Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 5 (of 8) / The English and French in North America 1689-1763

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] [See Vol. IV. p. 351.—Ed.]

[2] [There were two stations established to draw off by missionary efforts individual Iroquois from within the influences of the English. One of them was at Caughnawaga, near Montreal, and the other was later established by Picquet at La Présentation, about half-way thence to Lake Ontario, on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence river. Cf. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 65.—Ed.]

[3] [“Hundreds of white men have been barbarized on this continent for each single red man that has been civilized.” Ellis, Red Man and White Man in North America, p. 364.—Ed.]

[4] [See Vol. IV. p. 195.—Ed.]

[5] [See post, chap. ii.—Ed.]

[6] [See chapters vii. and viii.—Ed.]

[7] [See post, chap. viii.—Ed.]

[8] [The treaty of Utrecht, made in 1713, had declared the Five Nations to be “subject to the dominion of Great Britain,” and under this clause Niagara was held to be within the Province of New York; and Clinton protested against the French occupation of that vantage-ground.—Ed.]

[9] While waiting until the Court should name a successor to M. de Vaudreuil, M. de Longueuil, then governor of Montreal, assumed the reins of government.

[10] [See Vol. IV. p. 307.—Ed.]

[11] [See the map in Vol. IV. p. 200.—Ed.]

[12] [See Vol. II. p. 468.—Ed.]

[13] [Parkman (Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i. chap. ii.) tells the story of this expedition under Céloron de Bienville, sent by La Galissonière in 1749 into the Ohio Valley to propitiate the Indians and expel the English traders, and of its ill success. He refers, as chief sources, to the Journal of Céloron, preserved in the Archives de la Marine, and to the Journal of Bonnecamp, his chaplain, found in the Dépôt de la Marine at Paris, and to the contemporary documents printed in the Colonial Documents of New York, in the Colonial Records, and in the Archives (second series, vol. vi.) of Pennsylvania.—Ed.]

[14] [There is some confusion in the spelling of this name. A hundred years ago and more, the usual spelling was Allegany. The mountains are now called Alleghany; the city of the same name in Pennsylvania is spelled Allegheny. Cf. note in Dinwiddie Papers, i. 255.—Ed.]

[15] [Mémoire sur les colonies de la France dans l’Amérique septentrionale.—Ed.]

[16] [Céloron’s expedition was followed, in 1750, by the visit of Christopher Gist, who was sent, under the direction of this newly formed Ohio Company, to prepare the way for planting English colonists in the disputed territory. The instructions to Gist are in the appendix of Pownall’s Topographical Description of North America. He fell in with George Croghan, one of the Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish, then exploring the country for the Governor of Pennsylvania; and Croghan was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a half-breed interpreter. The original authorities for their journey are in the New York Colonial Documents, vol. vii., and in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. v.; while the Journals of Gist and Croghan may be found respectively in Pownall (ut supra) and in the periodical Olden Time, vol. i. Cf. also Dinwiddie Papers, index. In the Pennsylvania Archives, second series, vol. vi., are various French and English documents touching the French occupation of this region.—Ed.]

[17] Prior to this time there had been such an occupation of some of these posts as to find recognition in the maps of the day. See map entitled “Amérique septentrionale, etc., par le S^r. D’Anville, 1746,” which gives a post at or near Erie, and one on the “Rivière aux Beuf” (French Creek).

[18] [See, post, the section on the “Maps and Bounds of Acadia,” for the literature of this controversy.—Ed.]

[19] [See post, chap. viii.—Ed.]

[20] Minister of Marine to M. Ducasse (Margry, iv. 294); Same to same (Margry, iv. 297). See also despatches to Iberville July 29 (Margry, iv. 324) and August 5 (Margry, iv. 327).

[21] [See the section on La Salle in Vol. IV. p. 201.—Ed.]

[22] Margry, iv. 3.

[23] In 1697 the Sieur de Louvigny wrote, asking to complete La Salle’s discoveries and invade Mexico from Texas (Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14 Oct. 1697). In an unpublished memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of the Mexican mines is given as one of the motives of the colonization of Louisiana. Parkman’s La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, p. 327, note. The memorial of Louvigny is given in Margry, iv. 9; that of Argoud in Margry, iv. 19.

[24] Daniel’s Nos gloires, p. 39; he was baptized at Montreal, July 20, 1661. (Tanguay’s Dictionnaire généalogique.)

[25] [See Vol. IV. pp. 161, 226, 239, 243, 316.—Ed.]

[26] The Minister in a letter alludes to the reports of Argoud from London, August 21, about a delay in starting (Margry, iv. 82).

[27] Charlevoix says the expedition was composed of the “François” and “Renommée,” and sailed October 17. According to Penicaut the vessels were the “Marin” and “Renommée.” The Journal historique states that they sailed from Rochefort September 24. This work is generally accurate. Perhaps there was some authority for that date. The vessels had come down from Rochefort to the anchorage at Rochelle some time before this, and the date may represent the time of sailing from Rochelle. Margry (iv. 213) in a syllabus of the contents of the Journal of Marin, which he evidently regarded as a part of the original document, gives the date of that event as September 5. In the same volume (p. 84) there is a despatch from the Minister to Du Guay, dated October (?) 16, in which he says that “he awaits with impatience the news of Iberville’s sailing, and fears that he may be detained at Rochelle by the equinoctial storms.”

[28] The French accounts all say that Pensacola had been occupied by the Spaniards but a few months, and simply to anticipate Iberville. Barcia in his Ensayo cronológico (p. 316) says it was founded in 1696.

[29] Report in Margry, iv. 118, and Journal in Ibid., iv. 157. A third account of the Journal of the “Marin” says there were twenty-two in one biscayenne, twenty-three in the other; fifty-one men in all (Journal in Margry, iv. 242). The six men in excess in the total are probably to be accounted for as the force in the canoes. These discrepancies illustrate the confusion in the accounts.

[30] Despatch of the Minister, July 23, 1698, in Margry, iv. 72; Iberville’s Report, in Margry, iv. 120

[31] [See Hennepin’s maps in Vol IV. pp. 251, 253.—Ed.]

[32] Margry, iv. 190.

[33] The date of this letter is given in the Journal “1686” (Margry, iv. 274). This is probably correct. [See Vol. IV. p. 238.—Ed.].

[34] Ten guns, says the Journal, in Margry, iv. 395. One of twenty-four, one of twelve guns; the latter alone entered the river, says Iberville to the Minister, February 26, 1700, in Margry, vol. iv. p. 361. See also Coxe’s Carolana, preface.

[35] [See post, chap. v.—Ed.]

[36] Journal, in Margry, iv. 397.

[37] Instructions, in Margry, iv. 350.

[38] Minister to Iberville, June 15, 1699, in Margry, iv. 305; Same to same, July 29, 1699, in Ibid., iv. 324; Same to same, Aug. 5, 1699, in Ibid., iv. 327.

[39] [See Vol. IV. p. 239.—Ed.]

[40] Journal historique, etc., pp. 30, 34.

[41] The language used in the text is fully justified by the accounts referred to. Students of Indian habits dispute the despotism of the Suns, and allege that the hereditary aristocracy does not differ materially from what may be found in other tribes. See Lucien Carr’s paper on “The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically considered,” extracted from Memoirs of the Kentucky Geological Survey, ii. 36, note. See also his “The Social and Political Position of Woman among the Huron Iroquois Tribes,” in the Report of Peabody Museum, iii. 207, et seq.

[42] Pontchartrain to Callières and Champigny, June 4, 1701, in Margry, v. 351. Charlevoix speaks of Saint-Denys, who made the trip to Mexico, as Juchereau de Saint-Denys. Dr. Shea, in the note, p. 12, vol. vi. of his Charlevoix, identifies Saint-Denys as Louis Juchereau de Saint-Denys. The founder of the settlement on the “Ouabache” signed the same name to the Memorial in Margry, v. 350. The author of Nos gloires nationales asserts (vol. i. p. 207 of his work) that it was Barbe Juchereau who was sent to Mexico. Spanish accounts speak of the one in Mexico as Louis. Charlevoix says he was the uncle of Iberville’s wife. Iberville married Marie-Thérèse Pollet, granddaughter of Nicolas Juchereau, Seigneur of Beauport and St. Denis (see Tanguay). This Nicolas Juchereau had a son Louis, who was born Sept. 18, 1676. Martin says the two Juchereaus were relatives.

[43] The establishment was apparently made on the Ouabache (Ohio), Journal historique, etc., pp. 75-89. Iberville, writing at Rochelle, Feb. 15, 1703, says “he will go to the ‘Ouabache,’” in letter of Iberville to Minister (Margry, iv. 631). Penicaut speaks of it as on the Ouabache (Margry, v. 426-438).

[44] Journal historique, etc., p. 106. Charlevoix (vol. ii. liv. xxi. p. 415) says: “It could not be said that there was a colony in Louisiana—or at any rate it did not begin to shape itself—until after the arrival of M. Diron d’Artaguette with an appointment as commissaire-ordonnateur.”

[45] Journal historique, etc., p. 129, and Le Page du Pratz, i. 15, 16. Saint-Denys was evidently duped by the Spaniards. Crozat was anxious for trade. Saint-Denys arranged matters with the authorities at Mexico, and joined in the expedition which established Spanish missions in the “province of Lastekas.” In these missions he saw only hopes of trade; but the title to the province was saved to Spain by them, and no trade was ever permitted.

[46] The following itinerary of this expedition is copied, through the favor of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, from a rough memorandum in the handwriting of Thomas Jefferson,—which memorandum is now in the Department of State at Washington.

“Oct. 25. Graveline and the other arrived at Rio Bravos at Ayeches, composed of 10 cabbins, they found a Span. Mission of 2 Peres Recollets, 3 souldiers and a woman; at Nacodoches they found 4 Recollets, with a Frere, 2 souldiers and a Span. woman; at Assinays or Cenis 2 Peres Recollets, 1 souldier, 1 Span. woman. The presidio which had been 17 leagues further off now came and established itself at 7 leagues from the Assinayes; it was composed of a Captⁿ, ensign and 25 souldiers. They reached the presidio 2 leagues W. of the Rio Bravo where there was a Capt. Lieut. and 30 souldiers Span. and 2 missions of St. Jean Baptiste and St. Bernard. All the goods of St. Denys were seized and in the end lost. On the return of Graveline and the others they found a Span. Mission at Adayes, founded Jan. 29, 1717.”

[47] The livre is substantially the same as the franc, and by some writers the words are used interchangeably.

[48] There were outstanding, when the bank collapsed, notes of the nominal value of 1,169,072,540 livres. Statements of the amounts in hand, of those which had been burned, etc., showed that there had been emitted more than 3,000,000,000 livres (Forbonnais, ii. 633).

[49] This is exclusive of an issue of 24,000 shares by the Regent. The par value of the 600,000 shares was 300,000,000 livres; but the value represented by them on the basis of the premiums at which they were respectively issued, amounted to 1,677,500,000 livres.

[50] Forbonnais, Recherches et considérations sur les finances de France, ii. 604, says shares rose as high as eighteen to twenty thousand francs.

