Zodiacal Light
This phenomenon, from its occasional faint resemblance to and association with the auroras, would seem to deserve mention here, though none of the conjectures formed, more particularly by Cassini, Euler, Mairan, Kepler, Laplace, Fatio de Duiller, Schubert, Poisson, Olmsted, Biot, Herschel, Delambre, Olbers or Sir Wm. Thomson attribute to it any electric or magnetic origin.
In the Report of the Proceedings of the Reale Istituto Lombardo, 1876, however, appears the account of many observations confirmed by M. Serpieri which “demand absolutely” the conclusion that the zodiacal light “is an electrical aurora preceding and following the sun round the earth.”
Angstrom asserted that he observed the auroral line in the spectrum of the zodiacal light, and Lewis saw the latter during the aurora of May 2, 1877. Humboldt, who observed it (“Cosmos,” 1849, Vol. I. p. 126) in the Andes at an elevation of 13,000 to 15,000 feet, as well as on “the boundless grassy plains, the Llanos of Venezuela, and on the seashore, beneath the ever-clear sky of Cumana,” believes it to be caused by “a very compressed annulus of nebulous matter, revolving freely in space between the orbits of Venus and Mars.” In this connection he refers to Arago in the Annuaire for 1832, p. 246, and to a letter published in Comptes Rendus, XVI, 1843, p. 687, from which the following is extracted: “Several physical facts appear to indicate that, in a mechanical separation of matter into its smallest particles, if the mass be very small in relation to the surface, the electrical tension may increase sufficiently for the production of light and heat.”
In Chambers’ “Descript. Astronomy,” p. 257, the historian Nicephorus is credited with first calling attention to the existence of this phenomenon, to which Giovanni Domenico Cassini gave the name of Zodiacal Light, after determining its relations in space during the year 1683 (Mém. de l’Académie, 1730, Tome VIII. pp. 188 and 276), but to Childrey belongs the credit of having given to Europe the first explicit description of this phenomenon at p. 183 of his 1661 “Britannia Baconica.”
References.—Sturgeon’s Annals, etc., Vol. II. pp. 140–142; Prof. C. W. Prichett’s paper in Sci. Am. Supp., No. 126, p. 2008, and the conclusions reached by Herr Gronemann (Archives Néerlandaises) in Sci. Am. Supp., No. 327, p. 5221; Whewell, “Hist. of the Ind. Sciences,” 1859, Vol. I. p. 531, and Vol. II. p. 609; Tyndall, “Heat as a Mode of Motion,” 1873, pp. 57, 58, 497, 498; J. F. J. Schmidt, “Das Zodiacallicht,” Braunschweig, 1856; the very interesting abstract given in “The Journal of the Brit. Assoc.,” Vol. XII. No. 5, of paper read by Rev. J. T. W. Claridge, F.R.S., Jan. 9, 1902; Houzeau et Lancaster, “Bibl. Générale,” Vol. II. 1882, pp. 763–771; “Pr. Roy. Soc. of Edin.,” XX. pt. 3; C. Wilkes, “Theory of Zod. Light,” Philad., 1857; Phil. Trans., Vol. XXXVIII. p. 249; “Cosmos,” 1849, Vol. I. pp. 126–134; “Anc. Mém. de Paris,” I, VIII and X; J. J. de Mairan, Paris, 1733; “U. S. Japan Expedition,” Vol. III, Washington, 1856.
A.D. 1684.—Hooke (Dr. Robert), English natural philosopher (1635–1703), who, in 1677, had succeeded Oldenburg as Secretary to the Royal Society, gives the earliest well-defined plan of telegraphic transmission, in a paper addressed to the Royal Society “showing a way how to communicate one’s mind at great distances ... 40, 100, 120, etc., miles ... in as short a time almost as a man could write what he would have sent.” His apparatus consisted of an elevated framework supporting an open screen, behind which were suspended as many wooden devices, or symbols, such as circles, squares, triangles, etc., as there were letters in the alphabet. In the daytime these devices were drawn up by a rope behind the screen and made visible in the open space, while during the night use was made of torches, lanterns or lights.
Hooke also showed, in 1684, that iron and steel rods can be permanently magnetized by strongly heating them and by rapidly cooling them in the magnetic meridian (“Enc. Brit.” 1857, Vol. XIV. p. 3).
But, what is still more singular, he had, even previous to the above-named date (i. e. in 1667), alluded to the possibility of telephoning, that is, communicating sound through a wire. He thus expresses himself: “And as glasses have highly promoted our seeing, so it is not improbable that there may be found many mechanical inventions to improve our other senses—of hearing, smelling, tasting, touching.... ’Tis not impossible to hear a whisper a furlong’s distance, it having been already done; and perhaps the nature of the thing would not make it more impossible though that furlong should be ten times multiplied. And though some famous authors have affirmed it impossible to hear through the thinnest plates of Muscovy glass, I know a way by which it is easy to hear one speak through a wall a yard thick. It has not been examined how far acoustics may be improved, nor what other ways there may be of quickening our hearing, or conveying sound through other bodies than the air, for that is not the only medium. I can assure the reader that I have, by the help of a distended wire, propagated the sound to a very considerable distance in an instant, or with as seemingly quick a motion as that of light, at least, incomparably swifter than that which at the same time was propagated through the air; and this not only in a straight line, or direct, but in one bended in many angles.”
References.—Hooke’s entire paper in Derham’s “Phil. Exp. and Obs.” for 1726, pp. 142–150; Phil. Trans, for 1684; for his observations on atmospheric electricity consult Houzeau et Lancaster, “Bibl. Gén.,” Vol. II. p. 166; “Journal des Savants” for April 1846; “The Posthumous Works of Robert Hooke,” London, 1705, p. 424; “Revue Scientifique,” Mars 15, 1902, p. 351; for a complete list of all his works, consult Ward’s “Lives of the Gresham Professors”; for description of his telegraph and reference to Amontons, etc., see Phil. Mag., Vol. I. pp. 312–316.
A.D. 1684.—Sturmy’s “Mariner’s Magazine” for this year, of which a copy can be seen in the library of the British Museum, contains an account of the deviation of the compass and its tendency to give misleading directions on account of local attraction.
References.—Chambers’ Journal, Vol. III. No. 60 for Feb. 24, 1855, p. 132, and Vol. XII. No. 300 for Oct. 1, 1859, p. 246; Capt. Sam. Sturmy’s “Magn. Virtues and Tides,” in Phil. Trans., No. 57, p. 726, or “Memoirs of the Roy. Soc.,” Vol. I. p. 134; Phil. Trans., abridgments: by Hutton, Vol. II. p. 560, and by Lowthorp, Vol. II. p. 609; “Journal des Sçavans” for 1683, Vol. XI. pp. 267–293.
A.D. 1684.—In the “Essayes of Natural Experiments made in the Accademia del Cimento” (Englished by Richard Waller), London, 1684, by direction of the Royal Society, there are given, respectively at pp. 53, 123 and 128–132, accounts of the operation of the magnet in vacuo, details of several magnetical experiments and experiments touching amber as well as other electrical bodies.
A.D. 1686.—Maimbourg (Louis), French historian, relates this instance of the employment of the magnet at Chap. VI of the Rev. W. Webster’s translation of his “Histoire de l’Arianisme”: “Whilst Valens (the Roman emperor) was at Antioch ... several pagans of distinction, with the philosophers ... not being able to bear that the empire should continue in the hands of the Christians, consulted privately the demons ... in order to know the destiny of the emperor and who should be his successor.... For this purpose they made a three-footed stool ... upon which, having laid a basin of divers metals, they placed the twenty-four letters of the alphabet around it; then one of these philosophers, who was a magician ... holding in one hand vervain and in the other a ring which hung at the end of a small thread, pronounced ... conjurations ... at which the three-footed stool turning around and the ring moving of itself, and turning from one side to the other over the letters, it caused them to fall upon the table ... which foretold them ... that the Furies were waiting for the emperor at Mimas; ... after which the enchanted ring, turning about again over the letters in order to express the name of him who should succeed the emperor, formed first of all these capital letters, T H E O. After adding a D, to form T H E O D, the ring stopped, and was not seen to move any more, at which one of the assistants cried out ... ‘Theodorus is the person whom the gods appoint for our emperor’” (“History of Christianity,” by the Rev. Henry Hart Milman, London, 1840, Vol. III. p. 120).
Maimbourg’s biography is given at p. 58, Vol. IV. of the “English Encyclopædia.”
A.D. 1692.—Dr. Le Lorrain de Vallemont relates, in “Description de l’Aimant,” etc., which he published at Paris, that, after a very severe wind and rain storm during the month of October 1690, the new steeple of the Church of Notre Dame de Chartres was found to be so seriously injured as to necessitate demolition. It was then observed that the iron cross was covered with a heavy coating of rust, which latter proved to be so highly magnetic that a special report upon it was made in the “Journal des Sçavans” by M. de la Hire, December 3, 1691, at the request of Giovanni Dom. Cassini, and of other members of the French Royal Academy.
References.—“Journal des Sçavans,” Vols. XX, 1692, pp. 357–364 and Vol. XXXV, 1707, pp. 493–494 for additional accounts of the Church of N. Dame de Chartres by M. de la Hire and M. de Vallemont, and for a review of M. de Vallemont’s work, of which latter pp. 4, 30, 66, 74, 89 to 90 merit special attention.
A.D. 1693.—Gregory (David), an eminent mathematician, who, in 1691, had been made Savilian Professor of Astronomy in Oxford mainly through the influence of Newton and Flamsteed, communicates the result of his observations on the laws of magnetic action.
References.—Noad, “Manual of Electricity,” 1859, p. 525, Phil. Trans., Vols. XVIII-XXV; “Biog. Générale,” Vol. XXI. p. 902; Ninth “Britannica,” Vol. XI. p. 182; J. J. Fahie, “A History of El. Tel. to the year 1837,” London, 1884, p. 24.
A.D. 1693.—In the first volume (Letter IV. pp. 25–28) of the “Memoirs for the Ingenious ...” by J. de la Crosse, are given accounts of several “New experiments on the loadstone; of a needle touch’d with it, and plac’d directly over the needle of a compass; of two Mariner’s Needles hang’d freely over one another, at several distances; of a touch’d steel-ring. Reasons of these experiments. The earth magnetical.”
In explanation of all this, M. de la Hire supposes “that the mass of the earth is a great loadstone, which directs the poles of the same name in all the loadstones and touch’d needles, towards the same place of the earth; so that the two hang’d needles do but remove from this natural position by the particular force they have of driving away each other’s poles of the same name; which force, in a certain degree, is not sufficient to overcome the power of the great loadstone of the earth.”
An account of M. P. de la Hire’s “new sort of a magnetical compass” had already appeared in the Phil. Trans. for 1686–1687, Vol. XVI. No. 188, p. 344.
References.—For De la Hire, the following abridgments of the Phil. Trans.: Lowthorp, London, 1722, Vol. II. pp. 620–622; Baddam, London, 1739, Vol. IV. pp. 473–478; Hutton, London, 1809, Vol. III. p. 381; also “The Phil. Hist. and Mem. of the Roy. Acad. at Paris,” by Martyn and Chambers, London, 1742, Vol. II. pp. 273–277; Vol. V. pp. 272–282 and the “Table Alphab. ... Acad. Royale,” by M. Godin, Paris, Vol. II. p. 16 and Vol. X. pp. 164 and 734.
A.D. 1696.—Zahn (F. Joannes), prebendary of the Prémontrés Order at Celle near Wurtzburg and provost of the convent of Niederzell, celebrated for his philosophical and mathematical studies, publishes his highly valued “Specula physico-mathematico-historica-notabilium ac mirabilium sciendorum ...” throughout the three folio volumes of which he treats extensively of the wonders of the entire universe.
In his tabulated list of the origin and properties of all the different known gems and stones (Vol. II. chap. vii. p. 55), he states that the loadstone, first discovered at Magnesia in Lydia (Caria—on the Mæander) is heavy, very well shaped, and of a dark colour verging upon blue. The marvellous properties of gems and stones are detailed at pp. 59–73 of the same volume, the fifth paragraph of Chap. VIII treating of the loadstone’s many virtues and admirable qualities, as exemplified in the writings of Guilielmus Gilbertus, Nicolaus Zucchius, Nicolaus Cabæus, Athanasius Kircherus, Eusebius Nierembergius, Laurentius Forerus, Hieronymus Dandinus, Jacobus Grandamicus, Ludovicus Alcazar, Claudius Franciscus Milliet de Chales, as well as of many others.
References.—Michaud, “Biog. Univ.,” Vol. XLV. p. 340; Dr. John Thomas, “Universal Pron. Dict.,” 1886, p. 2514; Brunet, “Manuel du Libraire,” Vol. V. p. 1519.
A.D. 1700.—Bernoulli (John I), son of Nicolas, the founder of the celebrated family of that name, improves upon Picard’s discovery of the electrical appearance of the barometer, made A.D. 1675, by devising a mercurial phosphorus or mercury shining in vacuo (“Diss. Physica de Mercurio Lucente,” etc., Basel, 1719). This procured the favourable notice of King Frederick I, of Prussia, who rewarded him with a medal. John Bernoulli I (1667–1748) was a member of nearly every learned society of Europe and “one of the first mathematicians of a mathematical age.” His exceedingly valuable memoirs, found in all the scientific transactions of the day, were first collected in their entirety during the year 1742, by Cramer, Professor of Mathematics, and published at Lausanne and Geneva.
“Is it not surprising,” remarks Prof. Robison, in his able article on “Dynamics” (Eighth “Britannica,” Vol. VIII. p. 363), “that, twenty-five years after the publication of Newton’s ‘Principia,’ a mathematician on the Continent should publish a solution in the Memoirs of the French Academy, and boast that he had given the first demonstration of it? Yet, John Bernoulli did this in 1710. Is it not more remarkable that this should be precisely the solution given by Newton, beginning from the same theorem, the 40th I., Prin., following Newton in every step and using the same subsidiary lines? Yet, so it is.” This was five years after he had accepted (1705) the chair of mathematics made vacant by the death of his brother, James I.