Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 3 (of 8) / English Explorations and Settlements in North America 1497-1689

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] An error in Eden’s translation of a passage in Peter Martyr, written in 1515, makes him a member of the Council of the Indies.

[2] It will be understood that we now regard it as satisfactorily settled that the voyage of discovery took place in 1497, followed by a second voyage in 1498.

I have spoken of the map of the discoveries of the Cabots being made known to rival courts. In a letter dated Dec. 18, 1497, written from London by the Abbé Raimondo, envoy of the Duke of Milan to the Court of Henry VII., recently brought to light, and printed on page 54, the writer, speaking of the return of John Cabot from his voyage of discovery, says: “This Master John has the description of the world in a chart, and also in a solid globe, which he has made, and he shows where he had landed.” Don Pedro de Ayala, the Spanish Minister, also writes to Ferdinand and Isabella, in the following year, July 25, 1498, after the second expedition had sailed: “I have seen the map which the discoverer has made.”

In the year 1500, the Spanish navigator, Juan de la Cosa, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage to the West in the years 1493-96, compiled a map of the world on which he delineated all he knew of the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries in the New World. He also depicted, undoubtedly from English sources, the northern portion of the east coast of the continent, as is shown by a broad legend or inscription running along the coast: “Mar descubierta por Ingleses.” There was also placed at the eastern cape of the coast: “Cavo de Ynglaterra.” It is the earliest map known on which the western discoveries are depicted. A few copies of the map are supposed to have been made soon after its compilation, one of which hung up in the office of the Spanish Minister of Marine. The map afterwards fell into neglect and was forgotten. In the year 1832 it was found and identified by Humboldt, in the library of his friend the Baron Walckenaer, in Paris. [It is on ox-hide, measuring five feet nine inches by three feet two inches, drawn in colors, and was afterwards bought in 1850 for 4,020 francs (see Walckenaer Catalogue, no. 2,904) by the Queen of Spain, and is now in the Royal Library at Madrid. See Humboldt’s appendix to Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, and the appendix to Kunstmann’s Entdeckung Amerikas; also Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, 151, 179. This Cosa map is given in part full-size and in part half-size, in Humboldt’s Examen Critique, vol. v., 1839, but not accurately; and again in connection with Humboldt’s essay in Ghillany’s Behaim, Nürnberg, 1853. This essay was also issued at Amsterdam in the Seeskabinet, with the fac-simile of the map. The only full-size fac-simile in colors is in three sheets in Jomard’s Monuments de la Géographie, pl. 16; and there are reductions of the American portion in Stevens’s Hist. and Geog. Notes, 1869, pl. 1 (following Jomard’s delineation); in De la Sagra’s Cuba; in Lelewel’s Géog. du Moyen Age, 1852, no. 41. A biographical study of Juan de la Cosa, by Enrique de Leguina, was published at Madrid in 1877. Cosa died while accompanying Ojedo in December, 1509. Peter Martyr, in 1514, gave him a high rank as a cartographer. The American (Asian) part of his map is given in phototype herewith, reduced from Jomard’s fac-simile.—Ed.]

Some have supposed that Cosa drew his whole eastern coast of North America as a separate and independent continent, entirely distinct from Asia, on the authority of the maps of the Cabots on which their discoveries were delineated. Of course, in the absence of the maps or globes of the Cabots, it is impossible for us to tell precisely what was delineated upon them, or how much of Cosa’s coast-line was copied from them; but from whatever source this line was drawn, it must be evident that it was supposed by Cosa to be the eastern coast of Asia. Cosa, so far as is observed from the fac-simile of his map,—which is a map of the world,—drew no east coast of Asia at all, unless this be it. (See Stevens’s Notes as above, pp. 14, 17; Cf. Kohl, pp. 145, 152, 153.)

I have already said that the discoveries of the English on Cosa’s map were noted on the northern portion of the east coast of the continent, and if confined, as they appear to be, to that region, we have no right to assert that the remaining portion of the east coast-line was supplied from the Cabots, but rather that it was taken from well-known existing representations of the east coast of Asia. The map and globe of the Cabots, already referred to, had laid down upon them the results of their experience on their first voyage, the voyage of discovery, in 1497. Of the results of the voyage of 1498, with which Sebastian Cabot is now more particularly associated, we know but little. Accounts narrated by others, but originally proceeding many years after the event from Sebastian Cabot himself, of a voyage to the new-found lands, have been supposed by modern writers to refer more particularly to this voyage; and these accounts, as we shall see further on, speak of a run down the coast to a considerable extent. That the Cabots, or Sebastian Cabot, should have prepared maps of the second voyage at the time of its occurrence, as well as of the voyage of discovery, is in every respect probable. But all these early maps are lost. Perhaps they are yet slumbering in some dusty archive.

[The Editor cannot derive from the reasons expressed by Stevens (Hist. and Geog. Notes, p. 15) that the coast where the legend is put, represents the north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence; for it is not easy to account for the absence of the characteristics of a gulf, if “mar,” unaccompanied by “oceanus,” signifies, as Stevens holds, an enclosed sea; and if so, why is the genuine gulf between Cuba and the Asian coast called “mar oceanus”?—Ed.]

Cosa’s map not having been engraved, or to any extent copied, exercised but little influence on the cartography of the period, and although the information relating to the English discoveries depicted upon it could have come from no other source than the Cabots themselves, their names were not inscribed upon the map; neither was the legend already quoted copied upon any one of the maps, relating to the new-found lands, which soon followed. The enterprising Cortereals, who are supposed to have seen Cabot’s or Cosa’s map, soon spread their sails for the West, and the maps of their discoveries, in the regions visited by them, contained a record of their own name, or inscriptions which have perpetuated the memory of their exploits. (See vol. iv. of the present work.) Not so with the Cabots unless we should adopt the improbable statement of Peter Martyr, in 1515, that Sebastian Cabot gave the name Baccalaos to those lands because of the multitude of big fishes which he saw there, and to which the natives gave that name. This subject is considered in a later note.

Another important map will be briefly referred to here, as it may possibly have some connection with the Cabots,—that of John Ruysch, published in the Ptolemy of 1508, at Rome. It is the first engraved map with the discoveries of the New World delineated upon it. [There are accounts of this map (which measures twenty-one and a quarter by sixteen inches) in Harrisse’s Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. 108; in the Catalogue of the John Carter-Brown Library, i. p. 39; in Henry Stevens’s Bibliotheca Geographica, No. 3058; and reproductions are given in Humboldt’s Examen Critique, v., in his essay on the earliest maps appended to Ghillany’s Martin Behaim; in Stevens’s Historical and Geographical Notes, pl. 2 (cf. Historical Magazine, August, 1869, p. 107); in Santarem’s Atlas composè de mappemondes depuis le v^e jusqu’au xvii^e, siècles; in Lelewel’s Moyen Age; in Judge Daly’s Early History of Cartography, p. 32 (much reduced); and a section is given in Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, p. 156. A copy of the original is in the Sumner Collection in Harvard College Library, and has been used for the fac-simile herewith given.—Ed.] A northeastern coast similar to that on the Cosa map is drawn, but there is no record on it that the English had visited it, and “Cabo de Portogesi” takes the place of “Cavo de Ynglaterra,” on the point of what is now called Cape Race. Concerning John Ruysch, the maker of the map, who was a German geographer, Kunstmann (Die Entdeckung Amerikas, p. 137) says that he accompanied some exploring expeditions undertaken from England to the north. Marcus Beneventanus, an Italian monk, who edited this edition of Ptolemy, and included in it “A new Description of the World, and the new Navigation of the Ocean from Lisbon to India,” says: “But John Ruysch of Germany, in my judgment a most exact geographer, and a most painstaking one in delineating the globe, to whose aid in this little work I am indebted, has told me that he sailed from the South of England, and penetrated as far as the fifty-third degree of north latitude, and on that parallel he sailed west toward the shores of the East, bearing a little northward (per anglum noctis), and observed many islands, the description of which I have given below.” Mr. Henry Stevens, from whom I have taken this extract, thinks that Ruysch may have sailed with the Cabots to the new-found islands. We know that among the crew one was a Burgundian and one a Genoese. Beneventanus professed to know of the discoveries of the English as well as of those of the Spaniards and Portuguese: “Columbi et Lusitanorum atque Britannorum quos Anglos nunc dicimus.” (Stevens’s Hist. and Geog. Notes, p. 32; Biddle, p. 179.)

In his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 179, Mr. Biddle calls attention to a remarkable inscription on this map, placed far at the north, some twenty degrees above “I. Baccalauras,” namely, “Hic compassus navium non tenet nec naves quæ ferrum tenent revertere valent” (“Here the ship’s compass loses its property, and no vessel with iron on board is able to get away”). Mr. Biddle cites this inscription as showing the terror which this phenomenon of the variation of the magnetic needle, particularly noticed by Cabot, had excited. (See Humboldt’s Examen Crit. iii. 31, et seq.; Chytrœus, Variorum in Europa Itinerum Delicicæ, published at Herborn, in Nassau, 1594, pp. 791, 792.) Columbus had noticed the declination of the magnetic needle in his first voyage.

All these places in the new-found lands,—Terre Neuve, Baccalaos, Labrador, etc.,—named by European visitors to these shores, were supposed to be sections and projections of the Old World, and to belong to the map of Asia; and this continued to be the opinion of navigators and cartographers, advancing and receding in their views, for a number of years afterward.

[Johannes Myritius in his Opusculum Geographicum, published at Ingoldstadt in 1590, is accounted one of the last to hold to this view. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 314. After the discovery by Balboa in 1513 of the South Sea, the new cartographical knowledge took two—in the main—distinct phases, both of which recognized South America as an independent continental region, sometimes joined and sometimes disjoined from the northern continent; while in one, North America remained a prolongation of Asia, as in the map of Orontius Finæus, and in the other it presented a barrier to western sailing except by a northern circuit. An oceanic passage, which seemed to make an island of Baccalaos, or the Cabot region, nearly in its right latitude and longitude, laid New England, and much more, beneath the sea. The earliest specimen of this notion we find in the Polish Ptolemy of 1512, in what is known as the Stobnicza map, one of the evidences that on the Continent the belief did not prevail that the Cabots had coursed south along a continental shore. It was a year before Balboa discovered the Pacific that this map was published at Cracow; and we are forced to believe that divination, or more credible report, had told John de Stobnicza what was beyond the land which the Spaniards were searching. The map is striking, and, singular to say, it has not been long known. The only copy known of the little book of less than fifty leaves, which contains it, was printed at Cracow without date as Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam, and is in the Imperial Library at Vienna; and though there are other copies known with dates (1512), they all lack the maps, there being two sheets, one of the Old World, the other of the New, including in this latter designation the eastern shore of Asia, which is omitted in the fac-simile given herewith. A full-size fac-simile of the New World was made by Muller of Amsterdam (five copies only at twenty-five florins), and one is also given in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 53. We note but a very few other copies, all however, except one, without the map. One is in the great library at Munich. A second (forty-three leaves and dated 1512) was sold by Otto Harrassowitz, a dealer of Leipsic, in 1873, to Muller of Amsterdam (we suppose it to be the copy described in the latter’s Books on America, iii. 163, which was sold for 240 florins), from whom it passed into the Carter-Brown Library in Providence. Harrisse, Bib. Amer. Vet., no. 69, says there are two copies at Vienna, one in the Imperial Library (which has the map, a woodcut), and the other in the City Library, both without date. One or both of these copies are said to have forty-two leaves,—Kunstmann, Die Entdeckung Amerikas, p. 130. A fifth was advertised in 1876 by Harrassowitz, Catalogue no. 29, as containing forty-six leaves, dated 1512, but without the map, and priced at 500 marks. In the same dealer’s Catalogue no. 61, book-number 56, a copy of forty-six leaves is dated 1511, and priced 400 marks, which is perhaps the same copy with a corrected description. See also Panzer, Annales Typographici, vi. 454. From this it would appear, as from slight changes said to be in the text, that there were three separate issues and perhaps editions about 1511-12. Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s copy of 1513 has no map. A second edition was printed in Cracow in 1519, but without the map,—Carter-Brown Catalogue, no. 60; Harrisse, Bib. Amer. Vet. no. 95. The Finæus map, above referred to, was a heart-shaped projection of the earth, which appeared in Grynæus’s Novus Orbis, in the edition of Paris, 1532. A fac-simile of it has been published by Muller, of Amsterdam, and in Stevens’s Notes, pl. 4. America occupies the extreme edge of the plate, and is greatly distorted by the method of projecting. Mr. Brevoort reduced the lines to Mercator’s projection for Stevens’s Historical and Geographical Notes, 1869, pl. 3; and a fac-simile of this reduction, which shows also the true Asian coast-line in its right longitude, and curiously resembling the American (Asian) coast of the map, is given herewith. See also Stevens’s Bibliotheca Geographica, p. 124; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 104; Harrisse, Bibliographia Americana vet. pp. 294, 297. There are copies of the map also found in the 1540 editions of Pomponius Mela, and in the Geografia of Lafreri and others, published at Rome, 1554-72.—Ed.]

[3] The first Decade, which was begun in 1493, and completed in 1510, was printed at Seville in 1511.

[4] Baccalaos is an old ante-columbian name for codfish, in extensive use in the South of Europe. Humboldt says (Ghillany, p. 4), “Stockfischland, von Bacallao, dem Spanischen Namen des stockfisches.” Mr. Brevoort says it is the Iberian name for codfish; see his Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 61, 137, where the etymology of the word is given. The name is found on many of the early charts. On that of Reynel, the Portuguese pilot, assigned by geographers to the year 1504 or 1505, it appears on the east coast as “Y dos Bocalhas” (Island of Codfish). On the chart of Ruysch, 1508, it is seen as applied to a small island, or cape, as “J. Baccalaurus.” On another Portuguese map published by Kunstmann, assigned to the year 1514, or a little later, the name “Bacalnaos” is applied to Newfoundland and Labrador, including also Nova Scotia. After various fortunes the name became subject to the limitations which overtook “Norumbega,” and has settled down on a small island on the east coast of Newfoundland. There appears to be no evidence, except Martyr’s statement, that Cabot gave the name to the region he discovered; and it may well be asked on what book or map he had caused it to be inscribed? There is no such name on Cosa’s map, the only early record of the Cabots’ discoveries in the New World. The name was probably applied by the Portuguese. Dr. John G. Kohl, the distinguished geographer, says that the Portuguese originated the name of Tierra de Bacalhas (“the stock-fish country”) and gave currency to it, though the word, like the cod-fishery itself, appears to be of Germanic origin. See his learned note in full in Doc. Hist. of Maine, i. 188, 189, and compare Parkman’s Pioneers of France, pp. 170, 171. Parkman says: “If, in the original Basque, baccalaos is the word for codfish, and if Cabot found it in use among the inhabitants of Newfoundland, it is hard to escape the conclusion that Basques had been there before him.” The affirmative of this proposition—that the Cabots had been preceded by the fishermen—has been held by a few writers, but it is generally believed that the evidence for it is insufficient. Dr. Kohl says: “That the name should have been introduced by the Cabots is for many reasons most improbable; and that they should have heard and received the name from the Indians, is certainly not true; though both these facts are asserted by Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. iii. ch. 6.” (Kohl, pp. 188, 189; and compare his statement on p. 481.) Dr. Kohl had already said that the name, with some transposition of the letters, had long been used, before the discoveries of the Cabots and Cortereals, in many Flemish and German books and documents. It should be added that the statement of Peter Martyr, that the savages on the coast visited by Sebastian Cabot called a certain kind of fish found there in abundance baccalaos, is repeated in the legend on Cabot’s map, published in 1544, as rendered by Hakluyt in his folio of 1589, p. 511. Indeed, much in the general description of the coast and the inhabitants, both of the sea and the land, is similar in both accounts, and indicates one origin.

[In a dispute with England so early as 1672, the Spaniards claimed a right to fish at Newfoundland by reason of the prior discovery by the Biscayan fishermen. Papers relating to the rupture with Spain, London, 1672. The latest claim for the Basques’ antedating Cabot in this region is in C. L. Woodbury’s Relation of the Fisheries to the Discovery of North America, Boston, 1880.—Ed.]

[5] This, the earliest notice of Cabot which I have seen in print, and, written by one so distinguished as Peter Martyr, who had such rare opportunities for information, is given almost entire. It is from the quaint English version of Richard Eden, made some three hundred and thirty years ago, and published in his Decades, fol. 118, 119. The translation has been compared with the Latin text of Martyr, in the De Orbe Novo of 1516, “Tertie decadis liber sextus,” printed the year after it was written, and a few redundances eliminated. See M. D’Avezac’s criticism on some of Eden’s English renderings, in Revue Critique, v. 265.

[6] When Mr. Biddle was issuing the second London edition of his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, in 1832, he cancelled one leaf in the book, at pages 77, 78, that he might insert a notice of an early dramatic poem cited by J. Payne Collier in his then recently published History of English Dramatic Poetry ... and Annals of the Stage, London, 1831, ii. 319. The play was entitled, A new interlude and a mery of the nature of the iiij elements declaryinge many proper poynts of phylosophy naturall and of dyvers straunge landys and of dyvers straunge effects and causis, etc. Dr. Dibdin, in his Typogr. Ant., iii. 105, inserts it among the works from Rastell’s press, and in a manuscript note at the beginning of the copy in the British Museum, it is said to have been printed by him in 1519. This copy, the only one known, formerly belonged to Garrick. I saw it in London in 1866, and collated it with the brief extracts in Collier. It is imperfect; and, as the colophon is wanting, the imprint, including date, is gone. Different years have been assigned to the book according as the reader has interpreted the historical references in it. The citations from the “Interlude” which follow are taken from the publications of the Percy Society, vol. xxii. issued in 1848. Among the characters is one Experyens (Experience), who represents a practical navigator who had been a great traveller:—

“Right farr, Syr, I have ridden and gone,
And seen straunge thynges many one
In Affrick, Europe, and Ynde;
Both est and west I have ben farr,
North also, and seen the sowth sterr
Bothe by see and lande.

And, apparently pointing to a map, Experience proceeds:—

“There lyeth Iselonde where men do fyshe,
But beyonde that so colde it is
No man may there abyde.
This see is called the Great Occyan;
So great it is that never man
Coulde tell it sith the worlde began
Tyll nowe within this xx. yere,
Westewarde be founde new landes
That we never harde tell of before this
By wrytynge nor other meanys.
Yet many nowe have ben there;
And that contrey is so large of rome,
Muche lenger then all Crestendome,
Without fable or gyle;
For dyvers maryners had it tryed,
And sayled streyght by the coste syde
Above V. thousande myle!
But what commodytes be wythin,
No man can tell nor well imagin.
But yet not long ago
Some men of this contrey went,
By the Kynge’s noble consent,
It for to search to that entent,
And coude not be brought thereto;
But they that were they venteres
Have cause to curse their maryners,
Fals of promys, and dissemblers,
That falsly them betrayed,
Which wold take no paine to sail farther
Than their own lyst and pleasure;
Wherfor that vyage, and dyvers other
Such kaytyffes have destroyed.
O what a thinge had be than
Yf that they that be Englyschemen
Myght have ben furst of all
That there shulde have take possessyon,
And made furst buyldynge and habytacion,
A memory perpetuall!
And also what an honorable thynge
Bothe to the realme, and to the Kynge,
To have had his domynyon extendynge
There into so farr a grounde,
Whiche the noble Kynge of late memory,
The most wyse prynce, the VII. Herry,
Causyd furst for to be founde, ...”

Percy, in his essay on the Origin of the English Stage, 1767, supposed this play to have been written about the year 1510, from the following lines which he referred to Columbus:—

“... Within this xx. yeer
Westewarde be founde new landes.”

But Columbus is not named in the play, and the finding of America is attributed to Americus Vespucius, whose earliest alleged voyage was in 1497:—

“But this newe lands founde lately,
Ben callyd America, bycause only
Americus dyd furst them fynde.”

The date ascribed to the play by the writer of the memorandum in it, 1519, would seem to be not far from the truth. But the verses which speak of the discovery made for the late king, Henry VII., principally interest us here. They would seem to refer to the Cabots, who made the only authentic Western discovery for England in that reign. The whole poem has been reprinted by the Percy Society. See Winsor’s Halliwelliana, p. 8, and references there. Mr. J. F. Nicholls, in his Life of Sebastian Cabot, London, 1869, p. 91, prints these lines, and thinks “that the Experyens herein depicted was none other than Sebastian Cabot himself.”

[7] [A sketch of a portion of the North American coast is given in another chapter. It was reproduced in Sprengel’s translation of Muñoz’s Geschichte der neuen Welt, Weimar, 1795, and separately in his Ueber J. Ribero’s älteste weltcharte, size 50 by 65 centimetres, and shows the coast from Labrador to Magellan’s Straits. Cf. Humboldt’s Examen Critique, iii. 184. It is also given in Lelewel’s Atlas; in Murphy’s Verrazzano, p. 129; and in De Costa’s Verrazano the Explorer, p. 43. The original is at Weimar, with a replica at Rome.—Ed.]

[8] I might mention here an interesting map composed by the English merchant, Robert Thorne, while residing in Seville in Spain, in 1527, and sent, with a long discourse on cosmography, to Dr. Ley, English ambassador to Charles V. The map is very rude, and was first published with the discourse by Hakluyt in his little quarto in 1582. Along the line of the coast of Labrador is a Latin inscription of which the following is the English reading: “This land was first discovered by the English.” Thorne was very urgent—as well in his letter to Dr. Ley as in a letter to the king, Henry VIII., also published by Hakluyt—that the English should engage in those maritime discoveries to the west which the Spaniards and the Portuguese were monopolizing.

[9] In Ziegler’s original work he begins this sentence thus: “Petrus Martyr mediolanensis in hispanicis navigationibus scribit, Antoninum quendam Cabotum solventem a Britannia,” etc. This clerical or typographical error as to Cabot’s Christian name probably arose from a misreading of Martyr’s language in Dec. iii. lib. 6: “Scrutatus est eas Sebastianus quidam Cabotus.” Eden did not hesitate to substitute Sebastian for Anthony. As a mystification concerning the name Antoninum (or Anthony) Cabot, I will add that Mr. Brevoort has called my attention to the following entry in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII., vol. i. pt. 1, p. 939, doc. 5639, Nov. 27, 1514: “Patent denization to Anthony Chabo, surgeon, native of Savoy,” with another entry showing that in 1512 an annuity of twenty pounds was granted to him; and Mr. Brevoort asks the question if Anthony could have been another son of Jean Cabot, arriving in England later; and also whether the Cabots might not have come originally from Savoy? [Ziegler’s title reads: Syria, Palestina, Arabia, Ægyptus, Schondia, Holmia,—the section on Schondia, as he calls the north, takes folios 85-138; and the last of the eight maps in the book is of Schondia. See Harrisse’s Biblio. Amer. Vetus, no. 170; F. Muller’s Catalogue, 1877, no. 3595. The Schondia section was reprinted in Krantzius’s Regnorum Aquilonarium, etc., Frankfort, 1583. F. Muller’s Catalogue, 1872, no. 844.—Ed.]

[10] [It is also so drawn in Ruscelli’s map of 1544.—Ed.]

[11] Ziegler’s book is rare and curious; he was a geographer of great repute. Such books often serve to perpetuate references to more important works, and to show the erroneous geographical opinions of the period. A second edition, under a different title, was published at the same place in 1536. See Harrisse’s Biblio. Amer. Vetus, pp. 290, 291, 350, and the Carter-Brown Catalogue, pp. 106, 120, where will be found a notice of Ziegler. Biddle, p. 31.

[12] Carter-Brown Catalogue, p. 110.

[13] See Année Véritable de la Naissance de Christophe Colomb, p. 10, n. 8.

[14] See also Relationi del S. Pietro Martira Milanese, Della cose notabili della provincia dell’ Egitto, etc., by Carlo Passi, Venetia, 1564.

[15] In a recent letter from Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, the distinguished bibliographer and historical scholar, of Brooklyn, N. Y.,—who has kindly communicated for my use his abundant materials relating to the Cabots, and has laid me under great obligations for aid in preparing this paper,—he says he has been collating the first part of the Summario of 1534 with the Latin Decades of Peter Martyr, and he finds them to differ in a way that no mere translator would have ventured to effect; that in one instance two books of the Decades are condensed into a few lines, and the whole worked over as an author only could do it. The Italian Summary closes at the end of the ninth book of the third Decade. He thinks that Ramusio, with the edition of 1516 before him, would not have omitted the tenth book. Mr. Brevoort therefore is led to believe that Martyr himself rewrote in 1515, in Italian, the three Decades (the last book not having yet been written) and sent the MS. to a friend in Italy, where it slumbered until 1534, when it fell into the hands of Ramusio, who committed it to the press. This is a curious question in bibliography.

It should be added here that the statements of Martyr included in the Latin Decades of 1516 (afterward published in the entire work of 1530) are so often referred to by the author, in the course of his correspondence, that we are bound to accept that edition as the genuine work. It was published during his lifetime, and received his imprimatur.

[16] The figures of men and animals on the map are colored. I have recently received from my friend M. Letort, of the National Library in Paris, a more particular description of the legends of this map than has hitherto been published.

[17] It is supposed that a new edition of this map was published in 1549, the year after Sebastian Cabot returned to England. The only evidence of this is contained in a thick duodecimo volume first published in 1594, at Herborn, in Nassau, edited by Nathan Chytræus, entitled Variorum in Europa Itinerum Deliciæ,—a work consisting of monumental and other inscriptions, antique legends, and curious bits of antiquity in prose and verse, picked up by the diligent compiler in almost every country in Europe. He was in England in 1565; and apparently at Oxford he saw a document, “a geographical table,” under which he found several inscriptions in not very elegant Latin, which he copied and printed in his volume, filling twenty-two pages of the book. They are wholly in Latin, and correspond substantially with the Latin inscriptions on the Paris map described above. There is this difference. The inscriptions here are but nineteen in number, whereas on the Paris map there are twenty-two, five of them in Spanish only. No. xviii., of Chytræus, is in the body only of the map, and in Spanish; and No. xix. appears only in Spanish. In Chytræus each inscription has a title prefixed, wanting, as a rule, on the Paris map. There are some verbal variations in the text, owing probably to the contingencies of transcription and of printing. In the legend, No. xvii., which has the title, “Inscriptio sev titulus Auctoris,” the date 1549 is inserted as the year in which the map to which the inscriptions belonged was composed, instead of 1544, as in the Paris map.

[18] I copy here this legend entire, in the original Spanish as on the Paris map:—

“No. 8. Esta tierra fue descubierta por Ioan Caboto Veneciano, y Sebastian Caboto su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro Saluador Iesu Christo de M.CCCC.XCIIII. a ueinte y quarto de Junio por la mannana, a la qual pusieron nôbre prima tierra uista, y a una isla grâde que esta par la dha tierra, le pusieron nōbre sant Ioan, por auer sido descubierta el mismo dia lagente della andan uestidos depieles de animales, usan en sus guerras arcos, y flechas, lancas, y dardos, y unas porras de palo, y hondas. Es tierra muy steril, ay enella muchos orsos plancos, y cieruos muy grâdes como cauallos, y otras muchas animales, y semeiantemête ay pescado infinito, sollos, salmōes, lenguados, muy grandes de uara enlargo y otras muchas diversidades de pescados, y la mayor multitud dellos se dizen baccallaos, y asi mismo ay en la dha tierra Halcones prietos como cueruos Aquillas, Perdices, Pardillas, y otras muchas aues de diuersas maneras.”

In the Latin inscription we read that the discovery was made “hora 5, sub diluculo;” that is, at the hour of five, at daybreak. The Spanish simply says that the discovery was made in the morning.

[19] [We give reduced a part of the North American coast. Other representations will be found in Stevens’s Hist. and Geog. Notes, pl. 4; Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, p. 358; Jurien de la Gravière’s Les Marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle, Paris, 1879, with an essay on the map,—papers originally printed in the Revue des Deux Mondes, 1876; Nicholl’s Life of S. Cabot, but inaccurate in the names; Hist. Mag., March, 1868, in connection with Mr. Brevoort’s paper; F. Kidder’s Discovery of North America by John Cabot; Bryant and Gay’s United States, i. 193. Also in Augusto Zeri’s Giovanni e. Sebastiano Caboto, Estratto dalla Rivista Marittima, Marzo, Roma, 1881. The whole of the map is given, but on a much reduced scale, in Judge Daly’s Early History of Cartography, N. Y., 1879.—Ed.]

[20] The following extract of a letter from Sebastian Cabot to the Emperor Charles V., dated London, Nov. 15, 1554, speaks of a sea-chart intended for his Majesty, and refers also to the subject of the variation of the needle, which interested Cabot in an especial manner:—

“With respect to laying down the position of the coast of Guinea conformably with the variation made by the needle with the pole, if the King of Portugal falls into an error, I give your Majesty a remedy.

“The same Francisco de Urista, whom I have named before, takes with him to show to your Majesty two figures which are: a mappe monde divided by the equator, from which your Majesty can see the causes of the variation of the needle, and the reasons why it moves at one time towards the north, at another towards the south pole; the second figure shows how to take the longitude on whatever parallel a man happens to be. The results of both these the said F. de U. will relate to your Majesty as I have here instructed him fully about them, and as he is himself skilled in the art of navigation. In regard to the sea-chart (?) which the said F. de U. has, I have written to your Majesty before about it, that it is of importance to your service, and also [have written] about a relation in my own handwriting to Juan Esquefe, your ambassador, to send it to your Majesty. From what I am told, it is in the possession of the Secretary Eraso. To it I refer you, and I assert that the chart will be of great service in reference to the division line agreed upon between the royal crown of Spain and Portugal for the reasons set forth in my relation.

“I beg you to receive my good will, etc. (Would come in person but am ill, etc.).”

(Col. de Doc. Ined. Madrid, 1843, iii. 512.) Andrés Garcia de Céspedes, in his Regimiento de Navigation, etc., 1606, speaking of the longitude, p. 137, probably alludes to this very map: “Sebastian Cabott de nacion Inglés, Pilóto bien conocido, in un Mapa que dio al Rey de Castilla,” etc.

[21] Cf. the learned dissertations on this map, by Dr. Kohl and M. D’Avezac, in Doc. Hist. of Maine, i. 358-77, 506, 507; and Mr. Major’s review of the whole question in the Archæologia, xliii. 17-42, in 1870.

[Reference may also be made to D’Avezac’s paper in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, 4th ser., iv. 266; Asher’s appendix to his Henry Hudson, p. 260; and papers by Mr. Deane himself in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1867, Historical Magazine, November, 1866, p. 353; and his note in Hakluyt’s Westerne Planting, p. 225. Cf. also Kohl’s Descriptive Catalogue of those Maps relating to America, mentioned in Hakluyt’s Third Volume, p. 11.—Ed.]

[22] The geographical designation here employed has been thought by some to be very indefinite, inasmuch as the Spaniards, who discovered Florida, subsequently gave that name to the whole country northward and westward of the territory now bearing that name; but it must be remembered that that designation was not accepted by geographers of other nations. After the voyages of Verrazano and Cartier the name “La Nouvelle France” was applied by French geographers to the territory as far down as 40° N., and the name was sometimes applied to the whole of North America. The maps of the Italian geographer, Gastaldi, who made maps for Ramusio’s third volume, and of Ruscelli, his pupil, confined Florida to more southern limits; and so did Sebastian Cabot himself, if the map of 1544 was made by him. Indeed, in the conversation of these Italian savans at the house of Fracastor, that geographical status was assumed; that is to say, the country of Cabot’s landfall, and the land by which he sailed north and south, was not understood to be Florida, for the statement is that “he sailed down the coast by that land toward the equinoctial, and came to that part of this firm land which is now called Florida.” Of course the point which he reached is very indefinite. Peter Martyr had said, thirty-five years before, that Cabot told him that he went south almost to the latitude of the strait of Gibraltar, which is in 36° N. Nobody knows whether these two accounts relate to the same voyage. That to which the conversation refers is assumed by the narrator to be the voyage of discovery. Indeed, for two hundred years and more there was no suspicion that a voyage by the Cabots followed immediately the voyage of discovery; though some incidents are related which may have taken place in a subsequent voyage, and others which never took place at all. Modern critics, who accept the above story as to the latitude reached at the south, generally agree that it was only on the second voyage that this was accomplished.

[23] The conversation at Caphi, at the house of Fracastor, who was a friend of Ramusio, took place a short time only before its publication. Ramusio says, in his report, “a few months ago.” We do not know precisely when he wrote his report, but there is a reference in it to a book of Jacob Tevius, published in 1548. As I have said above, we do not know the year of the interview with Cabot at Seville. The narrator says that it was “some years ago,” and I should infer that it was some years after Cabot’s return in August, 1530, from the La Plata expedition, to which Cabot in the interview refers. He also mentions that he is growing old, and retiring from active duties. In 1540 he would probably have been approaching seventy years of age, and this date may safely be assumed as not far from the time when the conversation took place. M. D’Avezac, in Revue Crit., v. 265, gives 1544 or 1545 as the probable date.

To the publication of this report relating to Cabot, Hakluyt, in 1589, prefixed the name of Galeacius Butrigarius, the Pope’s legate in Spain, as the distinguished person who reported the conversation with Cabot; and ever since that time, down to the publication of Biddle’s Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, in 1831, the statement passed without question. Biddle, who regarded the matter as of little moment, said there was no authority for that name in Ramusio, who says himself that he withholds it from motives of delicacy; but Biddle did not say, perhaps he did not observe, that Hakluyt got the name from Eden (Decades, f. 252, verso), who made the original blunder. Martyr, in the beginning of his second Decade, written in 1515, speaks of knowing Butrigarius of Bologna, when the latter was of the Pope’s embassy in Spain; and I find that he died in 1518, in the forty-third year of his age (see Zedler’s Universal Lexikon, v. 4, Halle, 1733). M. D’Avezac had noted, as early as 1869, that Butrigarius had died thirty years before the conversation took place at the house of Fracastor, and also that the editor of Ramusio, Tomaso Giunti, had added the word Mantuan to this anonymous person’s name; and now, through the researches instituted by Charles Bullo and by the mediation of the superintendent of the archives of the state at Venice, it is ascertained that this unknown person was Gian Giacomo Bardolo, of Mantua. See Intorno a Giovanni Caboto, etc., by Cornelio Desimoni, Genova, 1881, pp. 26, 27; also, in Atti, vol. xv., of the Società ligure di storia patria.

[24] Fracastor died Aug. 8, 1553, over seventy years of age. He was a maker of globes. Humphrey Gilbert says that he was a traveller in the northern parts of America. (Kohl, p. 229; Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602).

[25] Ramusio, ii. 4; Hakluyt, 1589, p. 513.

[26] Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602.

[27] Eden’s Decades, fol. 318, corrected by the original. [The first edition of Gomara is a rare book, and a copy has been lately priced by Quaritch at £36. It proved to be one of the most popular of all the books of that century on the New World; and, as we count, including varieties of titles, there were more than a score of editions in fifty years, so that his statements became widely known. There were seven such issues in Spanish, either in Spain or in Flanders, in two years, when the demand for it seems to have failed in its original tongue, and was transferred to Italy, where at Rome and Venice there were six editions in twenty years (1556 to 1576). Sabin says eighteen in that interval, but I fail to find them. There was a seventh near the end of the century (1599). In 1568 or 1569 there seem to have been three issues of the first French translation, and six others followed, from 1577 to 1597. These statements are based chiefly on the lists of editions given in Sabin, vii. 306 (said to have been drawn up by Mr. Brevoort); in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 169; and Leclerc’s Bibliotheca Americana, No. 143.—Ed.]

[28] [See a later Editorial note on “The earliest English publications on America.”—Ed.]

[29] Doc. Hist. of Maine, i. 206.

[30] Mem. of Sebastian Cabot, 110-119.

[31] Vol. iii. p. 4, 1556.

[32] Divers Voyages, Hakluyt Soc., pp. 50, 51.

[33] Doc. Hist. of Maine, i. 208-210.

[34] Mr. Brevoort has submitted some notes to my attention, on this voyage. Rejecting the year 1516-17 as impracticable, he adopts an earlier date, before Cabot had left England, and finds some authority for it in a book of George Beste, London, 1578, on the three voyages of Frobisher, hereafter to be mentioned. The writer there gives 1508 as the year of Sebastian Cabot’s discovery of North America, probably never having heard of any previous voyages. Mr. Brevoort thinks he had authority for a voyage of Cabot about the year named. Thomas Pert, or Spert, against whom the charge of “faint heart” is alleged by Eden, is mentioned in vol. i. of Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII., 1512, C. 1514, as master of the “Mary Rose,” and of the “Great Harry.” In 1514 he is pensioned, and in 1517 is placed on shore duty. There is no report of him in 1516, but as he was a veteran in 1514 it is hardly probable that he would have been on a voyage of discovery in 1516. He is usually mentioned as Thomas Spert; only once is he called Pert. As evidence that an expedition left England on a voyage of discovery some time during the last years of Henry VII., or during the early years of his successor, the Interlude of the Four Elements, of uncertain date, but probably written before 1519, cited above, is adduced as showing that the incident related occurred “not long ago.” And certain verses which speak of the disobedience of the mariners, which put an end to the voyage, and to the hopes of the projector, afford the earliest reference to the mutiny story. Mr. Brevoort is of opinion that Eden’s vague reference to an event occurring in the reign of Henry VIII., “about the same year of his reign,” was intended to place it in the 8th year of the century. But that would bring it within the reign of Henry VII.

[35] Mem. of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 62-66.

[36] Dedication of the book, folios 1, 2; Biddle, pp. 64, 65.

[37] Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, 1582.

[38] He printed it on folios 316, and 317 of his Decades. See the inscription in Latin in a work already cited, by Nathan Chytræus, pp. 779-781.

[39] See vol. iii, 807, and iv. 1812. See Doc. Hist. of Maine, ii. 224.

[40] Appendix to his Mem. of Sebastian Cabot. Mr. Biddle is said to have paid £500 for the picture.

[41] See their Proceedings, ii. 101. 111.

[42] No. 103 in the Catalogue of its gallery. A copy of this picture, painted in the year 1763, now hangs in the Sala della Scudo, in the ducal palace in Venice, with a long Latin inscription composed probably at the time the copy was made. Notes and Queries, 2d ser. vol. v. p. 2.

[43] See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. Jan. 1865, pp. 91-96. Hist. Mag. Nov. 1869, pp. 306, 307.

[44] See the Appendix to the Historical View of the progress of Discovery on the more Northern Coasts of America, by Patrick Fraser Tytler, Esq.

[45] Examen Crit. iv. 232.

[46] iv. 1177.

[47] I might mention here that an English version of this book, made by Thomas Hacket, was published in England in 1568, dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney. The passage in question occurs in fol. 122 H. C. Carter-Brown Catalogue, p. 241. [This version is perhaps rarer than the two French editions (Paris and Anvers) of 1558, and the Italian of 1561, and is worth ten guineas or thereabout. A recent French catalogue prices the original Paris edition at about the same sum. It has been recently, 1878, reprinted in Paris with notes by Paul Gaffarel.—Ed.]

[48] Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 89.

[49] See La Historia General de las Indias, 1554, cap. xxxix, fol. 31.

[50] [Huth Catalogue, ii. 572, Brinley Catalogue, i. no. 29. This translation is also contained in J. S. Clarke’s Progress of Maritime Discovery, London, 1803, Appendix. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 224, says an English translation was printed in the Oxford Collection of Voyages, ii.—Ed.]

[51] Pages 87, 88.

[52] Or inlet.

[53] Under the year 1526 Galvano says: “In the year 1526 there went out of Sevill one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, being chief Pilote to the emperor,” etc. There is added to the old English version, not in the Portuguese text, after “a Venetian,”—“by his father, but born at Bristol in England.” Hakluyt Society’s volume, p. 169.

[54] Mr. J. Winter Jones, the editor of the Divers Voyages for the Hakluyt Society, says, concerning the original French edition of this work, that it “is not known to exist, and it is doubtful if it ever was printed.” Hakluyt, however, in his “Discourse on Westerne Planting,” published as vol. ii., Doc. Hist. of Maine, p. 20, says it is “extant in print, both in French and English”. [Sparks, in his Life of Ribault, p. 147, says that he cannot find that the original French was ever published; but Gaffarel, Floride Francaise, says it was published in London, 1563, as Histoire de l’Expédition Francaise en Floride, and soon became scarce.—Ed.]

[55] Hakluyt Society’s Divers Voyages, p. 92.

[56] As the language of Hacket’s English version of Ribault was accessible to me only through Richard Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, 1582, in which he reprinted it, I had an ungenerous suspicion that he might have substituted that date for another, he having placed the year 1498 in the margin of the page on which he first prints the alleged extract from Fabian. The only known copy of Hacket’s translation is in the British Museum, and on an appeal to that, through a transcript of it taken for Mr. John Carter-Brown, I find Ribault’s date to be 1498. [Hacket’s version as given by Hakluyt is also reprinted in B. F. French’s Hist. Coll. of Louisiana and Florida, ii. 159.—Ed.]

[57] [Ortelius was not far from thirty years old, when Sebastian Cabot died. He had been in England, and possibly had seen the old navigator. Felix Van Hulst’s account of Ortelius was published in a second edition at Liege in 1846. Ortelius was the first to collect contemporary maps and combine them into a collection, which became the precursor of the modern atlas. His learning and integrity, with a discrimination that kept his judgment careful, has made his book valuable as a trustworthy record of the best geographical knowledge of his time. His position at Antwerp was favorable for broadening his research, and a disposition to better each succeeding issue, in which he was not hampered by deficiency of pecuniary resources, served to spread his work widely. The first Latin edition of 1570 was followed by others in that language, and in Dutch, German, French, and Italian, with an ever-increasing number of maps, and recasting of old ones. These editions, including epitomes, numbered at least twenty-six, down to 1606, when it was for the first time put into English, followed by an epitome in the same language, with smaller maps, in 1610. There were a few editions on the continent during the rest of that century (the latest we note is an Italian one in 1697), but other geographers with their new knowledge were then filling the field.—Ed.]

[58] See Biddle’s Cabot, p. 56.

[59] Carter-Brown Catalogue, p. 255.

[60] The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, Hakluyt Soc. 1867, p. 22. [This putting forth of energy by the English at this time in pursuit of maritime discovery is reflected in the larger production of the English press in this direction, as shown in a later Editorial note.—Ed.]

[61] Biddle’s Cabot, p. 291.

[62] Vol. iii, p. 4.

[63] See also Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602.

[64] Richard Eden died about this time, perhaps in the previous year. He left among his papers a translation, made “in the year of our Lord, 1576,” and from the Latin of Lewis Vartomannus, which Willes includes in his own edition. The last book published by Eden was an English translation from the Latin of a book on navigation, by Joannes Taisnierus, public professor in Rome and of several universities in Italy. It bears no date, but it is supposed to have been issued in 1576 or 1577. See Carter-Brown Catalogue, pt. 1. p. 262, which puts its date 1576; but it is given 1579 in Markham’s Davis’s Voyages. In the Epistle Dedicatory, Eden speaks of attending “the good old man,” Sebastian Cabot, “on his death-bed,” and listening to his flighty utterances about a divine revelation of a new method for finding the longitude. See Biddle, pp. 222, 223. Eden was also engaged in other literary enterprises not mentioned by me.

[65] Willes’s History of Travayle, etc., fol. 232, 233; Biddle’s Cabot, p. 292; Hakluyt, 1589, pp. 610-616.

[66] Kohl, p. 364.

[67] I quote from Biddle’s Cabot, p. 27; but Brunet, iii. 1945, and Supplement, i. 1129, notice an edition in 1575, 3 vol. folio. See also Stevens’s Bibliotheca Historica, 1870. p. 121.

[68] Tom. ii. p. 2175.

[69] Biddle, p. 28.