[51] The commanders of the post in the early days of the colony have been generally spoken of as governors. Gayarré (i. 162) says, “The government of Louisiana was for the second time definitely awarded to Bienville.” He was, as we have seen, lieutenant du roy. As such he was at the head of the colony for many years, and he still held this title when he was by letter ordered to assume command after La Mothe left and until L’Epinay should arrive (Margry, v. 591). In 1716 he was “commandant of the Mississippi River and its tributaries” (Journal historique, etc., pp. 123, 141). His power as commandant-général was apparently for a time shared with his brother Sérigny. In a despatch dated Oct. 20, 1719, quoted by Gayarré, he says, “Mon frère Sérigny, chargé comme moi du commandement de cette colonie.” M. de Vallette Laudun, in the Journal d’un voyage (Paris, 1768), on the 1st of July, 1720, says, M. de Bienville “commands in chief all the country since the departure of his brother, Monsieur de Sérigny.” In 1722 Bienville applied for the “general government” (Margry, v. 634).

[52] Margry, v. 589; Shea’s Charlevoix, vi. 37.

[53] Vergennes, p. 161. “The inhabitants trembled at the sight of this licentious soldiery.”

[54] The Penicaut narrative apparently assigns the year 1717 as the date of the original foundation of New Orleans. Margry (v. 549) calls attention in a note to the fact that the Journal historique, which he attributes to Beaurain, gives 1718 as the date. Gravier, in his Introduction to the Relation du voyage des dames religieuses Ursulines, says that New Orleans was founded in 1717. He cites in a note certain letters of Bienville which are in the Archives at Paris; but as he does not quote from them, we cannot tell to what point of the narrative they are cited as authority.

[55] [From Le Page du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, ii. 262.—Ed.]

[56] [Cf. Vol. II. index.—Ed.]

[57] [There is a “Plan de la Baye de Pansacola,” by N. B., in Charlevoix, iii. 480. Jefferys’s “Plan of the Harbor and Settlement of Pensacola,” and the view of Pensacola as drawn by Dom Serres, are contained in Roberts’s Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida (London, 1763), and in the General Topography of North America and the West Indies (London, 1768), no. 67. The map shows Pensacola as destroyed in 1719, and the new town on Santa Rosa Island.—Ed.]

[58] For the points involved in the discussion of the Louisiana boundary question, see Waite’s American State Papers (Boston, 1819), vol. xii.

[59] Vergennes, p. 153; Champigny, p. 16.

[60] Thomassy, p. 31.

[61] Champigny, p. 127, note 5. “They were obliged to change boats from smaller to smaller three times, in order to bring merchandise to Biloxi, where they ran carts a hundred feet into the ocean and loaded them, because the smallest boats could not land.”

[62] “Clérac” is thus translated by authority of Margry, v. 573, note. He says it means a workman engaged in the manufacture of tobacco, and is derived from the territory of Clérac (Charcute-Inférieure). With this interpretation we can understand why one of the grants was “Celle des Cléracs aux Natchez” (Dumont, ii. 45).

[63] [See Vol. IV. p. 161.—Ed.]

[64] Natchez is never mentioned by the French writers except with expressions of admiration for its soil, climate, and situation. Dumont (vol. ii. p. 63) says “the land at Natchez is the best in the province. This establishment had begun to prosper.” The number of killed at the massacre is stated at “more than two hundred” by Father Le Petit (Lettres édifiantes, xx. 151). Writers like Dumont and Le Page du Pratz state the number at more than seven hundred. Even the smaller number is probably an exaggeration. The value of the tobacco produced at Natchez is alluded to in Champigny; but the place does not seem to have rallied from this blow. Bossu, in 1751, speaks of the fertility of its soil, “if it were cultivated.”

[65] The Capuchin in charge of the post at Natchez was away. The Jesuit Du Poisson, from the Akensas, happened to be there, and was killed.

[66] Clairborne in his Mississippi as a Province, Territory, and State, places the fort of the Natchez in Arkansas, at a place known as “Sicily Island,” forty miles northwest from Natchez.

[67] “I am the only one of the French who has escaped sickness since we have been in this country.” Du Poussin from the Akensas, in Kip, p. 263.

[68] Poussin (De la puissance Américaine, Paris, 1843, i. 262) says: “Nevertheless, about this time (1751) the inhabitants began to understand the necessity of seriously occupying themselves with agricultural pursuits.”

[69] The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians, of Louisiana (London, 1744).

[70] [Cf. Breese, Early History of Illinois, and Vol. IV., p. 198.—Ed.]

[71] “The minute of the surrender of Fort Chartres to M. Sterling, appointed by M. de Gage, governor of New York, commander of His Britannic Majesty’s troops in North America, is preserved in the French Archives at Paris. The fort is carefully described in it as having an arched gateway fifteen feet high; a cut stone platform above the gate, and a stair of nineteen stone steps, with a stone balustrade, leading to it; its walls of stone eighteen feet in height, and its four bastions, each with forty-eight loop-holes, eight embrasures, and a sentry-box; the whole in cut stone. And within was the great storehouse, ninety feet long by thirty wide, two stories high, and gable-roofed; the guard-house, having two rooms above for the chapel and missionary quarters; the government house, eighty-four by thirty-two feet, with iron gates and a stone porch, a coach-house and pigeon-house adjoining, and a large stone well inside; the intendant’s house, of stone and iron, with a portico; the two rows of barracks, each one hundred and twenty-eight feet long; the magazine thirty-five feet wide and thirty-eight feet long, and thirteen feet high above the ground, with a door-way of cut stone, and two doors, one of wood and one of iron; the bake-house, with two ovens and a stone well in front; the prison, with four cells of cut stone, and iron doors; and one large relief gate to the north; the whole enclosing an area of more than four acres.”—Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, by Edward G. Mason, being No. 12 of the Fergus Historical Series, p. 39.

[72] [See map, Vol. IV. p. 200.—Ed.]

[73] Lettres édifiantes et curieuses (Paris, 1758), xxviii. 59. Father Vivier says that five French villages situated in a long prairie, bounded at the east by a chain of mountains and by the River Tamaroa, and west by the Mississippi, comprised together one hundred and forty families. These villages were (Bossu, seconde édition, Paris, 1768, i. 145, note) Kaskaskia, Fort Chartres, St. Philippe, Kaokia, and Prairie du Rocher. There were other posts on the lines of travel, but the bulk of the agricultural population was here. The picture of their life given by Breese is interesting.

Vincennes is said by some authorities to have been founded as early as 1702. See Bancroft (New York, 1883), ii. 186; also A Geographical Description of the United States by John Melish. C. F. Volney, the author of Tableau du climat et du sol des États-Unis d’Amérique (Paris, 1803), was himself at Poste Vincennes in 1796. He says (p. 401): “I wished to know the date of the foundation and early history of Poste Vincennes; but spite of the authority and credit that some attribute to tradition, I could scarcely get any exact notes about the war of 1757, notwithstanding there were old men who dated back prior to that time. It is only by estimate that I place its origin about 1735.” In Annals of the West, compiled by James R. Albach, the authorities for the various dates are given. The post figures in some of the maps about the middle of the century.

[74] “We receive from the Illinois,” he says, “flour, corn, bacon, hams both of bear and hog, corned pork and wild beef, myrtle and bees-wax, cotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, copper, buffalo-wool, venison, poultry, bear’s grease, oil, skins, fowls, and hides” (Martin’s History of Louisiana, i. 316).

[75] Pownall in his Administration of the Colonies (2d ed., London, 1765, appendix, section 1, p. 24) gives a sketch of the condition of the colonies, derived mainly from Vaudreuil’s correspondence. He says that Vaudreuil (May 15, 1751) thought that Kaskaskia was the principal post, but that Macarty, who was on the spot (Jan. 20, 1752), thought the environs of Chartres a far better situation to place this post in, provided there were more inhabitants. “He visited Fort Chartres, found it very good,—only wanting a few repairs,—and thinks it ought to be kept up.”

[76] Fort Chartres is stated by Mr. Edward G. Mason, in Illinois in the Eighteenth Century (Fergus Historical Series, no. 12, p. 25), to be sixteen miles above Kaskaskia. In the Journal historique, etc. (Paris and New Orleans, 1831), p. 221, the original establishment of Boisbriant is stated to have been “eight leagues below Kaskaskia,” and (p. 243) it is stated that it was transferred “nine leagues below” the village. French, in his Louisiana Historical Collections, published a translation of a manuscript copy of the Journal historique which is deposited in Philadelphia. His translation reads that the transfer was made to a point “nine leagues above Kaskaskia.” Martin, who worked from still another copy of the Journal historique, states that the establishment was transferred to a point twenty-five miles above Kaskaskia. The “au dessous” (p. 243 of Journal historique, or, as ordinarily cited, “La Harpe”) was probably a typographical error.

[77] This ground was partly prospected by Dutisné, who, Nov. 22, 1719, wrote to Bienville an account of an expedition to the Missouris by river and to the Osages and Paniouassas by land. Bournion, whose appointment was made, according to Dumont, in 1720, went up the river to the Canzes, and thence to the Padoucahs in 1724. Le Page du Pratz gives an account of the expedition. The name of this officer is variously given as Bournion in the Journal historique, Bourgmont by Le Page du Pratz, Bourmont by Bossu, and Boismont by Martin.

[78] Neyon de Villiers.

[79] [See post, chap. viii.—Ed.]

[80] [“The English colonies ... at the middle of the century numbered in all, from Georgia to Maine, about 1,160,000 white inhabitants. By the census of 1754 Canada had but 55,000. Add those of Louisiana and Acadia, and the whole white population under the French flag might be something more than 80,000.” Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 20.—Ed.]

[81] [See post, chap. vii.—Ed.]

[82] [“In the dual government of Canada the governor represented the king, and commanded the troops; while the intendant was charged with trade, finance, justice, and all other departments of civil administration. In former times the two functionaries usually quarrelled; but between Vaudreuil and Bigot there was perfect harmony” (Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, ii. 18). Foremost among the creatures of Bigot, serving his purposes of plunder, were Joseph Cadet, a butcher’s son whom Bigot had made commissary-general, and Marin, the Intendant’s deputy at Montreal, who repaid his principal by aspiring for his place. It was not till February, 1759, when Montcalm was given a hand in civil affairs, that the beginning of the end of this abandoned coterie appeared (see Ibid., ii. 37, for sources). Upon the interior history of Canada, from 1749 to 1760, there is a remarkable source in the Mémoires sur le Canada, which was printed and reprinted (1873) by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. It reached the committee from a kinsman of General Burton, of the army of General Amherst, who presumably received it from its anonymous author, and took it to England for printing. Smith, in his History of Canada (1815), had used a manuscript closely resembling it. Parkman refers to a manuscript in the hands of the Abbé Verreau of Montreal, the original of which he thinks may have been the first draught of these Mémoires. This manuscript was in the Bastille at the time of its destruction, and being thrown into the street, fell into the hands of a Russian and was carried to St. Petersburg. Lord Dufferin, while ambassador to Russia, procured the Verreau copy, which differs, says Parkman, little in substance from the printed Mémoires, though changed in language and arrangement in some parts (Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, ii. 37). The second volume of the first series of the Mémoires of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec also contains a paper, evidently written in 1736, and seemingly a report of the Intendant Hocquart to Cardinal Fleury, the minister of Louis XV. In the same collection is a report, Considérations sur l’état présent du Canada, dated October, 1758, which could hardly have been written by the Intendant Bigot, but is thought to have been the writing of a Querdisien-Trémais, who had been sent as commissioner to investigate the finances, and who deals out equal rebuke upon all the functionaries then in office.—Ed.]

[83] [Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le journal historique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique septentrionale (Paris, 1744). It is in three volumes, the third containing the Journal (cf. Vol. IV. p. 358), of which there are two distinct English translations,—one, Journal of a Voyage to North America, in two volumes (London, 1761; reprinted in Dublin, 1766); the other, Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguierres (London, 1763), in one volume. A portion of the Journal is also given in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana part iii. (Cf. Sabin, no. 12,140, etc.; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,285, 1,347, 1,497.) The Dublin edition of the Journal has plates not in the other editions (Brinley Catalogue, vol. i. no. 80). There is a paper on “Charlevoix at New Orleans in 1721” in the Magazine of American History, August, 1883.—Ed.]

[84] [History and General Description of New France, translated, with Notes, by John Gilmary Shea (New York, 1866), etc., 6 vols. (See Vol. IV. of the present work, p. 358.) Charlevoix’s Relation de la Louisiane is also contained in Bernard’s Recueil de voyages au nord (Amsterdam, 1731-1738).—Ed.]

[85] Upon these expeditions the United States partly based their claims, in the discussions with Spain in 1805 and 1818, on the Louisiana boundary question.

[86] Jean de Beaurain, a geographical engineer, was born in 1696, and died in 1772. He was appointed geographer to the King in 1721. His son was a conspicuous cartographer (Nouvelle biographie générale).

[87] The libraries of the American Philosophical Society (Philadelphia) and of the Department of State (Washington) each have a copy of this manuscript. A copy belonging to the Louisiana Historical Society is deposited in the State Library at New Orleans. [From the Philadelphia copy the English translation in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, part iii., was made. A. R. Smith, in his London Catalogue, 1874, no. 1,391, held a manuscript copy, dated 1766, at £7 17s. 6d., and another is priced by Leclerc (Bibl. Amer., no. 2,811) at 500 francs. This manuscript has five plans and a map, while the printed edition of 1831 has but a single map. The manuscripts are usually marked as “Dédié et présenté au roi par le Chevalier Beaurain,” who is considered by Leclerc as the author of the drawings only.—Ed.]

[88] Ferland, ii. 343; Garneau, ii. 94. For characterizations of these and other authorities on Canada, see Vol. IV. of this History, pp. 157, 360.

[89] [It consists of two series of lectures, the first entitled The Poetry, or the Romance of the History of Louisiana, and the second, Louisiana, its History as a French Colony. He says in a preface to a third series, printed separately in 1852 at New York,—Louisiana, its History as a French Colony, Third Series of Lectures (Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 26,793, 26,796),—that the first series was given to “freaks of the imagination,” the second was “more serious and useful” in getting upon a basis more historic; while there was a still further “change of tone and manner” in the third, which brings the story down to 1769. This was published at New York in 1851. Mr. Gayarré had already published, in 1830, an Essai historique sur Louisiane in two volumes (Sabin vol. vii. nos. 26,791, 26,795), and Romance of the History of Louisiana, a Series of Lectures, New York, 1848 (Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 26,795, 26,797, 26,799).—Ed.]

[90] This was published at New Orleans in 1846-1847 in two volumes (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,792).

[91] Published as History of Louisiana: the Spanish Domination, the French Domination, and the American Domination,—the three parts respectively in 1854, 1855, and 1866.

[92] [There are many papers on Louisiana history in De Bow’s Review, and for these, including several reviews of Gayarré, see Poole’s Index to Periodical Literature, p. 772, where other references will be found to the Southern Literary Messenger, etc.—Ed.]

[93] [The original edition was published at Paris in 1758. An English version, The History of Louisiana, or the Western Parts of Virginia and Carolina; containing a Description of the Countries that lie on both sides of the River Mississippi, appeared in London in 1763 (two vols.) and 1774 (one vol.), in an abridged and distorted form (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,352; Sabin, x. 223; Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 910-912). H. H. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 598) mentions a different translation published in 1764; but I have not seen it. Field says of the original: “It is difficult to procure the work complete in all the plates and maps, which should number forty-two.”—Ed.]

[94] The authorities upon which are based the statements of most writers upon the history of Louisiana have been exhumed from the archives in Paris, but there are French sources for narratives of the adventures of Saint-Denys which are still missing. Le Page du Pratz (i. 178) says: “What I shall leave out will be found some day, when memoirs like these of M. de Saint-Denis and some others concerning the discovery of Louisiana, which I have used, shall be published.”

[95] [It was issued in two volumes at Paris in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 996; Leclerc, no. 2,750, thirty francs; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 463).—Ed.]

[96] Journal historique, etc., p. 310.

[97] Nouvelle biographie générale, sub “Butel Dumont.”

[98] Considérations géographiques, etc., par Philippe Buache (Paris, 1753), p. 36. See Vol. II. p. 461.

[99] He tells of a rattlesnake twenty-two feet long, in vol. i. p. 109; and of frogs weighing thirty-two pounds, in vol. ii. p. 268.

[100] [It was published at Paris in 1768, and an English translation, Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiana (by J. R. Forster), was printed in London, in 2 vols., in 1771, and a Dutch version at Amsterdam in 1769. The original French was reprinted at Amsterdam in 1769 and 1777.—Ed.]

[101] Vergennes, p. 157. “In considering the savages who were drawn into an alliance with us by our presents, and who received us into their houses, would it have been difficult to attach them to us if we had acted toward them with the candor and rectitude to which they were entitled? We gave them the example of perfidy, and we are doubly culpable for the crimes they committed and the virtues they did not acquire.”

[102] [See Vol. IV. pp. 199, 316. The book forms no. 8 of Munsell’s Historical Series. See accounts of Le Sueur and other explorers of the Upper Mississippi in Neill’s Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota. There are extracts from Le Sueur’s Journal in La Harpe’s Journal historique and in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, part iii.; and in the new series (p. 35 of vol. vi.) of the same Collections is a translation of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana from 1698 to 1722. The translation was made from a manuscript in the National Library at Paris. Kaskaskia in Illinois is looked upon as the earliest European settlement in the Mississippi Valley; it was founded by Jacques Gravier in 1700. Cf. Magazine of American History, March, 1881. There had been an Indian town on the spot previously, and Father Marquette made it his farthest point in 1675.—Ed.]

[103] [On these books see Vol. IV. pp. 294, 316, where Dr. Shea gives reasons for supposing the earliest publication of the Lettres to have been in 1702. Cf. Sabin’s American Bibliopolist (1871), p. 3; H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, ii. 191; and the Nouvelles des missions, extraites des lettres édifiantes et curieuses: Missions de l’Amérique, 1702-1743 (Paris, 1827).—Ed.]

[104] [It was first printed in London in 1775, and afterward appeared in 1782 at Breslau, in a German translation. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 11. The Mémoire de M. de Richebourg sur la première guerre des Natchez is given in French’s Collections, vol. iii. A paper on the massacre of St. André is in the Magazine of American History (April, 1884), p. 355. Dr. Shea printed in 1859, from a manuscript in the possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort (as no. 9 of his series, one hundred copies), a Journal de la guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas, en 1739 et finie en 1740, le 1er d’avril. Par un officier de l’armée de M. de Nouaille. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 807.—Ed.]

[105] [The original was published at Paris in 1829; in 1830 it was printed in English at Philadelphia as The History of Louisiana, particularly of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of America. It is said to be translated by the publicist, William Beach Lawrence.—Ed.]

[106] [It was reprinted in 1726, again in 1727, and with a lengthened title in 1741 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 315, 372, 376, 679; Sabin, vol. v. nos. 17, 276, etc.). The edition of 1741 made part of A Collection of Voyages and Travels, edited by Coxe, which contained: “1. The dangerous voyage of Capt. Thomas James in his intended discovery of a northwest passage into the South sea (in 1631-1632). 2. An authentick and particular account of the taking of Carthagena by the French in 1697 by Sieur Pointis. 3. A description of the English province of Carolana; by the Spaniards call’d Florida, and by the French La Louisiane. By Daniel Coxe.” Coxe’s narrative of explorations is also included in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. ii. Coxe’s map, which is repeated in the various editions, is called: “Map of Carolana and the River Meschacebe.” A section of it is given on the next page.—Ed.]

[107] Coxe’s Carolana, p. 118. The writer of an article in the North American Review, January, 1839, entitled “Early French Travellers,” says: “An examination of contemporary writers and the town records has failed to lend a single fact in support of the Doctor’s tale.” Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. 122, 123. [The French as traders and missionaries easily gained a familiarity with the Valley of the Mississippi, before agricultural settlers like the English had passed the Alleghanies. There had, however, been some individual enterprises on the part of the English. Coxe claims that under the grant to Sir Robert Heath, in 1630, of the region across the continent between 31° and 36°, Colonel Wood and a Mr. Needham explored the Mississippi Valley between 1654 and 1664, and that during the later years of that century other explorers had thridded the country.—Ed.].

[108] [See Vol. II. p. 462.—Ed.]

[109] His account of Fort Chartres is quoted in the appendix of Mills’s Boundaries of Ontario, p. 198. His plan of Mobile Bay (p. 55), may be compared with one in Roberts’s Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida (London, 1763), p. 95.

[110] [The Early History of Illinois, from its Discovery by the French, in 1673, until its Cession to Great Britain in 1763, including the Narrative of Marquette’s Discovery of the Mississippi. With a Biographical Memoir by Melville W. Fuller. Edited by Thomas Hoyne (Chicago, 1884). It has three folded maps.—Ed.]

[111] [Cf., for these and other titles, Vol. IV. pp. 198, 199. The routes of Marquette by Green Bay, and of La Salle by the St. Joseph River, had been the established method of communication of the French in Canada with Louisiana in the seventeenth century; but as they felt securer in the Ohio Valley, in 1716, they opened a route by the Miami and Wabash, and later from Presqu’ Isle on Lake Erie to French Creek, thence by the Alleghany and Ohio.—Ed.]

[112] Bossu, ii. 151.

[113] French (part iii. p. 12, note) says: “The two brothers met in deep mourning, and after mutual embraces the brave D’Iberville sought the tomb of his brother Sauvolle, where he knelt for hours in silent grief.” All this is purely imaginary; and in French’s second series (vol. ii. p. 111, note) he concludes that Sauvolle would appear from the text not to have been Iberville’s brother. This doubt whether Sauvolle was a brother of Iberville penetrates even such a work as Nos gloires nationales. The author not finding such a seigniory, says of François Le Moyne, “We do not know if he followed his brother to Louisiana, and is the same to whom the name Sieur de Sauvole was given,”—all this in face of the record in the previous paragraph of his burial in 1687 (Nos gloires, i. 53). To the account of the massacre at Natchez, in his translation of Dumont, French appends a note (vol. v. p. 76), in which he identifies a ship-carpenter, whose life was spared by the Indians, as “Perricault, who, after his escape, wrote a journal of all that passed in Louisiana from 1700 to 1729.” Penicaut, the spelling of whose name puzzled writers and printers, left the colony in 1721. There was no foundation whatever for the note.

[114] The reader might easily be misled by the title given to the translation of a portion of the second volume of Dumont into the belief that the whole work was before him. There is no mention in French of the preface, or of the appendix to Coxe’s Carolana. Both preface and appendix are full of interesting material.

[115] In this translation French (iii. 83) says: “But notwithstanding these reports, they now create him [Bienville] brigadier-general of the troops, and knight of the military order of St. Louis,” etc. Compare this with the faithful rendering of Martin (i. 229),—“The Regent ... so far from keeping the promise he had made of promoting him to the rank of brigadier-general, and sending him the broad ribbon of the order of St. Louis, would have proceeded against him with severity if he had not been informed that the Company’s agents in the colony had thwarted his views.”

[116] It has all the substantial portions of the copy given in Margry, but there are occasional abridgments and occasional additions. The story of the Margry relation is continuous and uninterrupted; but in the copy given by French items of colonial news are interspersed, and sometimes repeated with variations. It would seem as if the copyist had been unable properly to separate the manuscript from that of some other Relation of colonial affairs, and in the exercise of his discretion had made these mistakes. A comparison of the two accounts will readily disclose their differences. A single example will explain what is meant by repetitions which may have been occasioned by confusion of manuscripts. On p. 145 of vol. vi., or second series vol. i. of French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana occurs the following: On the 17th of March, 1719, “the ship of war ‘Le Comte de Toulouse’ arrived at Dauphin Island.” On p. 146 we find, “On the 19th of April the ships ‘Maréchal de Villars,’ ‘Count de Toulouse,’ and the ‘Phillip,’ under the command of M. de Sérigny, the brother of M. de Bienville, arrived at Dauphin Island.” These two paragraphs, with their contradictory statements about the “Comte de Toulouse,” do not occur in Margry. They are evidently interpolated from some outside source. Thomassy (1860) quotes Annales véritables des 22 premières années de la colonisation de la Louisiane par Pénicaut, as from the “MSS. Boismare, dans la Bibliothèque de l’État à Bâton-Rouge.”

The camp-fire yarn of Jalot, with its marvellous details about Saint-Denys’ romantic love-affair, the gorgeous establishment of the Mexican viceroy, and the foolhardy trip of Saint-Denys to see his wife, are omitted in French’s translation. They are worthless as history, but they reveal the simplicity of Penicaut, who yielded faith to his fellow-voyagers, in the belief that it was his good fortune to be chosen to tell the story to the world.

[117] [Historical Collections of Louisiana, ... compiled with Historical and Biographical Notes and an Introduction by B. F. French. Part I. Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691 (New York, 1846). This volume contains a discourse before the Historical Society of Louisiana by Henry A. Bullard, its president (originally issued at New Orleans, 1836; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,116), and sundry papers relating to La Salle, Tonty, and Hennepin, specially referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

Same. Part II. (Philadelphia, 1850). This volume contains a fac-simile of Delisle’s “Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi;” an account of the Louisiana Historical Society, by James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow; a discourse on the character of François-Xavier Martin; an analytical index of the documents in the Paris Archives relating to Louisiana; papers relating to De Soto (which are referred to in Vol. II. chap. iv. of the present History); a reprint of Coxe’s Carolana (omitting, however, the preface and appendix); and Marquette and Joliet’s account of their journey in 1673 (referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History).

Same. Part III. (New York, 1851). This volume includes a memoir of H. A. Bullard; translations of La Harpe, of Bienville’s correspondence, of Charlevoix’s Historical Journal; accounts of the aborigines, including Le Petit’s narratives regarding them; De Sauvolle’s Journal historique, 1699-1701; with other documents relating to the period treated of in the present volume of this History, as well as papers relating to the Huguenots and Ribault (referred to in Vol. II. of this History).

Same. Part IV. (New York, 1852). This volume has a second title-page,—Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, with the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin, and Anastase Douay, by John Gilmary Shea, with a fac-simile of the newly discovered map of Marquette (New York, 1852). The contents of this volume are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

Same. Part V. The title in this part is changed to Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, from the First Settlement of the Colony to the Departure of Governor O’Reilly in 1770, with Historical and Biographical Notes (New York, 1853). It includes translations of Dumont’s memoir, another of Champigny, with an appendix of historical documents and elucidations; and all parts of the volume mainly cover the period of the present chapter. It also contains the usual portrait of Bienville, purporting to be engraved from a copy belonging to J. D. B. DeBow, of an original painting in the family of Baron Grant, of Longueil in Canada.

A second series of Mr. French’s publications has the title, Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, including Translations of Original Manuscripts relating to their Discovery and Settlement, with Numerous Historical and Biographical Notes. New Series, vol. i. (New York, 1869). This volume contains translations of De Remonville’s memoir (Dec. 10, 1697), of D’Iberville’s narrative of his voyage (1698), of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698 to 1722),—all of which pertain to the period of the present volume. It contains also translations of Laudonnière’s Histoire notable de Floride, being that made by Hakluyt (referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

Same, vol. ii. (New York, 1875). This volume contains, in regard to Louisiana, translations relating to La Salle, Joliet, Frontenac, and New France, which are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History, as well as the Journal of D’Iberville’s voyage (1698, etc.), and the letter of Jacques Gravier, who descended the Mississippi to meet D’Iberville,—all referred to in the present chapter. In regard to Florida, there are documents of Columbus, Narvaez, Las Casas, Ribault, Grajales, Solis de las Meras, Fontenade, Villafane, Gourgues, etc.,—(all of which are referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

It is to be regretted that French sometimes abridges the documents which he copies, without indicating such method,—as in the case of Charlevoix and Dumont.—Ed.]

[118] Vol. IV. has the specific title: Découverte par mer des bouches du Mississipi et établissements de Lemoyne d’Iberville sur le golfe du Mexique, 1694-1703, Paris, 1880. Vol. V. is called: Première formation d’une chaîne de postes entre le fleuve Saint-Laurent et le golfe du Mexique, 1683-1724, Paris, 1883.

[119] [Particularly in Vol. IV. pp. 213-289, the Journal du voyage fait à l’embouchure de la rivière du Mississipi (etc.). Cf. the Journal du voyage fait par deux frégattes du roi, La Badine, commandée par M. d’Iberville, et Le Marin, par M. E. Chevalier de Surgères, qui partirent de Brest le 24 octobre, 1698, où elles avaient relâché, étant parties de Larochelle, le 5 septembre précédent, in Historical Documents, third series, of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec (48 pp.), published at Quebec in 1871. See also the Catalogue of the Library of Parliament (1858), p. 1613.—Ed.]

[120] [See Vol. IV. p. 242.—Ed.]

[121] [For example, The Present State of the Country ... of Louisiana. By an Officer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris. To which are added Letters from the Governor [Vaudreuil] on the Trade of the French and English with the Natives, London, 1744 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 773; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 955; Sabin, no. 42,283).—Ed.

[122] Gayarré, in his preface, says: “Mr. Magne (one of the editors of the New Orleans Bee) inspected with minute care, and with a discretion which did him honor, the portfolios of the Minister of the Marine in France, and extracted from them all the documents relating to Louisiana, of which he made a judicious choice and an exact copy. Governor Mouton, having learned of this collection, hastened, in his position as a clear-headed magistrate whose duty it was to gather together what might cast light upon the history of the country, to acquire it for account of the State.” It is understood that this Magne Collection was purchased for a thousand dollars at the instance of Mr. Gayarré. It was then deposited in the State Library; but is no longer to be found. A similar disappearance has happened in the case of some other copies which were made for Mr. Edmund Forstall, and were likewise in the State Library; and the same fate has befallen two bound volumes of copies which were made for the Hon. John Perkins while in Europe, and which were by him likewise given to the State Library. Many of these documents were included by Gayarré in his Histoire.

It was also by the influence of Gayarré that the Louisiana Legislature appropriated $2,000 to secure copies of papers from the Spanish Archives. It was committed to the Hon. Romulus Saunders of North Carolina, then the American minister in Madrid, to propitiate the Spanish Government in an application for permission to make copies. He failed, though zealous to accomplish it. Through the medium of Prescott recourse was then had to Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, after difficulties had been overcome, succeeded in getting copies of a mass of papers, which greatly aided Gayarré in his Spanish Domination. These papers, like the rest, found their way to the State Library at Baton Rouge, but disappeared in turn during the Civil War. A small part of them was discovered by Mr. Lyman Draper, of Wisconsin, in the keeping of the widow of a Federal officer, and through Mr. Draper’s instrumentality was restored to the Library. The correspondence of Messrs. Saunders, Gayangos, and Gayarré makes one of the State documents of Louisiana.

A few years since, another movement was made by Mr. Gayarré to get other papers from Spain, impelled to it by information of large diaries (said to be four hundred and fifty-two large bundles) still unexamined in the Spanish Archives, pertaining to Louisiana. The State of Louisiana was not in a condition to incur any outlay; and by motion of General Gibson a Bill was introduced into the National House of Representatives, appropriating $5,000 to procure from England, France, and Spain copies of documents relating to Florida and Louisiana. Nothing seems to have come of the effort beyond the printing of a letter of Mr. Gayarré, with his correspondence with Saunders and Gayangos, which was done by order of a committee to whom the subject was referred. The facts of this note are derived from a statement kindly furnished by Mr. Gayarré.

[There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College Library a volume marked Papers relating to the Early Settlement of Louisiana, copied from the Originals in the Public Offices of Paris (1697-1753).—Ed.]

[123] Xavier Eyma adopts another form in “La légende du Meschacébé,”—a paper in the Revue Contemporaine (vol. xxxi. pp. 277, 486, 746), in which he traces the history of the explorations from Marquette to the death of Bienville.

[124] Norman McF. Walker on the “Geographical Nomenclature of Louisiana,” in the Mag. of Amer. History, Sept., 1883, p. 211.

[125] See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[126] There is an account of him in the Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, vol. x. p. 385. See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[127] There are issues of later dates, 1722, etc.

[128] There are portraits and notices of the two in the Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, published at Weimar, 1802 (vol. x.).

[129] An Atlas Nouveau of forty-eight maps was issued at Amsterdam, with the name of Guillaume Delisle, in 1720, and with later dates. The maps measure 25 × 21 inches.

[130] There are modern reproductions of it in French’s Hist. Coll. of Louisiana, vol. ii., as dated 1707; in Cassell’s United States, i. 475; and for the upper portion in Winchell’s Geol. Survey of Minnesota, Final Report, vol. i. p. 20. The lower part of it is given in the present work, Vol. II. p. 294.

[131] Géol. practique de la Louisiane, p. 209.

[132] N. Y. Col. Docs., v. 577.

[133] Cf. Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers, vii. 462. De Fer was born in 1646; died in 1720. His likeness is in Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, Sept., 1803, p. 265.

[134] This map is worth about $10.00. Moll also published in 1715 a Map of North America, with vignettes by Geo. Vertue,—size 38 × 23 inches. Moll’s maps at this time were made up into collections of various dates and titles.

[135] This map of North America is reproduced in Lindsey’s Unsettled Boundaries of Ontario, Toronto, 1873. It shows a view of the Indian fort on the “Sasquesahanoch.” Moll’s Minor Atlas, a new and curious set of sixty-two maps, eighteen of which relate to America, was issued in London, without date, ten or fifteen years later. Cf. also “A new map of Louisiana and the river Mississipi,” in Some Considerations on the consequences of the French settling Colonies on the Mississippi, from a gentleman of America to his friend in London. London, 1720.

[136] Thomassy, p. 212.

[137] Senex issued a revision of a map of North America this same year, size 22 X 19 inches. Between 1710 and 1725 Senex’s maps were often gathered into atlases, containing usually about 36 maps.

[138] Thomassy, p. 214.

[139] Sabin, ix. 37,600. Ker was a secret agent of the British government, and Curl, the publisher, was pilloried for issuing the book.

[140] Géologie practique de la Louisiane, p. 2.

[141] Homann, b. 1663; d. at Nuremberg, 1724. There is an account of him in the Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, Nov., 1801. There are extracts from the despatches of the Governors of Canada, 1716-1726, respecting the controversy over the bounds between the French and English in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 960.

[142] Sabin, xv. 64,140.

[143] His Œuvres Géographiques were published collectively at Paris in five volumes in 1744-45. The atlases which pass under his name bear dates usually from 1743 to 1767, the separate maps being distinctively dated, as those of North America in 1746; those of South America in 1748; those of Canada and Louisiana, 1732, 1755, etc.

[144] The upper part of it is reproduced in Andreas’s Chicago, i. 59.

[145] These maps are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of Charlevoix. The map showing the respective possessions of the French, English, and Spanish is reproduced in Bonnechose’s Montcalm et le Canada français, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. By this the English are confined from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Florida between the Appalachian range and the sea.

[146] Thomassy, p. 219. It is said that the maps first published by Bellin were not thought by the French government sufficiently favorable to their territorial claims, and accordingly he published a new set, better favoring the French. When Shirley, speaking with Bellin, referred to this, Bellin is said to have answered, “We in France must obey the King’s command.”

[147] Page 218.

[148] Cf. his Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique, Paris, 1755.

[149] Sabin, xv. 34,027; and xv. p. 448.

[150] Referring to the maps (1756), Smith, the New York historian (Hist. N. York, Albany, 1814, p. 218), says: “Dr. Mitchell’s is the only authentic one extant. None of the rest concerning America have passed under the examination or received the sanction of any public board, and they generally copy the French.” Cf. C. C. Baldwin’s Early Maps of Ohio, p. 15.

[151] It is also contained in the Atlas Amériquain, 1778, no. 335, where it is described as “traduit de l’Anglais par le Rouge,” and is dated 1777, “Corigée en 1776 par M. Hawkins.” A section of this map is also included in the blue book, North American Boundary, Part I., 1840.

Parkman (Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 126) says: “Mitchell pushed the English claim to its utmost extreme, and denied that the French were rightful owners of anything in North America, except the town of Quebec and the trading post of Tadoussac.” This claim was made in his Contest in America between Great Britain and France, with its consequences and importance, London, 1757.

[152] Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 384; Sabin, vi. p. 272; Baldwin’s Early Maps of Ohio, 15; Haven in Thomas’ Printing, ii. p. 525. The main words of the title are: A General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America ... of Aquanishuonîgy, the country of the Confederate indians, Comprehending Aquanishuonîgy proper, their place of residence; Ohio and Tïiughsoxrúntie, their deer-hunting countries; Coughsaghráge and Skaniadaráde, their beaver-hunting Countries ... wherein is also shewn the antient and present seats of the Indian Nations. By Lewis Evans, 1755.

The map extends from the falls of the Ohio to Narragansett Bay, and includes Virginia in the south, with Montreal and the southern end of Lake Huron in the north. It is dedicated to Pownall, and has a side map of “The remaining part of Ohio R., etc.,” which shows the Illinois country. In the lower right-hand corner it is announced as “Published by Lewis Evans, June 23, 1755, and sold by Dodsley, in London, and the author in Philadelphia.” The map measures 20-1/2 X 27-1/2 inches.

[153] Harv. Coll. Atlases, no. 354, pp. 3-6.

[154] Hist. New York (1814), p. 222. Evans says: “The French being in possession of Fort Frontenac at the peace of Ryswick, which they attained during their war with the Confederates, gives them an undoubted title to the acquisition of the northwest side of St. Lawrence river, from thence to their settlement at Montreal.” (p. 14.)

[155] Harv. Col. lib’y, 6371.8; Boston Pub. lib’y [K. 11.7], and Carter-Brown, iii. 1059, 1113.

[156] The occasion of Mills’ Report on the boundaries of Ontario (1873) was an order requiring him to act as a special commissioner to inquire into the location of the western and northern bounds of Ontario,—the Imperial Parliament having set up (1871), as it was claimed, the new Province of Manitoba within the legal limits of Ontario, which held by transmission the claims westward of the Province of Quebec and later those of Upper Canada.

[157] They might well have gone on under this confirmation till the king supplanted them, but they suffered themselves to be continued in office by the popular vote in three successive annual elections.

[158] This Order of King William, with fac-simile of the signature, is in the Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxviii. 711, the original being in the cabinet of that society.

[159] John Marshall’s diary notes under July 20, 1700, the death of Ichabod Wiswall at Duxbury, “a man of eminent accomplishment for the service of the Sanctuary.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 154. Cf. Winsor’s Duxbury, p. 180.

[160] Mr. Chas. W. Tuttle’s paper, “New Hampshire without provincial government, 1689-90,” in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., October, 1879, was also printed (50 copies) separately.

[161] Palfrey, iv. 375.

[162] Diary, i. 329.

[163] Vol. IV. p. 364.

[164] Hudson’s Amer. Journalism, p. 45; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 387; Haven’s Pre-Revolutionary Bibliog., 333 (in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Collections). This innocent attempt to correct the floating rumors gave offence to the magistrates, as a license that should be resisted, or much worse might happen. Sewall refers to it as giving “much distaste, because not licensed, and because of passage referring to the French king and Maquas.” On the 1st of October the governor and council “disallowed” it. Mather attacked its impudence in a sharp letter the next day; and the little over-ambitious chronicle never came to a second issue. (Sewall’s Diary, i. 332.)

[165] See Vol. IV. p. 357; and for sources, p. 361. Sewall, under date of December 29, 1690 (Letter book, p. 115), writes, “I have discoursed with all sorts, and find that neither activity nor courage were wanting in him [Phips], and the form of the attack was agreed on by the Council of War.” A significant utterance of Frontenac is instanced in the same letter: “When the French injuries were objected to Count Frontenack by ours at Canada, his answer was that we were all one people; so if Albany or Hartford provoke them, they hold it just to fall on Massachusetts, Plimouth, Rode Island, or any other English plantation. In time of distress the Massachusetts are chiefly depended on for help;” and Sewall urges Mather to procure the sending of three frigates,—one to be stationed in the Vineyard Sound, another at Nantasket, and a third at Portsmouth.

[166] The charges against Andros were by this time practically abandoned, and he was commissioned governor of Virginia (see post, ch. iv.), while Joseph Dudley was made a councillor of New York.

[167] The charter was at once printed in Boston by Benj. Harris, 1692. It was reprinted by Neal in his New England, 2d ed. ii. App., and is included in various editions of the Charter and Laws, published since. The original parchment is at the State House, and a heliotype of its appearance, as it hangs in a glass case on the walls of the Secretary’s office, is given in the Memorial Hist. of Boston, vol. ii. The explanatory charter of a later year is similarly cared for. The boxes in which they originally came over are also preserved.

[168] Diary, i. 360. Printed copies of a proclamation by the General Court have come down to us, expressing joy at their arrival. F. S. Drake sale, no. 1126, bought by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York.

[169] May 31, 1693. The Great Blessing of primitive Counsellors; an appendix “To the inhabitants of the Province, &c.,” containing the vindication. It is reprinted in the Andros Tracts, ii. 301. Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. p. 452.

[170] Sibley’s Grad. of H. Univ., i.

[171] This story is doubted. Cf. Conn. Col. Rec. 1689-1706. Their majesties’ letter touching the command of the militia (1694) is in the Trumbull Papers, p. 176.

[172] Sewall Papers, i. p. 386.

[173] His will is given in the N. E. H. & G. Reg., 1884, p. 205. Cotton Mather published in 1697 his life of Phips, as Pietas in Patriam; it was subsequently included in his Magnalia, after it had passed a second edition separately in 1699. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. p. 64.

[174] Diary, i. 404.

[175] The occasion was his tract Truth held forth, published in New York in 1695, for which he was tried at Salem in 1696. His success did not soften him, and he again assailed them in New England Persecutors mauled with their own Weapons (1697). Cf. A. C. Goodell in Essex Institute Collections, iii.; Sewall Papers, i. 414-16; Dexter’s Bibliog., nos. 2458, 2472; Maule Genealogy, Philad. 1868.

[176] Bancroft, final revision, ii. 238.

[177] Report Rec. Com., vii. pp. 224, 228, 230.

[178] The fort had been built there in 1690. After this attack the farms were again occupied, but finally abandoned in 1704. C. W. Baird’s Huguenot Emigration to America, ii. 264, 278.

[179] April 2, 1697; he had died March 27.

[180] Pemberton Square, then elevated considerably higher than now.

[181] John Marshall’s diary, printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 153, describes the parade on Bellomont’s reception, May, 1699.

[182] Haliburton (Rule and Misrule of the English in America, 232) praises him, and calls him “a true specimen of a great liberal governor.”

Cf. Frederic de Peyster’s Life and Administration of Richard, Earl of Bellomont, governor of the provinces of N. Y., Mass., and N. H., from 1697 to 1701. N. Y.: 1879,—an address delivered before the N. Y. Hist. Society.

Bellomont, in his speech to the General Court, advised them to succor the Huguenot clergyman of Boston, his congregation being reduced in numbers. It was five years before that (1695) the Huguenot Oxford settlement had been broken up by the Indian depredations, and nine years earlier (1686) they had first come to Massachusetts with their minister. We have lately had an adequate account of their story in Charles W. Baird’s Huguenot Emigration to America (N. Y., 1885, two vols.), and the “Huguenot Society of America” was established in 1884, when the first part of their Proceedings was published. The earliest treatment of the subject is Dr. Abiel Holmes’s Memoir of the French Protestants, published in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections (vol. xxii. p. 1). This was largely about the Oxford settlement, which has since been further illustrated by Geo. T. Daniels in his Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country. Next after Holmes came Hannah F. Lee’s Huguenots in France and America (Cambridge, 1843), but it is scant in matter. Somewhat later (1858, etc.), Mr. Joseph Willard considered them in his paper, “Naturalization in the American Colonies,” printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (iv. 337), showing they were not naturalized till 1731; and Lucius Manlius Sargent recalled many associations with their names in his Dealings with the Dead (vol. ii. pp. 495-549). Cf. further, Ira M. Barton, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Ap., 1862, Ap., 1864; Mem. Hist. of Boston (chap. by C. C. Smith), ii. p. 249; Blaikie’s Presbyterianism in New England (Boston, 1881), where their church is considered the forerunner of the Presbyterian method of government; Palfrey’s New England, iv. p. 185. The Huguenot society recognizes by their vice-presidents two other settlements of the Huguenots before 1787, in New England, beside those of Oxford and Boston, namely, one in Maine and another in Rhode Island,—the latter being commemorated by Elisha R. Potter’s French Settlements in Rhode Island, being no. 5 of the Rhode Island Historical Tracts, published by S. S. Rider in Providence, R. I.

[183] Trip to New England, with a character of the country and people, both English and Indian, Anonymous, London, 1699; second edition in Writings of the Author of the London Spy, London, 1704; third edition in The London Spy, London, 1706. (The present History, Vol. III. p. 373; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 2,580; Brinley, i. no. 371; Stevens, Bibl. Hist., 1870, no. 2,278; Shurtleff’s Desc. of Boston, p. 53.)

[184] As a corrective of periwigs he advised the good people to read Calvin’s Institutions, book iii. ch. 10.

[185] Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, xv. 65,689.

[186] Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 211, and references.

[187] As to the part Massachusetts discontents, like Sewall and Addington, took in the founding of Yale College, compare the views of Quincy, Harvard University, i. 198, etc.; and of Prest. Woolsey in his Hist. Discourse of Aug. 14, 1850; and Prof. Kingsley in the Biblical Repository, July and Oct., 1841.

The principal sources of the history of Yale College are the following: Thomas Clap’s Annals or History of Yale College, New Haven, 1766. F. B. Dexter on “The founding of Yale College,” in the New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, vol. ii., and his Biographical sketches of the graduates of Yale College, with annals of the college history. October, 1701-May, 1745. N. Y. 1885. E. E. Beardsley on “Yale College and the Church,” in Perry’s Amer. Episc. Church, vol. i., monograph 6. The most extensive work is: Yale College; a sketch of its history, with notices of its several departments, instructors, and benefactors; together with some account of student life and amusements. By various authors. 2 vols. New York. 1879. Edited by W. L. Kingsley. In this will be found a photograph of the original portrait of Gov. Elihu Yale (i. p. 37); the house of Saltonstall in 1708 (p. 48), a likeness of Timothy Cutler (p. 49) and his house (p. 49), with a plan of New Haven in 1749, and the college buildings (p. 76). A less extended account is in The College Book, edited by C. F. Richardson and H. A. Clark.

[188] John Marshall, in his diary, July 15, 1701, records the funeral of William Stoughton at Dorchester, “with great honor and solemnity, and with him much of New England’s glory.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 155. On July 17, Samuel Willard preached a sermon on his death, which was published. (Haven in Thomas, ii. 349.)

[189] For a portrait of Phipps, see Brit. Mez. Portraits, iii. 1109.

[190] Dudley’s commission is in Harvard Coll. library (Sibley’s Graduates, ii. 176). His instructions (1702) are in the Mass. Hist. Soc., and printed in their Collections, xxix. 101. Haliburton (Rule and Misrule, etc., 235), while he praises Dudley, questions the wisdom of the ministry which selected him to govern such a province. Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 166.

[191] On the 4th of June, Benj. Wadsworth preached a sermon, King William lamented in America (Harv. Col. lib., 10396.74). There is a portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery (Proceedings, vi. 33). Cf. Mag. of Amer. Hist., May, 1884, for a paper on his influence in America.

[192] Keith journeyed from New England to Carolina in 1702-4, indulging in theological controversies which produced a crop of tracts, and in 1706 he published at London Journal of travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck.

[193] This was printed in 1702, together with the House’s answer, and the address of the ministers to Dudley. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 349.)

[194] Col. Quarry, who was reporting on the colonies to the home government, said of New England: “A governor depending on the people’s humors cannot serve the Crown.” Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. p. 229.

[195] Falmouth (Portland) was the most easterly seaboard port of the English at this time.

[196] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ix. 502.

[197] These letters are in the Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 126, etc. Cotton Mather took his accustomed satisfaction in calling the governor “the venom of Roxbury.” Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxviii. 418.

[198] See post, ch. vii.

[199] Referring to one source of information, common enough in New England, Palfrey (iv. 342), says: “Funeral sermons are a grievous snare to the historian.”

[200] Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 389; Palfrey, iv. 304.

[201] 1709, May. “About the tenth of this month a general impress for soldiers ran through the Colony. Some say every tenth man was taken to serve in this expedition.” John Marshall’s diary in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 160.

[202] Phototypes of contemporary prints of the Four Maquas are annexed. They are reduced from originals (engraved by J. Simon after J. Veulst) in the Amer. Antiq. Society’s Gallery. Cf. Catal. Cab. Ms. Hist. Soc., p. 59; Smith’s Brit. Mezzotint Portraits, iii. 1,095, 1692; Gay, Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 44, etc. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 136; Brinley, no. 5,395; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 553; Mag. of Amer. Hist., ii. 151, 313, 372; Sabin’s Dictionary, vi. p. 543; Colden’s letters in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1868; Addison’s Spectator, April 27, 1711. There was published in London at the time The Four Indian Kings’ Speech to her Majesty on the 20th April, translated into verse, with their effigies, taken from the life. In Mass. Archives, xxxi., are various papers concerning these Indians,—an order for £30 for their use, the charges of a dinner given to them August 6, 1709, and other accounts (nos. 62, 76, 80-83, 87).

[203] November 16, 1710. “A day of Thanksgiving on account of success at Port Royall.” John Marshall’s diary, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 161.

[204] First ed. 1710; second, in 1715. Cf. Stevens’ Bibl. Geog., no. 3,039; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. p. 216; H. M. Dexter’s address on Wise in the Two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Church in Essex, Salem, 1884, p. 113; and Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii. 429.

[205] Various petitions to the queen during 1710-11 are in the Mass. Archives, xx. pp. 133, 145, 152, 164, 170.

[206] Dudley on the 9th issued a proclamation for an embargo on outward-bound vessels. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xi. 206.

[207] Annexed are engravings of a contemporary print, “Exact draft of Boston harbor,” and of a ground plan of Castle William from originals in the British Museum. See notes on the construction and history of this fortress in Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 101, 127. The Catal. of the King’s Maps in the Brit. Mus. (i. p. 216) shows a drawn plan of the Castle, by Colonel Romer, 1705, four sheets, with a profile. Pownall’s view of Boston (1757) shows the Castle in the foreground. (Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 127; Columbian Mag., Dec., 1787; Drake’s Boston, folio ed.). The plan of the island as given in Pelham’s map is sketched in Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 127.

[208] The fleet had not been provisioned in England, in order to conceal its destination. Walker’s Journal shows that in Boston Jonathan Belcher was the principal contractor for provisions, and Peter Faneuil for military stores.

[209] Published in London, 1712. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 166.) Dummer, referring to Walker’s charges, says, “They can’t do us much, if any, harm.” Mass. Hist. Coll., xxi. 144. Cf. also Dummer’s Letter to a friend in the country on the late expedition to Canada, with an account of former enterprises, a defence of that design and the share the late M——rs had in it. Lond. 1712. (Sabin, v. 21,199; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167.)

[210] A journal of this negotiation is printed in the New Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg., January, 1854, p. 26.

[211] See Vol. III., chapter on New England.

[212] Cf. papers on the Usher difficulty in N. E. H. & G. Reg., 1877, p. 162.

[213] This recusant act occasioned a report from the attorney-general to the queen, cited in Shelburne Papers, vol. 61. Cf. Reports Hist. MSS. Commission, v. 228.

[214] Cf. Memoir of the Mohegans in Mass. Hist. Coll., viii. 73, etc.

[215] But this was not the end. It was finally settled in favor of the colony in 1771. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, i. 410, 421; De Forest’s Indians of Conn., 309; The Governor and Company of Connecticut and Mohegan Indians by their guardians: Certified Copy of Book of Proceedings before the Commissioners of Review, 1743 (usually called The Mohegan Case, published in 1769,—copies in Harvard College library; Brinley, no. 2,085; Menzies, no. 1,338; Murphy, no. 660). Cf. Palfrey, iv. 336, 364; Trumbull Papers (Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xlix., index), and E. E. Beardsley on the “Mohegan land controversy,” in New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, iii. 205, and his Life and Times of Wm. Samuel Johnson.

[216] Palfrey, New Eng., iv. 489, 495; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. 277.

[217] Jeremiah Dummer, however, writes, January, 1714, of Col. Byfield, then in England, that he is “so excessively hot against Col. Dudley that he cannot use anybody civilly who is for him.” Mass. Hist. Coll., v. 198.

[218] This tribune of the people, however, did not long survive his victory, but died October 31, 1715, aged seventy-eight.

[219] Dr. Palfrey amply illustrates the reciprocal influence of the old and new politics. Cf. Dr. Ellis in Sewall Papers, iii. 46. There is no more pointed evidence, however, of the scant interest taken by the wits of London in the current politics and customs of the American colonies than the fact that among the multitudinous pictorial satires of the period, preserved in the British Museum and noted in its Catal. of prints, Satires (ii., iii., and iv., 1689-1763), there is scarce a single purely American subject. One or two about the confronting of the English and French in the Ohio valley, and incidentally touching English successes in American waters, are the only ones noted in a somewhat careful examination. Catal. of prints in the Brit. Mus. Satires, iii. pp. 927, 972, 1100.

[220] Mather was very complacent over this event, and called Shute of a “very easy, candid, gentlemanly temper.” Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxviii. 420.

[221] Discussions of the king’s rights to the woods of Maine and New England are in the documents (1718-1726, etc.) collected in Chalmers’s Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i. 110, 115, 118, 136, 138.

[222] Cf. Barry, Mass., ii. 109.

[223] But compare a paper by Geo. H. Moore in Boston Daily Advertiser, May 12, 1882.

[224] Cotton Mather would have it that the governor was not at fault, when he called him “a person born to make every one easy and happy, that his benign rays can reach unto,” as he said in a letter of Nov. 4, 1758, printed in the Flying Post of May 14-16, 1719. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.)

[225] See post, ch. vii., Shute’s letter to “Ralleé,” Feb. 21, 1718, in which he says that if war occurs it will be because of the urging of the popish missionaries. (Mass. Hist. Col., v.)

[226] Cf. Edw. Eggleston on “Commerce in the Colonies” in The Century, xxviii. 236; also Macy’s Nantucket. The practice of taking whales in boats from the shore is said to have been introduced into Nantucket by Ichabod Paddock from Cape Cod. “Nantucket men are the only New England whalers at present,” says Douglass (Summary, etc., 1747, vol. i. p. 59; also p. 296).

[227] J. L. Bishop’s Hist. of Amer. Manuf. (1861), i. p. 491.

[228] Cf. on parliamentary restrictions of their trade, Edw. Eggleston in The Century, vol. xxviii. p. 252, etc. See on industries of the province, Palfrey, iv. 429; Lodge’s Eng. Colonies, 410, 411; also the tracts: Brief account of the state of the Province of Mass. Bay, civil and ecclesiastical, by a lover of his country (1717), and Melancholy circumstances of the Province (1719). Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 382. Sir Josiah Child in 1677 had expounded for the first time the restrictive system in his New Discourse of Trade, which was not, however, published in London till 1694, but was various times reprinted later. He called New England “the most prejudicial plantation to the kingdom of England,” inhabited as it was “by a sort of people called puritans.” Cf. John Adams’ Works, x. 328, 330, 332; Scott, Development of Constitutional Liberty, 208. Otis in his speech on the Writs of Assistance cites Child, as well as Joshua Gee’s Trade and Navigation of Great Britain Considered (London, 1729), which was the first to make evident the policy of making the colonies subserve the public revenue, as they already under the navigation acts bettered the private trade of the mother country. This book was reprinted at London in 1730, 1738, and at Glasgow in 1735, 1760, and in “a new edition, with many interesting notes and additions by a merchant,” in 1767. Cf. John Adams’ Works, x. 335, 350; Scott, Development of Constitutional Liberty (1882), 216.

[229] They settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, and gave the name of Londonderry (whence in Ireland they came) to the new town. Cf. Parker’s Hist. of Londonderry, N. H.; and Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. p. 1.

[230] Cf. Bishop’s Hist. of Amer. Manufactures, i. 331.

[231] Record Com. Rept., viii. 157.

[232] The Boston ministers, Mather, Wadsworth, and Colman, issued a flying sheet in 1719, A Testimony against Evil Customs, in which they regretted that ordinations, weddings, trainings, and huskings were made the occasion of unseemly merriment, and that lectures were not more generally attended. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.) Lodge (Short Hist. Eng. Colonies, 463) indicates the change which converted the simple burial of the early colonists to an ostentatious display in the provincial period.

[233] When young men like Franklin were pondering on Collins and Shaftesbury, liberalism was alarming.

[234] April 2, 1720.

[235] Josiah Quincy’s History of Harvard University, i. ch. xi.

[236] Cf. Perry’s Amer. Episc. Church, i. ch. xiv.; and monograph vi. by E. E. Beardsley in the same. Sprague’s Amer. Annals, v. 50.

[237] Douglass claims that it was he who drew the attention of that “credulous vain creature, Mather, jr.,” to the account of inoculations in the Philosophical Transactions, xxxii. 169.

[238] Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxviii. 448, 449.

[239] The inoculation controversy produced a crowd of tracts. Cf. Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. pp. 388-393, 395, 420-422, 444, 456, 515,—extending over thirty years; Brinley Catal., no. 1,645, etc.; Hutchinson, ii. 248; Barry, ii. 115; Mem. Hist. Boston, iv. 535. Franklin wrote Some account of the success of inoculation for the small-pox in England and America, which was printed in London in 1758 (8 pp.), and is reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Coll., xvii. 7.

[240] The most distinguished of the Boston printers was Bartholomew Green, who died in 1733. Cf. Thomas’ Hist. of Printing, and ch. vii. and viii. of Bishop’s Hist. of Amer. Manufactures (1861).

[241] Franklin’s paper, however, did much to arouse the ministers to the conception of the fact that there was a force in the public press to direct the public sense, superior to the power of the pulpit, which must perforce be content with a diminishing power.

[242] This was published in London and Boston, 1721 (again Boston, 1721, 1768, and London, 1765). Sabin, v. no. 21,197; Carter-Brown, iii. 300. Tyler (Am. Lit., ii. 119) is in error in placing its publication in 1728. The tract has been greatly praised. James Otis referred to it with commendation in his great Writs-of-Assistance speech. John Adams (Works, x. 343) calls it “one of our most classical American productions.” Tudor (Life of Otis, ch. vi.) thinks that in point of style it vies with any writing before the Revolution. Grahame (iii. 72) says it has a great deal of interesting information and ingenious argument. Bancroft (revised ed., ii. 247) gives it credit for influence, and makes a synopsis.

[243] Sabin, xv. 65,582.

[244] See post, ch. vii.

[245] See post, ch. vii.

[246] Of John Wentworth (b. 1672), lieut.-gov. of N. H. from 1717 to his death, in 1730, there is a portrait in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cf. Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist. Soc., no. 16; Proceedings, i. 124. Blackburn’s portrait of him is engraved in the Wentworth Genealogy, which gives a full account of the family, embracing the genealogical material earlier published in the N. E. H. & G. Reg., 1850, p. 321; 1863, p. 65; 1868, p. 120; also, 1878, p. 434.

[247] Cf. Caleb Heathcote’s charges (1719) on this point in R. I. Col. Rec., iv. 258; R. I. Hist. Mag., April, 1885, p. 270^a.

[248] See Vol. III. p. 379.

[249] Papers relating to the governor’s memorial are noted in Brit. Mus. MSS., no. 15,486. The Report of the Lords of the Committee upon Governor Shute’s Memorial with his Majesty’s Order in Council thereupon, was printed in Boston in 1725. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.4; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 402.)

[250] It is spread on the Boston Records. Cf. Rec. Com. Rept., viii. 178.

[251] See Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 32.

[252] This document is in the Mass. State Archives. It was printed in Boston in 1725 (pp. 8), and has been since included in the several collections of Charters and Laws. The original parchment hangs in the office of the secretary of the commonwealth. Cf. Report to the Legislature of Massachusetts upon the Condition of the Records, Files, Papers and Documents in the Secretary’s Department, January, 1885, pp. 15, 16.

[253] Fort Dummer was repaired in 1740. On determining the bounds between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, it was brought within the latter province. (B. H. Hall, Eastern Vermont, i. 15, 27; Temple and Sheldon, Northfield, 199; Shirley, letter, Nov. 30, 1748, in Mass. Hist. Coll., iii. 106; N. H. Prov. Papers, vol. v.)

[254] It seems to have been a satisfaction to Cotton Mather, that “the hairy scalp of Father Rallee paid for what hand he had in the rebellion into which he infuriated his proselytes.” Cf. Cotton Mather’s Waters of Marah Sweetened (Boston, 1725), an essay on the death of Capt. Josiah Winslow in a fight with the Indians at Green Island, May 1, 1724.

[255] See post, ch. vii.

[256] It was not till 1773 that a compromise fixed the western line of Massachusetts, and not till 1787 was it finally run.

[257] Cf. Dr. Douglass, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xxxii. 172.

[258] “The great misery of Cotton Mather was his vanity; and this gangrene, first applying to his literary, then to his social, may ultimately have tainted his moral, reputation, in the judgment of his fellow citizens.” Jas. Savage in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxii. 129.

[259] Corner of Kilby and State streets, according to present names.

[260] A Poem, presented to his excellency William Burnet [t], Esq.; on his arrival at Boston [Boston, 1728?] 5 pp., is not to be confounded with this poem by Mather Byles.

[261] Rec. Com. Report, viii. 226. (Sept. 30, 1728.)

[262] A Collection of the Proceedings of the Great and General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, containing several instructions from the Crown, to the Council and Assembly of that province, for fixing a salary on the governour, and their determinations thereon, as also the methods taken by the Court for supporting the several Governours, since the arrival of the present charter. Boston, 1729. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.6; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 434). Cf. Jeremiah Dummer’s Letter dated Aug. 10, 1729, on the Assembly fixing the governor’s salary. (Sabin, v. 21,200; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 418.) Year after year the effusive arguments on the House’s side are spread upon the town records, in the instructions given to the members from Boston.

[263] Haven in Thomas, ii. 418.

[264] Thomas Foxcroft, however, delivered (Aug. 23, 1730) a century sermon, to commemorate the founding of Boston, which is printed. (Haven’s list in Thomas, ii. p. 421.)

[265] Alexander Blaikie’s Hist. of Presbyterianism in New England, Boston, 1881,—a book unskilful in literary form and unwise in spirit. A far better book is Chas. A. Briggs’s Amer. Presbyterianism, its Origin and Early History, New York, 1885,—a book showing more research than any of its predecessors. Cf. also Chas. Hodge’s Constitutional Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (Phil. 1851); Richard Webster’s Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in America to 1760 (Phil. 1857); E. H. Gillett, Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. revised ed. (Phil. 1864), etc.

[266] “Belcher was not a paper money governor,” says Douglass (Summary, etc., i. 377); “he was well acquainted in the commercial world.”

[267] Cf. his Faithful narrative of the surprising work of God in the conversion of many hundred souls, etc. Written on November 6, 1736, with a preface by Dr. Watts, etc., London, 1737 (two editions); and “with a shorter preface added by some of the ministers of Boston,” third ed., Boston, 1738. (Cf. Prince Catal., p. 22; and Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 563, 577, 578.) After the coming of Whitefield, he published Some thoughts concerning the present revival of Religion (Boston, 1742; Edinburgh, 1743; Worcester, 1808),—perhaps the strongest presentation of the revivalists’ side. Cf. Dexter’s Bibliography, no. 3092; Quincy’s Harvard University, ii.; Poole’s Index, p. 393. A Catholic view of the successive New England modifications of faith since Jonathan Edwards is in the Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., x. 95 (1885).

[268] Cf. annexed extract from Popple’s British Empire in America. The maps of Herman Moll are the chief ones, immediately antecedent to Popple’s. One of Moll’s, called “New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania,” is in Oldmixon’s Brit. Empire in America, 1708. In 1729 he included what he called a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania” in his New Survey of the Globe. It singularly enough omits the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. A somewhat amusing transformation of names is found in a map published by Homann, at Nuremberg, Nova Anglia Anglorum Coloniis florentissima. David Humphrey’s Hist. Acc. of the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts has also a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, by H. Moll, geographer,” in which the towns are marked to which missionaries had been sent. It is dated 1730.

Douglass in 1729, referring to maps of New England, wrote, “There is not one extant but what is intolerably and grossly erroneous.” In the same letter Douglass gives some notion of the uncertain cartography of that day. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xxxii. 186.

[269] Chauncy is claimed by the modern Universalists as prefiguring their faith. Cf. Whittemore’s Modern Hist. of Universalism; and Mem. Hist. Boston, iii. 488. See the characterization of Chauncy in Tyler’s Amer. Literature, ii. 200; and his portrait in Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 226.

[270] Summary, etc., i. p. 250.

[271] The expostulatory and polemical literature of the “Great Awakening in New England” is abundantly set forth in Haven’s list appended to the Antiq. Soc. ed. of Thomas’s History of Printing, vol. ii., and in the Collections towards a bibliog. of Congregationalism, appended by Dr. H. M. Dexter to his Congregationalism as seen in its Literature, to be found in chronological order in both places between 1736 and 1750; and in the Prince Catalogue, p. 65. Thomas Prince supported, and his son published, during the excitement, a periodical called The Christian History, containing accounts of the revival and propagation of religion in Great Britain, America, etc. (March 5, 1743, to February 23, 1744-5, in 104 numbers). Cf. Thomas, Hist. Printing, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 66. A letter of Chas. Chauncy to Mr. George Wishart, concerning the state of religion in New England (1742), is printed in the Clarendon Hist. Soc. Reprints, no. 7 (1883). Chauncy’s Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England, Boston, 1743, is the main expression of his position in the controversy, followed up by a Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, (Boston, 1743), in vindication of passages in the Seasonable Thoughts which Whitefield had controverted. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 813, for this and other tracts of that year.) Whitefield’s journals were frequently issued (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 631-34, 669-70), and the most comprehensive of the modern Lives of Whitefield is that by Tyerman (London, 1876). Poole’s Index (p. 1406) gives the clues to the mass of periodical literature on Whitefield. Cf. Tracy’s Great Awakening (1842). In Connecticut the controversy between the New Lights (revivalists) and the Old Lights took on a more virulent form than in Massachusetts. (Cf. Trumbull, Hollister, etc.) About the best of the condensed narratives of the “Great Awakening” is that of Dr. Palfrey in his Compendious Hist. of New England, iv. ch. 7 and 8, the latter chapter outlining the course of the commotion in Connecticut.

[272] Cf. Ellis Ames’ paper on the part taken by Massachusetts in this expedition, with extracts from the Council Records. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1881, vol. xviii. p. 364.

“1740, Apr. 17. Orders arrived [in Boston] to declare the warr in form against Spain, and accordingly it was proclaimed with the usual solemnity at Boston the twenty-first.” “Oct. 1740. Five companies, the quota of Massachusetts for the West Indian expedition, sailed.” Paul Dudley’s diary in N. E. H. & G. Reg., 1881, pp. 29, 30.

[273] Sabin, xv. 65,585, with a long list of Prince’s other publications.

[274] See. Mem. Hist. Boston, iii. p. 202; Amer. Mag. (1834), i. p. 81.

[275] Cf. sketch of the history of the Navigation Laws in Viscount Bury’s Exodus of the Western Nations, ii. ch. 2.

[276] Cf. ch. viii. of W. E. Foster’s Stephen Hopkins (Rhode Island Tracts, no. 19), tracing these restrictions of trade as a proximate cause of the Amer. Revolution, and his references. A petition of the town of Boston in 1735, to the General Court, asking for relief from taxation, sets forth the condition of trade at this time, and gives the following schedule of the cost of maintaining the town’s affairs: For the poor, £2,069; the watch, £1,200; ministry, £8,000; other purposes, £4,630; county tax, £1,682; imposts, £1,400. Boston Town Records (1729-1742), p. 120.

[277] The correspondence between Belcher and Waldron is in the keeping of the N. H. Hist. Soc., and some of it is printed in the N. H. Prov. Papers, iv. 866, etc.

[278] There is a view of the Wentworth house at Newcastle in Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 199; and in John Albee’s Newcastle historic and picturesque, Boston, 1884, p. 70. For the old “Province House,” see Ibid. p. 36.

[279] A proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity, by a college to be erected in the Summer islands, otherwise called the isles of Bermuda. London. 1725. Berkeley published this tract anonymously.

[280] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 94.

[281] Cf. D. C. Gilman on Berkeley’s gifts to Yale College in New Haven Col. Hist. Soc. Papers, vol. i. See the house in Mason’s Newport, p. 73, and in Kingsley’s Yale College, i. p. 60. Cf. also Perry’s Hist. of the American Episcopal Church, i. pp. 532, 545

[282] Cf. Moses Coit Tyler’s “Dean Berkeley’s sojourn in America” in Perry’s Hist. of the Amer. Episcopal Church, i. p. 519; A. C. Fraser’s Works of Berkeley, with Life and Letters of Berkeley, Oxford, 1871, and his subsequent Berkeley, 1881. Some letters of Berkeley from Newport, among the Egmont MSS., are printed in Hist. MSS. Com. Report, vii. 242. Cf. also D. C. Gilman in Hours at Home, i. 115; Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 162; E. E. Beardsley in Amer. Church Rev., Oct. 1881; Bancroft’s United States, final revision, ii. 266; Noah Porter’s Two Hundredth Birthday of Bishop Berkeley (New York, 1885); Sprague’s Amer. Pulpit, v. 63, and references in Poole’s Index, p. 114. Douglass poked fun at Berkeley in his own scattering way. Summary, i. p. 149.

[283] Cf. Sheffield’s address on The Privateersmen. of Newport.

[284] Cf. Hist. Sketch of the fortification Defences of Narragansett Bay, by Gen. Geo. W. Cullum (Washington, 1884).

[285] The ministers of Boston in a memorial, Dec. 5, 1737, did what they could to counteract the machinations of Belcher’s enemies. Mass. Hist. Coll., xxii. 272.

[286] John Adams, with something of the warring politician’s onset, says of Shirley that he was a “crafty, busy, ambitious, intriguing, enterprising man; and having mounted to the chair of this province, he saw in a young, growing country vast prospects of ambition opening before his eyes, and conceived great designs of aggrandizing himself, his family, and his friends.” Novanglus, in Works, iv. 18, 19.

[287] Cf. Elias Nason’s Life of Sir Henry Frankland; Dr. O. W. Holmes’ Poem of “Agnes;” Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. p. 526; and the Appendix to the Boston Evacuation Memorial.

[288] His portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Gallery is engraved in the Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 260. There is a steel engraving in the Mag. of Am. Hist., Aug., 1882. Cf. Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc., no. 77.

[289] New England had under 400,000 population at this time, of whom 200,000 were in Mass., 100,000 in Conn., and Rhode Island and New Hampshire had about 30,000 each.

[290] Lotteries were becoming in Massachusetts a favorite method of raising money in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Cf. H. B. Staples on the Province Laws (1884), p. 9; Mem. Hist. Boston, iv. 503.

[291] A Boston fisherman, who had seen the burning fort at Canseau, gave the colonies notice of the outbreak of the war. Shirley at once sent a message to Gov. Mascarene at Annapolis to hold out till he could be reinforced. The messenger being captured, the French vessels had time to escape before Capt. Edward Tyng, who left Boston July 2d with a force, could arrive. He reached Annapolis July 4, to find Le Loutre and his Indians besieging the town. The enemy withdrew; Tyng threw men into the fort, and by the 13th was back in Boston. Capt. John Rouse, the Boston privateersman, had also been sent off during the summer, and had made havoc among the French fishing stations on the Newfoundland shore.

[292] See post, ch. vii.

[293] R. I. Col. Record, v. 100, 102.

[294] Shirley despatched expresses the next day. His letter to Wanton, of Rhode Island, urged him to store up powder. A few weeks later, Phips, the lieutenant-governor, writes to the governor of Rhode Island, Aug. 14, 1745: “This province is exhausted of men, provisions, clothing, ammunition, and other things necessary for the support of the garrison at Louisbourg. If his Majesty’s other provinces and colonies will not do something more than they have done for the maintaining of this conquest, we apprehend great danger that the place will fall into the enemy’s hands again.” R. I. Col. Records, v. p. 142.

[295] Cf. A brief state of the services and expences of the Province of Massachusetts Bay in the common cause. London, 1765. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1467.)

[296] Christopher Kilby, the agent of the province, had, July 1, 1746, memorialized the home government to send succor to the colonies, in case a French fleet was sent against them. Pepperrell Papers, ed. by A. H. Hoyt (Boston, 1874), p. 5. Cf. Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 119. Kilby was the province’s agent from Feb. 20, 1744, to Nov. 1748. Cf. Mass. Archives, xx. 356, 409, 469. The relations of the province with its agents are set forth in vols. xx.-xxii. of the Archives. Cf. the chapter on the Royal Governors, by Geo. E. Ellis, in the Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. The apprehension was strong in England that D’Anville would succeed in recovering Acadia and establish himself at Chebuctou, “which it is evident they design by their preparations.” Bedford Corresp., i. 156.

[297] The Duke of Bedford, who was the chief English patron of the expedition of 1746, recognized how great the exhaustion of the colonies had been in doing their part to bring the movement about. Bedford Corresp., i. 182.

[298] War was burdensome; but it had some relief. A Boston ship belonging to Josiah Quincy had, by exposing hats and coats on handspikes above her rail, allured a heavier Spanish ship into a surrender; and when the lucky deceiver brought her prize into Boston, the boxes of gold and silver which were carted through the streets required an armed guard for their protection. Other profits were less creditable. Governor Cornwallis writes from Halifax (November 27, 1750) to the Lords of Trade: “Some gentlemen of Boston who have long served the government, [and] because they have not the supplying of everything, have done all the mischief they could. Their substance, which they have got from the public, enables them to distress and domineer. Without them they say we can’t do, and so must comply with what terms they think proper to impose. These are Messrs. Apthorp and Hancock, the two richest merchants in Boston,—made so by the public money, and now wanton in their insolent demands.” Akins’ Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia, 630. Thomas Hancock’s letter book (April, 1745-June, 1750), embracing many letters to Kilby, in London, is now in the Mass. Hist. Society’s Cabinet. It is a sufficient exposure of the mercenary spirit affecting the operations of these contractors of supplies.

[299] Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 264; Bishop, Amer. Manuf., i. 486-7.

[300] Douglass (Summary, i. 552-3) enumerates the frontier forts and cantonments maintained against the French and the Indians, to the west and to the east.

[301] N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1870.

[302] Shirley was commissioned in 1754, as was Pepperrell also, to raise a regiment in America for the regular service. His instructions are in the Penna. Archives, ii. 178. Cf. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter about enlistments in Shirley’s regiment, in New Jersey Archives, viii. Part 2d, p. 17.

[303] Cf. various pamphlets on the state of Conn. at this time, noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. p. 524-5.

[304] What seem to be the best figures to be reached regarding the population of the English colonies at the opening of the war would place the total at something over a million. This sum is reached thus: In 1749 Maryland had 100,000. In 1752, Georgia had 3,000, and South Carolina 25,000. In 1754, Nova Scotia had 4,000. In 1755, North Carolina had 50,000; Virginia, 125,000; New Jersey, 75,000; New Hampshire, 75,000. Estimates must be made for the others: Pennsylvania, 220,000 (including 100,000 German and other foreign immigrants); Connecticut, 100,000; Rhode Island, 30,000; New York, 55,000, and Massachusetts, 200,000. This foots up 1,062,000.

[305] Quite in keeping with the fervor of the hour was a pamphlet which the last London ship had brought, A scheme to drive the French out of all the Continent of America [by T. C.], which Fowle, the Boston printer, immediately reissued. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.31.)

[306] For his military conduct during the following campaign, the reader must turn to chapters vii. and viii.

[307] While they were watching at Boston every tidings of the war from the east and from the west, the gossips were weaving about the trial of Phillis and Mark for the poisoning of their master all the suspicions which unsettle the sense of social security; and when in September the common law of England asserted its dominance, the man was hanged, while the woman was burned, the last instance in our criminal history of this dread penalty for petit treason was recorded. Cf. A. C. Goodell, Jr., in Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc. (March, 1883), and in a separate enlarged issue of the same paper. It is well not to forget that while in old England at this time there were 160 capital offences, there were less than one tenth as many in Massachusetts. These are enumerated by H. B. Staples in his paper on the Province Laws (1884), p. 10.

[308] A lecture on earthquakes; read in Cambridge, November 26th, 1755, on occasion of the earthquake which shook New-England the week before. Boston, 1755. 38 pp. 8^o. