How Aurelius Antonius Bassianus Caracalla, Emperour of Rome, was slayne by one of his owne seruauntes, about the yeere of Christ, 209.
1.
Who thirstes to thring[1134] vnto the highest throne,
Ne wisely windes Dame Fortune’s subtile snare:
Or who in courte would rule the rost alone,
And sees not what he heapes himselfe of care,
Let him well wey my case, and then beware:
Whome foorth the stately seate did first allure,
Which after did my hastie death procure.
2.
And, Higins, here in purpose sith thou hast
The haplesse hauen where Fortune’s impes ariue,
A mirour make likewise of me thou mayst,
If thou my life and dealings wilt discriue.
It may perhaps much profit some aliue:
Which when themselues playne paynted forth they see,
They may presage their fatall falles in mee.
3.
I am that Antonine, Seuerus sonne,
That once of mighty Rome did beare the swaye,
Which in my father’s life a stryfe begone
With Geta, thyrsting often him to slay:
I sought to haue my father made away,
To raigne alone so great desire I had,
Naught but theyr deathes indueste my hart to glad.[1135]
4.
My father oft exhorted both to peace,
Declarde by stories olde what came by strife,
Dehorted both from ciuill discord cease,
But I sought meanes to rid him of his life.
I banisht to Sycilia isle my wife,
Encreast mine hoste, reckt not my British charge,
But how I might enioy the empire large.
5.
And first when as my father once was dead,
I gaue my selfe to all reuenge of foes,
The seruants late which stoode me not in stead,
And some physicions which my treasons did disclose,[1136]
Or such to saue their prince themselues dispose,
Or reconcile vs brethren tooke sore payne,
I causde them all without respect be slayne.
6.
The captaines all likewise I brybed well,[1137]
In Britayne then desiring them to chuse
Mee Emprour sole, and Geta to repell:[1138]
Which they to doe for dueties sake refuse.
Our mother eke all meanes with vs did vse,
Perswading vs to loue and concorde bende,
To which dissemblingly I graunted[1139] in the ende.
7.
Wee both in empire like from Britayne passe,
A truce concluded there, and hostage take:
His reliques shrinde (as then the custome was)
To Rome therewith our voyage fast we make.
And yet the malice could not so aslake:
For in our iourneyes wee durst neyther trust,
But seuerall courts and dyets keepe we must.
8.
Both fearing poyson, force or treason wrought,
Both crauing all the empire to enioy,
Both working all the wayes that might be sought,
To worke to each some secret great anoy,
Both seeking how his partner to destroy.
The brother which to brother should be stay,
Endeuours how to make him quite away.
9.
And those that bare of dignities degree,
The officers, were diuersly distracte:
Some fauourde Geta, some did fauour mee,
In him no poynt of courtesie there lackte.
He was of maners milde, of doome exact,
To studies good addict, of comely grace,
In warres and peace discharging well the place.
10.
But I was rough, and violent, and fearce,
Of fiery Mars affected all to bloud:
What neede I more my qualities rehearce,
Which were so farre vnlike my brother’s good.
On threatnings, force, and feare, my Empire stood,
Whereby in deede of fauning friends I had,
For feare or gayne were of my fauour glad.
11.
Our mother long perswading vs to peace,
And both perceiuing our attempts but vaine,
Did both agree our discordes to surcease,
And for to part the empire into twaine:
My selfe should holde of Europe all the maine
With th’isles thereof, and Geta all the East,
Of Asia all the [realmes and] islands most and least.
12.
As thus we parle amongst the counsayle all,
And so decree, full purposed thereto,
The Senate, which foresawe mishaps might fall,
Still sadly sate, durst nothing say nor doe:
But Iulia then the mother of vs two,
When she perceiude the Senate pause for feare,
Arose to speake, and sayd as you shall heare.
13.
“The sea and land (quoth she) my sonnes you get,
You finde a way how you may them deuide:
The Pontique floud betweene you both is set
For boundes of both, it buts on eyther side:
But how will you your mother now deuide?
How shall my haplesse corps be parted, put
Betweene you both, shall I likewise be cut?
14.
“If needes in twayne you part this empire must,
I see what discorde after may betyde:
How empire makes men guiltlesse bloud to thrust,
What noble peeres for this betrayde, haue dyde.
T’were better both, the Romaynes well to guyde,
Then separate farre, without so firme a stay,
Your seuered force some treason should decay.
15.
“One man himselfe may much by wit foresee,
But twaine may more perceiue perdy then one:[1140]
One friendly man by fauour much may bee,
But two in friendship knit, neede feare no fone.
Two brethren then to rule the world alone
As brethren shoulde, and liue in faithfull sorte,
The worlde their loue and honours will reporte.
16.
“But if deuide the Empire all you will,
First ere you goe for to enioy your raigne,
My woefull corps I pray you here to kill,
And it deuide betweene you both in twaine,
That I may eke with both of you remayne.
Doe burie each a parte so distant farre,
Deuided as your seates, selues, kingdomes are.”
17.
So when she spoken had, with teares shee came,
And sobbes, beseeching both, embracing vs,
And wil’d we should our selues to friendship frame,
Not bearing hate in hart, and enuie thus:
On which the Senate nothing durst discusse,
But all arose, departing did lament,
Which vew’de our thirsting sore, to bloudshed bent.
18.
Our hatred still encreased more and more,
For when that captaines newe elected were,
Or officers in place we did restore,
In these, our mindes to all men playne appeare,
We diuersly affected fauour beare:
Of right in sentence eke, of diuers mindes,
As hatefull oft the eyes of justice blindes.
19.
Our owne we sought, and not the publique weale,
Yet both the publique wealth alone to haue:
We nothing reckt to hap the publique heale,
But to enioy the publique wealth we straue.
To cookes and butlers giftes of price we gaue,
To poyson each: when yet not these proceede,
I hired some by force to doe the deede.
20.
When this likewise had not successe aright,
My selfe, to slay my brother, I addrest:
I rusht into his chamber euen or night,
While of my force I thinke he feared lest:
There with my sworde I strake him through the brest.
Eke while our mother’s lap his wonndes embrewe,
Her Geta deare betweene her armes I slewe.
21.
Which done, I flew the palace straight, and cald the garde,
Cryde treason, told I scarce escapte vnslayne,
Commaunding souldiers well to watch and warde,
And me conuey vnto the campe amayne,
Where I might safe from violence remayne:
I sayd, I should be made away, perdie,[1141]
If in the court I longer time did lye.
22.
So they supposing all was trueth I tolde,
(Not weeting what was done to Geta than)
Made speede to runne with me vnto the holde:
The people hearing this, to flocke began,
Enquiring why the prince and souldiers ran:
In tent I kneeld encampt, the gods to prayse
With promist vowes, which had prolong’de my dayes.
23.
The souldiers all amazde resorted to the tent,[1142]
Where I the gods with honour serued thoe:
On which I forth amongste them boldly went,
Told them great daungers I had scaped fro,
And of mine enmyes fall and ouerthroe.
By Fortune’s gifte (quoth I) the enmye’s slayne,[1143]
And th’empyre wholy doth to mee remayne.
24.
I promist then the souldiers if they would,[1144]
My empire stablishe sure, and safty see,
Each [fiue and] twenty hundred Attique grotes haue should,[1145]
More corne then earst by halfe alow’de shoulde bee,
The temples welth and treasures shoulde bee free
For them to vse at large, whereby that onely day[1146]
Seuerus pile of eighteene yeare I spoylde away.[1147]
25.
The souldiers so allurde, perceiuing all my minde,[1148]
(And slaughter blazde by those in house that fled)
I was by them proclaymde and th’Emprour[1149] sole assinde,
And hee an enmy namde that now was deade.
All night in temple forth with vowes I led,
Next day to Senate house with th’ [armed] hoste I gate,
And seruice done, thus wise in [th’empire] throne I spake:
“I know right well (quoth I) domestique slaughters hatefull seeme,
And euen the name thereof makes men full euill[1150] of parties deeme:
For why, th’vnhappy slayne moues milder men to mercy still,
And noble Peeres are enui’de when compel’de theyr foes they kill,
The vanquisht iniur’de seeme, and victours deem’de vniustly ill.
But who so euer shall this case it selfe with trueth perpende
Not partially that deemes, ensearching what hee did pretend:
Hee shall perceiue and finde it better farre and needefull more
To wrecke the wrong, then wincke thereat, and after smarte therfore.
For, to the slayne beside his woe, there comes a dastarde’s name,
The victour hath beside his health, of fortitude the fame.
But certis how by poysons hee, and all meanes sought my spoile,
You may right soone by tortures try without of farder toyle,
And therefore I commaunded all his seruaunts present bee.
That you the trueth may know when their confessions plain you see:
While I was at my mother’s house, he brought with swords his traine,
Forwarnd, so armde, by fight my foe, I haue mine enmy slain.
Sith hee about a mischiefe went, no brother’s harte that bore,
To take reuenge on such, is due: as custome telles of yore.
The founder right of Rome, not with his brother flouting bare:
I leaue to speake what Germanique and Titus erst did dare,
And Marcus wise and milde his daughter’s husband did not spare.
But I, for mee when poysons were and swords to slay mee drest,
Reueng’de my foe, (of foe the name his workes assign’de him best)
Therefore thanke you the gods, that they one prince preserued you,
Beholde the same, him loyall loue, to him bee iust and true:
For euen as loue aboue, amongst the gods doth rule alone,
So hee in earth the empire all, alottes and giues to one.”
26.
Thus hauing sayde alowde, with irefull moode,
And bloudy countnaunce cast about the place,
Th’assembly pale and trembling, fearefull stoode,
And I retourn’de to th’pallace thence a space.
My brother’s householde then I made a way a pace,[1151]
His friends, his seruaunts all, young, olde, and new,
And th’infantes eke, without respect I slewe:
27.
The wrastlers and the waggeners likewise,
Musitians, players, which did please his minde:
Of th’order of the Senatours full wise,
In whome was noble bloud or wealth to finde.
Not one of Getae’s friends I left behinde:
Also my wife whome I exilde away
To Sicile Ile, I caused them to slay.
28.
Lucilla eke, that auncient noble Dame,
To Marcus wise the daughter sage and graue,
Of Commodus that sister great of fame,
Which honour much in Rome deseru’de to haue,
I say, shee did my deedes therein depraue,
Because to Getae’s mother shee wept sore,
For Getae’s death: I causde her die therefore.
29.
Her sonne likewise, I caused should bee slayne,
And of th’imperiall bloud (to make all sure)
I left not one aliue, that might remayne,
Or vnto whom they might my place procure.
By night likewise I put like acts in vre:
For day and night I ceased not to slay,
Of Getae’s friendes to roote the rest away.
30.
I vestall virgins buried eke aliue,
And made the souldiers multitudes to kill
Because I deemde they were in wordes to blyue.
Against my couche[1152] wherein I trauailde still,
The souldiers slewe the men that thought no ill,
Or made them buy their liues with all they had,
Which were, to scape with life alone, full glad.
31.
This donne, for feare from Rome with speede I gate,
The townelike life at home misliked mee:
For why the citty did my murders hate,
Where souldiers held their slaughters franke and free,
And were enricht by spoile of each degree.
I gate therefore with all my Martiall crewe
From Itayle land, Danubian shoares to vewe.
32.
Where, vnto hunting I applyde my selfe,
To ride abroade in couche, and giue them lawes:
In fewe dispacht their pleas about but pelfe,
Not gieuen to heare long pleading playnts for strawes.
I counted such but cafling[1153] captiue dawes
As spent their substaunce, time, and goods in suite,
About such things as could not yeelde them fruite.
33.
I clad my selfe much like the Germanes then,
So trimde my haire, chose them my garde to serue:
So framde my selfe to please these ruder men,
As might them cause of mee full well deserue,
From labour none with them I seemde to swerue:
To digge, lifte, beare, to grinde, moulde, knead or bake,
In painfull sort and simple fare to take.
34.
The Germanes much reioyste my kinde of life,
My sufferaunce great in during labours long:
The name of mate with vs was holden rife,
I seemde a fellowe souldier them among:
Of stature small, yet was I wondrous strong,
So that the stoutest men[1154] which in mine armies were,
Durst not with mee great burdens dare to beare.[1155]
35.
When at Danubius I had placed strength,
To Thracia thence with speede apace I went:
Where monuments agayne I made at length
To Alexander’s fame: to Rome I sent
Likewise of statues for the same intent,
In Capitole and temples them to place,
For honour great of Alexander’s grace.
36.
I made mee garments eke of Thracian guise,
And captaynes mee to Alexander call;
To Pergame thence in Asia great that lies
I gate, Achilles tombe with honours all
To vewe perdy,[1156] as stories witnesse shall:
Whence (order set) to Antioche I farde,
Where my receyte with honour was preparde.
37.
To Alexandria then I fared faste,
For they had scofte full oft before at mee:
My mother they had named Queene Iocaste,
Achilles great and Alexander mee.
They smil’de my folly great herein to see,
Which though I were a dwarfe of stature small,
Durst take the name of captaynes great and tall,
38.
Ne Getae’s murder spared oft to spread,
As is their nature gieuen to taunt and iest:
Wherefore as though Religion had mee lead,
I offred sacrifice with solemne feast
At Alexander’s tombe, where most and least
Of all the youth were present to behold
The offerings great I brought, and giftes of gold.
39.
This donne, I wil’d the youth should all prepare
To showe themselues in field: for I would choose
A band by Alexander’s name to fare,
As erst in Thrace and Sparta I did vse.
They came reioysing all, to heare the newes:
Where I with souldiers come to take the vewe,
Them compast in, and all the people slewe.
40.
The valley all did swimme with streames of bloud,
So great that time a slaughter was there made:
It staynde the mighty mouthes of Nilus floud,
And on the shoares you might bloud wetshod wade:
My piners eke were prest with showle and spade
T’interre the dead, a monstrous trench that fill,
And on them [scarce all] dead, they rearde a mighty hill.
41.
But then desiring glory more to get
By Parthian name, which erst my father had,
I sent to Artabane, without of let,
Ambassage great, with giftes his minde to glad:
And for his daughter them perswade I bad,
Desiring him to giue the Princesse mee to wife,[1157]
The cause of lasting loue, an end of [mortall] strife.
42.
By this both ioynde in one, wee might for ay
Of all the world the diademe possesse:
And might to each in all attempts be stay,
In fight our foes by firmer force suppresse.
When they my message thus did there expresse,
At first hee fearde deceyte: agayne I sent:
Wherewith hee was at last full well content.
43.
By giftes I wrought, and plight my fayth withall
For truth to him, and for his daughter’s loue,
And hee began mee sonne in lawe to call:
Which new reporte did all the Parthians moue
Us to receiue, our frendships firme t’approue,
Reioysing now such league at last to see,
Whereby they might from Romayne warres bee free.
44.
And so I entred Parthia as mine owne,
The Parthians mee receiu’de with triomphes great:
When mine approache to Artabane was knowne,
In playne before the city of his seat,
Hee came to meete me with a nomber great,
Ware garlands gay, in golden vestures clad,
With all the ioy and triomphes might bee had.
45.
So when great multitudes assembled were,
Their horses lefte behinde and bowes layd downe,
Amongst their cups deuoyde of force the feare,
By nombers great the chiefe of all the towne,
Which came to see the brideman’s highe renowne,
Disorderly vnarmde as so they [gazing] stand,
I gaue my souldiers signe, to take the blade in hand.[1158]
46.
And downe by sword they fell, they could not flye,
The king escaped scarce,[1159] conuey’de by horse away:
Their solemne garments long, theire flight did tye,
A slaughter great of Parthians was that day,
Wee sackte their Townes, and noble men did slay.
From thence I past t’Azamia, after this
To hunt, and gaue my selfe 47. Thus hauing runne my reckelesse race vnkinde, And doubting both of treason and my thrall, I sought by curious artes of sprites to finde Who should procure in th’end my fatall fall: Materniane at Rome should search for all, Hee should enquire my fate, of all the skillfull men,[1160] And write hereof [with speede] what was their mindes agen. 48. What hee rewrate agayne,[1161] I wote not I, From Carras I to Lunae’s temple went: And for because it neare the campe did lye, To sacrifice with fewe was mine intent: For why to towne from thence retourne I ment, And so from thence to th’campe[1162] likewise agayne I might [mee thought] retyre, without a greater trayne. 49. Amongst the which, one Martiall of my garde, Whose brother (not conuinste, accusde) I slewe, Thus wise my captiue corps did watch to warde, (For when therefore conuenient time hee knewe, While I aparte me gate for nature’s due, And bade the rest aside a space departe) Hee came and stabde mee stifly through the harte. 50. Seuerus seruaunts I corrupted ofte, Them feeid to make their Lorde my syre away; With Getae’s men the like attempts I wrought, To bane their lord, and brother mine to slay: How I the Alexandrians did betray, And Parthians eke, before to you I tolde, Deseruing death for those a thousand folde. 51. But sith those faithfull seruaunts I did kill, Which would not sley their noble lordes for golde, I worthy was to haue a gard so ill, As shoulde to perce my hatefull harte bee bolde: The justice great of Ioua here beholde, Uniustly who so seekes to slay the [iust and] good, The sword at length shall take his false and traytours bloud.[1163] END OF THE FIRST PART. THE Mirrour for Magistrates, conteining the falles of the infortunate Princes of this Lande: From the conquest of Cæsar, vnto the comyng of Duke William the Conqueror. PART II. By THOMAS BLENER-HASSET. [Reprinted from the edition of 1578, collated with that of 1610.] [Before the edition 1578.] Gentle Reader, I trustyng in thy accustomed kyndnesse, haue published this booke, entituled, The Second part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, the authour whereof, is now beyond the seas, and wyl marueile at his returne to find thys imprinted. For his intent was but to profite and pleasure one priuate man, as by his Epistle may appeare. But I fyndyng the copie by chaunce, shewing it vnto diuers men, both learned and wise: and findyng a booke alredy in print, entituled The first and third part of the Mirrour for Magistrates, I was moued diuersly of diuers men, by printyng this latter woorke, to make perfite the former booke. It may be (good reader) that the friendely acceptyng hereof wyll encourage the authour to set thynges of greater price in print: yet esteeme thou this as a lanterne, hauyng lyght sufficient to guyde thy wandryng steppes, both vnto the happynesse of this worlde, and of the world to come. Whiche happynesse God graunt wee all may enioye. [Before the edition 1578.] Sir, it woulde be too manifest an argument of a nature degeneratyng from al gentrie, if I shoulde not consider of your request, you asking and vrging both honest and profitable thyngs. I therfore to ensure you, that I am not forgetful of your demaund, presumyng like blynd Bayard to this my boldnesse, haue not with Apolloe’s pensile, but with Pan’s pleasantlesse pen, indeuoured to endite that which you are so desirous to haue done. And although I once translated for you, Ouid, De remedio amoris, as you said, to your contentation, we beyng then in Cambridge, where aske helpe, and haue helpe, might be had: yet nowe I wyl ensure you, lyke one amazed, I haue strayned my strength vnto the vttermost, being desirous to finish this woorke. You know that loue matters be agreeing with Caliope’s quill; euery apprentise can, of such matter, make a meter. But how hard a thing it is to compell Clio, with her boysterous banners, to couch vnder the compasse of a few metered lines, I referre you vnto the good Turberuile, who so soone as he began to take the terrible treatise of Lucan in hand, he was inforst to vnyoke his steeres, and to make holy day.[1164] Shal I then with Bochas pen declare the falles of the vnfortunate Princes of the olde worlde? O, intollerable presumption, that timorous Tyro shoulde dare to deale with menasing Mars: or that a young infant should offer to put on the buskins of Hercules: shall I then with silence ceasse to accomplish your request? O, singuler ingratitude, that any friend should refuse to sweate, to pleasure and profite his friend. Doo you not consider, that al the fine wyts that England hath inioyed these many yeres, haue busied their braynes very much, to make an English Mirrour for Magistrates, which booke is left euen vnto this day, like the vnperformed image of Venus, paynted by Apelles? no man is able to finish the work, which they with Homer’s hawtie heroycal style haue begunne: and yet you woulde haue me (the least of the poets,) to make trial what I am able to doo therin. But me thinke I do heare you say, as you were woont, we being conuersant together: “What meane al these wordes? thou knowest that the vayne of thy verse doth most delight my humor. And seeing it is but for my priuate study, what meane you to allege all these allegations, as though Orestes were Zoilus?” Syr, I confesse al this to be true: yet this I speake, to signifie vnto you, howe willyng the good wyl I doo beare vnto you hath made me, being otherwise vnwillyng to beare a sayle in such rough weather, where euery sea is ready to deuoure me. And when with sayles and oares (as they say,) I with al my diligence endeuoured to compasse the thing nowe accomplished, I founde myselfe euen in the myddest of the matter, clapt close with Theseus, in a returnable labarinth, to fight with despayre that miserable Minotaur: where, when I could finde no Ariadne, to lende me a bottome of twist, I looked that Parcæ shoulde haue shread my twyne before my returne. Yet at the last wandring Erato, with her sister Terpsichore perceiuing me with such diligence to trauise that maze, they willing to helpe the desyres of my mynd, said thus vnto me: Come forth thou wandring wight this way, Doo followe vs outright: We geue thee leaue, with poets’ penne, On Princes’ falles to write. Wherewith they leadyng me vnto the fountayne Permestus, I without any further determination, gallopped through the rest, whiche when leysure shall geue you leaue to reade, ceasse then to thinke on the L. Buchurst, or Sackuyll,[1165] let Gascon and Churchyarde be forgotten. And if you chaunce to see the meter, or matter, not so well polished, as beseemeth, then remember that they whose falles I haue here penned, were not of late tyme, but suche as lyued presently after the incarnation of Christe: and I haue not thought it decent, that the men of the olde worlde shoulde speake with so garnished a style, as they of the latter tyme. Moreouer, you may, if you please to consider that souldiers, of whiche I am one by profession, wee be not alwayes lusking in our forte or castle, but be as tyme and occasion wyll permyt, here to-day, wee knowe least our selues where tomorrowe. And I wyll ensure you, the most part of these my Princes dyd pleade their causes vnto me euen in the sea, a place, in fayth, not meete to penne Tragedies. And as for bookes, I was altogether destitute: for when I, to please my fantasie, trauayled (as you knowe) I could not beare about with me a library: but for cariage sake, contented myself with these foure: With the third Decade of Titus Liuye, with Bossewell’s Concordes of Armorie, with Monsignor de Lange, that notable warriour, and with the vnperfect Mirrour for Magistrates: which bookes made nothing to this purpose. I had not those Chronicles whiche other men had: my Memorie and Inuention were vnto me in stead of Grafton, Polidore, Cooper, and suche like, who dyd greatly ayde other men. And last of al you must consider, that the other part of the miseries of those miserable Princes were written, I sittyng on a rocke in the sea, not in Spaine, Italie, Fraunce, Scotlande, or Englande, but in Garnzie Castle, where although there be learned men, yet none whiche spende their tyme so vainely as in Poetrie. So that the complaintes of these men were written (as I say) where the want of helpe dyd diuersly daunt me with despayre. You haue greatly requested me by your last letter, to make vnto you a discourse of the Ile of Garnzie, and howe it is possible for the castle to be a place so pleasaunt for habitation, as I haue reported it, seeing it standeth in the Sea, separate from any lande. Good Syr, to write thereof (so manyfolde be the commodities and thinges woorthy the writyng of) woulde rather require a good volume, then a peece of an epistle. Let it therefore suffice for this tyme, that I by writyng vnto you some fewe lines of the Gouernour, I may briefely declare what the gouernement and commodities be. The right woorshipful Maister Thomas Leighton is her Maiesties Lieutenaunt there. Syr, I doo remember, howe constant Constantine the Great was in religion, and howe that noble Emperour mynded the reformation thereof. You knowe howe carefull Licurgus and Solon were, for making of good lawes, and ministring of iustice. And histories doo recorde, howe passing happye Epaminundas was in al his affayres: but what a seemely sight is it, to see al these vertues so to concurre in one man, that hee who shoulde compare hym with them, should, I wyl ensure you, doo hym great iniurie? for (that I may briefly conclude) vndoubtedly a few such men as he is, being plaste at a Princes’ elbow, were sufficient to keepe the most ruinous commonweale that is, from ruine and destruction. And now iudge you the commodities of the countrey, by the goodnesse of the Gouernour, for as Seneca sayeth:— Where Gouernours be good, and rule their charge aright, Without an ebbe there flowes the flood, which vertuous minds delight. And heere I doo turne me from these thinges, vntill by talke with you, I may dilate more at large therof, and returning myselfe vnto my former purpose, I haue not thought it conuenient to write the complaynts of these men, with so obscure a stile as some other haue done, but with so playne an exposition, that he who doth reade them, shall not neede to be an Oedipus, for euery playne Dauus shall by reading them, easily vnderstand the authour’s drift. And because Diligence and Memorie bee all the helpers that I haue, therefore I haue ordayned them, as the chief workers of my wyll. Higgins vsed (I know not what) Morpheus, the god of dreames, but I dreamt not. The other had Baldwine for their hearer, but I haue diligent Inquisition, who can finde out al things, and Memorie, who knoweth al thinges, for the arbiters of my matter. Take you therefore, the fruites of these my idle howres, sent vnto you with a good wyll, and according vnto the trust reposed in you, keepe these trifles from the view of all men, and as you promysed, them not raunge out of your priuate study. And thus wishing vnto you honour, and long lyfe, I ende, the 15 daye of Maye, An. 1577. Your Friende to vse. “Diligent Inquisition,” saieth Memorie, “beholde in the bottom lesse pyt of blind Obliuion: there remayneth as yet a multitude, who although in their tyme, they were of all men most famous, and euen in this our time, their ensamples be patternes passing singular, to refourme the deformities of this age, notwithstanding they are so couered and hidden with those mistie cloudes of fylthy forgetfulnes, that if thou Inquisition doest not with all dilygent inquiry, and I Memorye, (who haue howrded vp in my treasury the knowledge of all thinges) except wee with all our industrye, doo endeuour our selues, they are not lyke euer to come into the light. For at what time those barbarous nations, (I meane the Gothes, Hunes, and Danes) dyd with so great outrage ouerrunne all the worlde: euen then the auncient historyes and recordes of time, were by them vtterly defaced: so that Princes before that time, how renowmed so euer they were, be at this present, euen by their meanes, buryed so deepe in obliuion, that I Memorye cannot without a new inquirye of many most noble Princes, repeate a few wordes: speake you therfore Inquisition, and declare your mynde, how we mighte renew the decayed Memory of those men.” “See heere,” quoth Inquisition, “with great and diligent Memorye, I haue founde out diuers, who with their continuall complayinges, haue euen for conscience sake made me their procleare, to exhibite vnto you in their behalfe a supplycation, in which they complayne of the great iniurie they suffer, because they bee excluded out of the English Mirrour of Magistrates: their only desire is that you would once agayne, by celebrating their decayed names, with a fresh memoryall geue them libertie to declare their estates themselues. Of which, as fyrst though not chiefest Guidericus the thyrde king of the subdued Brittaynes: and the fyrst that refused to pay trybute to Rome, desyreth to bee harde.” “Wee will,” sayth Memory, “assist hym in what wee may, and not onely geue them leaue, but also intreate them to declare their estates. But where is that Guidericus, the exployts of whose lyfe were so passing singular, that had hee not beene moued with two much boldnesse, euen hee had brought vnder his rule the whole worlde: wee wyll heare hym wyllingly, for his death is a great ensample of God’s vengeaunce, vnto all them which thinke by their owne courage and abilitie, to compasse their desyres.” “Beholde,” quoth Inquisition, “hee is euen heere, his body rent and torne dooth declare, that great was his mishappe.” “Speake then, Syr Knight,” quoth Memory, “and let vs heare what you wil saye.” Wherewith the sorrowfull Prince sayde as followeth.] How Guidericus refused to paye tribute vnto Claudius Cæsar: howe he subdued Galba: how hee became desyrous to winne all the worlde: spoyled France, Germany, and a great part of Italy: and lastly, how hee was miserably slayne in a tempest of thunder, euen at what time hee shoulde have dealt with Cæsar. This History is a synguler ensample of God’s vengeance against pride and arrogancy. 1. On staylesse top of honour’s high renowne, With busye brayne to builde a bower there, Is donne to fall at fortune’s froward frowne, Whose turning wheele, the hyest fyrst dooth feare, And them below it vpwardes styl dooth reare. Let them therefore for good estate that striue, With sailes halfe hoyst in happy hauen arive. 2. I prest to tell my suddayne yll successe, Amidst the meane which dyd not dayne to dwell, To higher state whilst I dyd mee addresse, By chaunging chance of fortune’s force, I fel Euen suddaynly from heauen to hatefull hell: From heauen (I saye,) I fell from that my blysse, To hatefull hell, I meane, to wretchednesse. 3. Guidericus which rul’de the Brittayne lande, I am the same, of Simbaline the sonne, Cassiuelane my grandsyer dyd withstand Sir Cæsar’s force, tyll Parcæ had vndone The fatal knot and twist that they had sponne. Euen then to soone the Romanes did oppresse This realme, which I to ryght did me addresse. 4. Which that I myght the better bring about, The three estates in court to parle, I In hast did call, amongst which royal route, As one who ment for welthe of commonty, Howe to restore their ancient libertie, Pronounst the speache which here I shal recite, Which moued much there manly mindes to fight. 5. The emperour of Rome hath sent, you see, Ambassatours, the tribute to obtayne, Which Theomant subdued, did agree To pay, but I such greement do disdayne. Shal I to Rome a tribute slaue remayne, Because they did subdue this realme of yore? Shal we buy yoke with tribute euermore? 6. Shall we this badge of beastly blemishe beare? Shall Troians we to Troians tribute yeelde? Of Brutus’ bloude, a prince withouten peare, We do descend, whose father fyrst dyd buylde In Italy: he Alba Longa fyl’de, And furnishte fine with princely byldinges braue, He was entombde next good Aeneas’ graue. 7. Then Romulus of Siluius did succeede, And Rome of hym (as London tooke of Lud) Her name which Alba Longa was in deede, Built at the first by good king Brutus blood: Dare they for guerdon of so great a good Demaund of vs whose parentes patrons were To them? to doo this deed, they doo not feare. 8. Let them demaunde vngrateful beastes they be, Euen tribute of vs Troians let them craue, But wee in Mars his feeldes wyl pay their fee, If needes they must of vs a payment haue, They shal ryght stoutly then themselues behaue, We wil not feare to fyght it out in feelde, Without reuenge we neuer al wyl yeelde. 9. Dyd Cæsar’s princely prowesse so preuayle, That Britaynes were by Romanes brought to bay? Was Cæsar’s valure of so great auayle, That it coulde cause Cassiuelayne’s decay? Why should not then Guidericus assay, By furious force of Mars his bloody feelde, To make those roming Romanes al to yeelde? 10. By prowesse worne (who dooth not knowe) by skyl, That he who once as victor wore the wreath, By chaunged chaunce is forst agaynst his wyl, That garlande gay and vitall lyfe to leaue? Such ill mishappes misfortune still dooth heaue, That he who dyd subdue but yesterday, Is now subdude, and hath the lyke decaye. 11. Which may appeare by kyng Cassiuelayne, Whom Cæsar thryce in fyght dyd fynd too strong, Yet at the last, (the lewder chaunce was thine, Thou litle Ile) he thurst in with a throng Of mightie men, and dyd thee double wrong: Thee then subdude, to Rome he seruile made, Which wrong to right, with this my bloudye blade, 12. If you my subiectes wyll thereto consent, I wil not cease, tyll I reuenge haue seene, And them destroyed with dreadful diery dent Of wrathful warre, and therefore now I meane To byd the bace, and fetch them from their denne. To sende them woorde, we owe no tribute we, But we of them must recompenced be. 13. I to the gods, which rule the rolling skyes, Haue bowde a bowe, for countreye’s lybertie, To die in feelde, or els that these mine eyes Shall see you free from forrayne tyranny, To which no doubt theyr goodnesse wil agree. Nowe that you haue the whole of myne intent, You knowe the cause why I for you haue sent. 14. Al you therefore which compt this quarrell good, By heaued handes let me them vnderstand: My brother Aruiragus by me stoode: “I must not I,” (he sayde) “holde vp my hande, Nor thee herein assist with any bande: For sith we both haue sworne aleagance due, To Rome, to Rome I euer wil be true. 15. “No feare of force, no hasarde, no mishappe, Doth dant my mynde, I dare what dare be donne, Though nowe we sit in lady fortune’s lappe. By fayth defilde, no honour can be wonne: The wrath of God men periurde cannot shun: Do thou therefore what best thyselfe doth seeme, Giue them their ryght, for that is best I deeme.” 16. Sith all but you (my brother) do consent, My counsayle and my commons do agree, Yea all the force of this my realme is bent, To liue and dye for countrie’s libertie: Take you therefore this sentence in boun gre, Because thou seemst a seruile lyfe to loue, The towre a house is best for thy behoue. 17. An othe constraynd is made to none auaile, To breake such othe doth not the fayth defile, Let them goe tel to Claudius this tale, We meane with force to furnishe this our ile, Which force himselfe shal fede within a while, For if he wyll not fetch his tribute here, We then wyl goe and pay hym tribute there. 18. Which when the Roman Claudius had heard, Though he at home had ciuile strife in hande, And though he were by forrain foes debar’de, And could not come him selfe, yet he a bande Of thirtie thousand sent, for to withstand My strength: which strength in the fyrst foughten feelde They found so strong, that forst they al did yeelde. 19. From Galba then myselfe his shield did get, In golden feelde which had the horse of fame, Euen Pegasus in seemely siluer set, The curious skill of heraultes there did frame, Th’asheument true, of auncient Troy by name, Imbordred braue with golden letters thus, Senatus, Populusque Romanus. 20. Wherewith as one prict foorth with good successe, A great attempt I quickly did deuise, I ment, O Rome, vpon thy walles to presse, It easye seem’de to me in my surmise, To compasse all that I did enterprise: Me thought I could winne al the worlde in haste, But fyrst I ment the Romane state to waste. 21. I did prepare in euery poynt my powre, I sayl’d the seas, I spoyled them of France, I made the Germans and the Lumbartes lowre, Yea, good successe did so my state aduance. In Italy such was my luckye chaunce, I did subdue, my souldiers had the spoyle, Of all the chiefest cities in that soyle. 22. See here howe roming rumor ranne about, See how report did tel a truthlesse tale: For Hannibal, the Carthage duke so stout, Renide, it sayd, would once agayn assayle The Roman state, and cause it nowe to quake: Which false report did put them in such feare, Cities would yeelde before my campe came neare. 23. His former feates the fuming fancies fed, That doubtful now affrighted sore with feare, They tel howe at Trisemenus they sped, In Cannas feeldes how they despoyled were, They hate to tel, they lothe that hap to heare, A bushel there he fyld (most true it is) With golden ringes equestriordinis. 24. And whilst their mindes on these mishaps do muse, They wishe that nowe good Graccus were not dead, For Fabius, he who wysely would refuse Forthwith to fight, they wish for such a head, Camillus nowe would stand them in great stead: And some with sighes did wishe for Scipio, Them to defend from me there deadly foe. 25. But as the lion passente once with feare, Gardante, a mouing mollhil did beholde, From whence he thought some wonder would appeare, A little moule crepte from the mouing mould, Which made the quaking lione then so bolde, Feare set aside, that he for his delyght, Playd with the moule, and kilde the strengthlesse wight. 26. So nowe the campe of Claudius did drawe neare, Where he hymself was lord cheefe general, Which greatly did delyght my hart to heare, And caused me my captaynes then to call, To whome I sayde, we two must striue for al The world so wide: which if I chance to winne, Then you yourselues haue ample part therein. 27. Euen whilst I marcht my men in good aray, A corsser post came praunsing in the fielde, Who comming to my cabbin, thus dyd say, “Guidericus, thy friendes at home be kilde, Thy natiue soyle to forrayne force did yielde, The Romans they haue spoylde thee of eche thing, Thy brother there Aruiragus is kyng.” 28. Which newes although they dyd amaze me much, Yet I whose hart did neuer faynt for feare, “Although,” sayd I, “their good successe be such, Yet if we can subdue the Romans here, They shal I think buy Britayne very deare, Which out of doubt yf you as you haue donne, Will fight like men, the fielde wil soone be wonne.” 29. But they who hilde their wiues and children deare, Could not digest the losse of that their lande, For which they fledde, left me their chieftayne there, When Claudius host to fight was euen at hande, Whose mightie force I could not then withstande, Yea all my page, my footmen fled for feare, And left me post alone, with heauy cheare. 30. That cruell Queene of hel, Proserpina, From foorth whose loynes this fury feare first fled, Megera’s sighes, no, no, nor Medusa, Who hath ten thousand snakes about her head, The fiery flames of hell doth not so dreade The minde, as feare, which makes man’s hart we see, To shake, and quake, like leafe of aspen tree. 31. My martial knyghtes who once so valiant were, That they the worlde, euen al the world would spoyle, This fury fyerce, this feeble fayntyng feare, Did causlesse cause them thus here to recoyle, Her only force inforst me to this foyle, Not Cæsar’s force: no strength of Roman power, But feare, euen feare, dyd make me here to lower. 32. Which feare (for trueth) dyd neuer me dismaye, But too to soone my hartlesse men it made, To shrinke, to flinche, to flee eche man his way, And me a pray most fit for Claudius blade, They left alone: alas, what may be sayde, What may be done, what fittes for mine auayle? I wyl not flee, to fight cannot preuayle. 33. What, must I then go crouche vnto my foe? Fy on that fate, that I should sue for grace To hym who is the worker of my woe, Whose hart from foorth his brest for to displace, I gladly woulde ten thousand deathes imbrace, My lyfe (in faith) doth lothe to liue with shame, By death therfore my lyfe shall purchase fame. 34. For as I once did winne with courage stout, In Galba’s shielde, the praunsing Pegasus, So with renowne I nowe will go about, To see if Claudius dare the cause discusse With me alone, if couragious Dare do that deed: that we in open feeld, May try the case, then he or I must yeelde. 35. And therewithal in armour bright I clad, Myne arming swoorde, my targate I did take, And on my helme, or burgonet, I had My royal crowne, and so I dyd forsake, The place, whereas my souldiers fled of late, I marcht and met the scoute of Claudius, To whom I dyd addresse my language thus. 36. “The Britayne kyng is come alone you see, Conduct him then your Emprour to salute, You for your paynes shal gayne a golden fee; For why my grace to Claudius hath a sute.” The scurers they al silent, mumme, and mute, Yet wel appayde of such a princely pray, In hast they dyd to Cæsar me conuay. 37. With ten times twentie thousand men, I met, Him marching there, to meete with me but one; To whom I sayde: “Thy powre is passing great, My force is fled: what, must I then bemone My selfe to thee, not so but I alone, Am come to knowe with magnanimitie, If thou dost dare to wrecke thy wrath on me. 38. “The crowne for which so many men be slayne, Thy Galba’s shield, with many iewels more, Which vnto me do only appertayne; For in the fielde I wonne them al of yore, And vnto thee I wyl them not restore: If thou, as I, canst winne them with renowne, Then al is thine, both realme and royal crowne. 39. “Why doost thou muse as though thou wert dismayde? Doeth doubtful dreade nowe daunt thy Roman mynde? Faynt not for feare, thou needst not be afrayde, A Britayne borne thy selfe ryght well shalt fynde, I am a man, and not a god by kinde.” Wherewith to grounde a golden gauntlet, I Dyd cast, and he at last dyd thus reply: 40. “Thou mighty Ioue, which hast seemely seat Aboue the sphere of Mars and Mercury, Thy fleshlesse eyes (my tongue can not repeate, What syghtes they see) nothing is hid from thee: Thy eyes, the hart, and secrete thoughts doo see, Thou knowest, O Ioue, how iust my quarrel is, Which here to proue, thou knowst I compt a blisse. 41. “No god thou man: thou art no god in deede, I faynt for feare: and doost thow thus me dare, Thy gauntlet lo to take I doo not dreade, Such courage though I fynde but very rare, In pryncely brest, what though I wil prepare Myselfe to feelde, where thou I hope shalt fynde, Myselfe alone wyl cause thee curse thy kynd. 42. “To deale with thee I Cæsar might disdayne, My tryple mace dooth rule the worlde you see, Thou subiect art the meanest of the traine, Whom conquest hath compeld to wayte on me: A meaner knyght were meete to match with thee, Yet, I myselfe, with al my hart doo dayne, To reue thy life, and cause thee to complayne.” 43. Then I whose hart was al beglarde with glee, To Cæsar sayd: “If fate hath framde my foyle, If now the last of all my lyfe I see, It shal delight that Cæsar dyd me spoyle, And that his blade did cause my bloudy broyle.” And whilst I ment a longer speache to make, A storme most straunge constraynd the earth to quake. 44. Straunge sundry fightes, then sodaynly wer seene, The lightsome day was turnde to lothsome night; Then darknesse did affright me much with feare, The seemly sunne did lose her louing lyght: And that which would amaze eche worldly wight, The thundring heauens constraynde the earth to quake, The trees did daunce, the mighty mountes dyd shake. 45. Haue here myne end, from threatning thunder clap, A burning bolt did pearce my hart with payne, Wherewith I cryed: “O Cæsar, my mishap Is comme, for whilst I thought thee to haue slayne, Ioue’s vengeaunce iust hath torne my corps in twayne.” This was my end, although some writers say, That Claudius blade did cause my last decay. 46. To slip at first, such fall hath little foyle, Greate ruth it is to lose a race forerunne, And at the end by slipping suttle soyle, Wagelesse too lose a race too wel begonne, The turrets top let wise men wisely shunne, Who falles from top, he mercilesse is slayne; Who falles below, can quickly ryse agayne. 47. I tel this tale who knowledge bought too deare, I could not be content with meane estate; Let them therefore which shal this story heare, So loue the meane, extremitie so hate, That they may liue in blesse without debate. Who is content amidst the meane to dwel, With perfite blysse he only dooth excell. 48. With royal rule you kinges which runne your race, Take heede, beware, flee fancies fonde delight, Ambition blinde wyl moue you to imbrace, A thousande euils, disdayne with al your might Her luring lookes: she me a wretched wyght, Transformde, and made with Circe’s sorcerie, A brutishe beast, and worse if worse may be. 49. When Thanatos had thus destroyed my dayes, Then due desert my soule to hel conuayde: I fearde not God, his name I did not prayse, But foolishe fate and fortune stil me stayde: For which, with pinching payne, I nowe am payde. Fortune I finde is nowe of none auayle, But God is he whose power dooth preuayle.
THE PRINTER TO
THE FRIENDLY READER.THE AUTHOUR’S EPISTLE
VNTO HIS FRIENDE.
Thomas Blener Hasset.[[1166]THE INDUCTION.
[1167]THE COMPLAINT OF GUIDERICUS.