[70] [See Carter-Brown Catalogue, pt. i. p. 292, which shows there were two editions the same year. The book is rare, and was priced by Leclerc in 1878 at 650 francs. Stevens, Hist. Coll. i. 135, says he has seen but two copies of the map which should accompany the book. This is a folded woodcut, which in the main is a reduced copy of the map in Ortelius’s first edition. The map is in the Harvard College copy. The Huth Catalogue, iv. 1169, shows the map.—Ed.]

[71] Hakluyt, in a Discourse on Westerne Planting, written in 1584, which was printed for the first time by the Maine Hist. Soc. in 1877, cites this book of Popellinière, and gives an English version from it of the conversation in Ramusio. Hakluyt is here asserting the Queen of England’s title to all the territory “from Florida to the Circle Arctic,” and he enlarges upon the exploits of Sebastian Cabot, on which the claim of England is based.

[72] Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 42-47.

[73] [They were subsequently reprinted in Rymer’s Fœdera, in Chalmers’s and Hazard’s Hist. Coll. and in the Hakluyt Society’s ed. of the Divers Voyages.—Ed.]

[74] In the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1881, Mr. George Dexter has traced the publication of this alleged extract from Fabian to an earlier date than had usually been assigned to it. It was published by Stow, in his Annals, in 1580, together with the paragraph relating to the savage men said to have been brought home by Sebastian Cabot, and also printed by Hakluyt in 1582. They were also printed in the second edition of Holinshed, 1586-87. The Cotton manuscript, Vitellius, A. xvi., has been re-examined, and proves not to be a Fabian. Mr. Dexter has printed the two extracts from it, the latter, relating to the “savage men,” for the first time. In the Cotton collection, Nero, C. xi., is a genuine Fabian, but it contains nothing about Cabot. The conclusion to which I have arrived from this examination by Mr. Dexter is, that the Vitellius manuscript was not the original used by Stow and Hakluyt. They give facts and details not to be found in that manuscript; and this remark will particularly apply to the extract relating to the three savage men, which in the Vitellius is brief and meagre. Both Stow and Hakluyt must have used a genuine Fabian manuscript yet to be discovered. For though neither would probably hesitate to add or change a name or a date, if he thought he had sufficient authority for so doing, they would not manufacture a narrative.

As regards the savage men referred to, Stow, under the date of 1502, says they were that year presented to the King, yet that they were brought over by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, giving Fabian as his authority. Hakluyt, in his quarto of 1582, repeats the same story, on the same authority; yet in his folio of 1589 he changes the date in his heading as to the year of their presentation to the King, making it conform to the year in which they were brought over. Mr. Biddle (Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 230, 231) has a labored argument to show that the men were not brought over by Cabot, but by some one else, in the year they were presented to the King, 1502, reflecting severely on Hakluyt for changing this last date. It is not at all probable that the name of either John Cabot or Sebastian Cabot was given in the original manuscript used by Stow and Hakluyt. I will add that George Beste, in his work on the voyages of Frobisher, cited above, says that Sebastian Cabot brought home “sundry of the people” of the country he visited, “and many other things, in token of possession taken,” very oddly assigning the voyage, which he regarded as the voyage of discovery, to the year 1508.

[75] I had called attention to this fact in some notes on Cabot’s map in the Proceedings of the Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867, and Dr. Kohl, p. 371, says that Locke is supposed to have copied the inscription from a map of Cabot in England. The fact must have been inscribed on some other map of Cabot than the recently recovered one in Paris, for that certainly does not bear out the conjecture.

[76] Hakluyt, 1589, p. 680.

[77] Hakluyt, iii. 173.

[78] In the year 1584 Richard Hakluyt, at the request of Sir Walter Raleigh, wrote a Discourse on Westerne Planting,—to which I have already made a brief reference,—supposed to embody the opinions of the statesmen of England at that period on the colonization of North America. It is a remarkable paper, intended for the eye of the Queen. After giving all the reasons why England should enter upon this work speedily, he presents, in chapter xviii. “the Queen of England’s title to all the West Indies, or at least to as much as is from Florida to the circle Arctic,” as being “more lawful and right than the Spaniards’, or any other Christian princes’;” and the claim is based mainly on the discovery by Sebastian Cabot, in the year 1496, as related in the first volume of Ramusio, which is cited. Hakluyt is anxious to make it appear that Cabot discovered North America before Columbus discovered the firm land of the Indies; yea, more than a year before, and he recurs more than once to this date as showing the fact. Indeed, he once goes so far as to cite the date on Clement Adams’s map, 1494, as carrying the claim yet farther back. [The history of this manuscript, published as vol. ii. of the Documentary History of Maine, is traced in an Editorial note to Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—Ed.]

[79] Memoir of S. Cabot, pp. 30, 178-180.

[80] Ibid. p. 31.

[81] This book of Mr. Biddle was published in London in two editions, 1831 and 1832, and in the United States, 1831, all without the name of the author, an eminent jurist and statesman of Pittsburg, Penn., who was born in 1795, and died in 1847. It is a work of great value for its authorities, and displays much critical talent; and though composed with little system and with a strong bias in favor of Sebastian Cabot, whom the author makes his hero, it may be regarded as the best review of the history of maritime discovery relating to the period of which he treats, that had appeared.

[The most important notice of Mr. Biddle’s book occurred in Tytler’s Historical View of the Progress of Discovery on the more Northern Coasts of America, Biddle’s reflections upon Hakluyt being the particular occasion of a vindication of that collector. George S. Hillard also reviewed Biddle in the North American Review, xxxiv. 405, and it elicited other essays in contemporary journals. It supplied largely the material for Hayward’s Life of Cabot in Sparks’s American Biography. The most recent treatment of the subject is in a condensed and somewhat enthusiastic Remarkable Life, Adventures and Discoveries of Sebastian Cabot, by J. F. Nicholls, the public librarian of Bristol, London, 1869. This writer ascribes the chief glory to Sebastian and not to the father, and rather grandly lauds his achievements. This provoked Henry Stevens to putting a note in his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, no. 2519, in vindication of John Cabot’s greater claim,—a view he again emphasized in a little tract, with the expressive mathematical title, Sebastian Cabot-John Cabot = O: Boston, 1870. Some of the later information has been embodied by Bancroft in a paper on Cabot in the New American Cyclopædia, which he has used again in vol. i. of his Centenary Ed. History of the United States. A very good resumé of existing knowledge as it stood forty-five years ago, is given in Conway Robinson’s Discoveries in the West and Voyages along the Atlantic Coast, Richmond, 1848. A somewhat similar treatment is given in Peschel’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, book ii., ch. 6, and notice may also be taken of the same author’s Geschichte der Erdkunde, vol. iv. Fox Bourne, in his English Seamen under the Tudors, gives a summary of the Cabots’ career as explorers, and in his English Merchants he treats of their relation to British commerce and the enterprise of Bristol. Mr. Travers Twiss communicated some papers on the relative influence of Columbus and Cabot on American Discovery to the Nautical Magazine, July and August, 1876; and a review of a somewhat similar kind will be found in Admiral Jurien de la Gravière’s Les Marins du xv^e et xvi^e Siècles, composed of papers which had originally appeared in the Revue des deux Mondes, 1876, et seq. Among other views, reference may be made to F. von Hellward’s Sebastian Cabot, 43 pp.; Malte-Brun’s Annales des Voyages, xcix., p. 39.—Ed.]

[82] Page 126.

[83] Vol. iii. p. 807.

[84] See D’Avezac in the Bulletin de la Soc. Géog., Quar. Ser., xvi. 272, 273.

[85] [The titles of these works in full, with some further account of the instrumentality of Hakluyt in advancing discovery, are given in Dr. De Costa’s chapter on “Norumbega,” and in the notes accompanying it.—Ed.]

[86] M. D’Avezac, in the Bulletin de la Soc. Géog., Quar. Ser., xiv., 271, 272, 1857, and Dr. Asher in his Henry Hudson (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. lxviii, 261, 1860, both express the opinion that Clement Adams deliberately altered the date from 1494 to 1497, the latter being the date copied by Hakluyt into his extract from Adams’s map, as published in the third volume of his fol. of 1600; neither of these writers being aware of the fact that in Hakluyt’s first citation from Adams’s map, in his folio of 1589, the date 1494 was given. All we know of Adams’s map is derived from Hakluyt; and as an additional evidence that the extract cited from it bore the date 1494, we have Hakluyt’s previous statement, in his Discourse on Westerne Planting, cited above, where this fact is clearly affirmed.

In the Proceedings of the Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867, I called attention, in some notes on Cabot’s map, to the inadvertences of these distinguished historians; and, in a later paper by M. D’Avezac, printed in the Bulletin de la Soc. Géog., in Paris for 1869, and translated in the Doc. Hist. of Maine, i. 506, 507, he revises his opinion, and affirms his belief that the change of date from 1494, in Hakluyt’s first folio, to 1497 in that of 1600 was caused by a typographical error. [D’Avezac’s paper was entitled: Les navigations Terre-neuviennes de Jean et Sébastien Cabot—Lettre au Révérend Leonard Woods: and was also printed separately in Paris.—Ed.]

[87] [See the note on Molyneaux’s map, with a sketch of it, appended to the chapter on “Norumbega.”—Ed.]

[88] It has been suggested that Hakluyt had access to Cabot’s papers in possession of William Worthington, and that they revealed the true date. It is a pity he did not “make note of it” among his authorities. See R. H. Major’s True Date of the English Discovery, etc., London, 1870, originally printed in the Archæologia, xliii, 17.

The mention of the name of William Worthington, against whom Mr. Biddle has emphasized a suspicion of unjust dealing with Sebastian Cabot, reminds me of a remark of M. D’Avezac in speaking of the marriage of Cabot to Catherine Medrano,—that he suspected that Worthington, instead of being hostile to Cabot, was, on the contrary, bound to him by family ties. See Revue Critique, v. 268, 269.

[89] Page 511.

[90] Page 128.

[91] Mr. Major concludes his paper by producing incontestable evidence from the recently published Venetian and Spanish Calendars, to be adduced farther on, that the true date of discovery was 1497.

[92] See a more full analysis of this subject in Proceedings of the Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867.

[93] See vol. i. 226, 274; ii. 243, 267; iii. 10; cf. Biddle, 184-187, 311, who doubts as to Cabot’s appointment as “grand pilot,” as asserted by Hakluyt. [Davis, in his World’s Hydrographical Descriptions, does not give him any official title in 1595. “Sebastian Gabota, an expert pilot, and a man reported of speciall judgment, who being that wayes imployed returned without successe.” Davis’s Voyages (Hakluyt Soc.), p. 195.—Ed.]

[94] The Legend no. xvii. of the map is copied from Chytræus into the text of the Tabularum Geog. Contractatrum of Peter Bertius, published in Latin and in French. In the Latin edition of 1602 or 1603, the second edition, the Legend is given on page 627, and in the French of 1617 on page 777. The text is ascribed to Jodocus Hondius, who died in 1612, says Lelewel, in his Géographie du Moyen Age. (Letter of J. Carson Brevoort.)

[95] Among the many works whose publication was inspired by Hakluyt, was the issue in 1612 of an English version of the eight Decades of Peter Martyr, translated by Michael Locke, thus laying before the English reader whatever that industrious chronicler had written concerning Sebastian Cabot. The first three Decades, as we have already seen, had been translated by Richard Eden, many years before, and those were now adopted by Locke into his completed version; the work was entitled De Novo Orbe, or the History of the West Indies, etc., London, 1612. It contained a Latin dedication to Sir Julius Cæsar, and an address in English to the reader. The same sheets were also issued with another titlepage without date, and omitting the Latin dedication, and also again in 1628 with a new title, calling the book a second edition. [Copies of either issue are worth from £5 to £10, and even more. Fifty years ago Rich (1832, no. 130) priced one at £1 16s. The text was reprinted in the supplement to the 1809 edition of Hakluyt.—Ed.]

Purchas has several notices of the Cabots taken from Hakluyt principally, hereafter the great authority cited, and from Ramusio. His is the earliest mention made, within my knowledge, of Sebastian Cabot’s picture in Whitehall gallery, but he speaks of it as though it were displayed on Clement Adams’s map hanging there. He probably never took the trouble to visit the gallery himself, but wrote from wrong information.

[Purchas’s Pilgrimage gave his own form and language to the accounts of the voyages which he collected, and those in his eighth and ninth book concern America. It was published in 1613, when he was thirty-six years old. There was a second edition in 1614, and a third with additions in 1617, the year after Purchas inherited Hakluyt’s manuscripts. He now set about his greater work,—Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas, his Pilgrimes,—in which he changed his method, and preserved the language of the narratives, which he brought together. This was published in four volumes (part of the third and all of the fourth volume pertaining to America), in 1625; and the next year a new edition of his first work was brought out, which has ever since constituted the fifth volume of the entire work. The set has nearly or quite quadrupled in value during the last fifty and sixty years, and superior copies are now worth £100; such a copy however must contain the original engraved frontispiece with its little map of the world, which is seldom found, and “Hondius his Map of the World,” which is rarer still, on page 95, where ordinary copies show a reduplication merely of the map properly belonging on page 115. Mr. Deane owns Thomas Prince’s copy of the American portions, which are enriched with Prince’s notes. Samuel Sewall’s copy is in Harvard College Library. Purchas survived the publication but two years, and died in 1628. His service to the cause in which he and Hakluyt were so conspicuous workers, was great, but is not generally accounted as equal to that of the elder chronicler. See Clarke’s Maritime Discovery, i. xiii., and the references in Allibone’s Dictionary. Bohn’s Lowndes p. 2010, is useful in determining the collation, which is confused.—Ed.]

Bacon, in his Life of Henry VII. published in 1622, notices the voyage of Sebastian Cabot, in which North America was discovered; but mentioning no year implies that it took place in 1498. His principal authority seems to have been Stowe’s Chronicle.

A valuable work was published at Madrid in 1629, by Pinello D. Ant. de Leon, entitled an Epitome de la bibliotheca oriental i occidental, nautica i geographica, etc. of which a second edition, edited by De Barcia, was published in 1737-38. Particular mention is made in it of the several editions of the writings of Peter Martyr, though the information is not always correct. He says that Juan Pablo Martyr Rizo, a descendant of Peter Martyr, had a manuscript translation in Spanish of the Decades for printing, which we may well believe never appeared.

[96] In the Foreign and Domestic Calendars of Henry VIII., ii. pt. ii. p. 1576, Sebastian Talbot (Cabot) is named as receiving twenty shillings, in May, 1512, “for making a card of Gascoigne and Guyon.” He left soon after for Spain.

[97] Dec. i. p. 254, Madrid, 1730; Biddle, p. 98.

[98] Navarrete, Historica Nautica, p. 138.

[99] Page 119.

[100] D’Avezac, in Revue Critique, v. 265.

[101] Herrera, Dec. ii. p. 18.

[102] Navarrete, Coll. iii. 319.

[103] Navarrete, Bibl. Maritima, tome ii. pp. 697-700; Herrera, Dec. ii. p. 70; Venetian Calendar, vol. ii. no. 607.

[104] Herrera, Dec. ii. p. 226; Cf. Biddle, p. 121.

[105] Gomara, cap. xcix. Navarrete, Coll. iv. 339; Bibl. Maritima, as above. Cf. Biddle, pp. 122, 123.

[106] Biddle’s Cabot, pp. 123-128, where will be found a good summary of these events, with the original authorities cited; with which cf. Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. 6; Navarrete, Bibl. Maritima, as above.

[107] Bibl. Maritima, as above.

[108] Navarrete, Bibl. Maritima, ii. 697-700; Ibid. Coll. v. 333; Herrera, Dec. iv. pp. 168, 169, 214; D’Avezac, Bulletin Soc. Géog. Quart. Ser. xiv. 268.

[109] Navarrete, Nautica, pp. 135, 136, 155.

[110] Viage del Sutil y Mexicana, in 1792; Madrid, 1802, Introduction (by Don M. F. Navarrete, then a young man), p. xlii.

[111] Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, ii. p. 169, 1852.

[112] In a notice of the settlement of the estate of Sir Thomas Lovell, who died May 25, 1524, among the debts unpaid and now, February 18, discharged, was one to John Goderyk of Cornwall, draper, for conducting Sebastyan Cabot, master of the pilots in Spain, to London, at testator’s request, 43s. 4d.—Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., vol. iv. pt. i. p. 154.

[113] Venetian Calendars, vol. iii., nos. 557, 558, 589, 607, 634, 669, 670, 710, 1115; V. 711; Foreign, under date Sept. 12, 1551; Hardy’s Report upon Venetian Calendars, pp. 7, 8.

[114] Strype, Eccl. Mem. Oxford, 1822, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 296; Harleian MSS., quoted by Biddle, p. 175, where the story is told in a letter dated April 21, 1550, from the Council to Sir Philip Hoby, resident minister in Flanders. Bancroft, American Cyclopædia, iii. 530.

[115] Biddle, pp. 187, 217, 219; Rymer’s Fœdera, xv. 427, 466; Bancroft, as above.

[116] [It is well known that in commemoration of the English discovery, Cabotia a has been urged as a name for North America; but if Sebastia, urged by William Doyle in his Acc. of the British Dominion beyond the Atlantic, 1770, had been adopted, we should have had a misapplication, quite mating the mishap which gave the name of America to the western hemisphere.—Ed.]

[117] Venetian Calendars, vol. i. no. 453; D’Avezac, Doc. Hist. Maine, i. 504, 505; S. Romanin, Storia Documentata, iv. 453.

[118] Mr. J. F. Nichols, in his Life of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 20, 21, appears to misapprehend the terms of this privilege of naturalization, supposing it was a grant of citizenship for fifteen years to come, and not on account of fifteen years’ residence already passed. The memorandum reads: “Quod fiat privilegium civilitatis de intus et extra Joani Caboto per habitationem annorum xv. juxta consuetum,”—“That a privilege of citizenship, within and without, be made for John Cabot, as usual, on account of a residence of fifteen years.” That such is the proper interpretation of the grant is shown by the full document itself, issued four years previously to another person, and referred to in the Register, where the privilege to John Cabot is recorded. The document recites that “Whereas, whoever shall have dwelt continuously in Venice for a space of fifteen years or more, spending that time in performing the duties of our kingdom, shall be our citizen and Venetian, and shall enjoy the privilege of citizenship and other benefits,” etc. Then follows the statement that the person applying had offered satisfactory proofs that he had dwelt continuously in Venice for fifteen years, and had faithfully performed the other duties required, and he was thereupon declared to be a Venetian and citizen, within and without, etc. (See Intorno a Giovanni Caboto, etc., by Cornelio Desimoni, Genova, 1881, pp. 43-45.)

[119] Ramusio, i. 374.

[120] Decades, f. 255.

[121] M. D’Avezac believed that Sebastian Cabot was born in 1472 or 1473, and that John Cabot and his family removed to England not far from the year 1477. He infers this last date from a conviction that John Cabot early engaged in maritime voyages from Bristol, and that the mention of a vessel sailing from that port in 1480, belonging to John Jay the younger, conducted by “the most skilful mariner in all England,” pointed to John Cabot as the real commander. And he thought he derived some support for this opinion from some passages in the letter of D’Ayala, the Spanish ambassador, mentioned farther on, in regard to voyages made from Bristol to the west for several years before the date of his letter. See Corry’s History of Bristol, i. 318, a work not accurate in relation to the Cabot voyages; cf. Botoner, alias William Wyrcestre, in Antiquities of Bristol, pp. 152, 153.

[122] Spanish Calendars, vol. i. no. 128.

[123] Strachey, in his Historie of Travaile into Virginia (written between the years 1612 and 1619), p. 6, says that John Cabot, to whom and to his three sons letters patents were granted by Henry VII. in 1496, was “idenized his subject, and dwelling within the Blackfriers,” etc.

[124] History and Antiquities of Bristol, 1789, p. 172.

[125] In vol. iv. of the new edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica, now publishing, at p. 350, under the article Bristol, is the following:—

“This year (1497), on St. John’s the Baptist’s Day, the land of America was found by the merchants of Bristowe, in a ship of Bristol called the ‘Matthew,’ the which said ship departed from the port of Bristow the 2d of May, and come home again 6th August following.”

Some of the dates are new. This statement is credited to an ancient manuscript “in possession of the Fust Family of Hill Court, Gloucestershire, the ‘collations’ of which are now, 1876, in the keeping of Mr. William George, bookseller, Bristol.”

This memorandum, containing the name of “America,” must have been written many years after the event described. Bristol manuscripts have been subjected to much suspicion. See an article in the English Notes and Queries, 2d series, vol. v. p. 154.

[126] Biddle’s Cabot, p. 80.

[127] Venetian Calendars, i. 262.

[128] Venetian Calendars, i. 260. These papers were for the first time printed in America by the American Antiquarian Society, in their Proceedings for October, 1866, in an interesting communication from the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D., principally relating to the Cabot voyages. [Mr. Rawdon Brown, who calendared these papers, made his discoveries the subject of a paper on the Cabots in the Philobiblion Society’s Collections, ii. 1856; and in the preface to the first volume of the Venetian Calendars, A.D. 1202 to 1509, he describes the archives at Venice, which yield these early evidences. The late Professor Eugenio Albèri edited at Florence Le Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato durante il Seclo xvi^o, in fifteen volumes, which contain numerous reports of English transactions at that time.—Ed.]

[129] And is copied by Cornelio Desimoni, in his Giovanni Caboto, Genoa, 1881.

[130] “John Cabot’s Voyage of 1497,” in Hist. Mag. xiii. 131 (March, 1868), with a section of the Cabot (Paris) map. See also “The Discovery of North America by John Cabot in 1497,” by Mr. Frederic Kidder, in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. (Oct. 1878), xxxii. 381 [who reproduces also a part of the same map, and gives a sketch-map marking Cabot’s track around the Gulf. He bases his argument partly on Pasqualigo’s statement that Cabot found the tides “slack,” and shows that the difference in their rise and fall in that region is small compared with what Cabot had been used to, at Bristol. In the confusion of the two Cabot voyages, which for a long while prevailed (see an instance in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. x. 383, under date, 1663), the track of his first voyage is often made to extend down the eastern seaboard of the present United States, and it is thus laid down on the map in Zurla’s Di Marco Polo e degli viaggiatori Veneziani, Venezia, 1818. Stevens, Hist. and Geog. Notes, does not allow that on either voyage the coast south of the St. Lawrence was seen; and urges that for some years the coast-line farther south was drawn from Marco Polo’s Asiatic coasts; and he contends for the “honesty” of the Portuguese Portolano of 1514, which leaves the coast from Nova Scotia to Charleston a blank, holding that this confirms his view. It may be a question whether it was honesty or ignorance. Dr. Hale, Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. Oct. 21, 1871, gives a sketch-map to show the curious correspondence of the Asian and American coast lines. Observe it also in the Finæus map, already given.—Ed.]

[131] I am indebted to Professor Franklin B. Dexter, of Yale College, for the privilege of using this paper, copied by him from the collection of Privy Seals, no. 40, in her Majesty’s Public Record Office in London. Other valuable memoranda, including a copy of the renewal to Sebastian Cabot, in 1550, of the patent of 1495/6, were also generously placed in my hands by Professor Dexter.

[132] Of course, neither John Cabot nor Sebastian could furnish ships at his own charge, any more than Columbus could. Raimondo says that John was “poor,” and the acceptance by him of small gifts from the King proves it. He was probably aided by the wealthy men of Bristol, with whom he may have taken up a credit.

Among the Privy Purse expenses under date of 22d March and 1st April, 1498, are sums of money, £20, £20, £30, £2, paid to several persons in the way of loan, or of reward, for their “going towards the new isle.” Three of these payments were to Lanslot Thirkill, of London, who appears to have been an owner or master of a ship. (Biddle, p. 86.)

[133] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, i. 176-77. [This letter was discovered by Bergenroth in 1860, the document being preserved at Simancas. See also Bergenroth’s Memoirs, p. 77, and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. Oct. 21, 1865, p. 25.—Ed.]

[134] Biddle, pp. 227-234, 312.

In a work entitled Armorial de la Noblesse de Languedock, by M. Louis de la Roque, Paris, 1860, vol. ii. p. 163, there is an account of the family of Cabot in that Province. The writer says that this family derived its name and origin from Jean Cabot, a Venetian nobleman who settled in Bristol in the reign of Henry VII.; was a distinguished navigator, the discoverer of Terre Neuve, thence passing into the service of Spain; that he had three sons,—Jean (who died in Venice), Louis, and Sebastian (who continued in the service of England and died in France without posterity); that Louis, here called the second son, settled at Saint-Paul-le-Coste, in the Cévennes, had a son Pierre, who died Dec. 27, 1552, leaving a will, by which is shown his descent from Jean the navigator, through his father Louis. Through Pierre the family is traced down to the present time. The arms of the family are given: Device, “D’azur à trois chabots d’or;” motto, “Semper cor cabot Cabot,”—the same as those of the ancient family of Cabot in the island of Jersey, whence the New England family of Cabot sprung. Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, in the introduction to his Life of George Cabot, has given reasons for believing that the French family was derived from that of Jersey. The three sons of John Cabot named in the letters patent of March 5, 1496, are Louis, Sebastian, and Sancius, the last of whom is not named in the list here cited.

It may well be doubted if Jean Cabot is properly styled above “a Venetian nobleman.” See the grant of denization to him in Venice, the several letters patent to him of Henry VII., and the letter of Raimondo on page 54. In the statement that he entered into the service of Spain, he is evidently confounded with his son Sebastian, who, it may be added, did not die in France, but in England. Whether Sebastian left posterity is not known, but he had a wife and children while he was living in Spain. Referring to the motto of the family here given, I may add that the motto on Sebastian’s picture is “Spes mea in Deo est.”

Mention is made on page 31 of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot, till recently attributed to Holbein, painted in England when Cabot was a very old man, of which a copy taken in 1763 now hangs in the Ducal Palace in Venice. At a meeting of the French Geographical Society, April 16, 1869, M. D’Avezac stated that M. Valentinelli, of Venice, had recently sent to him a photograph copy of a portrait of John Cabot, and one of his son Sebastian Cabot, at the age of twenty years, after the picture of Grizellini, belonging to the gallery of the Ducal Palace. He proceeded to say that some guarantee for the authenticity of the picture of Sebastian was afforded by some traces of resemblance between it and the well-known portrait of him by Holbein at the age of eighty-five years (Bulletin de la Soc. de Géographie, 5 ser. to. 17, p. 406). The existence of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot taken at so early an age, before he left Venice to live in England, would be an interesting fact if authentic. An authentic picture of John Cabot, the real discoverer of North America, would have even higher claims to our regard. Prefixed to a Memoir of “Giovanni Cabotto,” by Carlo Barrera Pezzi, published at Venice in 1881, which has just come under my notice, is a medallion portrait, inscribed “Giovanni Cabotto Veneziano.” It is not referred to by the author in the book in which it is inserted.

[135] [See Editorial Note, A, at end of chapter vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[136] In this narrative is an account of tobacco twenty years before that luxury was introduced into England by Ralph Lane. The account is in these words (the grammar is defective, but the copy is accurate): “The Floridians, when they travel, have a kinde of herbe dryed, which with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, do sucke thoro the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they live foure or five days without meat or drinke, and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water and fleame to void from their stomacks.” It is a little curious that he should thus connect tobacco with Florida, as if he had not observed its use in the West Indies. It had, indeed, been used in Southern Europe before this time.

[137] A recently discovered letter of Winthrop shows that the Massachusetts colonists made wine of their grapes in the first summer. The appetite for such wine does not seem perilous.

[138] [The story of this French colony is told in Vol. II.—Ed.]

[139]

“Thy name is hasty pudding: how I blush
To hear the Pennsylvanians call thee mush!”

—Barlow: Hasty Pudding.

[140] One hundred and forty years later, Daniel De Foe, a devoted Christian man, wrote his celebrated biography of Robinson Crusoe, who, when he had been long living in Brazil as a planter, met his critical shipwreck in a voyage to the African coast for slaves. The romance is intended by its author to be what we call a religious novel. The religious experiences of the hero are those to which De Foe attached most importance. In the relation of these experiences he enumerates and repents his “manifold sins and wickedness.” But among these, although he regrets his own folly in risking so much in the pursuit of wealth, it is never intimated that there is anything wrong in dragging these wretched negroes unwilling from their homes: so slow had been the development of the spirit of humanity in the sixteenth and even the seventeenth century, and so ill defined were the rights of man!

[141] [See the note on Ingram’s and Hortop’s narratives in the critical part of chap. vi. Since hat chapter was in type, Dr. De Costa has examined anew the story of Ingram’s journey, and has printed Ingram’s relation, from a manuscript in the Bodleian, in the Magazine of American History, March, 1883.—Ed.]

[142] By a play upon his name,—“Dracus,” or “Draco.” See the curious coincidence of “Caput Draconis,” mentioned in a later note.

[143] Cortes was never “silent upon a peak in Darien,” except in Keats’s poem.

[144] The World Encompased.

[145] [It is to be observed, however, that the Portuguese, who had made their way to the Moluccas by the Cape of Good Hope in 1512,—a year before Balboa disclosed the great sea to the Spaniards,—claim that in the very year (1520) when Magellan was finding a passage by the straits, and Cortes was exploring the Gulf of Mexico in the vain endeavor to find another, their ships from the Moluccas crossed the ocean eastward and struck the coast of California. It is also represented that the expedition conducted by Cabrillo, a Portuguese in the King of Spain’s service, went up to 44° in 1542-43. This phase of the subject is more particularly examined in Vol. II.—Ed.]

[146] It should be remembered that all these dates are of old style, and correspond to dates ten days later now.

[147] [It is a question how far north Drake went. Up to the middle of the last century, the writers, except Davis in his World’s Hydrographical Discovery, and perhaps Sir William Monson, had fixed his northing at 43°,—these two exceptions placing it at 48°, and this last opinion has been followed by Burney, Barrow, and the writer of the Life of Drake in the 1750 edition of the Biographia Britannica. Greenhow, Oregon and California, 2d edition, p. 74, doubts the later view. Drake’s aim was to find the westerly end of what was for a long time the conjectural Straits of Anian, or the northern passage to the Atlantic, which, ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had found what he supposed the easterly end of such a passage in Hudson’s Straits, had been a dream of navigators and geographers. An examination of the unstable views which were held regarding the shape and inlets of the western coast of North America, from the time of Cortes’ first expedition north, belongs to another volume of this work. A notion of the continuity of Asia and America, which was temporarily dispelled by Balboa’s discovery of the Pacific in 1513, was revived twenty years later by a certain school of geographers, and continued to be held by some for thirty or forty years. Before Drake’s time it had given place to views which more distinctly prefigured the Straits of Behring, not yet to be determined for a hundred and fifty years. The earlier conjectural propinquity of America and Asia at the north—as shown in the maps of Münster, Mercator, and others—was giving place to a more minute configuration, as shown in the maps of Zaltieri and Furlano, of which outlines are given in the text, indicating the kind of view which was prevailing regarding this northern part of the Pacific, which Drake was baffled in his attempt to explore. It is curious to observe, moreover, that Mercator in his map in zones, dated 1541, marks the region later to be called New Albion as having the star Caput Draconis in the zenith,—almost in strange anticipation of its being the spot where the English “dragon” was first to contest Spanish supremacy on the North American continent. Spain had as yet had no sharer of this northern new world.—Ed.]

[148] In the narrative in Hakluyt tobàh is always called tobacco. But Fletcher and Drake’s nephew in The World Encompassed call it tobàh or tabàh; and they knew tobacco and its name perfectly well. They speak of it as an herb new to them. There is no evidence that the natives smoked tobàh.

[149] Alarcon’s account is in these words. He speaks of the winter houses of which Nargarchato informed him. “He told me that these houses were of wood covered with earth on the outside, and plastered with clay within; that they were in form of a round room.” The reader should remember that Fletcher alludes to the architectural device, still to be seen in old New England churches, where the roof rises on all sides to a spire in the middle.

[150] The fondness for feathers is observed by later voyagers; cf. La Perouse.

[151] So in Shelvocke’s journal of his voyage in 1719. “The soil about Puerto Seguro, and very likely in most of the valleys, is a rich black mould, which, as you turn it up fresh to the sun, appears as if intermixed with gold and dust.”

[152] [The Spanish minister, indeed, protested against Drake’s piracies and his sailing in those waters; but the English Government made a declaration denying such prescriptive right to the Spaniards, unless it was enforced by possession. Cf. Camden’s History of Elizabeth, 1688, p. 225; Purchas, iv. 1180; Deane’s edition of Hakluyt’s Discourse, 236.—Ed.]

[153] “The course which Sir Francis Drake held to California,” etc.

[154] [Mr. Hale has written of Dudley and his atlas in the American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings, October 21, 1873. Cf. also the chapter on “New England” in the present volume.—Ed.]

[155] See Editorial Notes following this chapter.

[156] [See a later page.—Ed.]

[157] Colonel John D. Washburn, in a very careful paper in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., no. 58, 1872, suspects from Torquemada’s account (1615, published at Seville), as cited in the English version of Father Venegas’s History of California (Field, Indian Bibliography, 1,599, 1,600), that the port visited by Viscaino was Jack’s Bay, as indeed the original Spanish of Venegas (iii. III) distinctly says. Cf. also John T. Doyle’s paper, with an introduction by Colonel Washburn in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873.

[158] [They had learned by this time to avoid the head-winds that swept westerly from Acapulco to Manila, by stretching northeastwardly on the return voyage, making the coast above San Francisco, and so to follow the shore south. Cf. the Key to a section of Molineaux’s map in the Editorial Notes following this chapter.—Ed.]

[159] Sayer and Bennett, 1774. [I find this twenty years earlier, as shown in the annexed sketch from Jefferys’ Chart of California, New Albion, etc., 1753. Key:—

1. C. das Navadas, or Snowy Cape,
2. Punta de los Reys.
3. Les Farollones.
4. Isles of St. James.
5. Port S^r. Francis Drake, 1578, not St. Francisco.
6. Pto. de Anno Novo.—Ed.]

[160] “He does smile his face into more lines than are in the new map, with the augmentation of the Indies.”—Act iii, sc. 2. [The map referred to is Molineaux’ map of 1600, and it has been disputed that it was the map alluded to by Shakespeare. See chap. vi., Editorial Note, F. A section showing the point referred to in the text is given further on.—Ed.]

[161] [The coast-survey authorities have usually favored San Francisco. This was the opinion of Alexander Forbes in his California, 1839, where he gives (p. 127) an interesting view of the bay before commerce had marked it. Dr. Stillman, in the Overland Monthly (October, 1868, March, 1869), and later in his Seeking the Golden Fleece (p. 295), has advocated San Francisco. S. G. Drake, in the American Historical Record, August, 1874, took the same view.

Greenhow, in the second edition (1845) of his Oregon and California, p. 74, does not think the question can be definitely settled between San Francisco and Bodega.

There have been many disputes over Jack’s Bay,—the Sir Francis Drake Bay of the maps. Soulé and the writers of the Annals of San Francisco accept it as the spot; so does Kohl. Professor J. D. Whitney (Encyclopædia Britannica, art. “California”) says the evidence points strongly to Jack’s Bay.

Vancouver seems to have reported the story of the Spaniards calling it Sir Francis Drake’s Bay. Captain Beechey thought it too exposed to have deserved Drake’s description; and it has been held he could not have graved his ship in it. It is claimed, however, that Limantour’s Bay, which opens through an inlet westwardly from Jack’s Bay, answers the required conditions of water and shelter.—Ed.]

[162] There are copies in the Library of Congress, and in the New York State, Harvard, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (ii. 263) libraries. Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. viii. no. 30,957; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 667. Hawkins’s voyage is also included in Purchas’s Pilgrimes; and Charles Kingsley in his Westward Ho! pictures vividly the spirit of Hawkins’s day. Cf. also Burney’s History of Voyages in the South Seas.

[163] It is reprinted by Vaux, later mentioned.

[164] They are in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Charles Deane copies, not to name others.

[165] Brinley Catalogue, no. 21; Stevens’s Nuggets, no. 921; Sabin’s Dictionary, no. 20,853. S. G. Drake bought a copy in Boston in 1844 for $4. It was priced by Vaux in 1853 at as many pounds, and is worth much more now. The later editions are worth somewhat less. S. G. Drake (Genealogical Register, i. 126) gives a partial list of those who accompanied Drake, being about one-third of his one hundred and sixty-four men. Among the fullest of the modern narratives are those in Barrow’s Life of Drake, and in Froude’s England, vol. xi. chap. 29. [But Mr. Froude has used his valuable authorities carelessly. He depends in part upon some reports of Spanish officers, which exist in manuscript in Spain, and upon some which are in England, brought home by English cruisers. One of the most interesting, which should still be in the national library in Madrid, I found in 1882 had been cut from the volume and carried away.—E. E. H.]

[166] Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 423.

[167] Ibid., ii. 731.

[168] Hakluyt, vol. iii., or quarto edition, vol. iv.; Harris, vol. i.; Oxford, vol. ii. Hakluyt also gives the relation of Nuna da Silva, a Portuguese pilot whom Drake had captured, and who made his report to the Viceroy of Spain, and John Winter’s account of his companionship with Drake. Vaux collates his text with a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, which may have been the collection of Fletcher’s notes which the compiler of The World Encompassed used. Several narratives are also in the Callender collection of Voyages, Edinburgh, 1766. There are German versions in Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727, vol. xviii.), Cornelius Claesz (1598, 1603), etc. Appended to the Begin en Voortgangh (1645 and 1646) of Isaac Commelin, of Amsterdam, is sometimes a Dutch narrative of the voyages of Candish, Drake, and Hawkins, “described by one of the fleet,” and with an imprint of 1644, which is very rare. Frederic Muller says, in his Books on America, 1872 (no. 1,871), that he had never seen but the one then described, and another, sold to Stevens in 1867.

A French edition, Le Voyage de François Drack alentour du Monde, was originally issued in Paris in 1613, and is now scarce, and sometimes priced at 300 francs. There were other editions, with additions, in 1627 (Sabin, vol. v. no. 23,845), 1631, 1641, 1690. Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 668. The Dedicatory Epistle is signed F. de Lorrencourt. Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 2,743. The title of the later edition runs: Le Voyage curieux faict autour du Monde, etc. Muller’s Books on America (1877), no. 973. [This curious book affects in the dedication to be an original narrative: “I dedicate it to you, Monsieur, because you gave it to me, telling me that you received it from one of your subjects of Courtomer, who had made the voyage with this gentleman.” On examination, however, it proves that the narrative is a rough translation, not very accurate, and generally abridged from that in Hakluyt: generally, but not always; for in a few instances details of local color are added, which I think important, and which appear, so far as I know, in no other narrative. With no apparent purpose but to make the book bigger, a second part is added, entitled Seconde Partie des Singvlaritez remarquees aux isles et terres fermes du Midy et des Indes Orientales: par l’Illustre Seigneur et Chevalier Francois Drach, Admiral d’ Angleterre. It is a botch of travels in Africa, the Indian Ocean, and America, in places mostly which Drake never saw.—E. E. H.]

[169] Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 374; Brinley Catalogue, no. 20; Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana (205 francs); Huth Catalogue, ii. 442. Leclerc, no. 2,744, prices the maps alone at 400 francs; and Quaritch, in 1877, advertised them for £50. The Lenox Library has a copy with the four maps, and a second copy with different vignettes on the title.

[170] Quaritch prices a copy at £10 10s.; Stevens, Nuggets, puts one at £5 15s. 6d. Hakluyt’s third volume (1600) gives the narrative. In some copies of Hakluyt’s volume of 1589 there is found, before page 644, a broadside, giving a journal from Drake’s log-book, Sept. 14, 1585, to July 22, 1586. (Sabin, vi. 543.) It was on this voyage that Drake on his return visited the new settlement in Virginia, as mentioned in chap. iv. of the present volume.

[171] Quaritch, in 1877, claimed that only three copies of this map were known, and only four or five complete sets of the other four are known. The mappemonde is in the Grenville copy, and was in a copy possessed by Rodd, the London dealer, fifty years ago. Baptista B. (or Boazio) seems to have been the designer or engraver. There is also a copy of this fifth map in the Lenox Library.

[172] The Huth Catalogue also gives all five maps to the first edition (52 pages); says the errata are corrected in the second edition, and the words “with geographical mappes,” etc., are left out of the title; while for the third edition (copy in the King’s Library, in the British Museum) a smaller type is used, contracting it to 37 pages. An edition of 1596 is sometimes cited, but it is doubtful if such exists. Lowndes mentions a somewhat doubtful French edition of the same year.

[173] Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 669.

[174] Bare mention may, however, be made of the English accounts, A true coppie of a Discourse, London, 1589, which has been reprinted by Collier, and Robert Leng’s Sir Francis Drake’s valuable Service done against the Spaniards, in the Camden Society’s Miscellanies, vol. v., and the Latin account, printed at Frankfort, 1590, and a German one at Munich, the same year. Stevens’s Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 597; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 668.

[175] This name is the Spanish rendering of John Hawkins; and Draque and Aquines figure also in Torres’ Relacion de los servicios de Sotomayor, Madrid, 1620. Rich (1832), no. 156.

[176] Mr. J. P. Collier printed a small (one hundred copies) fac-simile edition of the 1596 book; but most of the copies were destroyed by fire. A full Relation of this voyage, dated 1652, was included in the 1653 edition of Sir Francis Drake Revived, and is sometimes found separately; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 753.

[177] There were other Dutch editions in 1643 (called by Muller the best; cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 521, for Journalen van drie Voyagien) and 1644. A German account was added in 1598 to the narrative of Candish’s voyages, printed at Amsterdam. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. no. 520. The rendering in De Bry, part viii., is incorrect and incomplete.

[178] Rich (1832), no. 294, £1 8s.; Sunderland, ii. 4,052; Huth, ii. p. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 312. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s collection. It is worth £6 or £7.

[179] The Grenville Catalogue errs in making this the first edition. Huth, ii. 444; Brinley, i. 49; Carter-Brown, ii. 332.

[180] Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 4,053; Huth, ii. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 753. There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

[181] Reprinted in 1819, at the Lee Priory press, by Sir Egerton Brydges.

[182] Sabin (Dictionary, iv. 13,445) says the title differs in some copies. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,056.

[183] For a Drake bibliography we must go to Sabin’s Dictionary, v. 20,827, etc., and Bohn’s Lowndes. Stevens (Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 202) notes a collection of copies from manuscripts in public depositaries in England which had been brought together as materials for writing a memoir of Drake. As a Devonshire hero, Drake figures in the local literature of Plymouth and its neighborhood.

[184] Cf. Journalen van drie Voyagien, which covers both Drake and Cavendish’s expeditions, and Commelin’s Begin ende Voortgang, and the collection of Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727). Thomas Lodge, the Elizabethan dramatist, accompanied Candish in his voyage of circumnavigation, and translated upon it, from the Spanish, his Margarite of America, published in London in 1596. Sabin’s Dictionary, x. 41,765; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1,383.

[185] [Cf. map given on page 11.—Ed.]

[186] [Cf. the Lenox Globe and other delineations, in chap. vi.—Ed.]

[187] [Chap. i., by Charles Deane.—Ed.]

[188] Collinson’s Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, p. 72; Hakluyt’s Voyages (ed. 1600), iii. 58.

[189] Collinson’s Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, p. 75; Hakluyt’s Voyages, iii. 59.

[190] Collinson’s Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, p. 119.

[191] Ibid., p. 242; Hakluyt’s Voyages, iii. 80.

[192] In his first expedition to seek for traces of Sir John Franklin, 1860-1862, our countryman, Captain Charles F. Hall, obtained and brought home numerous relics of Frobisher’s voyages. Some of these were sent to England, and others are deposited in the National Museum at Washington. See Hall’s Arctic Researches, passim; Collinson’s Three Voyages, etc., Appendix; and the Semi-Annual Report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society, October, 1882.

[193] [See Dr. De Costa’s chapter, and Gilbert’s map and comments in Editorial Note A, sub anno 1576, at the end, and also the notes at the end of Mr. Henry’s chapter.—Ed.]

[194] Northwest Fox, p. 42.

[195] Letter to Mr. Sanderson, in Hakluyt’s Voyages, iii. 114.

[196] Rundall’s Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest, p. 62.

[197] Northwest Fox, p. 50.

[198] Northwest Fox, p. 117. The documents relating to Hudson’s fourth voyage are in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, iii. 596-610, and in Asher’s Henry Hudson, the Navigator, pp. 93-138.

[199] Northwest Fox, pp. 117, 118.

[200] Ibid., p. 118.

[201] Northwest Fox, p. 244.

[202] [The reader may consult the following, which has a parallel English text: Die Literatur über die Polar-regionem der Erde. Von J. Chavanne, A. Karpf, F. Ritter v. Le Monnier. Herausg. von der K. K. geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Wien, 1878, xiv. + 333 pp., 8º.

This book shows 6,617 titles, including papers from serials and periodicals. It is far from judiciously compiled, however; containing much that is irrelevant, and not a little that indicates the compilers’ ignorance of the books in hand, as when they were entrapped from the title into including Dibdin’s Northern Tour and other works equally foreign to the subject. One of the best collections of Arctic literature in this country is in the Carter-Brown Library at Providence; and this, putting strict limits to the subject and not including papers of a periodic character, shows a list of between six and seven hundred titles. Letter of John R. Bartlett.—Ed.]

[203] A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions; undertaken chiefly for the Purpose of discovering a Northeast, Northwest, or Polar Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific: from the earliest Period of Scandinavian Navigation to the Departure of the recent Expeditions under the Orders of Captains Ross and Buchan. By John Barrow, F. R. S. London: John Murray. 1818. 8º. pp. 379 and 48.

[204] Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest, in Search of a Passage to Cathay and India, 1496 to 1631. With Selections from the Early Records of the Honourable the East India Company, and from MSS. in the British Museum. By Thomas Rundall, Esq. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1849. 8º. pp. xx. and 260.

[This book has a convenient map of Arctic explorations between 1496 and 1631. The general reader will find condensed historical summaries of antecedent voyages, often prefixed to the special narratives, as in the case of Captain Beechey’s Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole, 1843, and in the introductions to Asher’s Henry Hudson and Winter Jones’s edition of Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages.—Ed.]

[205] [Cf., for instance, Muller’s Geschiedenis der noordsche Compagnie, 1614-1642. Utrecht, 1875.—Ed.]

[206] The three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, in Search of a Passage to Cathaia and India by the Northwest, A. D. 1576-78. Reprinted from the First Edition of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with Selections from Manuscript Documents in the British Museum and State-Paper Office. By Rear-Admiral Richard Collinson, C. B. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1867. 8º. pp. xxvi. and 376.

[207] The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by Albert Hastings Markham, Captain R. N., F. R. G. S., Author of A Whaling Cruise in Baffin’s Bay, The Great Frozen Sea, and Northward Ho! London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1880. 8º. pp. xcv. and 392.

[This volume gives a fac-simile of the Molineaux map of 1600; and reprints Davis’s Worlde’s Hydrographical Description, London, 1595. The presentation copy to Prince Henry, with his arms and a very curious manuscript addition, is in the Lenox Library. Cf. John Petheram’s Bibliographical Miscellany, 1859, and the note, p. 51, in Rundall’s Voyages to the Northwest. In this last book the accounts in Hakluyt are reproduced. Respecting Davis’s maps, see Kohl’s Catalogue of Maps in Hakluyt, pp. 20, 27.—Ed.]

[208] Henry Hudson, the Navigator. The Original Documents in which his Career is recorded, collected, partly translated, and annotated, with an Introduction. By G. M. Asher, LL.D. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1860. 8º. pp. ccxviii. and 292. See Editorial Notes.

[209] The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622. Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1881. 8º. pp. lix. and 192.

[Purchas first printed Baffin’s narrative of his first voyage, and Rundall re-edited it, supplying omissions from the original manuscript preserved in the British Museum. Markham reprints it, and adds a fac-simile of Baffin’s map of his discoveries; and he also gives a series of five maps from Fox’s down (the first is reproduced in the text), to show the changes in ideas respecting the shape and even the existence of Baffin’s Bay. Of the voyage in which this water was discovered, Purchas also printed, and Markham has reprinted, the account as given in Baffin’s journal.—Ed.]

[210] North-West Fox, or, Fox from the Northwest passage. Beginning With King Arthur, Malga, Octhvr, the two Zenis of Iseland, Estotiland, and Dorgia; Following with brief Abstracts of the Voyages of Cabot, Frobisher, Davis, Waymouth, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge; Together with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, Longitudes, Variations, Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, and over-Falls, with other Observations, Accidents, and Remarkable things, as our Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. Iames Hall’s three Voyages to Groynland, with a Topographicall description of the Countries, the Salvages lives and Treacheries, how our Men have been slayne by them there, with the Commodities of all those parts; whereby the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment. Demonstrated in a Polar Card, wherein are all the Maines, Seas, and Islands, herein mentioned. With the Author his owne Voyage, being the XIVth, with the opinions and Collections of the most famous Mathematicians, and Cosmographers; with a Probabilitie to prove the same by Marine Remonstrations, compared by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our owne Coast. By Captaine Lvke Fox, of Kingstone vpon Hull, Capt. and Pylot for the Voyage in his Majesties Pinnace the Charles. Printed by his Majesties Command. London, Printed by B. Alsop and Tho. Fawcett, dwelling in Grubstreet. 1635. 4º. pp. x. and 273.

[This little book is now worth about $40 or $50; Rich priced it in 1832 at $10. Brinley, no. 27; Huth, ii. 542; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 556. Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., October, 1878. The copy in the Dowse Collection (Mass. Hist. Soc.) has the rare original map. The Menzies and Carter-Brown copies show the map; the Brinley lacked it, as does Mr. Deane’s, which has it in fac-simile.—Ed.]

[211] The name Ralegh was written in thirteen different ways. We have adopted the usual spelling of Sir Walter himself. See Hakluyt’s Westerne Planting, p. 171, and C. W. Tuttle in Massachusetts Historical Society’s Proceedings, xv. 383.

[212] [See chapter vi.—Ed.]

[213] See Chalmer’s Annals, chaps. xiv. and xv., and Journals of Congress, October, 1774.

[214] [It was in 1584 that Hakluyt wrote for Ralegh his Westerne Planting, to be used in inducing Elizabeth to grant to Ralegh and his friends a charter to colonize America; and Dr. Woods, in his Introduction to that book, writes, p. xliii, of Ralegh as the founder of the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain. See the history of the MS. in the notes following Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—Ed.]

[215] Strachey, Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 85.

[216] See Works of Bacon, edited by Basil Montague, ii. 525.

[217] [It was prefixed to an edition of Ralegh’s History of the World in 1736.—Ed.]

[218] [One was added to an edition of Ralegh’s Works in 1751.—Ed.]

[219] [This work was in two volumes, 4º, and appeared in a second edition in 1806, 8º.—Ed.]

[220] [History of England, chapters xlv. and xlviii.—Ed.]

[221] A paper read by George Dexter, Esq., before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Oct. 13, 1881, upon “The First Voyage under Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s Patent of 1578,” corrects an error into which Mr. Edwards had fallen about this voyage, and shows that it was undertaken in 1578 instead of 1579, as stated by Mr. Edwards, and that Ralegh was the captain of one of the vessels. A few additional references may serve the curious student. Some new material was first brought forward in the Archæologia, vols. xxxiv. and xxxv. Ralegh’s career in Ireland is followed in the Nineteenth Century, Nov. 1881. His last year is considered in Gardiner’s Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage. A contemporary account of his execution from Adam Winthrop’s note-book is printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Sept. 1873. A psychological study may be found in Disraeli’s Amenities of Literature. Two American essays may be mentioned,—that in Belknap’s American Biography, and J. Morrison Harris’s paper before the Maryland Historical Society in 1846.

As to the story at one time prevalent of Ralegh’s coming in person to his colony, Stith, History of Virginia, p. 22, thinks it arose from a mistranslation of the Latin. Cf. Force’s Tracts i. p. 37, Georgia Tract, 1742,—“Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Ralegh’s written journal,” etc.—Ed.

[222] [The sources for this first colony may be concisely enumerated as follows:—

1. Diary of the Voyage, April 9-Aug. 25, 1585, originally in Hakluyt, 1589; also in Hawks.

2. Ralph Lane’s letters, Aug. and Sept. 1585. Some in Hakluyt, vol. iii.; also in Hawks and others referred to in the text, edited by E. E. Hale, in the Archæologia Americana, vol. iv. (1860).

3. Hariot’s narrative originally published in 1588; then by Hakluyt in 1589; and by De Bry in 1590. See later note.

4. Lane’s narrative given in Hakluyt and Hawks.

5. A Summarie and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian Voyage, London, 1589; also in Hakluyt, 1600. The copy of the former in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library was the one used by Prince; see ch. ii.; also Barrow’s Life of Drake, ch. vi. Mr. Edward C. Bruce, in his “Loungings in the Footprints of the Pioneers,” in Harper’s Monthly, May, 1860, describes the condition of the site of the colony at that time. Roanoke Island was sold to Joshua Lamb, of New England, in 1676; Hist. Mag. vi. 123. Cf. Continental Monthly, i. 541, by Frederic Kidder.—Ed.]

[223] [A notice of the original English issue of Hariot (1588) is described on a later page as the second original production relating to America presented to the English public (see notes following Dr. De Costa’s chapter); but it became more widely known in 1590, when De Bry at Frankfort made it the only part of his famous Collection of Voyages, which he printed in the English tongue, giving it the following title: A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia, of the commodities, and of the nature and manners of the naturall inhabitants. Discovered by the English colony there seated by Sir Richard Greinuile in the yeere 1585.... This forebooke is made in English by Thomas Hariot. Francoforti ad Moenvm, typis Joannis Wecheli, svmtibus vero Theodori de Bry, cicicxc. It is also the rarest of the parts, and only a few copies of it are known, as follows:—

1. Carter-Brown Library. Catalogue, i. 397, where a fac-simile of the title is given.

2. Lenox Library.

3. Sold in the Stevens Sale (no. 2487), Boston, 1870, to a New York collector for $975. This was made perfect by despoiling another copy belonging to a public collection.

4. Harvard College Library; imperfect.

5. Grenville copy in the British Museum, bought at Frankfort for £100 in 1710 (?).

6. Bodleian Library.

7. Christie Miller’s collection, England.

8. Sir Thomas Phillipp’s collection, England; imperfect.

Rich in 1832, Catalogue, no. 71, had a copy which was made up, and which he priced at £21, but would have held it at £100 if perfect.

A photo-lithographic fac-simile edition of this English text was issued in New York from the Stevens copy in 1871-72, about 100 copies, which is worth $20. (Griswold Catalogue, no. 309.) The original may be worth $1000.

In the same year, 1590, De Bry also issued it in Latin, German, and French. Brunet gives three varieties of the original Latin issue, besides two varieties of a counterfeit one. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 322, gives the collations of the five varieties slightly varying; cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. iii.; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 653. There was a second (1600) and third edition of the German version (Carter-Brown Catalogue, pp. 354, 355; also for the French, p. 329). A German translation by Cristhopher P—— is also contained in Matthæus Dresser’s Historien von China, Halle, 1598; cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, v. 536; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 429.

De Bry engraved the drawings which White made at Roanoke, or rather a portion of them; for nearly three times as many as appear in De Bry, who copied only twenty-three, are now in the collection of drawings as preserved in the British Museum. What De Bry used may possibly have been copies of the originals, and in any case he gave an academic aspect to the more natural drawings as White made them. Henry Stevens secured the originals in 1865, and in a fire at Sotheby’s in June of that year they became saturated with water, so that a collection of offsets was left on the paper which was laid between them. Mr. Stevens sold the originals for £210, and the offsets for £26 5s., both to the British Museum, in 1866; and his letter offering them and telling the story is in his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. Oct. 20, 1866. In the Sloane Collection are also near a hundred of White’s drawings; see E. E. Hale in Archæologia Americana, iv. 21. One section of Hariot’s paper, entitled “Of the nature and maners of the people,” appeared in the author’s original English in the Hakluyts of 1589 and 1600, and also in De Bry, who likewise added to his English Hariot a statement called, “The true pictures and fashions of the people in that parte of America now called Virginia,” etc. This statement is not in the printed Hakluyts, though it is said by De Bry to have been “translated out of Latin into English by Richard Hackluit.” It is there said of the pictures that they were “diligently collected and drowne by John White, who was sent thiter speciallye by Sir Walter Ralegh, 1585, also 1588, now cutt in copper, and first published by Theodore De Bry att his wone chardges.” De Bry’s engravings have often been reproduced by Montanus, Lafitau, Beverly, etc. Wyth’s, or White’s “Portraits to the Life and Manners of the Inhabitants,” following De Bry, with English text, was printed at New York in 1841.

The map which accompanies Hariot’s narrative, as given by De Bry, was procured by him from England, and is subscribed “Auctore Joanne With,”—once De Bry writes it “Whit.” It was made in 1587, and Kohl in his Maps relating to America mentioned in Hakluyt, pp. 42-46, thinks that there can be no doubt With is John White, the captain, and that he based, or caused to be based, his drawing on observations made by Lane, who had been in the Chesapeake, while White had not. Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, p. 222, identifies the John White the artist with Governor John White. A largely reduced fac-simile of this map is herewith given, for comparison with the Coast Survey chart of the same region. Other fac-similes of the original are given in the Histories of North Carolina by Hawks and Wheeler, in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, i. 243. It was later followed in the configurations of the coast given by Mercator, Hondius, De Laet, etc. The map which is given in Smith’s Generall Historie as “Ould Virginia” closely resembles White’s, which however extends farther north, and includes the entrance of the Chesapeake. There had been one earlier representation of “Virginia” on a map, and that was in Hakluyt’s edition of Peter Martyr on a half globe. De Bry also gives a bird’s-eye view of Roanoke and its vicinity.—Ed.]

[224] [The original sources are also made use of by Williamson and Wheeler in their histories of North Carolina. Some of them are printed in Pinkerton’s Voyages, in Payne’s Elizabethan Seamen, p. 211, and elsewhere; cf. Strachey’s Virginia, p. 142.—Ed.]

[225] [His narrative of the first voyage was published in 1596, the year following his voyage, and was called The Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtiful empire of Guiana, with a relation of the Great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado), etc. Huth Catalogue, iv. 1216. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 507. I have compared Mr. Charles Deane’s copy. There are three copies of this in the Lenox Library, with such variations as indicate as many contemporary editions. Quaritch recently priced a copy at £20.

Ralegh had written this tract in large part on his voyage, when he made the map of Trinidad and that of Guiana, which he mentions as not yet finished. Kohl, Maps relating to America, etc., p. 65, thinks he has identified this drawing of Ralegh in a MS. map in the British Museum, which was acquired in 1849. The text of the Discoverie was reprinted in Hakluyt, iii. 627; in the Oldys and Birch’s edition (Oxford, 1829) of Ralegh’s Works, vol. viii.; in Pinkerton’s Voyages, xii. 196; in Cayley’s Life of Ralegh. The Hakluyt Society reprinted it under the editing of Sir R. H. Schomburgk, who gives a map of the Orinoco Valley, showing Ralegh’s track. Colliber’s English Sea Affairs, London, 1727, has a narrative based on it; Sabin, iv. 14414.

There was a Dutch version published at Amsterdam in 1598 by Cornelius Claesz; and it is from this that De Bry made his Latin version, in his part viii., 1599 (two editions), and 1625, also in German, 1599 and 1624. Also see part xiii. (1634). There were other Dutch editions or versions in 1605, 1617, 1644. Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1268, and 1877, no. 2654; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 454. It also formed part v. of Hulsius’s Collection of Voyages, and the Lenox Library Bibliographical Contribution on Hulsius gives a Latin edition, 1599, and German editions of 1599, 1601, 1603, 1612, 1663, with duplicate copies of some of them showing variations. See Asher’s Bibliography, p. 42; Camus’s Mémoire, p. 97; Meusel’s Bibliographia Historica, vol. iii. There are also versions or abridgments in the collections of Aa, 1706 and 1727, and Coreal, 1722, and 1738.

The report of Captain Lawrence Keymis was printed at London in 1596, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library. See Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 500; it is also given in Hakluyt. Kohl cannot find that either Keymis or Masham made charts, but thinks their reports influenced the maps in Hondius, Hulsius, and De Bry.

The accusations against Ralegh in regard to his Guiana representations have been examined by his biographers. Tytler, ch. 3, defends him; Schomburgk shields him from Hume’s attacks; so does Kingsley in North British Review, also in his Essays, who thinks Ralegh had a right to be credulous, and that the ruins of the city may yet be found. Napier in the Edinburgh Review, later in his Lord Bacon and Ralegh, clears him of the charge of deceit about the mine. Van Heuvel’s El Dorado, New York, 1844, defends Ralegh’s reports, and gives a map. See Field’s Indian Bibliography no. 1595. St. John, in his Life of Ralegh, ch. xv., mentions finding Ralegh’s map in the archives of Simancas. See also the Lives by Edwards, ch. x.; by Thompson, ch. ii.; S. G. Drake in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., April, 1862, also separately and enlarged; Fox Bourn’s English Seamen, ch. viii.; Payne’s Elizabethan Seamen, pp. 327, 332; Bulfinch’s Oregon and El Dorado, etc. Further examination of the quest for El Dorado will be given in volume ii.—Ed.]

[226] [This was originally printed at London, 1618, pp. 45. There is a copy in Harvard College Library and in Charles Deane’s collection.—Ed.]

[227] Quoted by Neill in his Virginia Company of London, preface, pp. vi, vii. The play was written by Marston and others in 1605.

[228] Purchas, iv, 1685.

[229] Neill’s Virginia Company, p. 16.

[230] Generall Historie, pp. 53-65.

[231] Wingfield’s Narrative, quoted by Anderson in his History of the Church of England in the Colony, i. 77.

[232] The height of the chimney is 17-⁷/₁₂ feet; the greatest width 10⁷/₁₂ feet; the fireplace is 7-¹⁰/₁₂ feet wide.

[233] Archer was identified by the late William Green, LL.D., Richmond, Va., as the author of the tract, “A Relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from James Forte, into the Maine, made by Captain Christopher Newport, and sincerely written and observed by a Gentleman of this Colony,” reprinted in the Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, iv. pp. 40-65.

[234] Stith, History of Virginia, p. 67.

[235] Generall Historie, ed. 1624, p. 59.

[236] In the outfit of a settler enumerated by Smith is the item, a complete suit of armor. It is of interest to note that portions of a steel cuirass, exhumed at Jamestown, are in the collection of the Virginia Historical Society at Richmond.

[237] Sainsbury’s Calendar of State Papers (1574-1660), p. 8.

[238] [See chapter vi.—Ed.]

[239] This was the first wife of Rolfe, whom history records in 1614 as the husband of Pocahontas. He died in 1622, leaving “a wife and children, besides the child [Thomas] he had by Pocahontas,” for whose benefit his brother, Henry Rolfe, in England, petitioned the Company, Oct. 7, 1622, for a settlement of the estate of the deceased in Virginia.

[240] The text was, Daniel xii. 3: “They that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars for ever and ever.” The sermon was published by William Welby, London, 1610.

[241] Strachey, in the Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 39.

[242] The tradition is that Dutch Gap derived its name from the German artisans brought over by Newport in 1608, and that the “glass house” was located here. A navigable canal across its narrowest breadth, the digging of which, for military advantages, was begun by the Federal General, Benjamin F. Butler, has since (in 1873) been completed.

[243] Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, dated “James Towne, the 25th of May, 1611,” preserved in the Ashmole Collection of MSS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, England, communicated by G. D. Scull, Esq., and published by the present writer in the Richmond Standard, Jan. 28, 1882.

[244] Fragments of brick, memorials of this town, are still numerously scattered over its site.

[245] In a letter of Governor Argall to the Company in 1617, the Rev. Alexander Whitaker is said to have been recently drowned in crossing James River, and another minister is desired to be sent to the colony in his stead.

[246] Newport was after this appointed one of the six Masters of the Royal Navy, and was engaged by the East India Company to escort Sir Robert Shirley to Persia. Chamberlain, in Court and Times of James I., i. 154.

[247] Neill’s Virginia Company, p. 75.

[248] [See Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[249] [This statement is disputed by some.—Ed.]

[250] See Hening’s Statutes, i. 98; Stith, 126, and Appendix no. 3.

[251] It has been assumed in America that the descendants in Virginia of Pocahontas were limited to those springing from the marriage of Robert Bolling with Jane, the daughter of Thomas Rolfe; but it appears that the last left a son, Anthony, in England, whose daughter, Hannah, married Sir Thomas Leigh, of County Kent, and that their descendants of that and of the additional highly respectable names of Bennet and Spencer are quite numerous. See Deduction in the Richmond Standard, Jan. 21, 1882.

[252] The parish register of Gravesend contains this entry, which has been assumed as that of the burial of Pocahontas “1616, March 21, Rebecca Wrothe, wyffe of Thomas Wrothe, Gent. A Virginia Lady borne, was buried in the Chancell.” Its relevancy has recently been questioned by the Rev. Patrick G. Robert, of St. Louis, in the Richmond Daily Despatch of Sept. 10, 1881, and by Mr. J. M. Sinyanki, of London, in the Richmond Standard of Nov. 12, 1881, both of whom claim upon tradition that the interment was in a corner of the churchyard.

[253] Stith, p. 146.

[254] Smith, Generall Historie, ed. 1627, p. 126.

[255] One of these indentures from the original, dated July 1, 1628, was published by the writer in the Richmond Standard of Nov. 16, 1878.

[256] The engraver was William Hole, engraver of Smith’s map of Virginia. The arms adopted were an escutcheon quartered with the arms of England and France, Scotland and Ireland, crested by a maiden queen with flowing hair and an eastern crown. Supporters: Two men in armor having open helmets ornamented with three ostrich feathers, each holding a lance. Motto: En dat Virginia quintum,—a complimentary acknowledgment of Virginia as the fifth kingdom. After the union of England and Scotland in 1707, the motto, to correspond with the altered number of kingdoms, was En dat Virginia quartam, the adjective agreeing with coronam understood, and it appeared on the titlepage of all legislative publications of the colony until the Revolution. Neill’s London Company, pp. 155-56.

[257] This was not the only material effort made. In 1621, under the zealous efforts of the Rev. Patrick Copland (the chaplain of an East India ship), funds were collected for the establishment of a free school in Charles City County, to be called the East India School. For its maintenance one thousand acres of land, with five servants and an overseer, were allotted by the Company.

The advantage of private education, in the families at least of the more provident of the planters, was increasingly secured by the employment as tutors of poor young men of education, who came over from time to time, and by indenture served long enough to pay the cost of their transportation. Later in the seventeenth century, all whose means enabled them to do so educated their sons in England,—a custom which largely continued during the following century, though William and Mary College had been established in 1692.

[258] A gentleman of the honorable family of Beverstone Castle, County Gloucester.

[259] He was the brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, the late Treasurer of the Company. He was born in 1577, and in 1610 visited Turkey, Palestine, and Egypt. An account of his travels was published at Oxford in 1615.

[260] Chalmers’ Introduction, i. 13-16. The Ordinance and Wyatt’s Commission may be seen in Hening’s Statutes, i. 110-113.

[261] In the Indian massacre of March 22, 1622, Daniel Gookin bravely maintained his settlement. He served as a burgess from Elizabeth City, and later returned to Ireland. His son, of the same name, becoming a convert to the missionaries sent from New England in 1642, and declining to take the oath of conformity, removed in May, 1644, to Boston. He afterwards became eminent in New England, was the author of several historical works, and held various offices of dignity and importance.

[262] In 1687, and again in 1696, Colonel William Byrd, the first of the name in Virginia, undertook the revival of the iron-works at Falling Creek; but there is no record preserved of his plans having been successfully carried out. New iron-works were, however, erected here by Colonel Archibald Cary prior to 1760, which he operated with pig-iron from Maryland, but in the year named he abandoned the forge because of its lack of profit, and converted his pond to the use of a grist-mill. The site of the works of 1622 on the western bank of the creek, and that of Cary’s forge of 1760 on the opposite side of the same water, have both been identified by the present writer by the scoriæ remaining about the ground. The manufacture of iron in Virginia was revived by Governor Alexander Spotswood at Germanna about 1716.

[263] [See chapter xiii.—Ed.]

[264] These were James City, Henrico, Charles City, Elizabeth City, Warwick River, Warrosquoyoke, Charles River, and Accomac.

[265] These magnates, who were called colonels were usually members of the Council, and their functions were magisterial as well as military.

[266] Hening states that “there is a patent granted by Harvey 13th April, 1636.”—Statutes at Large, i. 4.

[267] It was fully three quarters of a century thereafter before Dissent became appreciable in the colony. Governor Spotswood wrote the Bishop of London, Oct. 24, 1710: “It is a peculiar blessing to this Country to have but few of any kind of Dissenters;” and adds the following, which may be taken in refutation of many gross misrepresentations of the moral and social condition of the colonists at the period: “I have observed here less Swearing and Prophaneness, less Drunkenness and Debauchery, less uncharitable feuds and animositys, and less Knaverys and Villanys than in any part of the world where my Lot has been.” He also wrote to the Council of Trade, Dec. 15, 1710: “That happy Establishment of the Church of England, which the Colony enjoys with less mixture of Dissenters than any other of her Majesty’s plantations;” and to the Earl of Rochester, July 30, 1711, in ample confirmation of his earlier judgment, he wrote: “This Government, I can joyfully assure your Lordship, is in perfect peace and tranquility under a due Obedience to the Royal Authority and a Gen^ll. Conformity to the Established Church of England.” See The Official Letters of Governor Alexander Spotswood, 1710-1722, published by the Virginia Historical Society, with Introduction and Notes by R. A. Brock, vol. i. pp. 27 and 108.

[268] His signature is Stegge. He was the maternal uncle of Colonel William Byrd, the first of the name in the colony, who came thither a youth, as the heir of his large landed estate, which included the present site of Richmond.

[269] A son of Sir George Yeardley, a former governor of Virginia, and Lady Temperance, his wife, who was born in Virginia.

[270] The letter is given in full in Thurloe’s State Papers, ii. 273, and is republished in the Richmond Standard of Feb. 11, 1882, by the present writer.

[271] Hening, ii. 24.

[272] Ibid. ii. 49.

[273] The quit-rent was one shilling for every fifty acres of land, the latest consideration in its acquirement. It was first granted to the Adventurers, by the Company, in tracts of one hundred acres, after five years’ service in the colony. If planted and seated within three years, the quantity was augmented by another hundred acres. Later, each person removing to the colony at his own expense, with the intention to settle and remain, was entitled to fifty acres of land. The right extended also to every member of his family or person whose passage-money he defrayed. These rights upon “transports” were called “head-rights,” and were assignable.

[274] The locality of the murder is indicated by a small stream known as Bacon Quarter Branch.

[275] It is given in a rare little tract: An Historical Account of some Memorable Actions, Particularly in Virginia; Also Against the Admiral of Algier, and in the East Indies: Perform’d for the Service of his Prince and Country. By S^r Thomas Grantham, K^t [Motto]. London: printed for J. Roberts, near the Oxford Arms in Warwick Lane, MDCCVI. 18º. The copy in the Virginia State Library is thought to be the only one in this country, pp. 12, 13: “If Virtue be a Sin, if Piety be Guilt, if all the Principles of Morality and Goodness and Justice be perverted, we must confess that those who are called Rebels may be in Danger of those high Imputations, those loud and severe Bulls, which would affright Innocency, and render the Defence of our Brethren and the Enquiry into our sad and heavy Oppressions Treason. But if there be (as sure there is) a just God to appeal to; if Religion and Justice be a Sanctuary here; if to plead the Cause of the Oppress’d; if sincerely to aim at the Publick Good, without any Reservation or By-Interest; if to stand in the Gap, after so much Blood of our Dear Brethren bought and sold; if after the Loss of a great Part of His Majesty’s Colony, deserted and dispeopl’d, and freely to part with our Lives and Estates to endeavor to save the Remainder, be Treason,—Let God and the World judge, and the Guilty die. But since we cannot find in our Hearts One single Spot of Rebellion and Treason, or that we have in any manner aimed at the Subversion of the Settl’d Government, or attempting the Person of any, either Magistrate or Private Man,—notwithstanding the several Reproaches and Threats of some who for sinister Ends were disaffected to Us, and censure our Just and Honest Designs,—Let Truth be bold and all the World Know the Real Foundation of our Pretended Guilt.”

[276] This is shown by the preservation of books to this day in the several departments of literature which are identified, by ownership in inscribed name and date, with the homes of the Virginia planter of the seventeenth century, many of which have fallen under the personal inspection of the present writer, who has some examples in his own library. A little later, private libraries were numerous in Virginia, and in value, extent, and variety of subject embraced, the exhibit will contrast favorably with that of any of the English colonies in America.

[277] [On the later designation of “Old Dominion,” see Historical Magazine, iii. 319; and J. H. Trumbull on Indian names in Virginia in Historical Magazine, xvii. 47.—Ed.]

[278] The editor of the tract, “J. H.,” in his preface, says: “Some of the books were printed under the name of Thomas Watson, by whose occasion I know not, unlesse it were the ouer-rashnesse or mistakinge of the workmen.”

The words “by a gentleman” got also through ignorance of the real authorship into the titles of some copies as author, there being four varieties of titles. It is sometimes quoted (by Purchas for instance) by the running head-line Newes from Virginia. Mr. Deane edited an edition of it at Boston in 1866. There are eight copies of it known to be in America: one each belonging to Harvard College, S. L. M. Barlow, and the Carter-Brown Library; two in the New York Historical Society, and three in the Lenox Library. (Magazine of American History, i. 251.) The text is the same in all cases, and those copies in which Smith’s name is given have an explanatory preface acknowledging the mistake. Mr. Payne Collier, in his Rarest Books in the English Language, 1865, is of the opinion that Watson was the true author, which Mr. Deane shows to be an error. An earlier, very inaccurate reprint was made in the Southern Literary Messenger, February, 1845, from the New York Historical Society’s copy. Use is also made of it in Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. xiii. [Mr. Deane suggests that the reason Smith omitted this tract in his Generall Historie, substituting for it the Map of Virginia, is to be found in the greater ease with which the narratives of others in the latter tracts would take on the story of Pocahontas, which his own words in the True Relation might forbid.

Tyler, History of American Literature, i. 26, calls this tract of Smith’s the earliest contribution to American literature. The latest copy sold which we have noted was in the Ouvry Sale, London, March, 1882, no. 1,535 of its Catalogue, which brought £57.—Ed.]

[279] A portrait of “Captaine George Percy,” copied in 1853 by Herbert L. Smith from the original at Syon House, the seat of the Duke of Northumberland, at the instance of Conway Robinson, Esq., then visiting England, is among the valuable collection of portraits of the Virginia Historical Society at Richmond. Its frame, of carved British oak, was a present to the Society from William Twopenny, Esq., of London, the solicitor of the Duke of Northumberland. Percy (born Sept. 4, 1586, died unmarried in March, 1632) was “a gentleman of honor and resolution.” He had served with distinction in the wars of the Low Countries, and his soldierly qualities were evidenced in the colony, as well as his administrative ability as the successor of John Smith. A mutilated hand represented in the portrait, it is said, was a memorial of a sanguinary encounter with the savages of Virginia. The head from this portrait is given on an earlier page.

[280] The author of the “Relatyon,” etc., was identified by the late Hon. William Green, LL.D., of Richmond, as Captain Gabriel Archer. [Newport’s connection with the colony is particularly sketched in Neill’s Virginia and Virginiola, 1878. Neill describes the MS. which is in the Record office as “a fair and accurate description of the first Virginia explorations.” Mr. Hale later made some additions to his original notes (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 21, 1864), where some supplemental notes by Mr. Deane will also be found as to the origin of the name Newport-News as connected with Captain Newport. See H. B. Grigsby in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. x. 23; also Hist. Mag. iii. 347.—Ed.]

[281] Preface to Deane’s True Relation, p. xxxiii. [Wingfield’s Discourse was first brought to the attention of students in 1845 by the citations from the original MS. at Lambeth made by Mr. Anderson in his History of the Church of England in the Colonies.—Ed.]

[282] [The MS. was bought at Dawson Turner’s Sale in 1859 by Lilly, the bookseller, who announced that he would print an edition of fifty copies. (Deane’s ed. True Relation, p. xxxv; Hist. Mag., July, 1861, p. 224; Aspinwall Papers, i. 21, note.) It was only partly put in type, and the MS. remained in the printer’s hands ten years, when Mr. Henry Stevens bought it for Mr. Hunnewell, who caused a small edition (two hundred copies) to be printed privately at the Chiswick Press.—Ed.]

[283] Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,800.

[284] This was reprinted in Force’s Tracts, i., and by Sabin, edited by F. L. Hawks, New York, 1867.

[285] Sabin, vii. 323; Rich (1832), £1 8s.; Ouvry Sale, 1882, no. 1,582, a copy with the autograph, “W. Ralegh, Turr, Lond.”

[286] There is a copy in Harvard College Library. (Rich, 1832, no. 121, £1 8s.) It was an official document of the Company.

[287] Another official publication. A copy in Harvard College Library. (Rich, 1832, no. 122, £2 2s.) It is reprinted in Force’s Tracts, iii.

[288] But one copy is now known, which is at present in the Huth collection (Catalogue, iv. 1247), having formerly belonged to Lord Charlemont’s Library at Dublin, where Halliwell found it in 1864, bound up with other tracts. The volume escaped the fire in London which destroyed the greater part of the Charlemont collection in 1865, and at the sale that year brought £63. In the same year Halliwell privately printed it (ten copies). Winsor’s Halliwelliana, p. 25; Allibone’s Dictionary of Authors, vol. ii. p. 1788. In 1874 it was again privately reprinted (twenty-five copies) in London. It once more appeared, in 1878, in Neill’s Virginia and Virginiola. Cf. Lefroy’s History of Bermuda.

[289] Tyler’s American Literature, i. 42. Malone wrote a book to prove that this description by Strachey suggested to Shakespeare the plot of the Tempest,—a view controverted in a tract on the Tempest by Joseph Hunter.

[290] Reprinted in Force’s Tracts, iii. no. 2. The dedication is given in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. 1866, p. 36.

[291] [There is a copy in the Lenox Library; it was reprinted (50 copies) in 1859, and again by Mr. Griswold (20 copies) in 1868. A letter of Lord Delaware, July 7, 1610, from the Harleian MSS., is printed in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of Strachey, p. xxiii.—Ed.]

[292] [There is a copy in Harvard College Library. A very fine copy in the Stevens Sale (1881, Catalogue, no. 1,612) was afterward held by Quaritch at £25. Fifty years ago Rich (Catalogue 1832, no. 131) priced a copy at £2 2s. (See Sabin, xiii. 53249.) It was reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. i. no. 7, and in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii.—Ed.]

[293] [A further account of this tract will be found in a subsequent editorial note on the “Maps of Virginia;” and of Smith’s Generall Historie a full account will be found in the Editorial Note at the end of Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—Ed.]

[294] [Tyler, American Literature, i. 46; Neill, Virginia Company, 78; Rich (1832), no. 135, priced at £2 2s. Mr. Neill has told the story of Whitaker and others in his Notes on the Virginian Colonial Clergy, Philadelphia, 1877.—Ed.]

[295] [The original edition is in the Lenox Library and the Deane Collection; and copies at public sales in America have brought $150 and $170. (Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 642-43, where he cites it as one of the earliest accounts of the Indians of Virginia; Sabin, viii. 46.) A German translation was published at Hanau as part xiii. of the Hulsius Voyages in 1617 (containing more than was afterwards included in De Bry’s Latin), and there were two issues of it the same year with slight variations. The map is copied from Smith’s New England, not from his Virginia. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 491; Lenox Contributions (Hulsius), p. 15.

In 1619 De Bry gave it in Latin as part x. of his Great Voyages, having given it in German the year before. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 348, 368.—Ed.]

[296] [Some of them follow in chronological order:—

Norwood’s Voyage to Virginia, 1649; Force’s Tracts, vol. iii.; Virginia Hist. Reg. ii. 121.

Perfect Description of Virginia, 1649; Force’s Tracts, vol. ii.; Virginia Hist. Reg. ii. 60; original edition in Harvard College Library; priced by Rich in 1832, £1 10s., by Quaritch in 1879, £20.

William Bullock’s Virginia impartially Examined, London, 1649; Force’s Tracts, vol. iii. The original is now scarce. Rich in 1832 (Catalogue, no. 271) quotes it at £1 10s. (it is now worth $75). Sabin, iii. 9145; Ternaux, 685; Brinley, 3725.

Extract from a manuscript collection of annals relative to Virginia, Force’s Tracts, vol. ii.

A short Collection of the most remarkable passages from the Originall to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company, London, 1651; there are copies in the Library of Congress and in that of Harvard College.

The Articles of Surrender to the Commonwealth, March 12, 1651; Mercurius Politicus, May 20-27, 1652; Virginia Hist. Reg. ii. 182.

Virginia’s Cure; or, an advisive narrative Concerning Virginia; Discovering the True Ground of that churches unhappiness, by R. G. 1662. Force’s Tracts, vol. iii. The original is in Harvard College Library.

Sir William Berkeley’s Discourse and View of Virginia, 1663; Sabin’s Dictionary, ii. 4889.

Nathaniel Shrigley’s True Relation of Virginia and Maryland, 1669; Force’s Tracts, vol. v.

John Lederer’s Discoveries in Three Marches from Virginia, 1669, 1670, London, 1672, with map of the country traversed. It was “collected out of the Latin by Sir William Talbot, Baronet.” There is a copy in Harvard College Library, Griswold Catalogue, 422; Huth Catalogue, iii. 829.

There are in the early Virginian bibliography a few titles on the efforts made to induce the cultivation of silkworms. The King addressed a letter to the Earl of Southampton with a review of Bonœil’s treatise on the making of silk, and this was published by the Company in 1622. (Harvard College Library MS. Catalogue; Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,760.) The Company also published, in 1629, Observations ... of Fit Rooms to keepe silk wormes in; and as late as 1655 Hartlib’s Reformed Virginian Silk-worm indicated continued interest in the subject. This last is reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. iii. no. 13, and the originals of this and of the preceding are in Harvard College Library. Sabin’s Dictionary, viii. 121.—Ed.]

[297] The Orders and constitutions ordained by the treasvror, covnseil, and companie of Virginia, for the better gouerning of said companie, is reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. iii.

[298] Fortieth Congress, Second Session, Misc. Doc. no. 84, Senate. Another effort was made in Congress for this eminently desirable measure in 1881. The bill introduced by Senator John W. Johnston, of Virginia, passed the Senate, but for some reason failed in the House of Representatives.

[299] [While these two volumes were yet in his possession, Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Colonel Hugh P. Taylor, dated October 4, 1823, says, that the volumes came to him with the Library of Colonel Richard Bland, which Mr. Jefferson had purchased,—Colonel Bland having borrowed them of the Westover Library, and never returned them. (See H. A. Washington’s ed. of Jefferson’s Writings, vii. 312.) Colonel Bland died in October, 1776. A duplicate set of these Records (transcripts made in Virginia some hundred and fifty years ago) are now in the possession of Conway Robinson, Esq., of Richmond. They were deposited with him by Judge William Leigh, one of the executors of John Randolph of Roanoke, in whose library they were found after his death, in 1833, where they were inspected and described by the late Hugh Blair Grigsby, before the dispersion of the library at a later period. (Letters of Conway Robinson and H. B. Grigsby to Mr. Deane). These Randolph-Leigh-Robinson volumes were examined by Mr. Deane in Richmond, in April, 1872, just after he had inspected the Byrd-Stith-Jefferson copy in the Law Library in Washington.—Ed.]

[300] [Mr. Neill has published numerous notes on early Virginia history in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., namely, “English maids for Virginia,” 1876, p. 410; “Transportation of Homeless Children,” 1876, p. 414; “Lotteries,” 1877, p. 21; “Daniel Gookin of Virginia,” 1877, p. 267 (see also i. 345; ii. 167; Paige’s Cambridge, 563, and Terra Mariæ, 76).—Ed.]

[301] [Colonel Aspinwall collected during his long consulship at Liverpool a valuable American library, of about four thousand volumes (771 titles), which in 1863 was sold to Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq., of New York, but all except about five hundred of the rarest volumes which Mr. Barlow had taken possession of were burned in that city in 1864. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. xv. 2. This collection was described in a catalogue (a few copies privately printed), Bibliotheca Barlowiana, compiled by Henri Harrisse.—Ed.]

[302] John Pory’s lively account of excursions among the Indians is given in Smith’s Generall Historie. Neill, N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. 1875, p. 296, thinks that George Ruggles was the author of several of the early tracts in Force’s Tracts. See Neill’s Virginia Company, p. 362.

[303] [The history of the dividing line (1728) between Virginia and North Carolina is found in William Byrd’s Westover MSS., printed in Petersburg in 1841. It shows how successive royal patents diminished the patent rights of Virginia. See Virginia Hist. Reg. i. and iv. 77; Williamson’s North Carolina, App.—Ed.]

[304] A copy of this portion of the Records, collated with the original by Mr. Sainsbury, is in the library of the present writer. The other papers of this 1874 volume included a list of the living and dead in 1623, a Brief Declaration of the Plantation during the first twelve years (already mentioned), the census of 1634, etc.

[305] [The Speaker’s Report of their doings to the Company in England was printed in the New York Hist. Coll. in 1857. See also on these proceedings the Antiquary, London, July, 1881.—Ed.]

[306] [There is a copy in Harvard College Library; Rich (1832), no. 133, £2 2s.; Brinley, nos. 3,739-40. It was reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. iii. no. 5. Mr. Deane, True Relation, p. xli, examines the conflicting accounts as to the number of persons constituting the first immigration.—Ed.]

[307] [The vexed question as to how far the convict class made part of the early comers is discussed in Jones’s ed. Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, p. 10; Index to Remembrancia, 1519-1664, with citations in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. xvii. 297; Aspinwall Papers, i. 1, note; E. D. Neill, English Colonization in North America, p. 171, and his “Virginia as a Penal Colony,” in Hist. Mag., May, 1869. “It would be wholly wrong, however, to suppose that immigrants of this sort were a controlling element,” says Lodge in his English Colonies, p. 66; and this is now the general opinion.—Ed.]

[308] Bishop Meade’s Old Churches and Families of Virginia, 2 vols. 8º, 1855, Slaughter’s History of St. Mark’s Parish, Culpeper County, 1877, and Bristol Parish, Dinwiddie County, 2d edition, 1879, and the files of the Richmond Standard may be referred to for purposes of genealogical investigation.

[309] A transcript of this “Register” is in the hands of the present writer for preparation for publication, with an Introduction, Notes, and Indices.

[310] A second volume, continuing the series, has been published the present year (1882). An Introduction in vol. i. recounts the losses to which the archives have been subjected, and enumerates the resources still remaining.

[311] Chapter vi.

[312] This iconoclastic view was also sustained by Mr. E. D. Neill in chapter v. of his Virginia Company in London, 1869, which was also printed separately, and in chapter iv. of his English Colonization in America. He goes farther than Mr. Deane, and, following implicitly Strachey’s statement of an earlier marriage for Pocahontas, he impugns other characters than Smith’s, and repeats the imputations in his Virginia and Virginiola, p. 20. There is a paper on the marriage of Pocahontas, by Wyndham Robertson, in the Virginia Historical Reporter, vol. ii. part i. (1860), p. 67. (Cf. Field’s Indian Bibliography, p. 383.) See Neill’s view pushed to an extreme in Hist. Mag. xvii. 144. A writer in the Virginia Hist. Reg. iv. 37, undertook to show that Kokoum and Rolfe were the same. Matthew S. Henry, in a letter dated Philadelphia, Sept. 11, 1857, written to Dr. Wm. P. Palmer, then Corresponding Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society, gives us the Lenni Lenape signification of Kakoom or Kokoum, as “‘to come from somewhere else,’ as we would say, ‘a foreigner.’”

[313] [See Maxwell’s Hist. Reg. ii., 189; and a note to the earlier part of this chapter. Her story is likely still to be told with all the old embellishment. See Prof. Schele de Vere’s Romance of American History, 1872, ch. iii. A piece of sculpture in the Capitol at Washington depicts the apocryphal scene. W. G. Simms urges her career as the subject for historical painting (Verses and Reviews). She figures in more than one historical romance: J. Davis’s First Settlers of Virginia, New York, 1805-6, and again, Philadelphia, 1817, with the more definite title of Captain Smith and the Princess Pocahontas; Samuel Hopkins, Youth of the Old Dominion. There are other works of fiction, prose and verse, bearing on Pocahontas and her father, by Seba Smith, L. H. Sigourney, M. W. Moseby, R. D. Owens, O. P. Hillar, etc.—Ed.]

[314] [See an earlier note on her descendants.—Ed.]

[315] Its place is sometimes supplied by a fac-simile engraved for W. Richardson’s Granger’s Portraits, 1792-96. The original Mataoka or Pocahontas picture was neither in the Brinley, the Medlicott, nor the Menzies copies, and is not in the Harvard College, Dowse, Deane, or in most of the known copies.

The Crowninshield copy (Catalogue, no. 992) had the original plate; and that copy, after going to England, came back to America as the property of Dr. Charles G. Barney, of Virginia, and at the sale of his library in New York in 1870 it brought $247.50; but it is understood that it returned to his own shelves. The Carter-Brown (1632) edition, the Barlow large-paper copy, and one copy at least in the Lenox Library have it.

[316] There exists at Heacham Hall, Norfolk, the seat of the Rolfes, a portrait thought to be of Henry, the son of Pocahontas. This is the painting mentioned by error in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. xiii. 425, as of Pocahontas.

[317] Grigsby’s authority for his statements was the son of Sully, who also painted an ideal portrait of Pocahontas. Copies of a picture of Pocahontas by Thomas Sully, and of another painted by R. M. Sully are in the Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, and it is palpable that they are both mere fanciful representations. The original of the picture which was at Cobb’s, the writer was informed by the late Hon. John Robertson, a descendant of Pocahontas, represented “a stout blonde English woman,”—a description which does not agree with the picture by Robert M. Sully purporting to be a copy.

The late Charles Campbell, author of a History of Virginia, stated that Thomas Sully was allowed to take the original from Cobb’s (it being little valued), and that after cleaning it he altered the features and complexion to his own fancy. Of the picture by Thomas Sully he states: “The portrait I painted and presented to the Historical Society of Virginia was copied, in part, from the portrait of Pocahontas in the ‘Indian Gallery,’ published by Daniel Rice and Z. Clark. In my opinion the copy by my nephew [Robert M. Sully] is best entitled to authenticity.”

[318] There is a copy in Harvard College Library; Rich (1832), no. 165, priced it at £2 2s.

[319] [Force copied from the Richmond Inquirer of September 1804, where Jefferson had printed it from a copy in his possession. Another copy was followed in the Virginia Evangelical and Literary Magazine in 1820, which is the source from which it was again printed in the Virginia Hist. Reg., iii. 61, 621.—Ed.]

[320] [See an earlier note.—Ed.]

[321] [See N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. 1861, p. 320, and Massachusetts Archives, Colonial, 1, 475; Democratic Review, vii. 243, 453. For the later historians see Bancroft’s History of the United States, vol. ii. ch. 14, and Centenary Edition, vol. i. ch. 20; Gay’s Popular History of the United States, ii. 296; and the memoir of Bacon by William Ware in Sparks’s American Biography, vol. xiii.

Articles of peace were signed by John West and the native kings, May 29, 1677 (Brinley Catalogue, 5484.)

Mrs. Aphra Behn made the events rather distantly the subject of a drama, The Widdow Ranter; and in our day St. George Tucker based his novel of Hansford upon them. See Sabin, ii. 4372.—Ed.

[322] In 1722 the book was reissued in London, revised and enlarged as the author had left it, and this edition is now worth £10 10s. It was again reprinted in 1855, edited by Charles Campbell. (Sabin, vol. ii.; Brinley, 3719; Muller, 1877, no. 318, etc.) Jones’s Present State of Virginia, 1724, may also be noted.

[323] [Thomas Hollis wrote in the copy of Keith which he sent to Harvard College in 1768, “The Society, the glorious society, instituted in London for promoting Learning, having existed but a little while, through scrubness of the times, no other than Part I. of this history was published, and it is very scarce.”—Ed.]

[324] [Some claim to be printed in London in 1753; the copy in Harvard College Library is of this 1753 imprint; see Hist. Mag. i. 59, and ii. 61 (where it is asserted that only the title is of new make), and the bibliographical note which Sabin added to his reprint of Stith in 1865, where he describes three varieties. There is a collation in the Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,796, not agreeing with either; cf. Hist. Mag. ii. 184, and North American Review, October, 1866, p. 605.—Ed.]

[325] [Adams, Manual of Historical Literature, 557; Hist. Mag. i. 27; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,502; Tyler, American Literature, ii. 280; Allibone, ii. 2264; article by William Green in Southern Literary Messenger, September, 1863.—Ed.]

[326] See Charles Campbell’s Memoir of John Daly Burk, 1868.

[327] Sabin, iii. 9273.

[328] [C. K. Adams, Manual of Historical Literature, 557; Potter’s American Monthly, December, 1876, the year of Campbell’s death.—Ed.]

[329] [See this map in chapter i.—Ed.]

[330] [The French explorations will be treated, and the illustrative maps will be given, in Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[331] Lane, in 1585, heard of houses covered with plates of metal. Hakluyt, iii. 258. Others repeated similar stories about other places.

[332] Dee’s Diary in the Publications of the Camden Society.

[333] [See chap. iv.—Ed.]

[334] [See chapter iv.—Ed.]

[335] It should be noted that Robert Salterne, who was with Pring at Plymouth, soon after took Orders in the Church of England. This leads to the conjecture that public worship may have been conducted at Plymouth in 1603; though the subject is not referred to.

[336] [See chap. ix. of Vol. IV—Ed.]

[337] [These transactions of the French will be noted in detail in Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[338] [This is counting Pring as the first, not usually reckoned such however, and Champlain as the second. See the Critical Essay.—Ed.]

[339] [A heliotype of this map, somewhat reduced, is given at page 198. It is the second of the ten different states of the plate. See Memorial History of Boston, i. 54; and the Critical Essay—Ed.]

[340] Gorges’ Brief Narrative, ch. xv. [The map made during the Raleigh voyage of 1585, now with the original drawings of De Bry’s pictures in the British Museum, shows a strait at Port Royal leading to an extended sea, like Verrazano’s, at the west. We have been allowed by Dr. Edward Eggleston to examine a photograph of this map.—Ed.]

[341] [See chapter viii.—Ed.]

[342] [See editorial note, A, at the end of this chapter.—Ed.]

[343] On the signification of this word see “The Lost City of New England” in Magazine of American History, i. no. 1, and printed separately. The most notable monograph that has appeared in connection with the general subject is that by M. Eugène Beauvois, entitled, La Norambegue. Découverte d’une quatrième colonie Pré-Colombienne dans le Nouveau Monde. Bruxelles, 1880, pp. 27-32. This very learned author labors with great ingenuity to prove that the word is of old northern origin, and that by a variety of transformations, which he seeks to explain, it means Norrœnbygda, or the country of Norway; and that, consequently, it must be regarded as showing the early occupation of the region by Scandinavians. [Cf. also the paper by the same author on “Le Markland et l’Escociland,” in Congrès des Américanistes; Compte rendu, 1877, i. 224.—Ed.] To the claim that the word is of Indian origin we may oppose the statement in Thevet’s Cosmographie (ii. 1009), evidently derived by that mendacious writer from an early navigator, to the effect that, while the Europeans called the country Norumbega, the savages called it Aggoncy. Father Vetromile reported that he found an Indian who knew the word Nolumbega, meaning “still water;” yet he does not say whether he recognized it as an aboriginal or an imported word. [Vetromile, History of the Abnakis, New York, 1866, p. 49; and assented to by Murphy, Verrazano, p. 38. Father Vetromile says in a letter: “In going with Indians in a canoe along the Penobscot, when we arrived at some large sheet of water after a rapid or narrow passage, men would say Nolumbeghe.” Dr. Ballard, in a manuscript, says the coast Indians in our day have called it Nah-rah-bĕ-gek.—Ed.]

[344] See his account in vol. iii. p. 129 of The Principal Navigations, voiages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation made by Sea or overland, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres: Divided into three severall Volumes, according to the positions of the Regions whereunto they were directed, etc., etc. By Richard Hakluyt, Master of Arts, and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598; in three volumes folio, the third, relating to America, printed in 1600. [This edition was reprinted (325 copies) with care in 1809-12 by George Woodfall, edited by R. H. Evans, and the reprint is now so scarce that it brings £20 to £30. Such parts of Hakluyt’s earlier edition of 1589, as he had omitted in the new edition (1598-1600), were reinserted by Evans, and the completed reprint including other narratives “chiefly published by Hakluyt or at his suggestion,” is extended to five volumes. See an account of the earlier publications of Hakluyt in the note following this chapter.—Ed.]

[345] See Purchas His Pilgrimes, iii. 809.

[346] Bowen’s Complete System of Geography, two vols. folio, London, 1747, vol. ii. p. 686, where reference is made to Cape Lorembec. See also Charlevoix’s reference to Cap de Lorembec, in Shea’s edition, v. 284; also some modern maps.

[347] Descripcion de las Indias ocidentales de Antonio de Herrera, etc. 1601, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 3.

[348] This pilot has also been taken for Verrazano, said by Ramusio to have been killed and eaten by the savages on this coast. See also Biddle’s Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, second edition, London, 1832, p. 272. See also Brevoort’s Verrazano the Navigator, p. 147 [and Mr. Deane’s chapter in the present volume.—Ed.]

[349] Hakluyt, 111, 500.

[350] In 1525 the “Mary of Guilford,” 160 tons, and one year old, was reserved for the King’s use. Manuscripts of Henry VIII. iv. 752. “John Rutt” was at one time master of the “Gabryll Royall.” In 1513 he was master of the “Lord Sturton,” with a crew of 250 men; and, in April of the same year, master of the “Great Galley,” 700 tons, John Hoplin being captain. Ibid., under “Ships.”

[351] Hakluyt, iii. 208; and De Costa’s Northmen in Maine, a Critical Examination, etc.,—Albany, 1870, p. 43,—[in refutation of the arguments of Kohl in his Discovery of Maine, p. 281, who contends for Rut’s exploration.—Ed.]

[352] Folio, 557. A copy of the manuscript is preserved in the British Museum, Sloane manuscripts, 1447, and one is also in the Bodleian, Tanner manuscripts, 79. They present no substantial variations. Hakluyt accepts the relation in his “Discourse,” 2 Maine Hist. Coll. ii. 115-220, [but his editor, Charles Deane, thinks it “has all the air of a romance or fiction.” The Sloane copy was followed by P. C. T. Weston, who privately printed it in his Documents Connected with the History of South Carolina, London, 1856 (121 copies), with the following title: “The Land Travels of Davyd Ingram and others in the years 1568-69 from the Rio de Minas in the Gulph of Mexico to Cape Breton in Acadia.” A manuscript copy in the Sparks Collection (Catalogue, App. No. 30) is called “Relaçon of Davyd Ingram of things which he did see in Travellinge by lande for [from?] the moste northerlie pte of the Baye of Mexico throughe a greate pte of Ameryca untill within fivetye leagues of Cape Britton.” Mr. Sparks has endorsed it: “Many parts of this narrative are incredible, so much as to throw a distrust over the whole.”—Ed.

[353] Purchas, iv. 1179. Ingram’s reference to Elephants reminds the reader of the Lions of the Plymouth colonists (Dexter’s Mourt, p. 75). In this connection consult the Rare Travailes of Job Hortop, who was put ashore with Ingram, being twenty-two years in reaching England. Cabeça de Vaca, who came to America with Narvaez in 1528, was six years in captivity, and spent twenty months in his travels to escape. At this period there were Indian trails in all directions for thousands of miles; on these Ingram and his companions travelled. See, for the Indian trails, Maine Hist. Coll., v. 326.

[354] [The Sloane text, according to Weston, has a blank for the name of this river.—Ed.]

[355] Nouvelle France, p. 598.

[356] Œuvres, iii. 22.

[357] Hakluyt, iii. 283. [See also chapter iv. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[358] Williamson’s History of North Carolina, i. 53.

[359] Hawks, History of North Carolina, i. 196., ed. 1857.

[360] Archæologia Americana, iv. 11; and Colonial State Papers, i., under August 12, 1585.

[361] Calendar of Colonial State Papers, i. no. 2.

[362] [His patent is in Hakluyt, iii. 174, and in Hazard, i. 24.—Ed.]

[363] [See chapter iii. in the present volume, for notices of earlier parts of Gilbert’s career. J. Wingate Thornton points out his pedigree in “The Gilbert Family,” in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., July, 1850, p. 223. In the same place, July, 1859, is one of Gilbert’s last letters (from the state-paper office), with an autograph signature which is copied in a later note.—Ed.]

[364] See Richard Clarke’s narrative of “The Voyage for the discovery of Norumbega, 1583,” in Hakluyt, iii. 163; [and Edward Haies’s account of the voyage of 1583, Ibid., iii. 143, and also in E. J. Payne’s Voyages of Elizabethan Seamen, London, 1880, p. 175. Soon after Haies, in the “Golden Hind,” reached England, after seeing Gilbert, in the “Squirrel,” disappear, A True Reporte of the late Discoveries (London, 1583) came out, purporting on the titlepage to be by Gilbert; but Hakluyt, who reprinted it in 1589 and 1600, interpreted the initials G. P., of the Dedication, as those of Sir George Peckham, who had in his tract urged another attempt under Gilbert’s patent, as Captain Carlyle had done in his discourse just before Gilbert sailed, which was also reprinted in Hakluyt. See also Hakluyt’s Westerne Planting, ed. by Deane, p. 201; George Dexter’s First Voyage of Gilbert, p. 4. The Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., printed in Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 49, a memoir of Parmenius the Hungarian, who went down in Gilbert’s largest ship.—Ed.]

[365] Principal Navigations, iii. 246. [Also chapter iv. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[366] Ibid., iii. 193.

[367] A Briefe and true Relation of the Discouerie of the North part of Virginia; being a most pleasant, fruitfull, and commodious Soile. Made this present yeare, 1602, by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen their associats, by the permission of the honourable Knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, etc. Written by Mr. Iohn Brereton, one of the voyage. Whereunto is annexed a Treatise of Mr. Edward Hayes. 4º, London. Geor. Bishop, 1602.

[Of Brereton’s book there are copies in Harvard College Library (imperfect) and in Mr. S. L. M. Barlow’s collection. One in the Brinley sale, No. 280, was bought for $800 by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch of New York.

This narrative is followed in Strachey’s Historie of Travaile, book ii. ch. 6. Thornton in notes c and d to his speech “Colonial Schemes of Popham and Gorges,” at the Popham celebration, enumerates the evidences of the intended permanency of Gosnold’s settlement.

The site of Gosnold’s fort on Cuttyhunk was identified in 1797 (see Belknap’s American Biography), and again in 1817 (North American Review, v. 313) and 1848 (Thornton’s Cape Anne, p. 21).—Ed.]

[368] 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. viii. This reprint was made from a manuscript copy sent from England by Colonel Aspinwall. Proceedings, ii. 116.

[369] Purchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1651; also in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. [A French translation of the accounts of Gosnold’s and Pring’s voyages appeared at Amsterdam, in 1715, in Bernard’s Receuil de Voiages au Nord; and in 1720, in Relations de la Louisiane, etc.—Sabin’s Dictionary, ii. p. 102.—Ed.]

[370] [This Versameling was issued in 1706-7 at Leyden in two forms, octavo and folio, from the same type, the octavo edition giving the voyages chronologically, the folio, by nations. It was reissued with a new title in 1727. Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1887; and 1877, no. 1. Sabin, Dictionary, i. 3.—Ed.]

[371] This subject was first brought to the attention of students by a paper on “Gosnold and Pring,” read before the New England Historic Genealogical Society [by B. F. De Costa], portions of which were printed in the Society’s Register, 1878, p. 76. This shows the connection between the voyage of Gosnold and the letter of Verrazano. See also, “Cabo de Baxos, or the place of Cape Cod in the old Cartology,” in the Register, January, 1881 [by Dr. De Costa], and the reprint, revised. New York: T. Whittaker, 1881. Also Belknap’s American Biography, ii. 123.

[372] “New England was originally a Part of that Tract Stiled North-Virginia, extending from Norimbegua (as the old Geographers called all the continent beyond South-Virginia) to Florida, and including also New York, Jersey, Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina. Though Sir Walter Raleigh’s Adventures and Sir Francis Drake’s were ashore in this Country, yet we find nothing very material or satisfactory either as to its Discovery or its Trade, till the Voyage made hither in 1602 by Captain Gosnold, who, having had some Notion of the Country from Sir Francis Drake, was the first Navigator who made any considerable Stay here, where he made a small Settlement, built a fort, and raised a Platform for six Guns.”—Bowen’s Complete System of Geography, London, 1747, ii. 666. [There is a long note on the landfall of Gosnold on the Maine coast, in Poor’s Vindication of Gorges, p. 30.—Ed.]

[373] The relation of Pring’s voyage is derived from Purchas, iv. 1654 and v. 829, where it is attributed to Pring himself. [It should be noted that the identifying of Whitson Harbor with the modern Plymouth was first brought forward by Dr. De Costa in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., January, 1878. It has generally been held that Pring doubled Cape Cod, and reached what is now Edgartown Harbor in Martha’s Vineyard, or some roadstead in that region. Such is the opinion of Bancroft, i., cent. ed., 90; Palfrey, i. 78; Barry, i. 12; and Bryant and Gay, i. 266—all these following the lead of Belknap.—Ed.]

[374] Voyages and Travels, London, 1742, ii. 222. See on Raleigh’s Patent, Palfrey’s New England, i. 81, note. [Also chapter iv. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[375] Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America and the Islands adiacent vnto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Britons, etc., etc. Imprinted at London for Thomas Woodcocke, dwelling in paules Church-Yard, at the signe of the blacke beare, 1582. [See further in the note following this chapter.—Ed.]

[376] The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and Discoveries of the English Nation, made by Sea or over Land, to the most remote and fartherest distant quarters of the Earth, etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, Deputies to Christopher Barker, Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, 1589. See further in the note following this chapter.—Ed.

[377] Virginia richly valued, By the description of the maine land of Florida, her next neighbor, etc., etc. London, 1609.

[378] [See Editorial note, B, at the end of this chapter, and the chapter on “The Cabots.”—Ed.]

[379] Hakluyt of Yatton. See Divers Voyages, ed. 1850, p. v. note.

[380] American Biography, ii. 135.

[381] Mr. McKeene in the Maine Hist. Coll., v. 307; Hist. Mag., i. 112.

[382] Maine Hist. Coll., vi. 291.

[383] Memorial Volume, published by the Maine Historical Society, p. 301. Other writers have treated the subject, or touched upon it in passing, and some from time to time have changed ground,—one blunder leading to another.

[Belknap had employed a well-known Massachusetts navigator, Captain John Foster Williams, to track the coast with an abstract of Rosier’s journal in hand. His theory, even of late years, has had some supporters like William Willis, in Maine Hist. Coll., v. 346. R. K. Sewall in his Ancient Dominions of Maine, 1859, and Hist. Mag., i. 188, follow McKeene; as does Dr. De Costa himself in the Introduction to his Voyage to Sagadahoc, and General Chamberlain in his Maine, her place in History. George Prince was the first to advocate the George’s River, and his views were furthered by David Cushman in the same volume of the Maine Hist. Coll. Prince, in 1860, reprinted Rosier’s Narrative, still presenting his view in notes to it.

This essay by Prince incited Cyrus Eaton, a local historian (whose story has been told touchingly by John L. Sibley in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xiii. 438), to the writing of his History of Thomaston, Rockland, and South Thomaston, which he published at the age of eighty-one years, having prepared it under the disadvantage of total blindness. In this (ch. ii.) the theory of George’s River is sustained, as also in Johnson’s Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid, and in Bancroft. See p. 218.

More recent explorations to ascertain Waymouth’s anchorage are chronicled in the Boston Daily Advertiser, Aug. 23, 1879, and June 11, 1881.—Ed.]

[384] The writer has two sketches of the mountains as seen from Monhegan; yet the Maine Hist. Coll., vi. 295, inform the reader that “the White Mountains with an elevation above the level of the sea of 6,600 feet, being distant 110 miles, could not on account of the curvature of the earth be seen from the deck of the “Archangel,” even with a naked eye.”

[385] 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 122.

[386] The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia; expressing the cosmographie and comodities of the country, togither with the manners and customes of the people, gathered and observed as well by those who went first thither, as collected by William Strachey, Gent. Edited by R. H. Major for the Hakluyt Society, London, 1849. p. 159.

[387] Œuvres, iii. 74. “Il nous dit qu’il y auoit un vaisseau à dix lieues du port, qui faisoit pesche de poisson, & que ceux de dedans auoient tué cinq sauuages d’icelle riuiere, soubs ombre amitié: & selon la façon qu’il nous despeignoit les gens du vaisseau, nous les lugeasmes estre Anglois, & nommasmes l’isle où ils estoient la nef: pour ce que de loing elle en auoit le semblance.”

[388] A True Relation of the most prosperous voyage made this present yeare, 1605, by Captaine George Waymouth, in the Discouery of the Land of Virginia: where he discouered 60 miles of a most excellent River; together with a most fertile land. Written by Iames Rosier, a Gentleman employed in the voyage. Londini, Impensis Geor. Bishop, 1605. [The copy of this tract in the Brinley sale, no. 280, was bought by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, for $800. There are other copies in the New York Historical Society’s Library and in the private collection of Mr. S. L. M. Barlow.—Ed.]

[389] Purchas, iv. 1659.

[390] 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 125. Mr. Sparks procured a transcript of the Grenville copy, and this was used by the printer in this reprint.

[391] Pilgrimage, London, 1614, p. 756.

[392] A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, London, 1622, pp. 2-4.

[393] Generall Historie of New England, London, 1624, pp. 203-4.

[394] Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the advancement of plantations into the parts of America, especially showing the beginning, progress, and continuance of that of New England, London, 1658, pp. 8-10. When first published, Sir Ferdinando had been dead some years, and his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, Esq., included it in a general work, America Painted to the Life, etc.

[395] Fourth Series, i. 219.

[396] Maine Hist. Coll., iii. 286, with an introduction by W. S. Bartlet.

[397] A Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc, now first printed from the original manuscript in the Lambeth Palace Library, edited with preface, notes, and appendix, by the Rev. B. F. De Costa. Cambridge, John Wilson & Son, University Press, 1880. [The Preface reviews the story of the settlement; and the Appendix reprints the extracts from Gorges, Smith, Purchas, and Alexander, from which, previous to the publication of Strachey’s account, all knowledge of the colony was derived.—Ed.]

[398] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. (1880-1881) 82, 117.

[399] Smith’s Generall Historie, p. 203.

[400] [The literary history of this controversy is traced more minutely in the Editorial note C, at the end of this chapter.—Ed.]

[401] [The Gorges papers, which might prove so valuable, have not been discovered. Dr. Woods examined some called such, in Sir Thomas Phillipps’s collection, but they proved unimportant. Hakluyt, Westerne Planting, Introduction, p. xx. The grant from James I. to Gorges, April 10, 1606, covering the coast from 34° to 45° north latitude, and which was afterwards the cause of not a little controversy with the Massachusetts colonists, is given in Hazard’s Historical Collections, i. 442, and in Poor’s Vindication of Gorges, p. 110.—Ed.]

[402] See Nova Britannia, London, 1609, p. 1, no. vi., p. 11, in Force’s Tracts, vol. i.

[403] It should also be observed that Captain John Mason says: “Certain Hollanders began a trade, about 1621, upon the coast of New England, between Cape Cod and Delaware Bay, in 40° north latitude, granted to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584, and afterwards confirmed and divided by agreement by King James, in 1606. The plantations in Virginia have been settled about forty years; in New England about twenty-five years. The Hollanders came as interlopers between the two, and have published a map of the coast between Virginia and Cape Cod, with the title of “New Netherlands.” Calendar of State-papers (Colonial), 1574, p. 166, by Sainsbury, London, 1860, p. 143, under April 2 (1632?). Mason is in error respecting the beginning of the Dutch trade, which was in 1598.

[404] For studies and speculations concerning Sabino, Monhegan, Penobscot, and other names found in Maine, see Dr. Ballard in the Report of the United States Coast Survey, 1848, p. 243. Also Williamson’s History of Maine, i. 61, and the Rev. Dr. Henry Martyn Dexter’s edition of Mourt’s Relation, p. 83. [See Dr. Ballard on the location of Sasanoa’s River in Hist. Mag., xiii. 164.—Ed.]

[405] Published by the Hakluyt Society in their volume edited by Asher, and entitled Henry Hudson the Navigator, London, 1860, p. 45. See also Read’s Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hudson, etc., 1866, with the Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson, prepared for his use in 1608, from the Old Danish of Ivar Bardsen, with an introduction and notes; also a dissertation on the Discovery of the Hudson River, by B. F. De Costa, Albany, Joel Munsell, 1869. Also, Petitot’s Memoires, vol. xx. 141, 232, 421. [See further in ch. x. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[406] Purchas, iv. 1758 and 1664.

[407] Purchas, iv. 1827.

[408] Brief Narration, c. xiv. See also Pinkerton’s Voyages, xiii. 206.

[409] See Biard’s Letter in Carayon’s Première Mission, p. 62.

[410] Relations des Jésuites, Quebec, 1858, 3 vols., vol. i. p. 44.

[411] Colonial State Papers, 1574, vol. i. articles 18 and 25, 1613.

[412] For authorities see Champlain’s Œuvres, iii. 17; also, Lescarbot’s Nouvelle France, ed. 1618, lib. iv. c. 13. A translation of the narrative of Father Biard is given in Scenes in the Isle of Mount Desert, by B. F. De Costa, New York, 1869. [Further accounts of these proceedings will be given in Vol. IV. of the present history.—Ed.]

[413] See A Description of New England: or The Observations and Discoueries of Captain Iohn Smith (Admirall of that Country), in the North of America, in the year of our Lord 1614: with the successe of sixe Ships that went out the next yeare, 1615, and the accidents befell him among the French men of Warre: with the proofe of the present benefit this countrey affoords, whither this present yeare, 1616, eight voluntary ships are gone to make further Tryall. At London printed by Humfrey Lownes for Robert Clerke; and are to be sould at his house called the Lodge, in Chancery lane, ouer against Lincolnes Inne, 1616. Also The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles ... from their first beginning An^o. 1584, to the present, 1626. London, 1632. [See note D, at the end of this chapter.—Ed.]

[414] Brief Narration, in Maine Hist. Coll., ii. 27, and Dexter’s Mourt’s Relation, p. 86.

[415] Generall Historie.

[416] Bradford’s Plimouth Plantation in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 95. Mourt’s Relation says that Hunt took seven Indians from Cape Cod. Dexter’s Mourt’s Relation, p. 86. Dermer says that Squanto was captured in Maine.

[417] See the Hakluyt Society’s publication, edited by Markham, The Hawkins Voyages, 1878.

[418] See the letter in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1874, p. 248; and the Cotton Manuscripts, British Museum. Also Neill’s Colonization, p. 91.

[419] Gorges in Brief Narration, ch. xiv., and New England’s Trials, p. 11, in Force’s Tracts. Briefe Relation of the President and Council, Purchas, iv. 1830; also in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., i. Prince’s New England Chronology, Boston, 1736, p. 64, and Dermer’s letter in 2 New York Hist. Coll., i. 350.

[420] Doc. Hist. of New York, i. [This is a map “Della nuova Belgia è parte della nuova Anglia,” of which a portion is given in fac-simile in chapter ix. of the present volume. The editor of the Doc. Hist. gives no clew to its origin, but it can be traced to Carta II., in Robert Dudley’s Dell Arcano del Mare, Firenze, 1647.—Ed.] See, on the tourists in the New World, Verrazano the Explorer, p. 65.

[421] [It may be worth mentioning that the map in the Libro di Benedetto Bordone, 1528, gives “Norbegia” as the form of the name. Carter-Brown Catalogue, no. 91. The matter will be further considered in connection with the French explorers in another volume.—Ed.]

[422] [It is described in the Catalogue of the MS. Maps, etc., in the British Museum, 1844, i. 23; and map no. 17 shows the east coast of North America from 6° N. to 51° N.; and no. 20, both hemispheres. Malte Brun describes it in his Histoire de la Géographie, Ed. Huot., i. 631.—Ed.]

[423] [See further on this map in the chapter on “The Cabots,” where a fac-simile is given.—Ed.]

[424] This map embraces the country from Newfoundland to Florida, showing a part of the Gulf of Mexico. It is found in a collection of eleven beautifully executed maps, bound in one large volume, preserved in the British Museum. [Cf. Kohl’s Maps, Charts, etc., mentioned in Hakluyt, 1857, p. 16; and Collinson’s Frobisher’s Voyages, published by the Hakluyt Society.—Ed.] See Verrazano the Explorer, New York, 1880, p. 56. This map shows the Euripi of Nicholas of Lynn. See Inventio Fortunata.

[425] The Private Diary of John Dee, edited by Halliwell, and published by the Camden Society, 1842, P. 5. [This diary is written on the margins of old almanacs, which were discovered in the Ashmolean Museum. Halliwell calls Disraeli’s account of Dee, in his Amenities of Literature, correct and able. Winsor’s Halliwelliana, p. 5.—Ed.]

[426] [It measures 3¾ by 2¼ inches; and is carefully drawn on vellum, and accompanied by another, sketchily drawn, of the same date. Catalogue of MS. Maps, etc., in the British Museum, 1844, i. 30.—Ed.]

[427] Dee’s Diary, p. 16, and Hakluyt, iii.

[428] [We can only regret that Gilbert’s “cardes and plats that were drawn with the due gradation of the harbours, bayes, and capes, did perish with the admirall.” Haies in Hakluyt.—Ed.]

[429] See reproduction in the Historical and Geographical Notes of Henry Stevens, 1869, and another in chapter i. of the present volume. [A fac-simile has also been separately issued in London, worth about thirty shillings. The map, which is a considerable advance on earlier maps and shows the English tracks down to about 1584, is dedicated to Hakluyt by F. G. (initials which have so far concealed the true name), and is so rarely found in copies that its presence more than doubles the value of the book, which without it may be put at eight guineas. Fifty years ago a good copy with a genuine map was not worth more than four guineas,—now twenty guineas. Rich’s Catalogue, 1632, No. 68. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, No. 370, does not show the map.—Ed.]

[430] Atlas zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas, by Kunstmann and others, Munich, 1859, Plate xiii. [The original is said, in Markham’s Davis’s Voyages, p. 361, to be preserved in Dudley’s own copy of the Arcano del Mare, at Florence. The large map of 1593 in Historiarum Indicarum Libri xvi. Maffeii, also gives place to Norumbega; as does Wytfliet’s edition of Ptolemy, 1597. The Speculum Orbis-terrarum of Cornelius de Judaeis, published at Antwerp, 1593, has a map, “Americæ pars borealis, Florida, Baccalaos, Canada, Corterealis.” The German edition of Acosta, 1598, gives a map of Norumbega and Virginia, making them continuous. Carter-Brown Catalogue, nos. 517, 520.—Ed.]

[431] Preserved in the Library of the Middle Temple. A tracing is in possession of the writer, from which a sketch of a section is given in note E, following this chapter.

[432] [See note F, at the end of this chapter.—Ed.]

[433] See Cabo de Baxos, or the Place of Cape Cod, in the old Cartology, by B. F. De Costa, New York, 1881, p. 7.

[The Editor dissents from the views given in this elaborate tract and adopted in the text of the present chapter; and thinks that Cape Cod, and not Sandy Hook, is the conspicuous peninsula which appears on the early maps. In the general coast-line Cape Cod is a protuberant angle, while Sandy Hook is in the bight of a bay which forms an entering angle, and, unlike Cape Cod, is of no significance in relation to the trend of the continental shore. There is the least difficulty, in the matter of the bearings of one point from another, with considering this feature to be Cape Cod; and we must remember that the compass was the only instrument of tolerable precision which the early navigators had, and its records are the only ones to be depended upon. It is accordingly never safe to discard the record of it, unless under strong convictions as to a misreading of its evidence. The Editor does not receive such convictions from the moderate variations of latitude, which often were one or two degrees or even more out of the way in the old maps; nor from the coast names, which by no means were constant in position, and were not infrequently sadly confused and made to appear more than once under translated forms. The process of copying such from antecedent maps was far more liable to error than the transmission of the general direction and the sinuosities of the coast line. The cartographers sometimes scattered names, seemingly for little purpose but to fill up spaces. Coast names, before settlements were fixed, were of the utmost delusiveness, except sometimes in the case of isolated features, not to be confounded.—Ed.]

[434] [See vol. iv. of this present work.—Ed.]

[435] On the variations found in ten different impressions of the map, see Winsor, in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 52 [where a section of it, with the portrait of Smith, is given in heliotype. A reduced heliotype of the whole map is given herewith. Hulsius, when he translated Smith’s book for his voyages, made an excellent reproduction of the map, which appears in three of his sections. The earliest of the modern reproductions was that in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. Palfrey has given it, reduced by photolithography, but not very satisfactorily, in his New England, i. 95. It was re-engraved by Swett in 1865 for Veazie’s edition of the Description, and the plate was subsequently altered to correspond with later states of the original plate, and in this condition appears in Jenness’s Isles of Shoals. It is reduced from this re-engraving in Bryant and Gay’s United States, i. 518.—Ed.]

[436] In his Description, p. 67, Smith says, “At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and Master Doctor Sutliffe, Deane of Exceter, to conceve so well of these proiects and my former imployments, as induced them to make a new adventure with me in those parts, whither they have so often sent to their continuall losse.”

[437] See his Henry Hudson in Holland, printed at The Hague, 1859, pp. 43-66.

[438] Beschryvinghe van der Samoyeden Landt in Tartarien, etc., Amsterdam, 1612. The language on the map is, “ende by Westen Nova Albion in mar del sur.” See also Henry Hudson in Holland, which shows how Hudson happened to make his voyage to our coast.

[439] Verrazano the Explorer, 1881, p. 57. Hakluyt, iii. 737. Endicott, in 1661, called New England “This Patmos;” Calendar of State Papers, America and the West Indies, London, 1880, p. 9.

[440] True Travels, p. 58.

[441] [It however still kept its place on the maps of De Laet, 1633, 1640, etc.—Ed.]

[442] Bourne (d. 1582) first issued almanacs with Rules of Navigation in 1567. In 1578 he printed an account of sea devices, making in it the earliest mention of Humphrey Cole’s invention of the log. Cruden’s History of Gravesend, 1843.

[443] In Dexter’s Congregationalism, pp. 277-78, are citations of English State Papers relating to this voyage and to journals of it.

[444] Dexter, Congregationalism, p. 314.

[445] Neal, History of the Puritans, iii. 347.

[446] Preface to Christian Institutions.

[447] Dexter, Congregationalism, pp. 395, 397.

[448] A full and evidently impartial account of this dissension, its method and its results, though anonymous, was published in London in 1575, under the title of A Brieff discours off the troubles begonne at Franckford, in Germany, Anno Domini 1554, Abowte the Booke of common prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by the Englishe men there to thende of Q. Maries Raigne, in the which discours the gentle reader shall see the very originall and beginnenge off all the contention that hath byn, and what was the cause off the same (no place given). This, with an Introduction, was reprinted in London in 1846, as A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort in the Year 1554, about the Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies.

[449] Exhort. ad Castita, c. 7.

[450] Village Communities, p. 201.

[451] In Morton’s New England Memorial.

[452] Morton, p. 76.

[453] New York, 1880.

[454] The works of John Strype include Historical Memorials, six volumes; Annals of the Reformation, seven volumes; and his Lives of Cranmer, Parker, Whitgift, Grindall, Aylmer, Cheke, and Smith, published at Oxford, 1812-1828, which should be accompanied by a General Index, by R. T. Lawrence, in two volumes.

Gilbert Burnet’s History of the Reformation of the Church of England was originally published in London in three volumes in 1679, 1681, and 1715. There have been various editions since.

[455] University Press, Cambridge. Cf. The Zurich Letters.

[456] [Cf. the Critical Essay appended to the chapter on the “Pilgrim Church” in the present volume.—Ed.]

[457] The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, London, 1594. The seventh and eighth books did not appear till 1618; and the whole was issued together in 1622. There have been various editions since.

[458] Literature of Europe, ii. 166.

[459] Constitutional History of England.

[460] The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Nonconformists: from the Reformation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688. Comprising an Account of their Principles, their Attempts for a Further Reformation in the Church, their Sufferings, and the Lives and Characters of their Most Considerable Divines. By Daniel Neal, M.A. Cf. Bohn’s edition of Lowndes, p. 1655.

[461] The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, considered principally with Reference to the Influence of Church Organization on the Spread of Christianity. By Robert Barclay. London, 1876, 4º, 700 pp.

[462] [See the chapter on “The Founding of Pennsylvania” in the present volume.—Ed.]

[463] A History of the Free Churches of England, from A. D. 1688 to A. D. 1851. By Herbert S. Skeats. London, 1868.

[464] See the Annual Congregational Year-Book.

[465] Bampton Lectures, p. 68.

[466] Among the more important volumes of a historical character prompted by the occasion above referred to, may be mentioned, English Puritanism, its Character and History, etc. (by P. Bayne); The Early English Baptists (by B. Evans); Church and State Two Hundred Years Ago (by J. Stoughton); and English Nonconformity (by R. Vaughan).

[467] Leaders of the Reformation; English Puritanism and its Leaders,—Cromwell, Milton, Baxter, Bunyan; and Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century. These works were published in 1859, 1861, and 1872, respectively, and there have been later editions.

[468] Dissent in its Relations to the Church of England: Eight Lectures, on the Bampton Foundation, preached before the University of Oxford in 1871. By George Herbert Curteis, M.A., London, 1872.

[469] History of Free Churches of England, p. 14.

[470] Constitutional History, chap. iv.

[471] The Church and Puritans: a Short Account of the Puritans; their Ejection from the Church of England, and the Efforts to restore them. By D. Mountfield, M.A., Rector of Newport, Salop. London, 1881.

[472] The Organization of the early Christian Churches: Eight Lectures delivered before the University of Oxford, in the year 1880. Bampton Lectures. By Edwin Hatch, M.A. London, 1881.

[473] Christian Institutions: Essays on Ecclesiastical Subjects. By Dean Stanley, of Westminster. London, 1881.

[474] [Cf. also chapter ix.—Ed.]

[475] N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. xviii. 20.

[476] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. xii. 98.

[477] Calendar of Domestic State Papers, Aug. 18, 1603.

[478] Historical Magazine, iii. 358.

[479] Eighth Report of Royal Commission on Hist. MSS., pt. 2, p. 45; Hanbury’s Memorials, i. 368.

[480] In the household of this Countess (widow of the fourteenth Earl), Thomas Dudley, later one of the founders of Massachusetts, was steward. The patentee did not go with the emigrants, and is never heard of again. Another John Whincop was matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, in July, 1618, graduated B.A. in 1622, was a member of the Westminster Assembly in 1643, and died Rector of Clothall, Herts, May 6, 1653, in his fifty-second year.

[481] [We only know this compact in the transcript given in Mourt’s Relation, and in the copy which Bradford made of it in his MS. history.

Its last surviving signer was John Alden, who died in Duxbury, Sept. 12, 1686, aged eighty-seven; though that passenger of the “Mayflower” longest living was Mary, daughter of Isaac Allerton, who became the wife of Elder Thomas Cushman (son of Robert Cushman), and she died in 1699, aged about ninety.—Ed.

[482] By New Style the 21st; through an unfortunate mistake originating in the last century (Palfrey’s History of New England, i. 171) the 22d has been commonly adopted as the true date.

[483] Mourt’s Relation, p. 21. Mr. S. H. Gay has suggested (Atlantic Monthly, xlviii. 616) that this landing was not at Plymouth, but on the shore more directly west of Clark’s Island (Duxbury or Kingston), and that consequently the commemoration of a landing at Plymouth on that day rests on a false foundation; but the Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D., has conclusively shown (Congregationalist, Nov. 9, 1881) that the soundings must have led the explorers, unless the deep-water channels have unaccountably changed since then, directly to the neighborhood of the rock which a chain of trustworthy testimony on the spot identifies as the first landing-place of any of the “Mayflower” company within Plymouth Harbor. Tradition divides the honor of being the first to step on Plymouth Rock between John Alden and Mary Chilton, but the date of their landing must have been subsequent to December 11.

[484] [The burials of that first winter were made on what was later known as Coale’s Hill, identical with the present terrace above the rock.

It perpetuates the name of one of the early comers.—Ed.

[485] Printed in 1854 in Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. xxxii, with Introduction by Mr. Charles Deane; also separately (one hundred copies). [The original parchment was discovered, in the early part of this century, in the Land Office in Boston; and having been used by Judge Davis when he edited Morton’s Memorial, was again lost sight of till just before it fell to Mr. Deane to edit it. Besides the autographs of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of Warwick, Lord Sheffield, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, it bore one other signature, of which a remnant only remains. It is now at Plymouth.—Ed.]

[486] Bradford’s History, xi.; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., August, 1866, p. 345.

[487] Mass. Hist. Coll., xxviii. 298.

[488] [The main parts of it were also reprinted in the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton, in 1855. There is a memoir of Hunter in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 300.—Ed.]

[489] Priest, Tinker and Soule, are names found in the records of parishes near Scrooby (Palfrey’s History of New England, i. 160), and it is not unlikely that Degory Priest, Thomas Tinker, and George Sowle, of the “Mayflower,” may have come from this region. It is also said by Mr. W. T. Davis (Harper’s Magazine, lxiv. 254, January, 1882, “Who were the Pilgrims?”), that a William Butten’s baptism is found in Austerfield, under date of Sept. 12, 1589. But it would be hazardous to identify this man of thirty-one years with the “William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller,” who died on the “Mayflower’s” voyage to America. It is also believed that Miles Standish was a scion of the Standish family of Duxbury Hall, Lancashire. [This view is encouraged, if not established, by the expressions of Standish’s own will, which is printed in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., v. 335. The story of Standish’s career has been more than once reviewed of late years, on account of the efforts, not yet completed, to erect a tower to his memory on Captain’s Hill, in Duxbury. Its proposed height is not yet reached; and when completed, it will bear his effigy on its top. There were Proceedings printed to commemorate the consecration of the ground, Aug. 17, 1871, and on laying the corner-stone, in 1872. It is known that Standish was never of the Pilgrim communion; and “Was Miles Standish a Romanist?” is discussed in Mag. of Amer. Hist., i. 390. The inventory of his books is given in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 54. Bartlett, Pilgrim Fathers, and the illustrated edition of Longfellow’s Poems, 1880, give some views connected with the English family. On the descendants of the Captain, see N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1873, p. 145; Winsor’s Duxbury; Savage’s Dictionary, etc.

Of the origin of Carver, their first governor, nothing is known. Cf. N. B. Shurtleff, in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1850, p. 105; 1863, p. 62; and 1872, p. 333. The Howlands were long supposed to be his descendants through the marriage of his daughter to the Pilgrim John Howland, and the modern inscription on the latter’s monument on the Burial Hill, at Plymouth, repeats a story seemingly disproved by the recovery of Bradford’s manuscript history, which states that Howland married a daughter of another Pilgrim, Edward Tilley. A recent revision of the story, by W. T. Davis, in the Boston Daily Advertiser, Nov. 25, 1881, rather urging the traditional belief, was met by Charles Deane, in Ibid., Dec. 7, 1881, who showed that John Howland, Jr., was born in Plymouth, in 1626, and could not have sprung from an earlier marriage of John, Sr., with Carver’s daughter. The decision turns upon the identity of “Lieutenant Howland,” as mentioned by Sewall, being met near Barnstable. It is barely possible that Joseph Howland, and not John, Jr., was meant; but Joseph did not live at Barnstable, as John, Jr. did. Cf. Historical Magazine, iv. 122, 251; and New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1860, p. 13, 1880, p. 193.—Ed.]

[490] [Cf. Mr. Deane’s memorandum, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., October, 1870, p. 403.—Ed.]

[491] [This book contains a full exposition of the influence which the Plymouth Pilgrims exerted upon the New England Congregational system. Cf. further Dr. Jas. S. Clark’s Congregational Churches in Massachusetts, 1858; the Appendix to the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s Memorial; and Dexter’s Congregationalism, p. 415.—Ed.]

[492] [Winslow’s tract was reissued unchanged in 1649, as The Danger of tolerating Levellers in a Civill State. There are copies in the Lenox, Charles Deane, and Carter-Brown libraries. A copy is worth, perhaps, $100. Winslow’s report of Robinson’s sermon seems to have been a reminiscence of his own, twenty-five years after the event. It is not decided when it was delivered. It has usually been held to represent advanced and liberal views; but Dr. Dexter dissents, and says that “polity, and not dogma, is the keynote of the still noble farewell.” See Congregationalism, etc., pp. 403, 409; and Palfrey’s History of New England, i. 157. The whole subject of Robinson’s relation to the Leyden congregation is treated by Dr. Dexter, p. 359; and of his union with Johnson’s church at Amsterdam, on p. 318, note. The only copies of the original edition of 1646 known to the Editor are in Dr. Dexter’s and the Carter-Brown libraries.—Ed.]

[493] [Dr. O. W. Holmes has thrown a little light on contemporary life in Leyden from Scaligerana, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (June, 1874), xiii. 315.—Ed.]

[494] See a memoir of Mr. Sumner, by R. C. Waterston, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 189. also, a report of his speech at Plymouth, in 1859, in the Hist. Mag., iii. 332; and in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1859, p. 341.

[495] With the specific title: John Robinson, Prediker der Leidsche Brownistengemeente en grondlegster der Kolonie Plymouth. Leiden, 1846. [What is known of Robinson’s family and descendants can be learned from the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1860, p. 17; 1866, pp. 151, 292. The question of the Rev. John Robinson, of Duxbury, being a descendant, was set at rest negatively by Dr. Edward Robinson, in his Memoir of the Rev. William Robinson, New York. 1859.—Ed.]

[496] The story of the manuscript and of its transmission to our times is given by the editor of the present volume, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vol. xix.,—a paper also issued separately (75 Copies).

[497] [They are also given in Steele’s Chief of the Pilgrims, p. 316; in Neill’s English Colonization, ch. vi.; in Poor’s Gorges; and in the English calendars, Colonial, i. 43.—Ed.]

[498] The Bibliographical Appendix to Dr. H. M. Dexter’s Congregationalism as seen in its Literature, mentions nine of these imprints, viz., nos. 459, 467, 470, 475, 476, 478, 481, 482, 495. Three or four others are also known. See the Brinley Catalogue, no. 530. [Brewster’s career has been made the subject of an extended memoir, Chief of the Pilgrims, Philadelphia, 1857, as it is somewhat unsatisfactorily called. It has merit in tracing the European existence of the Pilgrim Church, but is unfortunately disfigured (p. 350) in a minor part by some genealogical fabrications imposed upon the author, the Rev. Ashbel Steele. (Cf. Savage’s Genealogical Dictionary, sub “Brewster.”) Dr. Dexter, N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1864, p. 18, in examining the evidence for his birth, puts it in 1566-67; so that at his death, in 1644, he was seventy-seven, or possibly seventy-eight. See Mr. Neill, Hist. Mag., xvi. 69, and cf. Mr. Deane, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 98; also Poole’s Index, p. 160.

The well-known trembling autograph of the Elder (given in fac-simile on an earlier page) is one of the sights in the Record Office at Plymouth, where it appears attached to a deed, as recorded,—a practice not uncommon in the days when the colony was small. This was long thought to be the only signature known, while it was a cause of some surprise that no one of the four hundred volumes of his library (given by title in his inventory,—Plymouth Wills, i. 53) had been identified by bearing his autograph. Three of these books, however, have since been found,—one a Latin Chrysostom, Basil, 1522, now in the Boston Athenæum, bears his autograph, with the motto, “Hebel est omnis Adam,” which is also found, as shown in the fac-simile in Steele’s Chief of the Pilgrims, in another volume, similarly inscribed, now at Yale College Library. The fact that the Athenæum volume bears evidence, in another inscription, of having belonged to Thomas Prince, the grandson of the Elder, and son of the governor of the colony of the same name, and of his receiving it in July, 1644, while the Elder died in the preceding April, would seem to indicate that the Pilgrim’s collection of books was distributed among his relatives. The Rev. Dr. Dexter, in his Congregationalism, gives a fac-simile of an autograph of Brewster written at an earlier period than the others; and this is found in a third volume belonging to Dr. Dexter, and numbered 211 in his Bibliography. Hunter, in his Founders of New Plymouth, p. 86, has shown how close a resemblance the autograph of James Brewster, the master of the hospital near Bawtry, and friend of Archbishop Sandys, bears to the Elder’s signature.—Ed.]

[499] [Dr. Punchard’s work was unfortunately left incomplete. See N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1880, p. 325, and Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 3. The painstaking student will doubtless compare these works with Dr. Waddington’s Hidden Church and Cong. Hist., in which, however, Dr. Dexter seems to have little confidence. (Cf. his Congregationalism, pp. 70, 201, 211, 262, 322, and his article in the Cong. Quarterly, 1874.) The Hidden Church was published in 1864, with an Introduction by E. N. Kirk. (Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1864, p. 219; and 1881, p. 195.)

In the archives of the English Church at Amsterdam there is a document, signed by Ant. Walæus and Festus Hommius, theological professors at Leyden, dated May 25-26, 1628, testifying to Robinson’s exertions to remove the schisms between the various Brownist congregations in the Low Countries, and his resolution, upon discouragement, to remove “to the West Indies, where he did not doubt to effect this object.” A photo-lithographic copy of this paper has been issued (Muller’s Books on America, 1877, no. 2,780). The contemporary rejoinders to Robinson’s arguments can be seen in Samuel Rutherford’s Due Rights of Presbyteries, London, 1644.

The student will not neglect Hanbury’s Historical Memorials relating to the Independents, London, 1639-44; R. Baillie’s Anabaptism, London, 1647, and Catherine Chidley’s Justification of the Independent Churches (? 1650). The distinction between the Puritans and the Pilgrims is maintained in Dr. Waddington’s books; in Dr. I. N. Tarbox’s papers in the Congregational Quarterly, vol. xvii., and in the Old Colony Hist. Soc. Papers, 1878; in an appendix, p. 443, to Punchard, vol. iii.; in Benjamin Scott’s Lecture, London, 1866, reprinted in the Hist. Mag., May, 1867, from which is mostly derived a paper in Scribner’s Monthly, June, 1876. Scott also printed a lecture, “An Hour with the Pilgrim Fathers and their Precursors,” in 1869. (Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1871, p. 301; also, see Hist. Mag., May and November, 1867; October, 1869; Essex Institute Hist. Coll., vol. iv., by A. C. Goodell; besides Baylies, Palfrey, Barry, etc.) Dr. Dexter, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 64, has pointed out a curious instance of tampering with one of Robinson’s books. See further, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., x. 393, and N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1859, p. 259.—Ed.]

[500] [This charge was first printed by Morton in his Memorial, and the earliest mention of it known is in some papers of the Record Office, London, printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., December, 1868, p. 385. Neill, in his English Colonization, p. 103, intimates that Jones may have purposely guided his vessel to Cape Cod from an understanding with Pierce and Gorges. Neill identifies the “Mayflower” captain with Jones of the “Discovery,” a vessel despatched to Virginia. (Cf. Young’s Chronicles, p. 102, and Palfrey’s New England, i. 163.) O’Callaghan, New Netherland, i. 80, rejects the bribe theory. The name of Jones is preserved in Jones River, shown on the map of Plymouth Bay on a previous page.—Ed.]

[501] [Our chief accounts of Bradford, other than from his own writings, are derived from Mather’s Magnalia, and from Hunter’s Founders of New Plymouth. Belknap, in his American Biography, gives a judicious summary of what was then known, and there is a brief one in Cheever. Besides what may be found in the general histories, the reader can find other accounts in Tyler’s American Literature, i. 116; by J. B. Moore in Amer. Quart. Reg. xiv. 155, and in his Governors of New Plymouth, etc.; by W. F. Rae in Good Words, xxi. 337; in the Congregational Monthly, ix. 337, 393. His will is in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1851, p. 385; and an account of his Bible in same, 1865, p. 12. For accounts of his descendants, see genealogy by G. M. Fessenden in Register, 1850, pp. 39, 233; also, 1855, pp. 127, 218; 1860, pp. 174, 195. Cf. also Durrie’s Index to American Genealogies, and Savage’s Genealogical Dictionary.

Bradford’s views on the Separatist movement, and on church government, are given in several “Dialogues between Old Men and Young Men;” one of which, written in 1648, and copied in the Records by Morton, is given by Dr. Young in his Chronicles, and another, probably written in 1652, was printed with comments by Charles Deane in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., October, 1870, vol. ix. p. 396. See also the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s Memorial. A letter of Bradford to Governor Winthrop on the early relations of the Plymouth Colony with the Bay, dated Feb. 6, 1631-32, is now in the possession of Judge Chamberlain, of the Boston Public Library; and, with its signatures of Bradford and his associates, it is the most precious autograph document of the Pilgrims in private hands. It is printed in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., ii. 240, annotated by Charles Deane. Some verses by Bradford, illustrating in a slender way the colony’s early history, were referred to in his will, and were printed as a fragment in Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 77, by Dr. Belknap. The original manuscript came with Belknap’s papers to the Society,—Proceedings, iii. 317. Other verses of a similar character were printed in 3 Collections, vii. 27; still others are edited by Mr. Deane in Proceedings, xi. 465.—Ed.]

[502] [Smith gave an abstract of Mourt in his Generall Historie; then Purchas, vol. iv., condensed it; and this condensation was reprinted, with notes, in 1802, by Dr. Freeman in Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 203; but in 1819 Dr. Freeman and Judge Davis procured from a copy in the Philadelphia Library the parts omitted by Purchas in Ibid., xix. 26. (Cf. Proceedings, i. 279.) Dr. Young first printed it entire in his Chronicles. Dr. Cheever, in 1848, gave it with disorderly and homiletical editing in his Journal of the Pilgrims. Dr. Dexter used Charles Deane’s copy. There are other copies in the Carter-Brown and S. L. M. Barlow libraries. (Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 1,909; Menzies Catalogue, no. 1,447; Crowninshield Catalogue, no. 742; and N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1849, p. 282, and 1866, p. 281.) Rich, in his 1832 Catalogue, 164 and 171, priced a copy at £2 2s., and in his 1844 Catalogue at £1 8s.; Quaritch recently held one at £36. Doctors Young and Dexter agree that “G. Mourt” must represent George Morton. A previous note has given Dr. Dexter as the best authority for tracing the localities named in this journal. See, also, Freeman’s Cape Cod and De Costa’s Footprints of Miles Standish.

Mourt makes no record of the landing from the “Mayflower” being upon a rock, nor does he indicate the precise spot, or fix a commemorative day. In an earlier note mention has been made of a recent controversy on these points. Mr. Gay found an earlier opponent than Dr. Dexter in Mr. William T. Davis, Boston Daily Advertiser, Nov. 17, 1881, to which Mr. Gay replied, Nov. 30, 1881; and again Mr. Davis rejoined, Dec. 3, 1881. As to the mistake of celebrating the 22d instead of the 21st December, which arose from the Committee of the Old Colony Club adding for the change of style one day too many, a Committee of the Pilgrim Society in 1850 recommended a change in the commemoration day; but though for a few years followed, it has not effected a permanent compliance, and by a recent vote of the Society the 22d has been re-established. The 1850 Report was printed. (Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., iv. 350, 369) Mr. Gay, in the Popular History of the United States, i. 393, takes another view of the mistake. It was in 1769 that the Plymouth people determined to institute a celebration, and fixed upon the day, December 11, Old Style, when the exploring party from the “Mayflower,” then in Provincetown harbor, first landed on the mainland and explored it.

Attempts have been made to trace the earlier and later career of the “Mayflower.” Mr. Hunter, in an appendix to his Founders of New Plymouth, p. 186, has shown how common the name was. She is thought to have been identical with one of Winthrop’s fleet ten years later; but the slaver “Mayflower,” with which she has been sometimes identified, was a larger vessel. Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1871, p. 91, and 1874, p. 50; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, April 12, 1588.

Of Samoset, the Indian whom the colonists first encountered after landing, there are accounts in Dexter’s edition of Mourt’s Relation; Sewall’s Ancient Dominion of Maine, p. 101; Popham Memorial, by Professor Johnson, p. 297; Thornton’s Pemaquid, p. 54; and in Maine Hist. Coll., v. 186.

Mourt’s Relation and Winslow’s Good News give the earliest accounts of the Indians in the Pilgrims’ neighborhood, who had been nearly exterminated by a recent plague. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 130.) Of Massasoit and his family,—this chief being the nearest sachem,—Fessenden’s History of Warren, R. I., gives an account. See also E. W. Peirce’s Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy pertaining to the good Sachem Massasoit and his descendants, North Abington, 1878. Drake, in his Book of the Indians, book ii. chap. ii., and in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1858, p. 1, examines the colonists’ relations with the Indians. See Congregational Quarterly, i. 129, for a paper, “Did the Pilgrims wrong the Indians?” Their efforts to Christianize them are examined in the Appendix to the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s Memorial.

It was at Plymouth (1631-1633) that Roger Williams drew up his treatise attacking the validity of the titles acquired under the patents granted by the king, in accordance with the common-law principle as understood at the time. Acceptance of his views as to the sole validity of the Indian title would have disturbed the foundations of the colony’s government; and it was not without satisfaction that the authorities saw Williams return to the Bay, where his factious and impracticable views on civil policy, quite as much or even more than any views on theology, led to his subsequent banishment. The later history of Williams was Massachusetts’ best vindication. Charles Deane has thoroughly examined his position as regards the patent, with an amplitude of references, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., February, 1873.—Ed.]

[503] [The bibliography of this famous discourse is traced in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg, April, 1861, p. 169; and in the Hist. Mag., ii. 344; iv. 57; v. 89. Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, v. 156. Dr. Dexter notes three copies,—his own, the Bodleian’s, and Charles Deane’s. The sermon has been several times reprinted; is given in part by Dr. Young; also in the Cushman Genealogy, and was photo-lithographed (60 copies), in 1870, from Dr. Dexter’s copy, then in Mr. Wiggin’s hands, with a historical and bibliographical preface by Charles Deane. Dexter, Congregationalism, App., p. 30, gives the reprints.—Ed.]

[504] [It was printed in London in 1624. There are copies in Charles Deane’s and the Carter-Brown collections. Rich (1844), £1 8s. Purchas, vol. iv., abridged it; and his abridgment was printed in Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 239, with omissions supplied in xix. 74; cf. also Proceedings, i. 279. Young first printed it entire in his Chronicles, from a copy formerly in Harvard College Library; it is also in the Appendix of the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s Memorial.—Ed.]

[505] [See a memoir of Judge Davis by Convers Francis, in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., x. 186.—Ed.]

[506] [The second edition, Boston, 1721, had a supplement by Josiah Cotton, with changes of title, indicating perhaps successive impressions. The third edition appeared in 1772, at Newport. In 1826 an edition appeared at Plymouth, followed the same year by Judge Davis’s at Boston. The last edition was issued by the Congregational Board in 1855, with notes and appendix of Bradford’s account of the church from the Colony records, and Winslow’s visit to Massasoit, from his Good Newes. The Harvard College copy of the 1669 edition has autographs of “W. Stoughton” and “John Danforth.” The Prince Library copy is imperfect, restored in manuscript, and has Prince’s notes. There were different imprints to the 1721 edition, the Harvard copy reading, “Reprinted for Daniel Henchman;” Charles Deane’s copy has “Reprinted for Nicholas Boone;” otherwise the two seem to be alike. See Brinley Catalogue, nos. 329, 330; Dexter’s Congregationalism, App. p. 94; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vi. 427; Tyler’s American Literature, i. 126.—Ed.]

[507] [Certain of the letters, being the correspondence between the Plymouth and New Netherland Colonies in 1627, are reprinted in the New York Hist. Coll., 2d series, vol. i. See an account of the MS. in Cheever’s Journal of the Pilgrims, chap. xxiii.—Ed.]

[508] [Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 246, 279. S. G. Drake added a fifth part and an index to Baylies’, when he reissued the remainder-sheets of the original work, giving an account of the 1628 Kennebec patent, with an old map of that region. See, also, for the Pilgrims’ experiences on the Kennebec, R. H. Gardiner’s paper in the Maine Hist. Coll. ii., and the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1855, p. 80, and 1871, pp. 201, 274; for their Penobscot experiences, J. E. Godfrey’s paper in Maine Hist. Coll. vii. 29.—Ed.]

[509] [An “Old Colony Historical Society,” whose seat is at Taunton, began to publish papers of a Collection in 1878. The local aspect of the colony’s history is traced in various town and parish histories, to which clews will be found in F. B. Perkins’s Check List of American Local History, Colburn’s Massachusetts Bibliography, and in the historical sketch prefixed to the Plymouth County Atlas, Boston, 1879.

These local histories usually contain more or less genealogical information about the descendants of the “first comers,” as those who came in the first three vessels (“Mayflower,” 180 tons, in 1620; “Fortune,” 55 tons, in 1621; “Ann,” 140 tons, and “Little James,” 44 tons, 1623) are distinctively called; and various family histories have also traced the spread of Pilgrim blood throughout the American States. Savage’s Geneal. Dict. of N. E., and the bibliographies of American genealogies by Whitmore and Durrie, will indicate these. Dr. N. B. Shurtleff published the long-accepted list of the “Mayflower” passengers in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 47 (also separately privately printed); but several errors were corrected on the recovery of the Bradford manuscript, and the true list is printed in that History.—Ed.]

[510] [A memoir of Dr. Young by Chandler Robbins will be found in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., ii. 241.—Ed.]

[511] N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1863, p. 366.

[512] [A Dutch translation of this, published in 1859, may indicate the interest still felt in the story in the land of their exile.—Ed.]

[513] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xiii. 390.

[514] See N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 114.

[515] See Ibid., iv. 367.

[516] [It was remodelled in 1880, when a fragment of the rock, which was taken from the larger portion in 1774, and after having been kept before the Court House till 1834, when it was placed before this hall, was taken back to its original site beneath the present monumental canopy.—Ed.]

[517] The family tradition fixes the painting of it in 1651, and Vandyke, to whom it has been assigned, died in 1541. See the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xv. 324, for a notice of an alleged portrait of Miles Standish; also Memorial History of Boston, i. 65.

[518] [See Dr. Waddington’s description of a picture in one of the compartments of the Lords’ corridor at Westminster, representing with some misconception the same scene. Historical Magazine, i. 149. Sargent’s picture of the landing at Plymouth, well known from engravings, is in Pilgrim Hall. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., iv. 193.—Ed.]

[519] [This monument, after a design by Hammatt Billings, was originally intended to be one hundred and fifty feet high; but it was reduced nearly one-half, as the necessary subscriptions failed. It bears a colossal figure of Faith, and four other typical figures surrounding the base, not all of which are yet in place. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1857, p. 283.—Ed.]

[520] [This well-known production is for the historical student much disfigured by abundant anachronisms, which, as it happens, do not conduce to the effect of the poem. Crayon, v. 356; Mag. of Amer. Hist., April, 1882.—Ed.]

[521] [A collection of the minor commemorative poems, edited by Zilpha H. Spooner, was published as Poems of the Pilgrims, Boston, 1882, with photographs of associated localities. Cf. Boston Daily Advertiser, April 22, 1881.—Ed.]

[522] The stories of these two colonies are told respectively in chapters v. and vi.

[523] The records of the Council for New England frequently refer to the subject of the renewal of their patent. Under the date of Aug. 6, 1622, we read: “Forasmuch as it has been ordered by the Lords of his Majesty’s Privy Council that the Patent for New England shall be renewed, as well for the amendment of some things therein contained as for the necessary supply of what is found defective,” etc. Then follow some minutes of additional changes desired by the patentees themselves.

[524] [See Vol. IV. chap. iv.—Ed.]

[525] “Mr. Glanvyle moveth to speed the bill of fishing upon the coast of America, the rather because Sir Ferdinand Gorge hath executed a patent since the recess. Hath, by letters from the Lords of the Council, stayed the ships ready to go forth.

“Mr. Neale accordant, that Sir Ferdinando hath besides threatened to send out ships to beat off from their free fishing, and restraineth the ships, ut supra.

“Sir Edward Coke, that the patent may be brought in; and Sir T. Wentworth, that the party may be sent for.

“Ordered, the patent shall be brought in to the Committee for Grievances upon Friday next, and Sir Jo. Bowcer [Bourchier, one of the patentees] and Sir Ferdinando his son, to be sent for, to be then there, if he be in town, Sir Ferdinando himself being captain of Portsmouth” (Plymouth).

On the 24th, “Neale moveth again concerning ... restraint of fishing upon the coasts of ... it may be brought in at the next ... for grievances and the Com....

“Ordered, the patent, or in the default thereof Journal of the House of Commons.

[526] See chapter viii.

[527] Two parts of the territory were to be divided among the patentees, and one third was to be reserved for public uses; but the entire territory was to be formed into counties, baronies, hundreds, etc. From every county and barony deputies were to be chosen to consult upon the laws to be framed, and to reform any notable abuses; yet these are not to be assembled but by order of the President and Council of New England, who are to give life to the laws so to be made, as those to whom it of right belongs. The counties and baronies were to be governed by the chief and the officers under him, with a power of high and low justice,—subject to an appeal, in some cases, to the supreme courts. The lords of counties might also divide their counties into manors and lordships, with courts for determining petty matters. When great cities had grown up, they were to be made bodies politic to govern their own private affairs, with a right of representation by deputies or burgesses. The management of the whole affair was to be committed to a general governor, to be assisted by the advice and counsel of so many of the patentees as should be there resident, together with the officers of State. There was to be a marshal for matters of arms; an admiral for maritime business, civil and criminal; and a master of ordnance for munition, etc. (Cf. the Council’s “Briefe Relation,” in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 21-25; S. F. Haven’s Lecture before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Jan. 15, 1869, on The History of the Grants, etc., pp. 18, 19.)

[528] Tradition has preserved the name of “Winter Harbor” there, and this name appears on a map of the New England coast, which is one of the collection known as Dudley’s Arcano del Mare, issued at Florence in 1646, and of which a reduced fac-simile is given herewith. Dudley was an expatriated Englishman, of the Earl of Leicester, and had a romantic story, which has been told by Mr. Hale in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 1873. Dudley’s first wife had been a sister of Cavendish, and he is otherwise connected with American exploration; but there is no evidence that he had much other material for this map than Smith and the Dutch. [Dudley and his cartographical labors are also brought under notice in chap. ii. of the present volume, and in chap. ix. of Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[529] Of thirty-six meetings recorded to have been held between May 31, 1622, and June 28, 1623, Sir F. Gorges was present at thirty-five meetings; Sir Samuel Argall, thirty-three; Goche, treasurer, twenty-two. The average attendance at a meeting was but four. One half the patentees originally named in the grant never attended a meeting.

[530] The record says that there was presented to the King “a plot of all the coasts and lands of New England, divided into twenty parts, each part containing two shares, and twenty lots containing the said double shares, made up in little bales of wax, and the names of twenty patentees by whom these lots were to be drawn.” The King drew for three absent members, including Buckingham, who had gone to Spain. There were eleven members present, who drew for themselves. Nine other lots were drawn for absent members.

[531] Yet it should be mentioned here that the grant to the Marquis, afterward Duke, of Hamilton of land between the Connecticut River and Narragansett, which lay dormant during his life, was claimed by his heirs at the Restoration, and at a later period, but was not allowed. The grant to the Earl of Sterling, between St. Croix and Sagadahoc, was in 1663 sold by his heir to Lord Clarendon, and a charter for it was granted next year to the Duke of York.

[532] Palfrey’s History of New England, ii. 51-56.

[533] Ibid. pp 57, 403-405; Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, iii. 281-300.

[534] [See chap. x. of the present volume, and chap. x. of Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[535] See chapter x.

[536] Hilton’s Point (Dover) about the year 1640 was called North-ham, in compliment to Thomas Larkham, who in that year arrived there from North-ham in England. Wiggin was governor here five years, George Burdett two, John Underhill three, and Thomas Roberts one.

[537] It is by virtue of this agreement that the lands are still held.

[538] [The so-called Endicott Rock, with its inscription dated 1652, fixed the northern limits of New Hampshire at the headwaters of the Merrimac River, and as part of Massachusetts. Cf. Granite Monthly, v. 224; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 311; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 400; New Hampshire Historical Collections, iv. 194.—Ed.]

[539] Bacon, quoted by Palfrey, i. 535, 536.

[540] [What purported to be a portrait of Haynes appeared in C. W. Elliott’s History of New England; but it was later proved to be a likeness of Fitz John Winthrop, and the plate was withdrawn. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 213.—Ed.]

[541] At last, in 1696, what was termed “owning the covenant” was first introduced into the church at Hartford. Under the influence of the synod held in Boston in 1662 of Massachusetts churches alone, the “Half-Way Covenant” had been adopted in that colony. A want of a closer union among the churches was a growing feeling in the colony of Connecticut not provided for by the Cambridge Platform; and the Saybrook Platform, the result of a Connecticut synod held in 1708, was an attempt to provide for this want. This ecclesiastical document was printed in New London in 1710, in a small, thin volume called a Confession of Faith, etc.; and is the first book, says Isaiah Thomas, printed in Connecticut. Trumbull, i. 471, 482.

[542] Palfrey’s History of New England, vol. iii. p. 238.

[543] See Belknap, History of New Hampshire, i. 5. It was also printed by Dr. Benj. Trumbull, History of Connecticut, vol. i. 1818, App., from a copy furnished by Chalmers, under the impression that it had been “never before published in America,” and has since appeared in Brigham’s Charter and Laws of New Plymouth, pp. 1-18, Baylies’ New Plymouth, i. 160, and in the Popham Memorial, pp. 110-118.

[544] Sabin’s Dictionary, no. 52,619,—very rare.

[545] [Dr. Haven also contributed to the Memorial History of Boston, i. 87, a chapter on the subject of these early patents and grants. He closed a valuable life Sept. 5, 1881. Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1881, and Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 4, 63.—Ed.]

[546] See Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., for October, 1868, pp. 34, 35; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., May 1876, p. 364.

[547] See Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. for October, 1875, pp. 49-63. Most of the grants of the Council are extant, either in the original parchments or in copies; and many of them have been printed. Some enterprising scholar will probably one day bring them all together in one volume, with proper annotations. It would be a convenient manual of reference.

[548] The rare list of these names in duplicate inserted in some copies of Smith’s tract may be seen in his Generall Historie, p. 206. [The map itself, with some account of it and of Smith, may be found in chapter vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[549] [See a previous page.—Ed.]

[550] See Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, i. 9; Belknap’s New Hampshire, App. xv.

[551] Bradford, Plymouth Plantation, pp. 89, 90; Brigham, Charter and Laws of New Plymouth, pp. 36, 49, 50, 241; 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 56-64. For the discussion of questions of European and Aboriginal right to the soil, see Sullivan, History of Land Titles in Mass., Boston, 1801, and John Buckley’s “Inquiry, etc.,” 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iv. 159.

[552] But cf. Magazine of American History, 1883, p. 141; and Davis’s Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 61. I should add here that it has been recently suggested to me as a possible alternative, that this seal is that of the Council for the Northern Colony of Virginia.

[553] The name “Massachusetts,” so far as I have observed, is first mentioned by Captain Smith, in his Description of New England, 1616. He spells the word variously, but he appears to use the term “Massachuset” and “Massachewset” to denote the country, while he adds a final s when he is speaking of the inhabitants. He speaks of “Massachusets Mount” and “Massachusets River,” using the word also in its possessive form; while in another place he calls the former “the high mountain of Massachusit.” To this mountain, on his map, he gives the English name of “Chevyot Hills.” Hutchinson (i. 460) supposes the Blue Hills of Milton to be intended. He says that a small hill near Squantum, the former seat of a great Indian sachem, was called Massachusetts Hill, or Mount Massachusetts, down to his time. Cotton, in his Indian vocabulary, says the word means “a hill in the form of an arrow’s head.” See also Neal’s New England, ii. 215, 216. In the Massachusetts charter the name is spelled in three or four different ways, to make sure of a description of the territory. Cf. Letter of J. H. Trumbull, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 21, 1867, p. 77; and Memorial History of Boston, i. 37.

[554] See S. F. Haven’s “Origin of the Massachusetts Company,” in Archæologia Americana, vol. iii.

[555] This matter is discussed by Dr. Haven in the Lecture above cited, pp. 29, 30; and by the present writer in Memorial History of Boston, i. 341-343, note. See also Gorges, Briefe Narration, pp. 40, 41.

[556] It is printed in Hutchinson’s Collection of Papers, 1769; and also in vol. i. of the Colony Records.

[557] See 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 159-161.

[558] [In six volumes, royal quarto; cf. Massachusetts Historical Society Lectures, p. 230; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1848, p. 105; and 1854, p. 369. They were published at $60, but they can be occasionally picked up now at $25.—Ed.]

[559] [See Memoir and portrait in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1870, p. 1; cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xiv. 113; and Historical Magazine, xvii. 107.—Ed.]

[560] [Dr. Palfrey (vol. iii. p. vii) has pointedly condemned it, and the arrangement will be found set forth in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1848, p. 105. Besides much manuscript material (not yet put into print) at the State House, and in the Cabinet of the Historical Society, and the usual local depositories, mention may be made of some papers relating to New England recorded in the Sparks Catalogue, p. 215; and the numerous documents in the Egerton and other manuscripts, in the British Museum, as brought out in its printed Catalogues of Manuscripts, and Colonel Chester’s list of manuscripts in the Bodleian, in Historical Magazine, xiv. 131. Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of New York, has an ancient copy of the Records of the Massachusetts Company (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., iii. 36).

Brodhead’s prefaces to the published records of New York indicated the sources of early manuscript material in the different Government offices of England, equally applicable to Massachusetts; but these records have now been gathered into the public Record Office, some account of which will be found in Mr. B. F. Stevens’s “Memorial,” Senate, Miscellaneous Documents no. 24, 47th Congress, 2d session, and in the London Quarterly, April, 1871. It requires formality and permission to examine these papers, only as they are later than 1760. The calendaring and printing of them, begun in 1855, is now going on; and Mr. Hale has described (in the Christian Examiner, May, 1861) the work as planned and superintended by Mr. Sainsbury. Three of these volumes already issued—Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America, vol. i., 1574-1660; vol. v., 1661-1668; vol. vii., 1669—are of much use to American students. Mr. F. S. Thomas, Secretary of the public Record Office, issued in 1849 a History of the State Paper Office and View of the Documents therein Deposited. Mr. C. W. Baird described these depositories in London in the Magazine of American History, ii. 321.—Ed.]

[561] [A list of the publications of this Society, brought down, however, no later than 1868, will be found in the Historical Magazine, xiv. 99; and in 1871 Dr. S. A. Green issued a bibliography of the Society, which was also printed in its Proceedings, xii. 2. The first seven volumes of its first series of Collections were early reprinted. Each series of ten volumes has its own index. The Society’s history is best gathered from its own Proceedings, the publication of which was begun in 1855; but two volumes have also been printed, covering the earlier years 1791-1854. The first of these dates marks the founding of this the oldest historical society in this country. Its founder, if one person can be so called, was Dr. Jeremy Belknap, who was one of the earliest who gave the writing of history in America a reputable character. His Life has been written by his granddaughter, Mrs. Jules Marcou, and the book is reviewed by Francis Parkman in the Christian Examiner, xliv. 78; cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 117; iii. 285; ix. 12; xiv. 37. His historical papers are described by C. C. Smith in the Unitarian Review, vii. 604. The two principal societies working parallel with it in part, though professedly of wider scope, are the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester (not to be confounded with the Worcester Society of Antiquity,—a local antiquarian association), and the New England Historic, Genealogical Society, in Boston. The former has issued the Archæologia Americana and Proceedings (cf. Historical Magazine, xiv. 107); while the latter has been the main support of the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, which has published an annual volume since 1847, and these have contained various data for the history of the Society. Cf. 1855, p. 10; 1859, p. 266; 1861, preface; 1862, p. 203; 1863, preface; 1870, p. 225; 1876, p. 184, and reprinted as revised; 1879, preface, and p. 424, by E. B. Dearborn. To these associations may be added the Essex Institute, of Salem, the Connecticut Valley Historical Society (begun in 1876), the Dorchester Antiquarian Society, the Old Colony Historical Society (cf. the chapter on the Pilgrims),—all of which unite historical fellowship with publication,—and the Prince Society, an organization for publishing only, whose series of annotated volumes relating to early Massachusetts history is a valuable one.—Ed.]

[562] It is a volume of great value, and brings from $10 to $15 at sales. It is sometimes found lettered on the back as vol. iii. of the History. A third edition of the History was published in Boston in 1795, with poor type and poor paper. [A reprint of the Papers was made by the Prince Society in 1865. For other papers of Hutchinson, see 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., x., and 3 Ibid., i.; cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1865, P. 187. A controversy for many years existed between the Historical Society and the State as to the custody of a large mass of Hutchinson’s papers. This can be followed in the Society’s Proceedings, ii. 438; x. 118, 321; xi. 335; xii. 249; xiii. 130, 217; and in Massachusetts Senate Documents, no. 187, of 1870. These papers, mostly printed, are now at the State House.—Ed.]

[563] See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 286, 397, 414; and xi. 148; also a full account of Hutchinson’s publications in Ibid., February, 1857; cf. Sabin, Dictionary, xi. 22. A correspondence between Hutchinson and Dr. Stiles, upon his history, is printed in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1872, pp. 159, 230.

[564] Cf. a Memoir of Minot, in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. viii.

[565] A fourth volume, carrying the record to 1741, was published in 1875; and since Dr. Palfrey’s death a fifth volume has been announced for publication under the editing of his son.

[566] Good copies of the original folio edition, with the map, bring high prices. One of Brinley’s copies, said to be on large paper (though the present writer has a copy by his side much larger), brought $110. The Menzies copy (no. 1,353) sold for $125. See “The Light shed upon Mather’s Magnalia by his Diary” in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., December, 1862, pp. 402-414; Moses Coit Tyler, History of American Literature, ii. 80-83. Of the map, Dr. Douglass says (i. 362): “Dr. Cotton Mather’s map of New England, New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania is composed from some old rough drafts of the first discoveries, with obsolete names not known at this time, and has scarce any resemblance of the country. It may be called a very erroneous, antiquated map.” [See Editor’s note following this chapter. For some notes on the Mather Library, see Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. p. xviii. The annexed portrait of Mather resembles the mezzotint, of which a reduced fac-simile is given in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 208, and which is marked Cottonus Matherus, Ætatis suæ LXV, MDCCXXVII. P. Pelham ad vivum pinxit ab origine fecit et excud. Its facial lines, however, are stronger and more characteristic. It may be the reduction made by Sarah Moorhead from the painting, thus mentioned by Pelham, for the purpose of the engraving. It is to be observed, however, that the surroundings of the portrait are different in the engraving. This same outline, but reversed, characterizes a portrait of Mather, which belongs to the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and which is said to be by Pelham. Paine’s Portraits, etc., in Worcester, no. 5; W. H. Whitmore’s Peter Pelham, 1867, p. 6, where the Pelham engraving is called the earliest yet found to be ascribed to that artist.—Ed.]

[567] See what Beverly says of him in the Preface to his History of Virginia, 1722. The numerous maps in his book were made by Herman Moll, a well-known cartographer of that day. Oldmixon’s name appears only to the dedication prefixed to the first edition.

[568] Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. nos. 281, 855; and 510, for the Bishop of Winchester’s examination of Neal’s History of the Puritans.

[569] [These supplementary parts have been reprinted in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. It was republished in Boston in 1826, edited by Nathan Hale. Mr. S. G. Drake, having some sheets of this edition on hand, reissued it in 1852, with a new titlepage, and with a memoir of Prince and some plates, etc., inserted. It has been again reprinted in Edward Arber’s English Garner, 1877-80, vol. ii. Prince’s own copy, with his manuscript notes, is noted in the Brinley Catalogue, no. 350. Mr. Deane has several sheets of the original manuscript of this work.—Ed.]

[570] A memoir of Dr. Douglass, by T. L. Jennison, M.D., was published in Medical Communications of the Massachusetts Medical Society, vol. v. part ii., Boston, 1831. Cf. Memorial History of Boston, Index; Sabin, v. 502; Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. 899.

[571] [This is reprinted in full in Force’s Tracts, ii. It was printed in 1630, and original copies are in Mr. Deane’s and in the Lenox libraries; cf. also Brinley Catalogue, nos. 373, 2,704; Crowninshield Catalogue, no. 744; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 371.—Ed.]

[572] [The Journal of Higginson, which is a relation of his voyage, 1629, is in Hutchinson’s Collection of Papers, and an imperfect manuscript which that historian used is in the Cabinet of the Historical Society. His New England’s Plantation is reprinted in Young’s Chronicles; in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Coll., iii. 79; in Force’s Tracts, vol. ii.; and in Mass. Hist, Coll., vol. i. The narrative covers the interval from July to September, 1629, and three editions were issued in 1630; the Lenox Library has the three, and Harvard College Library has two,—one imperfect. Rich, Catalogue (1832), nos. 186, 191; Brinley Catalogue, no. 312; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. nos. 362, 363; Menzies Catalogue, no. 927 ($66.)—Ed.]

[573] [This, besides being in Young’s Chronicles, can be found in Force’s Tracts, vol. ii., with notes by John Farmer; and in the N. H. Hist. Coll., vol. iv., following a manuscript more extended than the text given on its first appearance in print in Massachusetts, or the First Planters; 1696, copies of which are noted in the Prince (p. 37) and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 1,494) catalogues.—Ed.]

[574] [This tract was reprinted in Boston in 1865, and also in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. There are copies of the original in Mr. Deane’s, Harvard College, and the Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 379) libraries. Cf. the editorial note at the end of chap. vi., and Memorial History of Boston, i. p. 50.—Ed.]

[575] The volume was reissued in 1635, 1639, and 1764. The Prince Society reprinted the volume in 1865, with a prefatory address by the present writer. [Copies of the original edition are noted in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. no 421 (later editions, nos. 433, 469); and Brinley Catalogue, no. 377. Cf. also Rich, Catalogue (1832), no. 296, and (1844) priced at £1 8s. Mr. Deane’s copy of the first edition has ninety-eight pages, besides the Indian words. The Rice copy brought $200. Cf. Menzies Catalogue, no. 2,187. The second and third editions had each eighty-three pages, besides an appendix of Indian words. The 1764 edition has an anonymous introduction, perhaps by Nathaniel Rogers (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., November, 1862) or James Otis (Ibid., September, 1862). Mr. Deane reprints this preface.—Ed.]

[576] Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Jr., recently prepared a new edition of Morton’s book for publication by the Prince Society. It is accompanied by a memoir of Morton.

[577] [There has been a strange amount of misdating in respect to this book. The Mondidier Catalogue (Henry Stevens) gives it, “Printed by W. S. Stansby for Rob. Blount, 1625.” (Sabin, Dictionary, xii. 51,028.) The Sunderland Catalogue, iv. no. 8,684, gives it 1627,—a date followed by Quaritch in a later catalogue. Cf. Rich, Catalogue (1832), no. 218; (1844), priced at £1 8s.; Menzies, no. 1,440, $160; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 443; Memorial History of Boston, i. 80. It is included in Force’s Tracts, ii.—Ed.]

[578] His tract of twenty-three pages is entitled A True Relation of the Late Battell fought in New England between the English and the Salvages, etc., London, 1637. [There was a reissue in 1638 of the first edition, and a second edition the same year, which last is in Harvard College and the Prince libraries. There is an account of Vincent by Hunter in 4 Coll., i. Cf. Rich (1832), Catalogue, no. 221; Crowninshield Catalogue, no. 766; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 448, 461, 462; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,606.—Ed.]

[579] His tract was entitled, Newes from America, etc., London, 1638. [There is a copy in Harvard College Library and in Charles Deane’s. Cf. also, Rich (1832), no. 220, and Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 460, with fac-simile of title.—Ed.]

[580] [It was again reprinted in a volume on the Mohegan Case in 1796 (cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 2,085; Menzies, 1,338, $40); and afterward, following Prince’s edition, in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 120; and in New York by Sabin, in 1869. Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 1,021. Cf. references on Mason in Memorial History of Boston, i. 253.—Ed.]

[581]

It is also reprinted in some copies of Dodge’s edition of Penhallow’s Indian Wars Cincinnati, 1859. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vii. 165; and accounts of Gardiner in Thompson’s Long Island, i. 305, and 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., x. 173.

Further references on the Pequot War will be found in Memorial History of Boston, i. 255; and in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., May, 1860, will be found a letter from Jonathan Brewster describing its outbreak.—Ed.

[582] [More extensive references will be found in Memorial History of Boston, i. 176, and Harvard College Library Bulletin, no. 11, p. 287.—Ed.]

[583] See Hutchinson, i. 435.

[584] [Ward is better known, however, by his Simple Cobler of Aggawam in America, which passed through four editions in London in 1647,—a rarity now worth six or seven pounds; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 624; O’Callaghan Catalogue, 2,351; Menzies Catalogue, no. 2,038, etc. It was not reprinted in Boston till 1713, and again, edited by David Pulsifer, in 1843. Mr. John Ward Dean published a good memoir of Ward in 1868. The book in question is no further historical than that it illustrates the length to which good people could go in vindication of intolerance, in days when Antinomianism and other aggressive views were troubling many.—Ed.]

[585] [The Abstract is also in Force’s Tracts, iii. A note on the bibliography of the subject will be found in Memorial History of Boston, i. 145. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, p. 108; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 483; Sabin, no. 52,595. Mr. Deane has a copy.—Ed.]

[586] A list of books there printed from 1540 to 1599 may be seen in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 131-135.

[587] [Something of its bibliographical history is told with references in Memorial History of Boston, i. 458-460. Of two copies of the original edition there mentioned, one, the Fiske copy, is now in the Carter-Brown library (Catalogue, ii. 470); another, the Vanderbilt copy, has since been burned in New York.—Ed.]

[588] For a list of Daye’s and Green’s books see Thomas’s History of Printing, 2d ed.; and other references to the early history of the press in New England will be found in Memorial History of Boston, i. ch. 14.

[589] It was reprinted in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. A new edition, with learned notes and an introduction by the editor, Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, was published in Boston in 1867. [A portion of the manuscript is in the cabinet of the Historical Society, and a fac-simile of a page of it is given herewith, together with the accompanying statement on the manuscript in the hand of the learned Boston antiquary, James Savage, of whom there is a memoir by G. S. Hillard in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvi. 117. Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 81. The autograph of Lechford is from another source. The Ebeling copy is certainly no longer unique, though the book is rare enough to have been priced recently in London at $75. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, x. 158; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 506, 545; Brinley Catalogue, no. 322; Menzies, no. 1,202. There is a note-book of Lechford preserved in the American Antiquarian Society’s Cabinet.—Ed.]

[590] [A portrait of Cotton of somewhat doubtful authenticity, together with references on his life, will be found in Memorial History of Boston, i. 157.—Ed.]

[591] [The best bibliographical record of the books in Cotton’s controversy with Williams, as indeed of most of the points of this present essay, is the appendix of Dexter’s Congregationalism; a briefer survey, grouping the books in their relations, is in Memorial History of Boston, i. 172. See a later page under “Rhode Island.”—Ed.]

[592] This is the earliest edition of this famous book; and I know of but two copies of it,—one before me, and one in the Thomason Library in the British Museum. Mr. Arthur Ellis, in his History of the First Church in Boston, has given a fac-simile of the titlepage. An edition was printed at Cambridge in 1656, of which a copy is in the library of the late George Livermore.

[593] Palfrey, New England, ii. 184.

[594] In 1725 the Results of Three Synods ... of the Churches of Massachusetts, 1648, 1662, and 1669, was reprinted in Boston. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. no. 362.

[595] A copy of the rare first edition is in the library of the American Antiquarian Society, from which twenty copies were reprinted by Mr. Hoadly, Secretary of State of Connecticut, in 1858. The important subject of this confederation is sufficiently illustrated in a lecture by John Quincy Adams, in 1843, published in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 187. [See references to reprints of the articles, and notes on the Confederacy in Memorial History of Boston, i. 299.—Ed.]

[596] Copies of Winslow’s book are very rare, and are worth probably one hundred dollars or more, being rarely seen in the market. [There are copies in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, ii. 600, with fac-simile of title), and in Mr. Deane’s collection. The second edition appears in the Brinley Catalogue, no. 691.—Ed.] Gorton’s book, also rare, has been reprinted by Judge Staples, with learned notes, in the Rhode Island Historical Society’s Collections, vol. ii. [and is also in Force’s Tracts, vol. iv. There are copies in the Prince, Charles Deane, Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 589, with a long note), and Harvard College libraries. Cf. also Sabin’s Dictionary, vii. 352, and Brinley Catalogue, no. 578.—Ed.] While writing this note there has come to my hand no. 17 of Mr. S. S. Rider’s Rhode Island Historical Tracts, containing “A Defence of Samuel Gorton and the Settlers of Shawomet,” by George A. Brayton. See other authorities noted in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 171, and in Bartlett’s Bibliography of Rhode Island.

[597] Child’s book was reprinted in part in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., iv. 107. It was reprinted in 1869 by William Parsons Lunt, with notes by W. T. R. Marvin. A copy of the original edition is in the library of the Boston Athenæum, and in that of John Carter Brown (Catalogue, ii. 608), which also has a copy of Winslow’s New England’s Salamander (Catalogue, ii. 623), and there is another in Harvard College Library. This is also reprinted in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., ii. 110. The Remonstrance and Petition of Child and others, and the Declaration in answer thereto, may be seen in Hutchinson’s Papers, p. 188 et seq.

[598] [For an account of this book and its history, and much relating to the embodiment of the Indian speech in literary form, see Dr. J. H. Trumbull’s chapter on “The Indian Tongue and the Literature fashioned by Eliot and others,” in Memorial History of Boston, i. 465, with references there noted.—Ed.]

[599] That part relating to the college was published in an early volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

[600] The originals of these tracts, with one exception, are in the possession of the writer, and they are for the most part in the Carter-Brown Library; and seven of them are published in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iv. [Further bibliographical detail can be found in Dr. Dexter’s Congregationalism; Sabin, Dictionary; Dr. Trumbull’s Brinley Catalogue, p. 52; Field’s Indian Bibliography; Memorial History of Boston, i. 265, etc.; and more or less of the titles appear in the Menzies (nos. 1,475, 1,815, 1,816, 2,124, 2,125), O’Callaghan (nos. 852, etc.), and Rich (1832, nos. 237, 261, 263, 273, 280, 287, 292, 304, 316, 355) catalogues. Some of these Eliot tracts were used in compiling the postscript on the “Gospel’s Good Successe in New England,” appended to a book Of the Conversion of ... Indians, London, 1650 (Sabin, xiii. 56,742). Eliot’s own Briefe Narrative (1670) of his labors has been reprinted in Boston, and in the appendix of the reprint is a list of the writers on the subject. Letters of Eliot, dated 1651-52, on his labors, are in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., July, 1882. For an alleged portrait of Eliot and references, see Memorial History of Boston, i. 260, 261. A better engraving has since appeared in the Century Magazine, 1883.—Ed.]

[601] [Some copies of the second edition have a dedication to Robert Boyle and the Company for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians, signed by William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Peter Bulkley, and Thomas Hinckley.

AUTOGRAPHS CONNECTED WITH THE INDIAN BIBLE.

Eliot was assisted in this second edition by John Cotton, of Plymouth, son of the Boston minister; and the type was in part set for both editions by James Printer, an Indian taught to do the work. There is a notice of Boyle by C. O. Thompson in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1882, p. 54; and one of the Society for Propagating the Gospel, by G. D. Scull, in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., April, 1882, p. 157. Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, viii. 552. A portion of the original manuscript records of the society (1655-1685) were described in Stevens’s Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,399, and brought in the sale $265. The bibliographical history of the Indian Bible is given in Dr. Trumbull’s chapter in the Memorial History of Boston, as before noted.]

[602] A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library, and another in the possession of the writer.

[603] See the list of Norton’s and Pynchon’s publications in Sabin’s Dictionary.

[604] A journal of the Transactions and Occurrences in the Settlement of Massachusetts and the other New-England Colonies, from the year 1630 to 1644.... Now first published from a correct copy of the original manuscript. Hartford, 1790.

[605] The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. From his original manuscripts. With Notes to illustrate the Civil and Ecclesiastical concerns, the Geography, Settlement, and Institutions of the Country, and the Lives and Manners of the principal Planters. By James Savage. Boston, 1825-26. 2 vols. New ed., with additions and corrections. Boston, 1853. 2 vols.

[606] [For other details and references see Memorial History of Boston, i. p. xvii.—Ed.]

[607] A curious bibliographical question is connected with a later issue of the volume as bound up with several of the Gorges tracts, for the discussion of which see the Introduction to Mr. W. F. Poole’s valuable edition of Johnson’s book, Andover, 1867, pp. li-vi; with which cf. North American Review, January, 1868, pp. 323-328; and Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., June, 1881, pp. 432-35. [Geo. H. Moore printed some strictures on Poole’s edition in Historical Magazine, xiii. 87. Cf. Dexter’s Congregationalism; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 771, 851; and other references in Memorial History of Boston, i. 463.—Ed.]

[608] It was republished in fragmentary parts in several volumes of the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collections, second series.

[609] It is reprinted in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. ii., from a copy of the rare original in the Carter-Brown Library.

[610] Charles Lamb speaks of the book in his Elia under “A Quaker Meeting.”

[611] [The literature of the Quaker controversy is extensive and intricate in its bearings.

It can best be followed in Mr. J. Smith’s Catalogue of Friends’ Books, and in his Anti-Quakeriana. Dr. Dexter’s Congregationalism, and the Brinley and Carter-Brown Catalogues will assist the student. The 1703 edition of Bishope’s New England Judged, abridged in some ways and enlarged in others, contains also John Whiting’s Truth and Innocencey Defended, which is an answer in part to portions of Cotton Mather’s Magnalia; cf. also the note in Memorial History of Boston, i. 187. There were a few of the prominent men at the time who dared to protest boldly against the unwise actions of the magistrates; and of such none were more prominent than James Cudworth, of Plymouth Colony, and Robert Pike, of Salisbury. The conduct of the latter has been commemorated in James S. Pike’s New Puritan, New York, 1879.—Ed.

[612] For their titles see Thomas’s History of Printing, 2d ed. vol. ii. pp. 313-315; the bibliographical list in Dr. H. M. Dexter’s Congregationalism, whose work may also be consulted for a history of the subject itself; Mather’s Magnalia, v. 64 et seq.; Upham’s Ratio Disiplinæ, p. 223; Trumbull’s Connecticut, chaps. xiii. and xix. of vol. i.; Hutchinson, i. 223-24; Wisner’s History of the Old South Church in Boston, pp. 5-7; Bacon’s Discourses, pp. 139-141.

[613] [Mr. Tuckerman revised his notes and introduction in a reprint, published by Veazie in Boston in 1865. The Voyages, which had been reprinted in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., iii., was also reissued in 1865 in a companion volume to the Rarities, the text being corrected from a copy of the “second addition,” 1675, in Harvard College Library. The earlier book usually brings £3 or £4, the later one from £5 to £10. Both are in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,080, 1,104. Cf. Sabin, ix. 340; Menzies, 1,104, 1,105.—Ed.]

[614] [It is further characterized in Vol. IV., chap. x.—Ed.]

[615] There are at least eight titles in this interesting list:—

1. The Present State of New England with respect to the Indian War, 1675 (19 pages), purporting to be by a merchant of Boston.

2. A Briefe and True Narration of the late Wars, 1675 (8 pages); cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. nos. 52,616, 52,638.

3. A Continuation of the State of New England, 1676 (20 pages).

4. A New and Further Narrative of the State of New England, 1676 (14 pages), signed N. T.

5. A True Account of the most considerable Occurences that have hapned in the War, 1676 (14 pages).

6. New England’s Tears for her present Miseries, 1676 (14 pages).

7. News from New England, 1676 (6 pages). Sabin only records one copy; and of a second edition, 1676, there are copies in the British Museum and Carter-Brown libraries.

8. The War in New England visibly Ended, 1677 (6 pages), containing news of the death of Philip, brought by Caleb More, master of a vessel newly arrived from Rhode Island.

[These tracts are all in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., and several are in Mr. Deane’s collection, and in Harvard College Library. Rich supposed that nos. 1, 3, and 4 were written by the same person. Five of them were reprinted by S. G. Drake in his Old Indian Chronicle in 1836, and again in 1867, with new notes; and no. 7 was reprinted in 1850 by Drake, and in 1865 by Woodward. Sabin, xiii. 321, 322.

These tracts are priced at twelve and eighteen shillings, and at similarly high sums, even in Rich’s catalogues of fifty years ago. Whenever they have occurred in sales of late years they have proved the occasion of much competition and unusual prices. Cf. Stevens’s Hist. Coll., i. 1523, 1524.

Another contemporary account by a Rhode Island Quaker, as it is thought, John Easton, was printed at Albany in 1858, as a Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip’s War. Cf. Palfrey, iii. 180; Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 479.

Mr. Drake, whose name is closely associated with our Indian history, was one of the foremost of American antiquaries for many years. There is a memoir of him by W. B. Trask in Potter’s American Monthly, v. 729; and another in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., July, 1863, by J. H. Sheppard, also separately issued. In 1874 he printed Narrative Remarks, anonymously, embodying some personal grievances and notes of his career, not pleasantly expressed. For his publications, see Sabin’s Dictionary, v. 526, and Field’s Indian Bibliography, p. 452.—Ed.]

[616] John Foster had now set up a press in Boston, for the history of which and its successors see Memorial History of Boston, i. 453.

[617] [Rich in 1832, no. 368, priced it, either edition, at eighteen shillings. It was a quarto of 51 pages. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,150; Field’s Indian Bibliography, 1,022; Brinley Catalogue, 948, 5,531. It has of late years brought about $80. S. G. Drake included this and the section of the Magnalia on the war in his History of King Philip’s War, 1862. Another book by Mather, A Relation of the Troubles which have hapned in New England, etc., was also printed in 1676, and traces the Indian wars from 1641, including the causes of Philip’s War. Drake also reprinted this in 1864, as the Early History of New England.—Ed.]

[618] [King Philip’s War, which was but the beginning of a long series of wars which devastated the frontiers, may be said properly to end with the treaty of Casco, April 12, 1678, which is preserved in the Massachusetts Archives; though a continuation of hostilities intervened till the treaty of Portsmouth, Sept. 8, 1685. Cf. Belknap’s New Hampshire, p. 348.—Ed.]

[619] [Rich priced this book in 1832 (no. 375) at £1 10s.,—an extraordinary high sum for those days. I have seen the London edition priced recently at £26, and $75; and the Boston edition in the Menzies sale (no. 990) brought $200. It was reprinted in New England at least six times (all spurious editions) between 1775 and 1814 (Brinley Catalogue, 5,523, etc.; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,167, 1,168, 1,170); and S. G. Drake brought out an annotated edition in two volumes in 1865. Cf. Hist. Mag., i. 252, 348; ii. 62.

Perhaps the most popular book touching the events of the war was one which was not published till 1716, from notes of Colonel Benjamin Church, and compiled by that hero’s son, Thomas Church, and called Entertaining Passages relating to Philip’s War. It is an extremely scarce book, and has brought $400. (Brinley Catalogue, no. 383; Sabin, Dictionary, no. 12,996; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., iii. 293.) A second edition, Newport, 1772, is said to have been edited by Dr. Stiles, but it is not supposed he was privy to the fraud practised in that edition of presenting an engraving of the portrait of Charles Churchill, the English poet, with the addition of a powder-horn slung over the shoulder, as a likeness of Church. (Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 243; also iii. 293; and Hist. Mag., December, 1868, pp. 27, 271.) Drake first reissued it in 1827, and made stereotype plates of the book, and they have been much used since. He continued to use the spurious portrait as late as 1857. Sabin, iv. 12,996; Brinley, no. 5,514. Dr. H. M. Dexter did all that is necessary for the text in his edition (two volumes) in 1865-67. Another class of books growing out of the war during its long continuance, particularly at the eastward, is what collectors know as “captivities,” the most famous of which is, perhaps, that of Mrs. Rowlandson, of Lancaster, printed in 1682. The Brinley Catalogue, nos. 469, 5,540, etc., groups them, and they are scattered through Field’s Indian Bibliography. The Brinley Catalogue also groups the works on the Indian wars of New England (nos. 382, etc.); and a condensed exposition of the authorities on Philip’s War will be found in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 327. The local aspects of the war involve a very large amount of citation and reference. What are known as the “Narragansett Townships” grew out of the war. Before the troops marched from Dedham Plain, Dec. 9, 1675, they were promised “a gratuity of land beside their wages,” and not till 1737 were the promises fulfilled, when 840 claimants or their representatives met on Boston Common, and dividing themselves into seven groups, they took possession of seven townships in Maine, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, granted by the General Court. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1862, pp. 143, 216.—Ed.

[620] For reference to the recovery of the preface and other missing lines, see Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvi. 12, 38, 100; also, cf. i. 243; ii. 421; iii. 321. Hubbard, besides the above aid, had a large number of official documents which he incorporated into his History. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, viii. 499; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 730.

[621] [Mr. Whitmore also epitomized the history with references in the Memorial History of Boston, ii. chap. i. Cf. also Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,351, 1,370, 1,372, 1,388, 1,398, 1,400, 1,403, 1,408, 1,420, 1,421.—Ed.]

[622] A copy of Dudley’s commission (Oct. 8, 1685) has been recently printed in 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ix. 145.

[623] [Dr. N. B. Shurtleff, an eager Boston antiquary, died in that city, Oct. 17, 1874, and his library was sold at auction, Nov. 30, 1875, etc.—Ed.]

[624] The preface of the Memorial History enumerates the sources of Boston’s history.

[625] [A law was placed on the statute book of Massachusetts in 1854, by which towns may legally appropriate money for publishing their histories. The authorities on the town system of New England are cited in W. E. Foster’s Reference Lists, July, 1882.—Ed.]

[626] [The different keys to the genealogy of New England are indicated in Memorial History of Boston, ii. Introduction.—Ed.]

[627] “Maine” took its name probably from the early designation, by the sailors and fishermen, of the main land—that is, “the main,”—in distinction from the numerous islands on the coast. See Weymouth’s “Voyage,” in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 132, 151; Palfrey, i. 525; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., i. 371. The earliest use of the name, officially employed, that I have met with, is in the grant to Gorges and Mason of Aug. 10, 1622, which recites that the patentees, “by consent of the President and Council, intend to name it the Province of Maine.” See the Popham Memorial Volume, p. 122. This grant was never made use of, but the name was inserted in the royal charter to Gorges of April 3, 1639, which secured its future use. Sullivan’s Maine, Appendix, 399. The territory had been previously included in the European designations of Baccalaos and Norumbega. The Indian name was Mavooshen. See Purchas, iv., 1873; Maine Hist. Coll., i. 16, 17.

[628] These manuscripts were made use of by Dr. Belknap in writing his History of New Hampshire, and are now all printed in the Provincial Papers of that State, vol. i., 1867, edited by the late Nathaniel Bouton.

The grant of Aug. 10, 1622, is printed in Poor’s Ferdinando Gorges, from the Colonial Entry Book, p. 101, no. 59. An account of the voyage of the barque “Warwick,” in 1630, which brought Captain Neal to be governor for the Company, is given in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1867, p. 223.

[629] Citations are made from them by Folsom in his History of Saco and Biddeford, pp. 49-52. The original manuscript is among the old county of York records at Alfred. The commission to Sir Ferdinando Gorges as governor of New England, 1637, is printed in Poor’s Gorges, p. 127. For his deed to Edgecombe, 1637, see Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 74.

[630] See Massachusetts Archives, Miscellanies, i. 130.

[631] These old Maine records have all been removed to the county town of Alfred, and they have never been printed. Extracts from time to time have been published, as by Folsom above, and by Willis in vol. i. of his History of Portland, who gives a description, from Judge David Sewall, of the manner in which the original records were made and kept. The charter of incorporation of Acomenticus as a town, April 10, 1641, and the charter of Gorgeana as a city, March 1, 1642, were among the papers which Hazard found at old York, and printed in his Collection, vol. i. Cf. “Sir Robert Carr in Maine,” in Magazine of American History, September, 1882, p. 623; and a paper on Gorgeana in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1881, p. 42.

[632] [Cf. Historical Magazine, ii. 286, and Note B to chapter vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[633] [Mr. Somerby, a native of Massachusetts, who died in London in 1872, did much during a long sojourn in England to further the interests of American antiquaries and genealogists. Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1874, p. 340. Colonel Joseph L. Chester also for many years filled a prominent place in similar work in England, till his death in 1882. A portrait and notice of him by John T. Latting is in the New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, 1882; also issued separately: Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., January, 1883, p. 106.—Ed.]

[634] [The deed to Usher as agent of Massachusetts, in 1677, and his conveyance to Massachusetts are at the State House in Boston. Cf. Maine Hist. Coll., ii. 257; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xi. 201.—Ed.]

[635] Mr. Folsom, a graduate of Harvard in 1822, was at this time living in Saco. He subsequently removed to New York, became an active member of the New York Historical Society, was minister at the Hague, and died in Rome, Italy, in 1869.

[636] Special mention should perhaps be made of the enumeration of Maine titles in the Brinley Catalogue no. 2,571, etc., and of several town histories published since Mr. Willis wrote his Catalogue, which in their treatment go back to the early period, namely, History of Augusta, by James W. North; History of Brunswick, etc., by G. A. Wheeler and H. W. Wheeler, 1878; History of Castine, by G. A. Wheeler, Bangor, 1875; History of Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid, by John Johnston, Albany, 1873; History of Ancient Sheepscot and New Castle, by David Q. Cushman, Bath, 1882. Most of the local historical literature can be picked out of F. B. Perkins’s Check-List of American Local History.

A volume entitled Papers relating to Pemaquid, collected from the archives at Albany by Franklin B. Hough, was printed at Albany in 1856. They relate to the condition of that part of the country when under the colony of New York, and are of great value. Cf. also Mr. Hough’s contributions in the Maine Hist. Coll., v. and vii. 127. Pemaquid as a centre of historical interest is also illustrated in J. W. Thornton’s Ancient Pemaquid; in Johnston’s papers in his History of Bristol, etc.; in the Popham Memorial Volume, p. 263; in Maine Hist. Coll., vol. viii.; Vinton’s Giles Memorial, 1864; Historical Magazine, i. 132; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1871, p. 131. [See also Vol. IV. of this History.—Ed.]

[637] [The early history of this society is told by Mr. Willis in an address printed in their Collections, vol. iv. Cf. also Note B at the end of chapter vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[638] This collection, entitled America painted to the Life, passes by the name of the Gorges Tracts. There are copies in Harvard College Library, and noted in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 127; Brinley Catalogue, nos. 308, 2,640 ($225.) Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, vii. 348; Rich’s Catalogue, no. 314; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 432, and xix. 128; Stevens’s Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 247. The relations of Gorges and Champernoun are discussed by C. W. Tuttle in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1874, p. 404. See further on Champernoun in Ibid., 1873, p. 147; 1874, pp. 75, 318, 403. There is an account of Gorges’ tomb at St. Bordeaux in the Magazine of American History, August, 1882; and notes on his pedigree, in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1861, p. 17; 1864, p. 287; 1872, p. 381; 1877, pp. 42, 44, 112.—Ed.

[639] [Captain Christopher Levett. His account was published in London in 1628. The reprint in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 164, was made from a copy got in England by Sparks. The Maine Historical Society reprinted it in their Collections, ii. 73 (1847); and the copy in the New York Historical Society’s Library was then considered to be unique. The Huth Catalogue, iii. 843, and Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. no. 338, show original copies.—Ed.]

[640] [The principal contestants may be thus divided:—

Pro,—New Hampshire Historical Collections, i.; Bell’s Wheelwright; cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1869, p. 65.

Con,—Farmer’s Belknap; Savage’s Winthrop; Palfrey’s New England; and, besides Mr. Deane, the recorded opinions of Dr. Bouton, Mr. C. W. Tuttle, Mr. J. A. Vinton; cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1868, p. 479; 1874, pp. 343, 477; and Historical Magazine, i. 57; and also a letter of Colonel Chester in the Register, 1868, p. 350.

The deed is printed in the Provincial Papers, i. 56. Cotton Mather’s original letter regarding it, dated March 3, 1708, is noted in the Brinley Catalogue, no. 1,329. Belknap has printed it, and it is also in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1862, p. 349.—Ed.]

[641] Mason made no use of this grant; and no use had been made of his grant of Mariana, of March 9, 1621/22, and that to him and Gorges of Aug. 10, 1622; Hubbard’s New England, p. 614.

[642] [Governor Bell discovered in 1870 what is known as the Hilton or Squamscott patent, of March 12, 1629, and it is printed in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1870, p. 264; it was found not to agree as to its bounds with Piscataqua patent. Jenness, in his Notes, contends that Wiggin set up the title of Massachusetts to the territory under the 1628/29 charter. It was the conclusion of Mr. C. W. Tuttle (a studious explorer of New Hampshire history, who died July 18, 1881; cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 2, 11) that Bloody Point, being included in both grants, became the cause of the trouble between Neale and Wiggin, as told by Hubbard.—Ed.]

[643] Mason’s will, or a long extract from it, may be seen in Hazard, i. 397-399, dated Nov. 26, 1635; also in Provincial Papers. These papers last named are a publication of the State. The Rev. Dr. Nathaniel Bouton, between 1867 and 1876, completed ten volumes of Papers. They contain nothing before 1631; few from 1631 to 1686. Most of the original papers between 1641 and 1679 are in the Massachusetts Archives. The papers of interest in the present connection are in vols. i. and ii. The series has since been resumed under another editor, with the publication (1882) of the first part (A to F) of documents relating to towns, 1680-1800. Very few of the papers, however, are before 1700. Colonel A. H. Hoyt’s “Notes, Historical and Bibliographical, on the Laws of New Hampshire,” are in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1876. Like most of the patents issued at the grand division, Mason’s grant included ten thousand acres more of land on the southeast part of Sagadahoc, “from henceforth to be called by the name of Massonia.”

[644] [John Farmer (1789-1838) and Jacob B. Moore (1797-1853). Each did much for New Hampshire history. For an account of Farmer, see N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., i. 12, 15. He published a first volume (Dover, 1831) of a projected new edition of Belknap’s History of New Hampshire, from a copy “having the author’s last corrections.” Moore was the father of the well-known historical student, Dr. George H. Moore, of the Lenox Library.—Ed.]

[645] [Cf. C. K. Adams, Manual of Historical Literature, p. 549. Mention has been made elsewhere of the Belknap Papers; cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., March, 1858.—Ed.]

[646] [The reports of the Adjutant-General of the State, 1866 and 1868, contained Mr. Chandler E. Potter’s Military History of New Hampshire, from 1623 to 1861, issued separately at Concord in 1869. The histories by Whiton (1834) and Barstow (1853) are of minor importance.] There are many valuable histories of separate towns in New Hampshire, and I cannot do better than refer to the “Bibliography of New Hampshire,” in Norton’s Literary Letter, new series, no. i. pp. 8-30, by S. C. Eastman. [A current periodical, The Granite Monthly, is devoting much space to New Hampshire history; cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 37,486, etc.—Ed.]

[647] J. Hammond Trumbull, in Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 8. [Dr. Trumbull has compassed a large part of the field of the Indian nomenclature of Connecticut in his Indian Names of Places: ... in Connecticut, etc., Hartford, 1881. The fortunes of the natives of this colony have been traced in J. W. De Forest’s History of the Indians of Connecticut (with a map of 1630), of which there have been successive editions in 1850, 1853, and 1871. Of Uncas, the most famous of the Mohegan chiefs, there is a pedigree, as made out in 1679, recorded in the Colony Records, Deeds, iii. 312, and printed in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1856, p. 227. The will of his son Joshua is in Ibid., 1859, p. 235. An agreement which Uncas made in 1681 with the whites is in the Public Records, i. 309, and in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., x. 16. The warfare in 1642 between Uncas and Miantonomo, the chief of the Narragansetts, and which ended with the latter’s death in captivity, the English approving, is described by Winthrop and Hubbard; also in Trumbull’s Connecticut, chap. 7; Arnold’s Rhode Island, chap. 4; Palfrey’s New England, vol. ii. chap. 3; and it was the subject of an historical address in 1842 by William L. Stone, called Uncas and Miantonomo.—Ed.]

[648] Massachusetts Colonial Records, i. 170.

[649] See Connecticut Colonial Records, i. 4.

[650] J. Hammond Trumbull, as above, p. 15.

[651] New Haven Records.

[652] [Block, in 1614, had been the first to explore the river for the Dutch; and both O’Callaghan (New Netherland, i. 169) and Brodhead (New York, i. 235) set forth the prior right of the Dutch; cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., vi. 368.—Ed.]

[653] [Roger Wolcott celebrated Winthrop’s agency in London, in 1662, in a long poem, which was printed in Wolcott’s Poetical Meditations, London, 1725, and in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. 369; Brinley Catalogue, no. 2,134.—Ed.]

[654] It had been printed by Trumbull in 1797, in the Appendix to the first edition of his History, i. 528-533; and is repeated in the second edition, 1818; cf. Dr. J. H. Trumbull’s Historical Notes on the Constitutions of Connecticut, 1639-1878, published in 1873. Hinman published a collection of Letters of the Kings of England to the Successive Governors (1635-1749).

[655] Douglass’s Summary, ii. 160; Neal’s New England, 2d ed., i. 163; Trumbull’s 2d ed. 1818, i. 21; Hubbard, p. 310.

[656] Trumbull, i. 28, from manuscripts of President Clap. This old Connecticut patent has always been a mystery. Some of the colonists of the Winthrop emigration to Massachusetts in 1630 were unfavorably impressed on their arrival with the place selected for a plantation. The sad mortality of the preceding winter was appalling, and they began to cast their thoughts on a more southerly spot than Massachusetts Bay. In a letter of John Humfrey, written from London, Dec. 9, 1636, in reply to one just received from his brother-in-law, Isaac Johnson, from the colony, he says, in speaking of Mr. Downing: “He is the only man for Council that is heartily ours in the town; and yet, unless you settle upon a good river and in a less snowy and cold place, I can see no great edge on him to come unto us.” Further on he says, “My Lord of Warwick will take a patent of that place you writ of for himself, and so we may be bold to do there as if it were our own.” (4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 3, 4.) No further hint is given as to the location of Warwick’s intended grant, and we have no contemporaneous record of any patent having been taken by him at this time or later. The Earl was a great friend of the Puritans. It was through him that the Massachusetts patent was obtained; and the patent to the people of Plymouth was signed by him alone, but in the name of the Council, and sealed with their seal.

The title to Connecticut was contested. On the grand division of 1635, James, Marquis, afterward Duke, of Hamilton, received for his share the territory between the Connecticut and Narragansett rivers, and a copy of his feoffment was cited by Chalmers, as on record bearing date April 22, 1635, that being the date which all the grants of that final division bore. From a copy on the Connecticut files Mr. R. R. Hinman, Secretary of State, published the deed in a volume of ancient documents, at Hartford, in 1836. On the Restoration the heirs of the Duke, in a petition to the King, asked to “be restored to their just right,” and their claim was, in 1664, laid by the King’s commissioners before the Connecticut authorities. These in their answer set up, in the first place, the prior grant of Lord Say and Sele and others, which Connecticut, as they alleged, had “purchased at a dear rate,” and which had been recently ratified and confirmed by the King in their new charter; then, secondly, a conquest from the natives; and, thirdly, they claimed thirty years’ peaceable possession (Trumbull, i. 524, 530). At a period still later, the Earl of Arran, a grandson, applied to King William for a hearing; and when in a formal manner several patents were exhibited on the part of Connecticut, the Earl’s final reply was, “that when they produced a grant from the Plymouth Council to the Earl of Warwick, it should have an answer.” (Chalmers, pp. 299-301; Trumbull, i. 524.)

Some entries in the recently recovered records of the Council for New England tend to deepen the suspicion that the Earl of Warwick never received the alleged grant from that body. It is true that the records as preserved are not entire, and do not cover the year 1630, and for the year 1631 they begin at November 4. But some later entries are very significant. Under date of June 21, 1632, which is three months after the date of the grant to Lord Say and Sele and associates, is this entry: “The Secretary is to bring, against the next meeting, a rough draft in paper of a patent for the E. of Warwick, from the river of the Narrigants 10 leagues westward. Sir Ferd. Gorges will forthwith give particular directions for the said patent.” At the next meeting, June 26, “The rough draft of a patent for the E. of Warwick was now read. His Lordship, upon hearing the same, gave order that the grant should be unto Rob. Lord Rich and his associates, A, B, etc. And it was agreed by the Council that the limits of the said patent should be 30 English miles westward, and 50 miles into the land northward, provided that it did not prejudice any other patent formerly granted.” A committee was appointed to take further order respecting this patent, and there is no evidence that it was ever perfected or issued. This proposed grant, it will be seen, covered in part the same territory previously included in the grant above cited to Lord Say, Lord Brook, Lord Rich, and others by the Earl of Warwick himself.

Three days afterward some very singular orders were adopted by the Council, indicating that there had been a serious disagreement with the Earl, or that a feeling akin to suspicion, of which the Earl was the object, had found a lodgment in that body. The Earl being president, the meetings for some years had been held at “Warwick House in Holborne.” At a meeting on the 29th of June, at which the Earl was not present, “It was agreed that the E. of Warwick should be entreated to direct a course for finding out what patents have been granted for New England.” (Did not the Council keep a record of their grants?) Also, “The Lord Great Chamberlain and the rest of the Council now present sent their clerk unto the E. of Warwick for the Council’s great seal, it being in his Lordship’s keeping.” Answer was brought that as soon as his man Williams came in he would send it. It was then voted that the meetings of the Council, which for some time, as I have already said, had been held at Warwick House, should hereafter be held at Captain Mason’s House, in Fenchurch Street. But the seal was not then sent, and during the next five months two other formal applications were made for it. In the mean time and thence after the records indicate the Earl’s absence from the meetings, and finally Lord Gorges was chosen President of the Council in his place.

The patent to Lord Say and Sele, it may be added, was never formally transferred to Connecticut. In the agreement of 1644/45 Fenwick conveyed the fort and lands on the river, and promised to convey the jurisdiction of all the lands between Narragansett River and Saybrook Fort, “if it come into his power,”—which he seems never to have done, though the authorities of Connecticut claimed that they had paid him for it. For a long time the Connecticut authorities appear to have had no copy of this patent, for they were often challenged to exhibit it, and were not able to do so; though they say that a copy was shown to the commissioners when the confederation of the colonies was formed,—then of course in the possession of Fenwick; and in 1648 it is referred to as having been recently seen. (Hazard, ii. 120, 123.) A transcript of this patent was found in London by John Winthrop, among the papers of Governor Hopkins, who died there in 1658. See Connecticut Colonial Records, pp. 268, 568, 573, 574.

[657] First edition, vol. i. Appendix v. and vi. See also Ibid., i. 149, 507-510, edition of 1818, with which compare Connecticut Colonial Records, pp. 568, 573, 585.

[658] Vol. i. p. 306; cf. Trumbull, i. 110; Hutchinson, i. 100, 101.

[659] Vol. i. pp. 77-80, 509-563, 1-384. The twelve Capital Laws of the Connecticut Colony, established in 1642, were taken almost literally from the Body of Liberties of Massachusetts, established in 1641. The preamble to the code of 1650, the paragraph following it, and many, if not all, of the laws were taken from the Massachusetts Book of Laws published in 1649. A copy of the constitution of 1639 was prefixed to the Code. This was first printed in a small volume in 1822 at Hartford, by Silas Andrus, called The Code of 1650, being a Compilation of the Earliest Laws and Orders of the General Court of Connecticut; also, the Constitution, or Civil Compact, entered into and adopted by the Towns of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, in 1638-39, to which is added some Extracts from the Laws and Judicial Proceedings of New Haven Colony commonly called Blue Laws. There was an edition at Hartford in 1828, 1830, 1838, from the same plates; and in 1861 there appeared at Philadelphia A Collection of the Earliest Statutes, Edited with an Introduction, by Samuel W. Smucker.

[660] Cf. also Trumbull, i. chap. viii.; Caulkins, New London, pp. 27-50.

[661] Vol. i. pp. 259, 260, 404, 405.

[662] Vol. i. 1, et seq.; cf. Trumbull, i. chap. vi.; Hubbard, chap. xlii. See also Davenport’s Discourse about Civil Government in a New Plantation, Cambridge, 1663, probably written at this early period; Leonard Bacon, Thirteen Historical Discourses, New Haven, 1839; and Professor J. L. Kingsley, Historical Discourse, New Haven, 1838.

[663] [Of Governor Eaton, the first governor of New Haven, there is a memoir by J. B. Moore in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., ii. 467.—Ed.]

[664] A copy of the original edition is also in the Library of the Boston Athenæum, not quite perfect. Two copies were in the sale of Mr. Brinley’s library in 1879, and they brought, one $380, the other, not perfect, $310. Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his learned Introduction to his edition of The True-Blue Laws of Connecticut and New Haven, and the False Blue Laws Invented by the Rev. Samuel Peters, etc., Hartford, 1876, says: “Just when or by whom the acts and proceedings of New Haven Colony were first stigmatized as Blue Laws cannot now be ascertained. The presumption, however, is strong that the name had its origin in New York, and that it gained currency in Connecticut among Episcopalian and other dissenters from the established church, between 1720 and 1750” (p. 24). He thinks that “blue” was a convenient epithet for whatever “in colonial laws and proceedings looked over-strict, or queer, or ‘puritanic’” (pp. 24, 27).

Mr. Peters, of course, did not invent the name. He says of these laws: “They consist of a vast multitude, and were very properly termed Blue Laws, i.e., bloody laws.” In his General History of Connecticut, London, 1781, Peters gives some forty-five of these laws as a sample of the whole, “denominated blue laws by the neighboring colonies,” which “were never suffered to be printed.” The greater part of these probably never had an existence as standing laws or otherwise. The archives of the colony fail to reveal such, though we do not forget that the jurisdiction records for nine years are lost. Peters’ laws have often been reprinted, and appear in Mr. Trumbull’s volume above cited, along with authentic documents relating to the foundation of Connecticut and New Haven colonies, already referred to in this paper. (See Peters’ Connecticut, pp. 63, 66; the New-Englander, April, 1871, art. “Blue Laws;” and Methodist Quarterly Review, January, 1878.)

It might be inferred from the conclusion of the titlepage (cited above) of the small volume published by Silas Andrus, at Hartford, in 1822, on bluish paper, bound in blue covers, with a frontispiece representing a constable seizing a tobacco taker, which was stereotyped and subsequently issued at different dates, that the book contained the Peters’ laws; but what related to New Haven here were simply extracts of a few laws and court orders from the records. The Blue Laws of Peters were reprinted by J. W. Barber, in his History and Antiquities of New Haven, 1831, with a note in which the old story is repeated, that the term blue originated from the color of the paper in which the first printed laws were stitched. They were also printed by Mr. Hinman, formerly Secretary of the State of Connecticut, in 1838, in a volume already cited, along with other valuable documents relating to the colony, and with what he called the Blue Laws of Virginia, of Barbadoes, of Maryland, New York, South Carolina, Massachusetts, and Plymouth.

Peters’ Connecticut (1781) is now a scarce book. The copy in the Menzies sale, no. 1,590, brought $125. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 2,088, etc. The interest in this apocryphal history of Connecticut and in Peters’ Blue Laws was revived in modern times by the publication in 1829 of a new edition of Peters’ History, in 12º., at New Haven, with a preface and eighty-seven pages of supplementary notes. The anonymous editor of the new edition was Sherman Croswell, son of the Rev. Harry Croswell,—a recent graduate of Yale College, who furnished the supplementary notes. Nearly all the type of this edition was set by the late Joel Munsell, then a young man just twenty-one years of age. Mr. Croswell subsequently went to Albany as co-editor with his cousin, Edwin Croswell, of the Albany Argus. (Joel Munsell, Manuscript Note; October, 1871.) Professor Franklin B. Dexter, of Yale College, writes me under date of Feb. 20, 1883, respecting the enterprise of publishing the new edition of Peters’ History: “I have heard that the publisher, Dorus Clarke, used to say that he lost $2,000 by the publication. Sherman Croswell was a young lawyer then living here, a son of the Rev. Dr. Harry Croswell, and brother and classmate (Yale College, 1822) of the more gifted Rev. William Croswell, of the Church of the Advent in Boston. Sherman was born Nov. 10, 1802; removed to Albany in 1831, and became an editor of the Argus with his cousin, Edwin Croswell; returned to New Haven in 1855, and died here March 4, 1859. I have repeatedly heard that he edited this publication, though my authority has never been a very definite one. Munsell’s note I should not hesitate to accept as far as this fact is concerned.” Munsell inadvertently calls Sherman Croswell a brother of Edwin. A spurious edition of this book was published in New York in 1877, edited by a descendant of the author, S. J. McCormick. Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 22, 1877, and N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1877, p. 238.

But New Haven was not the only New England colony whose laws were satirized or burlesqued by those who did not sympathize with the strict ways of the Puritan. John Josselyn, who visited the Massachusetts Colony twice, in his account of the country published in 1674 professes to give some of the laws of that colony. Some of those cited by him are true, and some are false. Some were court orders or sentences for crimes. One is similar to a law in Peters’ code: “For kissing a woman in the street, though in the way of civil salute, whipping or a fine” (p. 178). Of course there were at an early period in the colony instances of ridiculous punishments awarded at the sole discretion of the magistrate, of which the record in all cases may not be preserved, and it is hazardous to deny, for that reason, that they ever took place. The existence of standing laws are more easily ascertained. Josselyn (p. 179) refers the reader to “their Laws in print.” During his second visit to Massachusetts (1663-1671) he could have seen the digest of 1649, and that of 1660. Of the first no copy is now extant, but the Connecticut code of 1650, first printed in 1822, was perhaps substantially a transcript of it. 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 214. Josselyn probably never examined either of the Massachusetts digests.

The notorious Edward Ward published, in 1699 a folio of sixteen pages, entitled A Trip to New England, etc. (Carter-Brown, ii. 1580.) A large part of it, where he speaks of “Boston and the Inhabitants,” is abusive and scandalous. He enlarges upon Josselyn in the instance cited, whose book he had seen. Mr. Drake and Dr. Shurtleff, in their histories of Boston, both quote from it. No one would think of believing “Ned Ward,” the editor of the London Spy, who was sentenced more than once to stand in the pillory for his scurrility; yet for all this he probably was as truthful, if not as pious, as Parson Peters of a later generation.

[665] See Trumbull, i. 297; New Haven Colonial Records, ii. 217, 238, 363; Connecticut Colonial Records, ii. 283, 303, 308, 324.

[666] [See chap. x. of the present volume, and chap. ix. of Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[667] See also Winthrop’s letter in Connecticut Historical Society’s Collections, i. 52, and Secretary Clarke’s in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xi. 344. The earnest protest of New Haven against the union, till the time it really took place, may be seen in the records of that colony from 1662 to 1665.

[668] See also Hutchinson, i. 213-220; the lecture on The Regicides sheltered in New England, Feb. 5, 1869, by Dr. Chandler Robbins, who used the new materials published in a volume of “Mather Papers” in 4 Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collections, vol. viii.; J. W. Barber’s History and Antiquities of New Haven, etc., 1831.

[669] Cf. Trumbull, History, i. 524, 526, 362, 363; Arnold’s Rhode Island, vol. i., passim; Palfrey, New England, vol. ii. [An elaborate monograph of the Boundary Disputes of Connecticut, by C. W. Bowen, Boston, 1882, covers the original claims to the soil, and the disputes with Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York. It is illustrated with the Dutch map of 1616, an Indian map of 1630, and various others.—Ed.]

[670] Copies are rare. A copy sold in the Brinley sale (no. 2,001) for $300. Mr. Brinley issued a private reprint of it, following this copy, in which he gave a fac-simile of the title and an historical introduction.

[671] [Cf. C. K. Adams’s Manual of Historical Literature, p. 552. The author was the Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D.D. (b. 1735; d. 1820). The papers of Governor Jonathan Trumbull (b. 1710; d. 1785), bound in twenty-three volumes, are in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; and the writer of the present chapter is the chairman of a committee preparing them for publication. Their chief importance, however, is for the Revolutionary period. The papers were procured in 1795, by Dr. Belknap, from the family of the Governor. One volume (19th) was burned in 1825. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 85, 393.—Ed.]

[672] [Dr. Trumbull’s labors ceased, with the second volume after the union; when, beginning with 1689, the editorial charge was taken by Mr. Hoadly.—Ed.]

[673] Reference may here be made to a valuable note on the alleged incident, as related by Dr. Benjamin Trumbull in 1797, which has for so many years invested “The Charter Oak” with so much interest. See Palfrey, iii. 542-544. Vol. iii. of the Colonial Records contains a valuable official correspondence relating to this period, and also the “Laws enacted by Governor Andros and his Council,” for the colony, in 1687.

[674] The first volume (1860) has reprints of Gershom Bulkeley’s The People’s Right to Election ... argued, etc., 1869, following a rare tract of Mr. Brinley on Their Majesties’ Colony of Connecticut in New England Vindicated, 1694. A second volume of Collections was issued in 1870.

[675] [The first, in 1865, contained a history of the colony, by Henry White; an essay on its civil government, by Leonard Bacon; and others on the currency of the colony, etc. In the second is a valuable sketch of the life and writings of Davenport, by F. B. Dexter, and some notes on Goffe and Whalley from the same source. The third includes J. R. Trowbridge, Jr., on “The Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven;” Dr. Henry Bronson on “The early Government of Connecticut and the Constitution of 1639;” and F. B. Dexter on “The Early Relations between New Netherland and New England.”—Ed.]

[676] It has a map of New Haven in 1641.

[677] [There is no considerable Connecticut bibliography of local history; and F. B. Perkins’s Check-List of American Local History must be chiefly depended on; but the Brinley Catalogue, nos. 2,001-2,340, is very rich in this department. So also is Sabin’s Dictionary, iv. 395, etc., for official and anonymous publications. There are various miscellaneous references in Poole’s Index, p. 292. E. H. Gillett has a long paper on “Civil Liberty in Connecticut” in the Historical Magazine, July, 1868. Mr. R. R. Hinman’s Early Puritan Settlers of Connecticut was first issued in 1846-48 (366 pages), and reissued (884 pages) in 1852-56. Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1870, p. 84. Savage’s Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England, however, is the chief source of genealogical information for the earliest comers.—Ed.]

[678] The official name of this State since 1663 is “Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.” The Island of “Aquedneck,” its Indian name, spelled in various ways, was so called till 1644, when the Court ordered that henceforth it be “called the Isle of Rhodes, or Rhode Island.” It is said that Block, the Dutch navigator, in 1614, gave the island the name of “Roodt Eylandt,” from the prevalence of red clay in some portions of its shores. There are traditions connecting the name with Verrazano and the Isle of Rhodes in Asia Minor, which require no further mention. See Arnold’s Rhode Island, i. 70; Rhode Island Colonial Records, i. 127; Verrazano in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., i. 46; Brodhead’s New York, i. 57, 58; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., i. 367; J. G. Kohl, in Magazine of American History, February, 1883.

[679] In 1838 it was republished as vol. iv. of Rhode Island Historical Society’s Collections, edited by Professor Romeo Elton, with notes, and a memoir of the author, and reissued in Boston in 1843; cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. 600.

[680] It was reprinted in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 166-203. It is called “inaccurate” by Bancroft.

[681] Cited by S. G. Arnold, History of Rhode Island, i. 124.

[682] Bartlett’s Bibliography of Rhode Island, p. 204.

[683] [A second edition was published in 1874; cf. C. K. Adams’s Manual of Historical Literature, p. 552.—Ed.]

[684] John Pitman’s Discourse was delivered in August, 1836; Job Durfee’s in January, 1847; and Zachariah Allen’s in April, 1876; and another, by Mr. Allen, on “The Founding of Rhode Island,” in 1881.

[685] The original edition of the Key was issued in London in 1643. Brinley Catalogue, no. 2,380. It is also reprinted in the R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. See an earlier page under “Massachusetts.”

[686] It was at first intended to republish also such of the writings of John Cotton, George Fox, and John Clarke as were connected with Roger Williams, to be followed by the writings of Samuel Gorton and Governor Coddington; but with the exception of two pieces by Cotton, edited by R. A. Guild, the publications of the Club have been limited to the writings of Williams.

[687] He published an abridgment in 1804, which was reprinted in Philadelphia, in 1844, with a memoir of the author, under the title of Church History of New England, from 1620 to 1804. Backus was born in 1724, and died in 1806.

[688] [Dr. Turner also read a paper—Settlers of Aquedneck and Liberty of Conscience—before the Historical Society, in February, 1880, which was published at Newport the same year.—Ed.]

[689] [Dr. Dexter a few years since recovered a lost tract by Williams, Christenings make not Christians, 1645, which he found in the British Museum, and edited for Rider’s Historical Tracts, no. 14, in 1881, adding certain of Williams’s letters. Williams’s letter to George Fox, 1672, in his controversy with the Quakers, is printed in the Historical Magazine, ii. 56.—Ed.]

[690] [Sabin’s Dictionary, iv. 106; Menzies Catalogue, no. 392; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 729. It was reprinted in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., ii. pp. 1-113. Thomas Cobbett’s Civil Magistrates’ Power in Matters of Religion modestly debated, London, 1653, was in part an answer to this “slanderous pamphlet” (Prince Catalogue, no. 97-154). The character of Clarke and the influence of his mission to England, wherein he procured the revocation of William Coddington’s commission as governor, gave rise to a controversy between George Bancroft and Josiah Quincy in relation to the misapprehension of Grahame on the subject in his History of the United States; cf. Historical Magazine, August, 1865 (ix. 233), and the references noted in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 339. Coddington (of whom there is an alleged portrait in the Council Chamber at Newport,—N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1873, p. 241) also had his controversy with the Massachusetts authorities, and his side of the question is given in his Demonstration of True Love unto ... the rulers of the Massachusetts, ... by one who was once in authority with them, but always testified against their persecuting spirit, which was printed in 1674. Menzies Catalogue, no. 422 ($36); Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,101. See Magazine of American History, iii. 642; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., April, 1882, p. 138.—Ed.]

[691] [A copy of the charter is in the Massachusetts Archives (Miscellaneous, i. 135), and it is printed in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1857, p. 41. The discussion in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. was by Mr. Deane and Colonel Thomas Aspinwall. The latter’s contribution was also issued in Providence (2d ed.) in 1865, as Remarks on the Narragansett Patent.—Ed.]

[692] Other digests followed in 1730, 1745, 1752, and 1767.

[693] [Cf. Thomas T. Stone on Roger Williams the Prophetic Legislator, Providence, 1872.—Ed.]

[694] [Cf. Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume.—Ed.]

[695] See chapter xi.

[696] See chapter xi.

[697] The History of the Province of New York, from the first Discovery to the year MDCCXXXII. To which is annexed a Description of the Country, with a short Account of the Inhabitants, their Trade, Religious and Political State, and the Constitution of the Courts of Justice in that Colony. By William Smith, A.M. London; MDCCLVII., 4º, pp. 255.

[698] [Of Smith and his History O’Callaghan (ii. 64) says “Smith knew about as little of the history of New Netherland as many of his readers of the present day.”—Ed.]

[699] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate of Smith in Vol. IV. Also, Hist. Mag., xiv. 266.—Ed.]

[700] The Natural, Statistical, and Civil History of the State of New York, in three volumes, by James Macauley. New York, 1829. 8º.

[701] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate in Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[702] History of the New Netherlands, Province of New York, and State of New York, to the Adoption of the Federal Constitution. In two volumes. By William Dunlap. Printed for the author by Carter & Thorp, New York, 1839-1840. 2 vols. 8º.

[703] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate in Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[704] History of the State of New York, by John Romeyn Brodhead. First period, 1609-1664. New York, 1853; second edition, 1859. Second period, 1664-1691. New York, 1871. Harper & Brothers, New York. 2 vols. 8º. Mr. Brodhead was born Jan. 21, 1814, and died May 6, 1873.

[705] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate of Brodhead in Vol. IV., where, in the chapter on New Netherland, an examination is made of the labors of Brodhead and others in amassing and arranging the documentary history of the State.—Ed.]

[706] See also Bowden’s Friends in America, i. 309; Lamb’s New York, i. 180; Valentine’s Manual, 1842-43, p. 147; Gay’s Popular History of the United States, ii. 236.

[707] There were later enlarged editions in 1680 and 1705, or of about those dates. Muller, Catalogue (1877), no. 3,389.

[708] Cf. Mr. Fernow’s chapter in Vol. IV. It was afterwards followed in part in Lotter’s map. (Asher’s List, no. 20.)

[709] [See a chapter in Vol. IV. for the Dutch rule.—Ed.]

[710] [See this volume, chap. x., for the English Conquest.—Ed.]

[711] [See Vol. IV. for the Swedish rule.—Ed.]

[712] [See chapter ix.; and the full treatment of the struggle to maintain the charter, given by Mr Deane, in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 329.—Ed.]

[713] East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments, pp. 250, 251.

[714] Leaming and Spicer’s Grants and Concessions, p. 493.

[715] [See chapter x.—Ed.]

[716] It was entitled A Brief Account of the Province of East Jersey in America, published by the present Proprietors, for information of all such persons who are or may be inclined to settle themselves, families, and servants in that country.

[717] It was styled A Brief Account of the Province of East New Jersey in America. Published by the Scots’ Proprietors having interest there, For the information of such as may have a desire to Transport themselves or their Families thither; wherein the Nature and Advantage of, and Interest in, a Forraign Plantation to this Country is Demonstrated. Printed by John Reid.

[718] Twenty-five copies were printed separately, bearing date 1867. Sabin’s Dictionary, xiii. 53,079. Alofsen Catalogue, No. 823.

[719] Vol. I. p. 226.

[720] It was entitled The Model of the Government of the Province of East New Jersey in America; And Encouragements for such as Designs to be concerned there. Published for Information of such as are desirous to be Interested in that place.

[721] [The copies known are these: 1. New Jersey Historical Society. 2. Harvard College Library. 3. John Carter Brown Library, Providence. 4. William A. Whitehead, Newark. 5. J. A. King, Long Island. 6. British Museum. 7. Huth Library, London. 8. Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. 9. Göttingen University. 10. Lenox Library, New York.—Ed.]

[722] The title, in full, is quite a correct table of contents, and under the several headings is given very excellent advice as to the course to be followed to insure success in the new settlements. It is as follows: Good Order Established in Pennsilvania and New Jersey in America. Being a true Account of the Country, With its Produce and Commodities there made, And the great Improvements that may be made by means of Publick Store-houses for Hemp, Flax, and Linnen-Cloth; also, the Advantages of a Publick School, the profits of a Publick Bank, and the Probability of its arising, if those directions here laid down are followed; With the advantages of publick Granaries. Likewise, several other things needful to be understood by those that are or do intend to be concerned in planting in the said Countries. All which is laid down very plain in this small Treatise; it being easie to be understood by any ordinary Capacity. To which the Reader is referred for his further satisfaction. By Thomas Budd. Printed in the year 1685.

[723] The title, which may also be considered a table of contents, was as follows: An Historical Description of the Province and Country of West New Jersey in America. A short View of their Laws, Customs, and Religions. As also the Temperament of the Air and Climate, The fatness of the Soil, with the vast Produce of Rice, etc., the improvement of the Lands as in England to Pasture, Meadows, etc. Their making great quantities of Pitch and Tar, as also Turpentine, which proceeds from the Pine Trees, with Rosen as clear as Gum Arabick, with particular Remarks upon their Towns, Fairs, and Markets; with the great Plenty of Oyl and Whale-Bone, made from the great number of whales they yearly take: As also many other Profitable and New Improvements. Never made Publick till now. By Gabriel Thomas.

[This book is rare, and may be worth, when found, $200. Copies have brought, however, $300 within ten years. Griswold Catalogue, Part I. No. 851. It was reprinted in lithographic fac-simile in New York in 1848 for Henry Austin Brady. One copy, on blue writing paper and illustrated, was in the Griswold sale, No. 852.—Ed.]

[724] It was entitled The Case put and decided. By George Fox, George Whitehead, Stephen Crisp, and other the most Antient and Eminent Quakers. Between Edward Billing, on the one part, and some West Jersians, headed by Samuell Jenings, on the other part, In an Award relating to the Government of their Province, wherein, because not moulded to the Pallate of the said Samuell, the Light, the Truth, the Justice, and Infallibility of these great Friends are arreigned by him and his Accomplices. Also Several Remarks and Anniversations on the same Award, setting forth the Premises. With some Reflections on the Sensless Opposition of these Men against the present Governour, and their daring Audatiousness in their presumptuous asserting an Authority here over the Parliament of England. Published for the Information of the Impartial and Considerate, particularly such as Worship God and profess Christianity not in Faction and Hypocrisie, but in Truth and Sincerity. Ending with the texts Isa. xxx. 1, Isa. xlvii. 10, and [no book given] v. 11.

[725] He entitled it Truth Rescued from Forgery and Falshood. Being An Answer to a late Scurralous piece, Entituled The Case put and Decided, etc.; Which Stole into the World without any known Author’s name affixed thereto, And renders it the more like its Father, Who was a Lyer and Murtherer from the Beginning. By Samuel Jenings.

[726] A Journal of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, and Labour of Love in the Work of the Ministry of that Worthy Elder and faithful Servant of Jesus Christ, William Edmundson, Who departed this Life the thirty-first of the sixth Month, 1712.

[727] It received the following title: A Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey, at the Suit of John, Earl of Stair, and others, Proprietors of the Eastern-Division of New Jersey, against Benjamin Bond, and some other Persons of Elizabeth-Town, distinguished as Clinker Lot Right Men; With three large Maps, done from Copper Plates. To which is added The Publications of the Council of Proprietors of East New Jersey, and Mr. Nevill’s Speeches to the General Assembly, Concerning the Riots committed in New Jersey, and the Pretences of the Rioters, and their Seducers. These Papers will give a better Light into the History and Constitution of New Jersey than any Thing hitherto published, the Matters whereof have been chiefly collected from Records. Published by Subscription: Printed by James Parker, in New York, 1747, and a few Copies are to be Sold by him and Benjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia. Price, bound, and Maps coloured, Three Pounds; plain and stitcht only, Fifty Shillings, Proclamation Money.

[728] It is to be regretted that one who is styled by Smith, the historian of New York, “a gentleman eminent in the law, and equally distinguished for his humanity, generosity, great ability, and honorable stations,” should never have had his biography written. [Alexander’s own copy of the bill was sold in the Brinley sale, 1880, No. 3591, and contained considerable manuscript additions in his handwriting.—Ed.]

[729] The following is the title of the publication: An Answer to a Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey, at the suit of John, Earl of Stair, and others, commonly called Proprietors of the Eastern Division of New Jersey, against Benjamin Bond and others, claiming under the original Proprietors and Associates, of Elizabeth-Town. To which is added: Nothing either of The Publications of The Council of Proprietors of East New-Jersey, or of The Pretences of the Rioters and their Seducers; Except, so far as the Persons meant by Rioters Pretend Title against the Parties to the above Answer; but a Great Deal of the Controversy, Though Much Less of the History and Constitution of New Jersey than the said Bill. Audi Alteram Partem. Published by Subscription. New York: Printed and Sold by James Parker at the New Printing Office in Beaver Street. 1752, pp. 218, folio.

[730] Of the minor publications meriting attention the following are thought worthy of notice here:—

A Brief Vindication of the Purchassors Against the Proprietors in a Christian Manner. 48 pages 20º. New York, 1746.

An Answer to the Council of Proprietors’ two Publications, set forth at Perth Amboy the 25th of March, 1746, and the 25th of March, 1747. As also some observations on Mr. Nevill’s Speech to the House of Assembly in relation to a Petition presented to the House of Assembly, met at Trentown, in the Province of New Jersey, in May, 1746. New York: Printed and sold by the Widow Catharine Zenger, 1747. Folio, pp. 13. This is very rare, only two copies known.

A Pocket Commentary of the first settling of New Jersey by the Europeans; and an Account or fair detail of the original Indian East Jersey Grants, and other rights of the like tenor in East New Jersey. Digested in order. New York: Printed by Samuel Parker. 1759. 8º.

To these may be added the following of an earlier date:—

A further account of New Jersey in an Abstract of Letters lately writ from thence by several inhabitants there resident, 1676. This has been reprinted in fac-simile by Mr. Brinton Coxe.

The true state of the case between John Fenwick, Esq., and John Eldridge and Edmund Warner, concerning Mr. Fenwick’s Ten Parts of his land in West New Jersey in America. London, 1677; Philadelphia, reprinted 1765. A copy is in the Pennsylvania Historical Society’s Library, as I am informed by Mr. F. D. Stone, the librarian.

An Abstract or Abbreviation of some few of the many (Later and Former) Testimony from the inhabitants of New Jersey and other eminent persons who have wrote particularly Concerning that Place. London, 1681. 4º. 32 pp. Several of these letters, between 1677 and 1680, are printed in Smith’s History. The preface and whole tenor of the publication shows that rumors published in London were having a detrimental effect. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library.

Proposals by the Proprietors of East New Jersey in America for the building of a town on Amboy Point, and for the disposition of Lands in that Province. London, 1682, 4º. 6 pp.

[731] The History of the Colony of Nova-Cæsaria, or New Jersey: containing an account of its First Settlement, progressive improvements, the original and present Constitution, and other events, to the year 1721, with some particulars since; and a short view of its present state. By Samuel Smith, Burlington, in New Jersey. Printed and sold by James Parker. Sold also by David Hall, in Philadelphia, MDCCLXV. 8º. [Smith was born in 1720, and died in 1776. This edition is a rare book, and may be worth $25.00. Copies have brought much higher sums.—Ed.]

[732] As late as 1877, a second edition was published without any alteration,—a questionable proceeding, but evincing the estimation in which the work is held at the present day. [It was issued by William S. Sharp at Trenton, and contains a brief memoir of the author by his nephew, the late John Jay Smith, of Germantown, Pennsylvania.—Ed.]

[733] It is entitled The Grants, Concessions, and Original Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey: The Acts Passed during the Proprietary Governments, and other material Transactions before the Surrender thereof to Queen Anne; The Instrument of Surrender, and Her formal acceptance thereof; Lord Cornbury’s Commission and Instructions consequent thereon. Collected by some Gentlemen employed by the General Assembly, And afterwards Published by Vertue of an Act of the Legislature of the said Province. With proper Tables, alphabetically digested, containing the principal Matters in the Book. By Aaron Leaming and Jacob Spicer. Philadelphia: Printed by W Bradford, Printer to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty for the Province of New Jersey. Small folio, pp. 763. The date of printing does not appear upon the titlepage; but it is presumed to have been in 1758.

[734] Since this notice of the book was written a new edition of it has unexpectedly appeared, printed by Honeyman & Co., Somerville, New Jersey.

[735] Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey. [First Series.] Edited by William A. Whitehead. Vol. I. 1631-1687. Newark: Daily Journal Establishment. 1880. 8º. Succeeding volumes cover a period later than that which now occupies us.

[736] Its full title was East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments; a Narrative of Events connected with the settlement and progress of the Province, until the Surrender of the Government to the Crown in 1702. Drawn principally from original sources. By William A. Whitehead. With an appendix containing The Model of the Government of East New Jersey in America. By George Scot, of Pitlochie. Now first reprinted from the original edition of 1685. 8º. pp. 341. A second edition, revised and enlarged, making a volume of 486 pages, with a large number of fac-simile autographs, was published in 1875. [It was also published separate from the Collections. It contained a map of New Jersey, 1656, following Vanderdonck’s, and another of East Jersey, with the settlements of about 1682, marked by Mr. Whitehead.—Ed.]

[737] On the family of Sir Edmund Plowden, see Burke’s Commoners and Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland, under “Plowden;” Baker’s Northamptonshire, under “Fermor;” the Visitation of Oxfordshire, published by the Harleian Society, and other works cited below, particularly Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, by Henry Foley, S. J. (London, 1875-1882), especially vol. iv. pp. 537 et seq.

[738] On this point, see Father Foley’s Records, just mentioned, and “A Missing Page of Catholic American History,—New Jersey colonized by Catholics,” by the Rev. R. L. Burtsell, D.D., in the Catholic World for November, 1880 (xxxii. 204 et seq., New York, 1881). Sir Edmund Plowden was not so stanch in his adherence to his faith as was his illustrious grandfather, for in 1635 he is said (temporarily, at least) to have counterfeited conformity in religion. See “Sir Edmund Plowden in the Fleet,” by the Rev. Edward D. Neill, in the Pennsylvania Magazine, v. 424 et seq., an article which “furnishes some facts relative to the career of Sir Edmund Plowden just before he left England for Virginia,” from “the calendars of British State papers during the reign of Charles the First.”

[739] See “Sir Edmund Plowden or Ployden,” by “Albion,” in Notes and Queries, iv. 319 et seq. (London, 1852), containing so many statements not elsewhere met with as to have provoked a series of pertinent queries from the late Sebastian F. Streeter, Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society, Ibid., ix. 301-2 (London, 1854), several of which, unfortunately, are still unanswered.

[740] The petitions and warrant mentioned, with a paper entitled “The Commodities of the Island called Manati ore Long Isle within the Continent of Virginia,” extracted from Strafford’s Letters and Despatches (i. 72) and Colonial Papers (vol. vi. nos. 60, 61), in the Public Record Office at London, are given in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1869, pp. 213 et seq. (New York, 1870). “Between this period and 1634,” according to “Albion,” “Sir Edmund was engaged in fulfilling the conditions of the warrant by carrying out the colonization by indentures, which were executed and enrolled in Dublin, and St. Mary’s, in Maryland, in America. In Dublin the parties were Viscount Muskerry, 100 planters; Lord Monson, 100 planters; Sir Thomas Denby, 100 planters; Captain Clayborne (of American notoriety), 50; Captain Balls; and amounting in all to 540 colonizers, beside others in Maryland, Virginia, and New England.” The same persons, with “Lord Sherrard” and “Mr. Heltonhead” and his brother, are named as lessees under the charter of New Albion, in Varlo’s Floating Ideas of Nature, ii. 13, hereafter spoken of.

[741] “Confirmed,” says “Albion,” “24th July, 1634.” The Latin original of this charter may be seen in the Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. vii. p. 50 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1883), with an Introductory Note by the writer, embracing Printz’s account of Plowden, extracts from the wills of Sir Edmund and Thomas Plowden, and a portion of Varlo’s pamphlet, hereafter referred to.

[742] So “Albion.”

[743] Printed in Rymer’s Fœdera, xix. 472 et seq., A.D. 1633, and reprinted in Ebenezer Hazard’s Historical Collections, i. 335 et seq., Philadelphia, 1792. For biographical accounts of Yong and Evelin, see Memoir and Letters of Captain W. Glanville Evelyn (Oxford, 1879), and The Evelyns in America (Ibid., 1881), both edited and annotated by G. D. Scull; cf. also “Robert Evelyn, Explorer of the Delaware,” by the Rev. E. D. Neill, in the Historical Magazine, second series, vol. iv. pp. 75, 76; and Neill’s Founders of Maryland, p. 54, note.

[744] These facts are stated in letters from Yong to Sir Tobie Matthew, referred to in the chapter on Maryland, which also contains a fac-simile of the signature of Thomas Yong.

[745] Direction for Adventurers, and true description of the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plantation of New Albion, in North Virginia, in a letter from Mayster Robert Eveline, that lived there many years. Small 4º. (“Liber rarissimus,” Allibone.) It was reprinted in chapter iii. of Plantagenet’s Description of New Albion, hereafter mentioned.

[746] So Beauchamp Plantagenet.

[747] Before the Committee of Trade. See Samuel Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 109.

[748] With regard to whom see Vol. IV., chapter on “New Sweden.”

[749] Hazard’s Annals, pp. 109, 110, citing “Albany Records,” iii. 224.

[750] “Sir Edmund Plowden,” by the Rev. Edward D. Neill, Pennsylvania Magazine of History, v. 206 et seq., citing “Manuscript records of Maryland, at Annapolis.”

[751] Printed at the end of Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning, 1637-1642, af C. T. Odhner (Stockholm, 1876), referred to in Vol. IV., chapter on “New Sweden.” The “former communications” spoken of in it cannot be found, although they have been diligently sought for, on behalf of the writer, in Sweden.

[752] Accomack and Kecoughtan (as it is usually spelled by English writers), the present Hampton. The diverse orthography of the text conforms to the original. The places are noted on contemporary maps.

[753] Cited in Vol. IV., chapter on “New Sweden.” John Romeyn Brodhead, in his History of the State of New York, i. 381, 484, mentions Plowden’s visits to Manhattan as occurring in 1643 and 1648.

[754] Scull’s Evelyns in America, p. 361 et seq. The lawyers referred to were Henry Clerk and Arthur Turner, serjeants-at-law, and Arthur Ducke, Thomas Ryves, Robert Mason, William Merricke, Giles Sweit, Robert King, and William Turner, doctors of laws; of whom, says the editor, two at least, Ducke and Ryves, are “recognized as very able and learned lawyers in their day.” The rest, as well as Bysshe, speak of the letters patent as “under the Great Seal of Ireland.” I am informed by Mr. Scull that the documents mentioned constitute a manuscript folio volume now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.

[755] A Description of the Province of New Albion. And a Direction for Adventurers with small stock to get two for one, and good land freely: And for Gentlemen, and all Servants, Labourers, and Artificers to live plentifully. And a former Description reprinted of the healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plantation of New Albion in North Virginia, proved by thirteen witnesses. Together with a Letter from Master Robert Evelin, that lived there many years, shewing the particularities, and excellency thereof. With a briefe of the charge of victuall, and necessaries, to transport and buy stock for each Planter, or Labourer, there to get his Master £50 per Annum, or more in twelve trades, at £10 charges onely a man. Printed in the Year 1648. Small 4º, 32 pp. (Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. v. no. 19,724.) On the verso of the titlepage (reproduced here from the copy of the book in the Philadelphia Library) appear: “The Order, Medall, and Riban of the Albion Knights, of the Conversion of 23 Kings, their support;” the medal (given also in Mickle’s Reminiscences of Old Gloucester) bearing on its face a coroneted effigy of Sir Edmund Plowden, surrounded by the legend, ‘Edmundus. Comes. Palatinus. et. Guber. N. Albion,’ and on the reverse two coats of arms impaled; the dexter, those of the Province of New Albion, namely, the open Gospel, surmounted by a hand dexter issuing from the partiline grasping a sword erect, surmounted by a crown; the sinister, those of Plowden himself, a fesse dancettée with two fleurs-de-lis on the upper points; supporters, two bucks rampant gorged with crowns,—the whole surmounted by the coronet of an Earl Palatine, and encircled with the motto, ‘Sic suos Virtus beat;’ and the order consisting of this achievement encircled by twenty-two heads couped and crowned, held up by a crowned savage kneeling,—the whole surrounded with the legend, ‘Docebo iniquos vias tuas, et impii ad te convertentur.’ These engravings are accompanied by Latin mottoes and English verses on “Ployden” and “Albion’s Arms.” The work is the subject of an essay entitled “An Examination of Beauchamp Plantagenet’s Description of the Province of New Albion,” by John Penington, in the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. iv. pt. i. pp. 133 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1840), for which the writer is very justly censured by a reviewer in the Gentleman’s Magazine for August, 1840, in these terms: “He has shown himself not unskilful in throwing ridicule upon the exaggerations and falsifications with which (as unhappily has been generally the case with such compositions in all ages) the prospectus of Ployden, or Plowden, abounds; but he has failed in the more difficult task of separating truth from falsehood.” The same critic says: “It is clear to us that the pamphlet was issued with the consent, and probably at the procuration and charges, of Sir Edmund Ployden;” and he attempts to throw some light upon the personality of the author, whose name of “Plantagenet,” undoubtedly, is fictitious. Besides the copy of the Description of New Albion in the Philadelphia Library, there is another in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 649), at Providence; three are mentioned by Mr. Penington as included in private libraries; and two, says the writer in the Gentleman’s Magazine, are preserved in the British Museum. The book was reprinted from the Philadelphia copy in Tracts and Other Papers collected by Peter Force, vol. ii. no. 7 (Washington, 1838), and again reprinted from Force in Scull’s Evelyns in America, p. 67 et seq. The citations in the text are taken directly from the Philadelphia and Carter-Brown copies, which will account for some variations from these occasionally inaccurate reprints. A second edition of the original is mentioned by Lowndes as published in 1650. See the Huth Catalogue, which says: “The original edition was doubtless published at Middleburgh in 1641 or 1642.”

[756] An intimacy which authorized Plantagenet to speak thus of the Earl Palatine: “I found his conversation as sweet and winning, as grave and sober, adorned with much Learning, enriched with sixe Languages, most grounded and experienced in forain matters of State policy, and government, trade, and sea voyages, by 4 years travell in Germany, France, Italy, and Belgium, by 5 years living an Officer in Ireland, and this last 7 years in America.” “Sir Edmund Plowden,” says “Albion,” “was not inferior to any of his co-governors in ability, fortune, position, or family.”

[757] Reproduced in Heylin’s Cosmographie, in Philips’s enlarged edition of Speed’s Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, in Stith’s History of Virginia (Williamsburg, 1747), and in the Pocket Commentary of the first Settling of New Jersey by the Europeans (New York, 1759). Compare “Councells Opinions concerning Coll. Nicholls pattent and Indian purchases,” in Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xiii. 486, 487 (Albany, 1881). On certain of these points, see “Expedition of Captain Samuel Argall,” by George Folsom, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, i. 333 et seq. (New York, 1841), and Brodhead’s History of the State of New York, i. 54, 55, 140, and notes E and F.

[758] See Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River Delaware, by James N. Barker (Philadelphia, 1827), Penington’s work already cited, and “An Inquiry into the Location of Mount Ployden, the Seat of the Raritan King,” by the Rev. George C. Schanck, in New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vi. 25 et seq. (Newark, N. J., 1853). According to Plantagenet, “The bounds is a thousand miles compasse, of this most temperate, rich Province, for our South bound is Maryland North bounds, and beginneth at Aquats or the Southermost or first Cape of Delaware Bay in thirty-eight and forty minutes, and so runneth by, or through, or including Kent Isle, through Chisapeack Bay to Pascatway, including the fals of Pawtomecke river to the head or Northermost branch of that river, being three hundred miles due West; and thence Northward to the head of Hudson’s river fifty leagues, and so down Hudson’s river to the Ocean, sixty leagues; and thence by the Ocean and Isles a crosse Delaware Bay to the South Cape, fifty leagues; in all seven hundred and eighty miles. Then all Hudson’s river, Isles, Long Isle, or Pamunke, and all Isles within ten leagues of the said Province being; and note Long Isle alone is twenty broad, and one hundred and eighty miles long, so that alone is four hundred miles compasse.” These limits of New Albion, as given in Smith’s History of New Jersey, are cited by the Rev. William Smith, D.D., in An Examination of the Connecticut Claim to Lands in Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1774), with the remark, page 83: “This Grant, which was intended to include all the Dutch Claims, was the Foundation of the Duke of York’s Grant.”

[759] Domestic Interregnum, Entry Book, xcii. 108, 159, 441. Reprinted in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. 1869, pp. 221-22.

[760] Reproduced herewith from a copy in the possession of John Cadwalader, Esq., of Philadelphia. It will be seen that Mr. Penington was correct in his account of this map, op. cit., notwithstanding the criticisms of the reviewer of his work in the Gentleman’s Magazine, which were based not on this, but on a similar map in The Discovery of New Britaine (London, 1651), in the British Museum, collated by “John Farrer, Esq.” Cf. Editorial Note A, following chapter v.

[761] Neill’s Sir Edmund Plowden, before cited.

[762] The document is on file in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, London, and has two seals attached to it,—described by “Albion” as Sir Edmund’s “private seal of the Plowdens, and his Earl’s with supporters, signed ‘Albion,’ the same as is given in Beauchamp Plantagenet’s New Albion.” The extracts in the text were copied from the original will by a London correspondent of the writer.

[763] Extract courteously made from the original at Somerset House, London, by the same correspondent. This gentleman assures me that, notwithstanding the declaration of “Albion” to the contrary, the will contains “no allusion whatever to the death of anybody at the hands of American Indians.”

[764] In his manuscript Journal, preserved in Sweden.

[765] See Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., ii. 82, 92.

[766] In these terms: “A Commission was granted to Sir Edmund Ploydon for planting and possessing the more Northern parts [of New Netherland], which lie towards New England, by the name of New Albion.” Similarly (following Heylin) the Pocket Commentary of the first Settling of New Jersey.

[767] Maps of “New England and New York” and “Virginia and Maryland,” in this work, name the region on the west side of the Delaware south of the Schuylkill “Aromaninck,” which was understood by Mr. Neill to be the “Eriwomeck” of Yong and Evelin, placed, therefore, at that point by him in articles in the Historical Magazine and the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, before referred to. “Aromanink” is given on another map, one of Visscher’s (from which these in Speed’s work were partly derived), agreeing with several of the period in assigning “Ermomex” (quite as likely the true “Eriwomeck”) to the eastern side of the Delaware. Modern historians of New Jersey, following a statement of Evelin, place Yong’s Fort near Pensaukin Creek.

[768] For information with regard to this family, see Note B to Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s translation of “The Representation of New Netherland,” N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, ii. 323 et seq. (New York, 1849), and the Rev. Dr. Burtsell’s article, already quoted. The latter lays particular stress upon the devout fidelity to the Catholic Church of the kinsfolk of the Earl Palatine of New Albion, whether in England or America, and intimates the Catholic character of Sir Edmund Plowden’s projected colony.

[769] In 8º, 30 pp., with the following titlepage: The Finest Part of America. To be Sold, or Lett, From Eight Hundred to Four Thousand Acres, in a Farm, All that Entire Estate, called Long Island, in New Albion, Lying near New York: Belonging to the Earl Palatine of Albion, Granted to His Predecessor, Earl Palatine of Albion, By King Charles the First. [asterism] The Situation of Long Island is well known, therefore needs no Description here. New Albion is a Part of the Continent of Terra Firma, described in the Charter to begin at Cape May; from thence Westward 120 Miles, running by the River Delaware, closely following its Course by the North Latitude, to a certain Rivulet there arising from a Spring of Lord Baltimore’s, in Maryland; to the South from thence, taking its Course into a Square, bending to the North by a Right Line 120 Miles; from thence also into a Square inclining to the East in a right Line 120 Miles to the River and Port of Reacher Cod, and descends to a Savannah or Meadow, turning and including the Top of Sandy Hook; from thence along the Shore to Cape May, where it began, forming a Square of 120 Miles of good Land. Long Island is mostly improved and fit for a Course of Husbandry. N.B.—Great Encouragement will be given to improving Tenants, by letting the Lands very cheap, on Leases of Lives, renewable for ever. Letters (Post paid) signed with real Names, directed for F. P., at Mr. Reynell’s Printing-Office, No. 21, Piccadilly, near the Hay-Market, will be answered, and the Writer directed where he may be treated with, relative to the Conditions of Sale, Charter, Title Deeds, a Map, with the Farms allotted thereon, etc., etc. Just Published, and may be had as above (Price One Shilling), A True Copy of the Above Charter, With the Conditions of Letting, or Selling the Land, and other Articles relating thereto. A copy of this rare tract (that collated by Sabin, and consulted by the writer) is owned by Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch, of New York; others are mentioned in Mr. Whitehead’s East Jersey under the Proprietors (2d ed.), p. 11, note, as belonging to the late John Ruthurfurd, of Newark, N. J., and the late Henry C. Murphy, of New York. The copy formerly pertaining to Varlo’s counsellor, William Rawle, long since passed out of the possession of his family. Of the contents of the book mentioned in the text, the translation of the charter and the lease and release were reprinted in Hazard’s Historical Collections, i. 160 et seq.; the address is given (with the error “Sir Edward” for “Sir Edmund Plowden”) in a “parergon” to Penington’s essay; and the conditions for letting or selling land appear in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vii. 54, as before intimated.

[770] “The Proclamation,” says Mr. Murphy, “has not been republished. The only copy which we know of is the one for the use of which we are indebted to the kindness of the Hon. Peter Force, of Washington.”

[771] Notice was also given that “True copies in Latin and English of the original charter registered in Dublin, authenticated under the hand and seal of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, 1784, may be seen, by applying to Captain Cope, at the State Arms Tavern, New York.”

[772] An account of Varlo’s “Tour through America” was given in his Nature Displayed, p. 116 et seq. (London, 1794), and was reprinted (with slight variations of phrase) in his Floating Ideas of Nature, ii. 53 et seq., London, 1796. A copy of the former book is in the Mercantile Library of Philadelphia, and one of the latter is in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[773] The letters appear in the Floating Ideas of Nature, ii. 9 et seq.

[774] The authorities cited in this paper contain, it is believed, all the facts in print concerning New Albion, although the subject is mentioned in all the general and in many of the local annals of New Jersey, as well as in several histories of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New York.

[775] See chapter ix.

[776] As early as 1658 Josiah Coale and Thomas Thurston visited the Susquehanna Indians. They were received with great kindness, and spent some weeks with the red men, travelling over two hundred miles in their company. Coale also visited the tribes of Martha’s Vineyard and others of Massachusetts. He returned to them after being liberated from prison at Sandwich, and was told by a chief: “The Englishmen do not love Quakers, but the Quakers are honest men and do no harm; and this is no Englishman’s sea or land, and the Quakers shall come here and welcome.” Of this early teacher Penn wrote: “Therefore shall his memorial remain as a sweet oyntment with the Righteous, and time shall never blot him out of their remembrance.” Fox had several meetings with the Indians, and at one he says, “They sat very grave and sober, and were all very attentive, beyond many called Christians.” After Fox’s return to England, his interest in the Indians continued, and in 1681 he wrote to the Burlington Meeting to invite the Indians to worship with them. It was thus that the way was prepared for the peaceful settlement of West Jersey and Pennsylvania.

[777] [See Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume.—Ed.]

[778] An Abstract or Abbreviation of some Few of the Many (Latter and Former) Testimonys from the Inhabitants of New Jersey, etc. London, 1681.

[779] [The history of the Swedish period is told in Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[780] History of Chester County, Pa., by Judge J. Smith Futhey and Gilbert Cope, p. 18.

[781] The courts were of three different kinds: namely, the County Courts, Orphans’ Courts, and Provincial Court. The County Courts sat at irregular intervals during the year, and were composed of justices of the peace, commissioned from time to time, the number of whom varied with the locality, the press of business, or the caprice of the government. They had jurisdiction to try criminal offences of inferior grades, and all civil causes except where the title to land was in controversy. In proper cases they exercised a distinct equity jurisdiction, which seems, however, to have been excessively irritating to the people. In many instances they were materially assisted in their labors by boards of peacemakers, who were annually appointed to settle controversies, and who performed pretty nearly the same functions as modern arbitrators. The Justices of the County Courts sat also in the Orphans’ Courts, which were established in every county to control and distribute the estates of decedents. For some cause now imperfectly understood, the conduct of the early Orphans’ Courts was exceedingly unsatisfactory, and their practice so irregular that but little can be gleaned respecting them.

The Provincial Court, which was established in 1684, was composed of five, afterwards of three, judges, who were always among the most considerable men in the province. They had jurisdiction in cases of heinous or enormous crimes, and also in all cases where the title to land was in controversy. An appeal also lay to this court from the County and Orphans’ Courts, in all cases where it was thought that injustice had been done.

[782] In 1700 the admiralty jurisdiction was done away with by the establishment of a regular vice-admiralty court in the province.

[783] Manuscript note furnished by Lawrence Lewis, Jr., Esq.

[784] [See the Maryland view of this controversy in chap. xiii.—Ed.]

[785] This must not be confused with the present Cape Henlopen, which was in 1760 called Cape Cornelius. The line was eventually run from a point known as “The False Cape,” about twenty-three or twenty-four miles south of the present Cape Henlopen.

[786] While in America, Penn made other purchases from the Indians. One purchase from the Five Nations for land on the Susquehanna was delayed until after the limits between Pennsylvania and Maryland were settled, when it was consummated in 1696, through the agency of Governor Dongan of New York, and confirmed by the Indians in 1701.

[787] Manuscript note furnished by Samuel W. Pennypacker, Esq.

[788] [There is a contemporary map showing the laying out of Philadelphia by Holme (concerning which much will be found in John Reed’s Explanation of the Map of Philadelphia, 1774), and also a part of Harris’s map of Pennsylvania, which gives the location of Pennsbury Manor, Penn’s country house, in Bucks County, four miles above Bristol, on the Delaware, which was built during Penn’s first visit, on land purchased by Markham of the Indians. See the view in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, iii. 174.—Ed.]

[789] Their frames were logs; they were thirty feet long and eighteen wide, with a partition in the middle forming two rooms, one of which could be again divided. They were covered with clapboards, which were “rived feather-edged.” They were lined and filled in. The floor of the lower rooms was the ground; that of the upper was of clapboards. These houses, he said, would last ten years; but some persons, even in the villages, had built much better. The house built for James Claypoole was about such as we have described. It had, however, a good cellar, but no chimney. He said it looked like a barn.

[790] Some Account of the Province of Pennsilvania in America, Lately Granted under the Great Seal of England To William Penn, etc., Together with Priviledges and Powers necessary to the well-governing thereof. Made public for the Information of such as are or may be disposed to Transport Themselves or Servants into those Parts. London: Printed and Sold by Benjamin Clark, etc., 1681.

See Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,225; Rice Catalogue, no. 1,753. There is a copy in Harvard College Library, from which the accompanying fac-simile of title is taken. The chief portion of it is reprinted in Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 505; Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, i. 305.

In this pamphlet we have the origin of the quit-rents, which gave considerable uneasiness in the province. It gives also a picture of the social condition of England.

[791] Een Kort Bericht van de Provintie ofte Landschap Pennsylvania genaemt; leggende in America; Nu onlangs onder het groote Zegel van Engeland gegeven aan William Penn, etc. Rotterdam: Pieter van Wynbrugge, 1681, 4º, 24 pp. See Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,227; Trömel, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 381.

A copy of this was sold at the Stevens sale (no. 619) in 1881 for £10 5s.

[792] Eine nachricht wegen der Landschaft Pennsylvania in America: welche jungstens unter dem Grossen Siegel in Engelland an William Penn, etc. Amsterdam: Christoff Cunraden, 4º, 31 pp. See Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,226. A copy is in the Philadelphia Library. (Loganian, no. Q, 1,262.) [Harrassowitz of Leipzig, in recently advertising a copy (28 marks) with the imprint, Frankfort, 1683, says that it originally formed a part of the Diarium Europæum, and was never published separately.—Ed.]

[793] Recit de l’Estat Present des Celebres Colonies de la Virgine, de Marie-Land, de la Caroline, du nouveau Duché d’York, de Pennsylvania, et de la Nouvelle Angleterre, situées dans l’Amerique septentrionale, etc. Rotterdam: Reinier Leers, 4º, 43 pp. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,230; Leclerc’s Bibliotheca Americana, no. 1,324.

[794] A Brief Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, lately granted by the King, under the Great Seal of England, to William Penn and his Heirs and Assigns. London: Printed by Benjamin Clark, in George-Yard in Lombard Street, 4º; also abridged and issued in folio, without place or date.

There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. Smith’s Catalogue of Friends’ Books, and Rëcuel de Diverses pieces concernant la Pensylvanie. See infra, p. 31.

[795] Plantation Work the Work of this Generation. Written in True-Love To all such as are weightily inclined to Transplant themselves and Families to any of the English Plantations in America. The Most material Doubts and Objections against it being removed, they may more cheerfully proceed to the Glory and Renown of the God of the whole Earth, who in all undertakings is to be looked unto, Praised, and Feared for Ever. Aspice venturo lætetur ut India Sêclo. London: Printed for Benjamin Clark, in George-Yard in Lombard Street, 1682, 4º, 18 pp. and title.

Copies of the tract are in the Carter-Brown Library, vol. ii. 1,252, Friends’ Library, Philadelphia, and in that of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[796] The Frame of the Government of the Province of Pennsilvania in America: Together with certain Laws agreed upon in England by the Governour and divers Free Men of the aforesaid Province. Folio, 11 pp., 1682.

Penn’s copy of the above, with his bookplate, is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It was purchased at the Stevens sale in 1881 for £10 5s. (Stevens’s Historical Collection, no. 623; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,251.) There is another copy in Harvard College Library, from which the annexed fac-simile of title is taken. Later editions of the Frame, containing the alterations made in 1683, are spoken of on a subsequent page.

[797] Information and Direction To Such Persons as are inclined to America, more Especially Those related to the Province of Pennsylvania. Folio, 4 pp.

The title of this tract is given in Smith’s Catalogue of Friends’ Books, under date of 1681. It is reprinted, with a fac-simile of the half-title, in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iv. 329, from a copy in possession of Mr. Henry C. Murphy. An edition was published at Amsterdam in 1686, which is given on a following page.

[798] There is a copy of the original tract in Harvard College Library. Its title is as follows,—

The Articles, Settlement, and Offices of the Free Society of Traders in Pennsilvania: Agreed upon by divers Merchants and others for the better Improvement and Government of Trade in that Province. London: Printed for Benjamin Clark, folio, 14 pp., 1682.

[799] Copies of it are in the British Museum and in the Friends’ Library, London. It is reprinted in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vi. 176, from a transcript obtained from the British Museum.

[800] A Letter from William Penn, Proprietary and Governour of Pennsylvania in America, to the Committee of the Free Society of Traders of that Province, residing in London. To which is added An Account of the City of Philadelphia, etc. Printed and Sold by Andrew Sowle, at the Crooked-Billet in Holloway Lane in Shoreditch, and at several Stationers’ in London, folio, 10 pp., 1683.

A copy of the edition, with list of property holders, is in the Library of the New York Historical Society. It has been lately reprinted by Coleman, of London. Copies of the edition, which does not contain the list of purchasers, are in the Philadelphia Library and in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It is reprinted in Proud’s History of Pennsylvania, i. 246; Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, i. 432; Janney’s Life of Penn, p. 238; and in the various editions of Penn’s collected Works. Menzies’ copy sold for $65. Harvard College Library has a copy without the list; another is in the Carter-Brown Library. Cf. Rich’s Catalogue of 1832, no. 403.

[801] Missive van William Penn, Eygenaar en Gouverneur van Pennsylvania, in America. Geschreven aan de Commissarissen van de Vrye Societeyt der Handelaars, op de selve Provintie, binnen London resideerende. Waar by noch gevoeght is een Beschrijving van de Hooft-Stadt Philadelphia, etc. Amsterdam: Gedrukt voor Jacob Claus, 1684, 4º, 23 pp.

A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library, Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,293, and in the O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,816 ($20). The one in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania lacks the map. It contains, in addition to what is in the London edition, a letter from Thomas Paschall, dated from Philadelphia, Feb. 10, 1683 (N. S.), the first, we believe, dated from that locality. This letter will be found translated in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vi. 322.

[802] Beschreibung der in America new-erfunden Provinz Pensylvanien. Derer Inwohner Gesetz Arth Sitten und Gebrauch: auch samlicher reviren des Landes sonderlich der haupt-stadt Philadelphia. (Hamburg.) Henrich Heuss, 1684, 4º, 32 pp. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,295.

[803] Recüeil de Diverses pieces concernant la Pensylvanie. A La Haye: Chez Abraham Troyel, 1684, 18º, 118 pp.

Of the copy in the Carter-Brown Library, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, its curator, writes that it is the same with the German. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,295. Another copy is in the possession of a member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; cf. Stevens, Historical Collection, no. 1,539.

[804] Twee Missiven geschreven uyt Pensilvania, d’ Eene door een Hollander, woonachtig in Philadelfia, d’ Ander door een Switser, woonachtig in German Town, Dat is Hoogduytse Stadt. Van den 16 en 26 Maert, 1684, Nieuwe Stijl. Tot Rotterdam, by Pieter van Alphen, anno 1684, 2 leaves, small 4º.

[805] See Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume, and Proud’s History of Pennsylvania, i. 226.

[806] We are unable to give any information additional to that furnished by Mr. Whitehead, except that a copy of this tract sold for $160 at the Brinley sale, and that the original edition can be found in the Carter-Brown, Lenox, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and Friends’ (of Philadelphia) libraries; cf. Historical Magazine, vi. 265, 304. A biographical sketch of Budd will be found in Mr. Armstrong’s introduction to the work as published in Gowan’s Bibliotheca Americana, no. 4.

[807] Missive van Cornelis Bom Geschreven uit de Stadt Philadelphia in de Provintie van Pennsylvania Leggende op d’ vostzyde van de Zuyd Revier van Nieuw Nederland Verhalende de groote Voortgank van deselve Provintie Waerby komt de Getuygenis van Jacob Telner van Amsterdam. Tot Rotterdam, gedrukt by Pieter van Wijnbrugge, in de Leeuwestraet, 1685.

The title we give is from a copy in the “Library of the Archives” of the Moravians, Bethlehem, Pa.

[808] A Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania and its Improvements. For the Satisfaction of those that are Adventurers and enclined to be so. No titlepage. Signed “William Penn, Worminghurst Place, 12th of the 10 month, 1685.”

Tweede Bericht ofte Relaas van William Penn, Eygenaar en Gouverneur van de Provintie van Pennsylvania, in America, etc. Amsterdam: By Jacob Claus, 4º, 20 pp.

Copies of all three editions are in the Carter-Brown Collection. (Catalogue, ii. 1, 320-22). The two English editions are in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Extracts from it are given in Blome’s Present State of His Majesties Isles and Territories in America, London, 1687, pp. 122-134. We do not think that the work has ever been reprinted. Trömel, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 390, gives the Dutch edition.

[809] Nader Informatie en Bericht voor die gene die genegen zijn, om zich na America te begeeven, en in de Provincie van Pensylvania Geinteresseerd zijn, of zich daar zocken neder te zetten. Mit een Voorreden behelzende verscheydene aanmerkelzjke zaken vanden tegenwoordige toestand, en Regeering dier Provincie; Novit voor dezen in druk geweest: maar nu eerst uytgegeven door Robert Webb t’ Amsterdam. By Jacob Claus, 1686, 4º, i+11 pp. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,332.

[810] A Letter from Doctor More, with Passages out of several Letters from Persons of Good Credit, Relating to the State and Improvement of the Province of Pennsilvania. Published to prevent false Reports. Printed in the Year 1687.

It is reprinted in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iv. 445, from a copy in the Carter-Brown Library, Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,339.

[811] Some Letters and an Abstract of Letters from Pennsylvania, Containing the State and Improvement of that Province. Published to prevent Mis-Reports. Printed and Sold by Andrew Sowe, at the Crooked Billott in Holloway Lane in Shoreditch, 1691, 4º, 12 pp.

Penn’s copy is in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; see Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,423. It is reprinted in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iv. 189.

[812] A Short Description of Pennsilvania, or, A Relation What things are known, enjoyed, and like to be discovered in the said Province. [Imperfect.] By Richard Frame. Printed and sold by William Bradford in Philadelphia, 1692, 4º, 8 pp.

But one copy is known to have survived, and it is preserved in the Philadelphia Library. A small edition was printed in fac-simile, in 1867, on the Oakwood Press, a private press of “S. J. Hamilton” (the late Dr. James Slack). Its introduction is in the form of a letter by Horatio Gates Jones, Esq.

[813] Copia Eines Send-Schriebens ausz der neuen Welt, betreffend die Erzehlung einer gefäherlichen Schifffarth, und glücklichen Anländung etlicher Christlichen Reisegefehrten, welche zu dem Ende diese Wallfahrt angetratten, den Glauben an Jesum Christum allda Ausz-zubreiten. Gedruckt im Jahr 1695, 4º, 11 pp.

A copy was purchased by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania at the Stevens sale in 1881 for £26. It has been translated by Professor Oswald Seidensticker for publication in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History. Professor Seidensticker inclines to the belief that it was written by Daniel Falkner.

[814] There are two copies of the book in Harvard College Library; from the map in one the annexed fac-simile is taken. Cf. Wharton’s paper on provincial literature in Hist. Soc. Mem., i. 119; and the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 1,550.

[815] Umstandige Geographische Beschreibung Der zu allerletzt-erfundenen Provintz Pensylvaniæ, In denen End Grantzen Americæ In der West-Welt gelegen durch Franciscum Danielem Pastorium, etc. Vattern Melchiorem Adamum Pastorium, und andere gute Freunde. Franckfurt und Leipzig. Zu finden bey Andreas Otto, 1700, 16º, 140 pp.

The Harvard College copy is dated 1704; cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,077; and O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,807, with a Continuatio of 1702 ($43 00).

[816] Curieuse Nachricht von Pensylvania in Norden-America welche auf Begehren guter Freunde, etc. Von Daniel Falknern, Professore, Burgern und Pilgrim allda. Franckfurt und Leipzig. Zu finden bey Andreas Otto, Buchhandlern, 1702, 16º, 58 pp.

[817] It is worth while to make record of two tracts of this early period whose titles might deceive the student with the belief that they pertained to the subject, but they do not. The first is a burlesque indorsement of the Protestant Reconciler, entitled Three Letters of Thanks to the Protestant Reconciler: 1. From the Anabaptists at Munster; 2. From the Congregations in New England; 3. From the Quakers in Pennsylvania. London: Benjamin Took, 1683, 4º, 26 pp.

The other is a Letter to William Penn, with His Answer, London, 1688, 4º, 10 pp; again the same year in 20 pp.; and in Dutch, 16 pp., Amsterdam, 1689.

This letter, by Sir William Popple, is addressed “To the Honourable William Penn, Esq., Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania.” It is a friendly criticism on his conduct while living in England, after his return from America. It has nothing to do with his province but is of a biographical nature. Proud prints the correspondence in his History of Pennsylvania (i. 314). It has been catalogued as connected with the history of the province. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., nos. 1,363 and 1,390. Both of the London editions are in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

The student may also need to be warned against a forged letter of Cotton Mather, about a plot to capture Penn. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1870, p. 329.

[818] A Journal or Historical Account of his Life, Travels, Sufferings, etc. London, 1694, folio. Again, London, 1709; 1765; 7th ed., 1852, with notes by Wilson Armistead. Allibone’s Dictionary, i. 625; Sabin’s Dictionary, vi. 25, 352.

[819] London, 1713; Dublin, 1715; London, 1715, 1777; Dublin, 1820; and in two different Friends’ libraries, 1833 and 1838. Sabin, vi. 21,873.

[820] Apology for the Church and People of God called in derision Quakers; Wherein they are vindicated from those that accuse them of Disorder and Confusion on the one hand, and from such as calumniate them with Tyranny and Imposition on the other; shewing that as the true and pure Principles of the Gospel are restored by their Testimony, so is also the ancient apostolick order of the Church of Christ re-established among them, and settled upon its Right Basis and Foundation. By Robert Barclay, London, 1676, 1 vol., 4º.

There have been various later editions in English and German. Masson calls this book by far the best-reasoned exposition of the sect’s early principles.

[821] A Collection of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers, for the testimony of a good Conscience. London, 1753, 2 vols., folio.

[822] The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People called Quakers, intermixed with several remarkable occurrences. Written originally in Low Dutch by W. S., and by himself translated into English. London, 1722, folio, 752 pp. There are later editions,—London, 1725; Philadelphia, 1725; Burlington, N. J., 1775; again, 1795, 1799-1800; Philadelphia, 1811; again, 1833, in Friends’ Library; New York, 1844, etc. The Philadelphia edition of 1725 bears the imprint of Samuel Keimer. It was this book which Franklin, in his Autobiography, tells us he and Meredith worked upon just after they had established themselves in business. Forty sheets, he says, were from their press.

[823] [This was published at Amsterdam in 1696, and was translated into English, with a letter by George Keith, vindicating himself, the same year; and also into German. Sabin’s Dictionary, v. 17,584. The next year (1797) Francis Bugg’s Picture of Quakerism was printed as “A modest Corrective of Gerrard Croese” (Sabin, iii. 9,072); Bugg having, since about 1684, joined their opponents. Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,503.—Ed.]

[824] Portraiture of Quakerism, 3 vols., London, 1806; New York, same date.

[825] Four vols., Philadelphia, 1860-67.

[826] London, 1876.

[827] An Examen of Parts relating to the Society of Friends in a recent work by Robert Barclay, entitled, etc. Philadelphia, 1876.

[828] See also Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,479, for a variety of titles; and Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 2017.

[829] It may not, however, be out of place to mention here the chief reasons on which the followers of Fox base their objections to the manner in which it is customary to speak of the first Quakers who visited New England. It is generally represented that it was the behavior of these early ministers which caused their persecution; but before a European Quaker had set foot on Massachusetts the court had denounced them, and in October, 1656, a law was passed which spoke of them as a “cursed sect of heretickes.” It is also customary to speak of the executions of Quakers in Boston in connection with certain acts of indecency committed by women who were either laboring under mental aberrations or believed that they were fulfilling a divine command, leaving on the mind of the reader the impression that the capital law was called into existence to correct such abuses. No such acts were committed until after the capital law had fallen into disuse. Nor is it clear, from printed authorities, that the death penalty was only inflicted after every possible means had been tried by the Massachusetts authorities to rid themselves of their unwelcome visitors. The language of the law of 1658, which declared that if a banished Quaker returned he or she should suffer death, does not show that it supplemented that of 1657, by which punishments increasing in severity were visited on Quakers upon their first, second, and third return. Neither will the practice under the law of 1658 justify this interpretation. The penalties of the law of 1657 had not been exhausted in the cases of Mary Dyer, William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and William Ledera, when they were hanged.

[830] See Memoirs of Long Island Historical Society, vol. i.

[831] London, 1726, 2 vols., folio; London, 1771, 1 vol., royal folio; London, 1782, 5 vols., 8º; London, 1825, 3 vols., 8º.

[832] A list of the most important of these, with references to where they will be found, is printed in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vi. 368.

[833] London, 1813, 2 vols.; Dover, N. H., 1820; new edition, with preface by Forster, 1849. It is reviewed by Jeffrey in Edinburgh Review, xxi. 444.

[834] Philadelphia, 1852; cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. ix. p. 221. Mr. Janney was appointed Indian Agent by President Grant, 1869. He died April 30, 1880.

[835] London, 1851; again, 1856. It is reviewed in the Edinburgh Review, xciv. 229, and Christian Observer, li. 818.

[836] Two vols., 1791. It is of some interest to note another French life by C. Vincent, Paris, 1877, and a Dutch life by H. van Lil, Amsterdam, 1820-25, 2 vols.

[837] 1. Answers to Macaulay.—Defence of William Penn from Charges, etc., of T. B. Macaulay, by Henry Fairbairn. Philadelphia, 1849, 8º, 38 pp.

2. William Penn and T. B. Macaulay, by W. E. Forster. Revised for the American edition by the author. Philadelphia, 1850, 8º, 48 pp. This first appeared as an Introduction to an edition of Clarkson’s Life of W. Penn, London, 1850.

3. William Penn, par L. Vullieum. Paris, 1855, 8º, 83 pp.

4. Inquiry into the Evidence relating to the Charges brought by Lord Macaulay against W. Penn, by John Paget. Edinburgh, 1858, 12º, 138 pp. Cf. also Westminster Review, liv. 117; and Eclectic Magazine, xxiii. 115; xxxix. 120. Sabin’s Dictionary, 49,743.

Additional Works.—Memorials of the Life and Times of [Admiral] Sir W. Penn, by Granville Penn. London, 1833, 2 vols. 8º. Cf. also P. S. P. Conner’s Sir William Penn, Philadelphia, 1876, and “The Father of Penn not a Baptist,” in Historical Magazine, xvi. 228.

“The Private Life and Domestic Habits of W. Penn,” by Joshua F. Fisher, in the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. iii. part ii. p. 65 (1836); published also separately.

“Memoir of Part of the Life of W. Penn,” by Mr. Lawton, a contemporaneous writer, in Ibid., p. 213.

“Fragments of an Apology for Himself,” by W. Penn, in Ibid., p. 233.

“Penn and Logan Correspondence.” Edited by Edward Armstrong, in vols. ix. and x. of Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. These volumes cover only the years between 1700 and 1711; they also contain Mr. J. J. Smith’s Memoir of the Penn Family, reprinted in Lippincott’s Magazine, v. 149. Cf. Magazine of American History, ii. 437; also James Coleman’s Pedigree and General Notes of the Penn Family, 1871.

“William Penn’s Travels in Holland and Germany,” by Oswald Seidensticker. See Pennsylvania Magazine of History, ii. 237. Penn’s journal of these travels will be found in his collected works.

The Penns and the Penningtons, and The Fells of Swarthmore Hall, by Maria Webb, are two interesting books throwing light on the Quaker society in which Penn moved.

Calvert and Penn; or, the Growth of Civil and Religious Liberty in America, by Brantz Mayer. Delivered before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, April 8, 1852. Baltimore, 1852, 8º, 49 pp.

John Stoughton’s William Penn, the Founder of Pennsylvania. London, 1882. This book, called out by the Bi-Centenary of Pennsylvania, is founded on the standard Lives, but adds some new matter.

[838] Coleman, James, bookseller. Catalogue of Original Deeds, Charters, Copies of Royal Grants, petitions, Original Letters, etc., of William Penn and his Family. July, 1870. Also Supplement. London, 1870, 8º, 32, 12 pp.

Also see The Penn Papers. Description of a large Collection of Original Letters, Manuscript Documents, Charters, Grants, Printed Papers, rare Books and Pamphlets relating to the Celebrated William Penn, to the early History of Pennsylvania, and incidentally to other parts of America, dating from the latter part of the 17th to the end of the 18th century, lately in the possession of a surviving descendant of William Penn, now the property of Edward G. Allen. London, 1870.

Also see Original Deeds and Charters, State and Boundary Documents, Letters, Maps, and Charts, also Books and Papers relating to America, the Penn Family, and the Quakers, many of them from the Penn Library. July, 1876. London, 1876, 8º, 24 pp.

[839] The published address delivered upon their presentation to the Historical Society is entitled Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania on the Presentation of the Penn Papers, and Address of Craig Biddle, March 10, 1873, Philadelphia, 1873, 8º, 30 pp. Cf. Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical Society, no. 177.

[840] Mr. Whitehead informs me that the papers in the Library of the New Jersey Historical Society consist of 17 parts (no. 10 missing), and are called, “The History of the Colonies of New Jersey and Pennsylvania in America. From the time of their first discovery to the year 1721. Together with an Appendix containing several occurrences that have happened since, down to the present time. Undertaken at the desire of the Yearly Meeting of the people called Quakers, of the said Colonies, and published by their order. By——. Psal. cv. 12. 13. 14, when they were but a few, etc.” Several of the passages, marked “Transfer to History of Friends,” correspond to the Philadelphia manuscript, which is apparently the portion designated as the second part in the author’s scheme, as thus detailed by himself in the New Jersey manuscript: “The History of the Province of Pennsylvania in two parts. Part I. The time and manner of the grants of territories, the arrival of settlers, a general view of the original state of the country and of the public proceedings in legislation, and other matters for the first forty years after the settlement made under William Penn. Part II. The introduction and some account of the religious progress of the people called Quakers therein, including the like account respecting the same people in New Jersey as constituting one Yearly Meeting.”

[841] The History of Pennsylvania in North America, from ... 1681 till after the year 1742, with an Introduction respecting the Life of W. Penn, ... the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, with the First Rise ... of West New Jersey, and ... the Dutch and Swedes in Delaware; to which is added a Brief Description of the said Province, 1760-1770. Philadelphia, 1797-1798.

[842] A biographical notice of him by the Rev. Charles West Thomson will be found in vol. i. of the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (2d ed. p. 417), together with some verses which show the sympathies of a Loyalist. He was born in 1728, and died in 1813. A Portrait after a pencil sketch is noted in the Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical Society, no. 86.

[843] Philadelphia, 1829.

[844] London, 1854; vol. i. appearing in 1850. The work was never completed.

[845] Harrisburg, 1876; 2d ed., Philadelphia, 1880.

[846] London, 1757, 2 vols., 8º.

[847] London, 1770, 2 Vols., 8º.

[848] [This book has passed through several editions,—1830, with lithographic illustrations; 1844, 1850, 1857, and 1868, with woodcuts. A tribute to Mr. Watson (who was born June 13, 1779, and died Dec. 23, 1861), by Charles Deane, is in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 207; and Benjamin Dorr published A Memoir of John Fanning Watson, Philadelphia, 1861, with a portrait. Mr. Willis P. Hazard’s Annals of Philadelphia, 1879, supplements Mr. Watson’s book. The local antiquarian interest will be abundantly satisfied with Mr. Townsend Ward’s papers on the old landmarks of the town, which have appeared in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, though much in them necessarily fails of association with the early years with which we are dealing. This is likewise true of Thompson Westcott’s Historic Buildings of Philadelphia, 1877; cf. the papers on old Philadelphia in Harper’s Monthly, 1876; cf. An Explanation of the Map of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia. By John Reed. Philadelphia, 1794 and 1846.—Ed.]

[849] Philadelphia, 1867, 12º, 379 pp.

[850] Norristown, 1859.

[851] Philadelphia, 1862. See Memoir of Dr. Smith in Pennsylvania Mag. of Hist., vi. 182.

[852] Philadelphia, 1877.

[853] Doylestown, Pa., 1876, 8º, 875 + 54 pp.

[854] It is unfortunate that a book of such merit should have been given to the public in so objectionable a form. It is a 4º, 782 + 44 pages (Philadelphia, 1881), profusely illustrated with pictures calculated to gratify the vanity of living persons and to mislead students as to the value of the work.

[855] Annals of Pennsylvania, from the Discovery of the Delaware, by Samuel Hazard, 1609-1682, Philadelphia, 1850, 8º, 664 pp. An excellent compilation, containing nearly all the documentary information on the subject, arranged in chronological order.

A catalogue of the papers relating to Pennsylvania and Delaware in the State-Paper Office, London, was printed in the Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, vol. iv. part ii. p. 236.

[856] Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania. Beginning the Fourth Day of December, 1682. Volume the First, in Two Parts. Philadelphia, 1752. This collection was continued down to the Revolution. It is contained in six folio volumes. The first three are from the press of Franklin and Hall. They are always known as “Votes of the Assembly.”

[857] The first ten volumes of the series known as the Colonial Records bear the title of Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, from the Organization [1683] to the Termination of the Proprietary Government; the last six: Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania from its Organization to the Termination of the Revolution. They contain, however, the Minutes down to 1790. The publication of this series was begun by the State in 1837, the American Philosophical Society and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania having petitioned the Legislature to adopt measures for this end. After three volumes were issued (Harrisburg, 1838-1840) the publication was suspended. In 1851, at the request of the Historical Society, the matter was again brought before the Legislature by Edward Armstrong, Esq., a member of the Society, then a delegate to the Legislature. The sixteen volumes of the Colonial Records and twelve of the Pennsylvania Archives were issued between the years 1852 and 1856. The volumes issued in 1838-1840 were reprinted in 1852, and an index volume to both works in 1860. The latter does not apply to the volume of the Records published in 1838-1840.

[858] Pennsylvania Archives, selected and arranged from Original Documents in the Office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth. By Samuel Hazard, Commencing 1664. 12 vols., 8º. Harrisburg and Philadelphia, 1852-1856. To Mr. Samuel Hazard, who was also the author of the Annals of Pennsylvania and publisher of Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania (16 vols., 8º, Philadelphia, 1828-1835), the students of history are greatly indebted for the preservation of some of the most important documents relating to the history of the State.

[859] Charter to William Penn and Laws of the Province of Pennsylvania, 1682 and 1700; preceded by Duke of York’s Laws in Force from the year 1676 to the year 1682. Published under the direction of John Blair Linn, Sec. of Commonwealth, Compiled and edited by Staughton George, Benjamin M. Nead, and Thomas McCamant. Harrisburg, 1879, 8º, 614 pp.

Appendix A of this volume contains a compilation of the laws, etc., establishing the Courts of Judicature; it is by Staughton George. Appendix B contains Historical Notes of the Early Government and Legislative Councils and Assemblies of Pennsylvania; it is by Mr. Nead. Both are valuable pieces of work; but we do not agree with Mr. Nead that the laws printed and agreed upon in England, and the written ones prepared by Penn and submitted to the Assembly that met at Upland, December, 1682, were both passed. The passage in Penn’s letter of Dec. 16, 1682, which reads, “the laws were agreed upon more fully worded,” indicates that the printed series was superseded by the written one.

[860] Laws of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1810 (Beoren’s edition). The second volume of this edition contains an elaborate “note” on land-titles; it will be found on pp. 105-261. It was prepared by Judge Charles Smith.

View of the Land-Laws of Pennsylvania, with Notes of its Early History and Legislation. By Thomas Sargeant. Philadelphia, 1838, 8º, xiii + 203 pp.

Address before the Law Academy. By Peter McCall. Philadelphia, 1838. A valuable historical essay.

Essay on the History and Nature of Original Titles of Land in Pennsylvania. By Charles Huston. Philadelphia, 1849, 8º, xx + 484 pp.

Syllabus of Law of Land-Office Titles in Pennsylvania. By Joel Jones. Philadelphia, 1850, 12º, xxiv + 264.

The Common Law of Pennsylvania. By George Sharswood. A lecture before the Law Academy. Philadelphia, 1856.

Equity in Pennsylvania. A lecture before the Law Academy of Philadelphia, Feb. 11, 1868. By William Henry Rawle. With an Appendix, being the Register Book of Governor Keith’s Court of Chancery. Philadelphia, 1868, 8º, 93 + 46 pp.

A Practical Treatise on the Law of Ground-Rents in Pennsylvania. By Richard M. Cadwalader. Philadelphia, 1879, 8º, 356 pp.

An Essay on Original Land-Titles in Philadelphia. By Lawrence Lewis, Jr. Philadelphia, 1880, 8º, 266 pp.

The Courts of Pennsylvania in the Seventeenth Century. Read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, March 14, 1881. By Lawrence Lewis, Jr. See Pennsylvania Magazine of History, v. 141, also, separately.

Some Contrasts in the Growth of Pennsylvania and English Law. A Lecture before the Law Department of the University of Pennsylvania, Oct. 3, 1881. By William Henry Rawle. Philadelphia, 1881, 8º, 78 pp., 2d ed., 32 pp., 1882.

[861] A number of addresses were delivered before this Society. That of J. N. Barker, delivered in 1827, is the most valuable of the series, and is entitled Sketches of the Primitive Settlements of the River Delaware, Philadelphia, 1828.

[862] That no doubt should exist regarding the accuracy of these dates, we have had Penn’s letter to the Lords of Plantation in the State-Paper Office, London, examined, and in it the 24th is clearly written. This is confirmed by the original draft of his letter to the Free Society of Traders, in which the same date of arrival is given. The “New Castle County old Records transcribed,” quoted by Hazard, give the 27th as the time of his arrival before that town, and the 28th as the day on which he took official possession. These statements are verified by the Breviate of Penn vs. Lord Baltimore, in which the original Newcastle Records appear to have been quoted, since the volumes and folios referred to differ from those given by Hazard.

[863] This conclusion has been reached by examining the evidence we have in strict chronological order. There is nothing to show that Penn met the Indians in council until May, 1683. At this conference the Indians either failed to understand him, or refused to sell him land. His next meeting with them was on June 23, 1683. He then purchased land from them, and the promises of friendship quoted on a former page were exchanged. It is a significant fact that while there is scarcely any allusion to the Indians in his letters prior to the meeting of June 23, subsequent to that time they are full of descriptions of them, and of accounts of his intercourse with them.

[864] [The elm-tree known as the Treaty-tree which was long venerated as the one under which the interview was held, was blown down in 1810, and a picture of it taken in 1809 is preserved in the Historical Society. (Cf. Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Historical Society, no. 167. Cf. views in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, ii. 493; Watson’s Annals of Philadelphia; one of the latter part of the last century in Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iv. 186.) For the monument on the spot, see Lossing’s Field Book of the Revolution, ii. 254. It is well known that Benjamin West made the scene of the treaty the subject of a large historical painting. The original first deed given by the Indians to Markham is in the possession of the Historical Society. Cf. Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Historical Society, no. 174.

William Rawle’s address before the Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1825 was upon Penn’s method of dealing with the Indians as compared with the customs obtaining in the other colonies. (Cf. Historical Magazine, vi. 64.) Fac-similes of the marks of many Indian chiefs, as put to documents from 1682 to 1785, are given in Pennsylvania Archives, vol. i.—Ed.]

[865] [Cf. also Pennsylvania Archives, 2d series, vol. vii. There is a map illustrating the boundary dispute in Pennsylvania Archives (1739), i. 595; cf. Neill’s Terra Maria, chap. v., Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, ii. 200, and Mr. Brantley’s chapter in the present volume.—Ed.]

[866] S. R. Gardiner’s Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage, i. 164.

[867] S. R. Gardiner’s Personal Government of Charles I., ii. 290.

[868] In the Maryland Historical Society are preserved the original manuscript records of courts baron and leet held in St. Clement’s manor at different times from 1659 to 1672.

[869] Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus. London, 1878, iii. 362.

[870] [See Memorial History of Boston, i. p. 278.—Ed.]

[871] At a session of the Assembly held in Januuary, 1648, an incident occurred which annalists have generally deemed worthy of mention as the first instance of a demand of political rights for women. Miss Margaret Brent—who was the administratix of Governor Calvert, and as such held to be the attorney, in fact, of Lord Baltimore—applied to the Assembly to have a vote in the House for herself, and another as his lordship’s attorney.

Upon the refusal of her demand, the lady protested in form against all the proceedings of the House. The Assembly afterwards defended her from the censures passed by Lord Baltimore upon her management of his affairs in the Province.

[872] [See Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[873] See chapter x.—Ed.

[874] See chapter xii.—Ed.

[875] [It is reprinted in the Magazine of American History, i. 118.—Ed.]

[876] A copy of the original, which is very rare, is in the British Museum. It was reprinted by Munsell, of Albany, as No. 1 of Shea’s Early Southern Tracts. [It is suggested in the preface of the reprint, which was edited by Colonel Brantz Mayer, that it “was perhaps prepared by Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, from the letters of his brothers, Leonard and George Calvert, who went out with the expedition.” It was also reprinted in the Historical Magazine, October, 1865—Ed.]

[877] This second tract was reprinted by Sabin, of New York, in 1865 [under the editing of Francis L. Hawks. A perfect copy should have a map, engraved by T. Cecill, “Noua Terræ-Mariæ tabula.” It is often wanting, as in the Harvard College copy; it is, however, in the Library of Congress copy. Sabin reproduced it full size, and a reduced fac-simile of it is given in Scharf’s History of Maryland, i. 259. Another is given in the text. The Chalmers Catalogue says that at the time of the boundary disputes between Maryland and Pennsylvania the only copy to be found was in the Sir Hans Sloane Collection. See the Sparks Catalogue, and the Huth Catalogue, iii. 926.—Ed.]

[878] [Dr. Dalrymple was born in Baltimore, in 1817, and was for twenty-four years the Corresponding Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society. He is said to have possessed the largest private library (over 14,000 volumes) south of Pennsylvania. He died Oct. 30, 1881.—Necrology (1881) of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia.—Ed.]

[879] [In 1844 Georgetown College presented to the Maryland Historical Society a copy of McSherry’s transcript of the Relatio Itineris; and in 1847 Dr. N. C. Brooks made a translation from this copy, which was later printed in Force’s Tracts, iv. No. 12. The Latin text, with a revision of Brooks’s version, was printed privately in the Woodstock Letters, in 1872. Two years later (1874) the Maryland Historical Society reprinted it as stated in the text, following, however, the original McSherry transcript, which had been transferred to Loyola College, Baltimore. This, however, then wanted the concluding pages, but in 1875 the whole was found, which necessitated the printing of a supplement to the Fund Publication of the Society (No. 7) which contained it. The later version of Converse is largely reprinted in Scharf’s Maryland, i. 69, etc.

Various accounts of Father White have been printed: B. U. Campbell’s in the Metropolitan Catholic Almanac, 1841, and in the United States Catholic Magazine, vol. vii. Mr. Campbell also read before the Historical Society a paper on Early Missions in Maryland, and printed a chapter on the same subject in the United States Catholic Magazine in 1846. There is also an account of Father White, by Richard H. Clarke, in the Baltimore Metropolitan, iv. (1856), and a sketch in the Woodstock Letters. Upon all these is based the account in the Fund Publication already mentioned. Other accounts of the Maryland missions may be found in Shea’s Early Catholic Missions; and in Henry Foley’s Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, London, 1878, vol. iii. Mr. Neill has used this last in his tract, Light Thrown by the Jesuits upon Hitherto Obscure Points of Early Maryland History, Minneapolis. See also his Eng. Col., ch. xv.—Ed.]

[880] Reprinted in Force’s Historical Tracts, vol. ii. There is a copy of it in Harvard College Library.

[881] The documents transmitted by Bennett and Matthews to the Protector, during their contest with Lord Baltimore in 1656, may be found in Thurloe’s State Papers, v. 482-486. Copies of Strong’s and Langford’s rare tracts are in the Boston Athenæum.

[882] Reprinted in Force’s Historical Tracts, vol. iii. There is a copy of it in Harvard College Library. See Sabin, viii. 30276.

[883] Reprinted in Gowan’s Bibliotheca Americana, No. 5. New York, 1869. [This edition has a map, with introduction and notes by John Gilmary Shea. It has again been reissued as one of the Fund Publications of the Maryland Historical Society.—Ed.]

[884] It is reprinted in Scharf’s Maryland, i. 174.

[885] [The early Quakers of Maryland have been the subject of two publications of the Historical Society: one by J. Saurin Norris, issued in 1862; and the other, Dr. Samuel A. Harrison’s Wenlock Christison and the early Friends in Talbot County, 1878. See also Neill’s Terra Mariæ, ch. iv. On Wenlock Christison see Memorial History of Boston, i. 187.—Ed.]

[886] This manuscript volume is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. An Index to the Calendar was printed in 1861.

[887] In 1860 another valuable report to the governor on the condition of the public records was made by the Rev. Ethan Allen, D. D.

[888] Cf. Preface to Alexander’s Calendar.

[889] Published in the Master of the Rolls series. [The Peabody Index is described in Lewis Mayer’s account of the library, 1854.—Ed.]

[890] The Maryland Historical Society has a manuscript copy of some of the Sloane manuscripts in the British Museum, pertaining to the first Lord Baltimore and Maryland. Mr. Alexander gave to the State Library at Annapolis some of the manuscripts relating to Maryland in Sion College, London. A number of the Maryland papers in the state-paper office have been published in Scharf’s History of Maryland, and in the Report on the Virginia and Maryland Boundary Line, 1873. The Journal of the Dutch Embassy to Maryland in 1659, and some of the communications between the Maryland Council and the Dutch at New Amstel have been published in Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, ii. 84 et seq. The 1880 Index, p. 246, to accessions of manuscripts in the British Museum shows various papers of Cecil Calvert.

[891] A description of the occupations of the planters of Maryland, and of the culture of tobacco by them in the year 1680, is contained in the “Journal of a voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the American colonies,” by Jaspar Dankers and Peter Sluyter, published in the Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society, vol. i. pp. 194, 214-216, 218-221.

[892] An article in Lippincott’s Magazine for July, 1871, describes the topography and the present condition of St. Mary’s.

[893] There is a fine portrait of the first Lord Baltimore in the gallery of the Earl of Verulam at Glastonbury, England. It was painted by Mytens, court painter to James I. An engraving from it is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. In 1882 a copy of this portrait was presented to the State of Maryland by John W. Garrett, Esq. It is engraved in McSherry’s Maryland, p. 21, as from an original in the great gallery of Sir Francis Bacon; and again in S. H. Gay’s Popular History of the United States, i. 485. An engraved portrait of Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, at the age of fifty-one, made by Blotling, in 1657, is in the possession of the Maryland Historical Society. Engravings of these portraits of the two lords are given in the present chapter.

The Baltimore arms are those of Calverts, quartered with Crosslands. The Calvert arms are barry of six, or and sable, over all a bend counterchanged. Crosslands: quarterly, argent and gules, over all a cross bottony counterchanged. Lord Baltimore used: quarterly, first and fourth paly of six, or and sable, a bend counterchanged; second and third, quarterly, argent and gules, a cross bottony counterchanged. Crest: on a ducal coronet proper, two pennons, the dexter or, the sinister sable; the staves, gules. Supporters: two leopards, guardant coward, proper. Motto: Fatti maschii, parole femine.

The first great seal of the Province was lost during Ingle’s Rebellion; and in 1648 the Proprietary sent out another seal, slightly different. This seal had engraven on one side the figure of the Proprietary in armor on horseback, with drawn sword and a helmet with a great plume of feathers, the trappings being adorned with the family arms. The inscription round about this side was: Cecilius absolutus dominus Terra Mariæ et Avaloniæ Baro de Baltimore. On the other side of the seal was engraven a scutcheon with the family arms; namely, six pieces impaled with a band dexter counterchanged, quartered with a cross bottony, and counterchanged; the whole scutcheon being supported with a fisherman on one side and a ploughman on the other (in the place of the family leopards), standing upon a scroll, whereon the Baltimore motto was inscribed; namely, Fatti maschii, parole femine. Above the scutcheon was a count-palatine’s cap, and over that a helmet, with the crest of the family arms; namely, a ducal crown with two half bannerets set upright. Behind the scutcheon and supporters was engraven a large ermine mantle, and the inscription about this side of the seal was, Scuto bonæ voluntatis tuæ coronasti nos. In 1657 Lord Baltimore sent out another seal, similar in design, which was used till 1705. Subsequent changes were made in the seal and arms of the Province and State, but in 1876 the last described side of the Great Seal sent out in 1648 was adopted as the arms of Maryland. A full account of the pedigree of the Calverts will be found in An Appeal to the citizens of Maryland, from the legitimate descendants of the Baltimore family, by Charles Browning, Baltimore, 1821. [Fuller’s Worthies of England and Anthony Wood’s Athenæ Oxoniensis give us important facts regarding the first Lord Baltimore. See John G. Morris’s The Lords Baltimore, 1874, No. 8 of the Fund Publications of the Historical Society; and Neill’s English Colonization in North America, ch. xi.—Ed.]

[894] [He undertook it at the instance of Sir John Dalrymple. See his chapters ix. and xv. See, also, his Introduction to the History of the Revolt of the American Colonies. Chalmers had come to Maryland in 1763 to give legal assistance to an uncle in pursuing a land claim. Many of his papers were bought at his sale by Sparks, and are now in Harvard College Library.—Ed.]

[895] [Compare George William Brown’s Origin and Growth of Civil Liberty in Maryland, a discourse before the Historical Society in 1850. And Brantz Mayer’s Calvert and Penn,—a discourse before the Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1852.—Ed.]

[896] [Bozman was born in 1757 and died in 1823. He had published in 1811 a preliminary Sketch of the History of Maryland during the three first years after its Settlement. Some of the old records, supposed to have been lost since he used them, were found at Annapolis in 1875, and serve to show the accuracy with which he copied them. Gay’s Popular History of the United States, i. 515.—Ed.]

[897] New Series, vol. ix.

[898] [Following Chalmers, it had been often stated that the Assembly of 1649 was Catholic by majority; but four or five years before this publication of Davis, Mr. Sebastian F. Streeter, in his Maryland Two Hundred Years Ago, had claimed that the Assembly which passed the Toleration Act was by majority Protestant, for which, so late as January, 1869, he was taken to task in the Southern Review by Richard McSherry, M.D., who reprinted his paper in his Essays and Lectures. The question of the relations of Protestant and Catholic to the spirit of toleration is discussed by E. D. Neill, in his “Lord Baltimore and Toleration in Maryland,” in the Contemporary Review, September, 1876; by B. F. Brown, in his Early Religious History of Maryland: Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony, 1876; in “Early Catholic Legislation, 1634-49, on Religious Freedom,” in the New Englander, November, 1878. The Rev. Ethan Allen, in his Who were the Early Settlers of Maryland? published by the Historical Society in 1865, aimed to show that the vast majority were Protestant. Kennedy also had asserted that the Assembly of 1649 was Protestant.—Ed.]

[899] [He says in his preface that he picked up his threads from the printed sources in the Library of Congress while he was one of the Secretaries of President Johnson.—Ed.]

[900] [The principal of Mr. Neill’s other contributions are The Founders of Maryland as portrayed in Manuscripts, Provincial Records, and early Documents, published by Munsell, of Albany, in 1876; and English Colonization of America, chapters xi., xii., and xiii., where he first printed Captain Henry Fleet’s Journal of 1631. Streeter, in his Papers, etc., gives an account of Fleet.—Mr. Neill also printed Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony, Minneapolis, 1875.—Ed.]

[901] A manuscript copy of this charter, both in Latin and English, is in the Maryland Historical Society. Many writers, including the Rev. E. D. Neill, so late as 1871, in his English Colonization in the Seventeenth Century, have made the mistake of supposing that the charter of Maryland was copied from the charter of Carolina, granted in 1629 to Sir Robert Heath. The last two named charters were both copied from the charter of Avalon, issued in 1623. [The Maryland charter of June 20, 1632, is printed by Scharf, i. 53, following Thomas Bacon’s translation, as given in his edition of the Laws, Annapolis, 1765; where is also the original Latin, which is likewise in Hazard’s Collection, i. 327. Lord Baltimore had printed it in London, in 1723, in a collection of the Acts, 1692-1715,—an edition which Bacon had never found in the Province. See the Brinley Catalogue, No. 3657. The Philadelphia Library has an edition printed in Philadelphia in 1718.—Ed.]

[902] [The Rev. John G. Morris, D.D., began a Bibliography of Maryland in the Historical Magazine (April and May, 1870), but it was never carried beyond “Baltimore.” If a topical index is furnished to Sabin’s Dictionary, when completed, it may supply the deficiency; but in the mean time the articles “Baltimore” and “Maryland” can be consulted. Of the local works references may be made to a few: George A. Hanson’s Old Kent, 1876, is largely genealogical, and not lucidly arranged. T. W. Griffith published in 1821 his Sketches of the Early History of Maryland, and in 1841 his Annals of Baltimore. J. T. Scharf published his Chronicles of Baltimore in 1874. David Ridgely published in 1841 his Annals of Annapolis (1649-1872). Rev. Ethan Allen’s Historical Notes of St. Ann’s Parish (1649-1857), appeared in 1857; and George Johnstone’s History of Cecil County in 1881.—Ed.]

[903] [Mr. Kennedy’s reply appeared in the United States Catholic Magazine, and Mr. Michael Courtney Jenkins printed a rejoinder in the same number.—Ed.]

[904] [Mr. Gladstone was answered by Dr. Richard H. Clarke, in the Catholic World, December, 1875, in a paper which was later issued as a pamphlet, with the title, Mr. Gladstone and Maryland Toleration. Mr. Gladstone had reissued his Vaticanism essays with a preface, styling the book, Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion, in which he reiterated his arguments.

It is perhaps largely owing to the deficiency of early personal narratives bearing upon Maryland history and throwing light upon character, that there is so much diversity of opinion regarding the interpretation to be put on the charter as an instrument inculcating toleration. The shades of dissent, too, are marked. Hildreth, History of the United States, says, “There is not the least hint of any toleration in religion not authorized by the law of England.” Henry Cabot Lodge, Short History of the English Colonies, p. 96, says, “There is no toleration about the Maryland charter.” Some light regarding Calvert, on the side of doubt, may be gathered from Gardiner’s Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage.

In Baltimore’s controversy with Clayborne, the side of the latter has been espoused by Mr. Streeter in his Life and Colonial Times of William Claiborne, which he has left in manuscript, and of which an abstract of the part relating to Clayborne’s Rebellion is given by Mr. S. M. Allen in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, April, 1873. Mr. Streeter was of New England origin, a graduate of Harvard (1831), and had removed to Richmond in 1835, and to Baltimore the following year, where he had been one of the founders, and was long the Recording Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society. He contributed also in 1868 to its Fund Publication (No. 2), The First Commander of Kent Island,—an account of George Evelin, under whose administration the island passed into Calvert’s control. This tract has been reprinted in G. D. Scull’s Evelyns in America, privately printed at Oxford (England), 1881. Streeter’s “Fall of the Susquehannocks,” a chapter of Maryland’s Indian history, 1675, appeared in the Historical Magazine, March, 1857, being an extract only from a voluminous manuscript work by him on the Susquehannocks.—Ed.]

[905] [Lewis Mayer published an account of its library, cabinets, and gallery in 1854; and No. 1 of its Fund Publications is Brantz Mayer’s History, Possessions, and Prospects of the Society, 1867.—Ed.]

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

—Obvious errors were corrected.

—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain.