting in every copy of this Narrative that we have met with. We have strenuously searched for it in every direction; but without success. Its disappearance is a great loss.—E.A.
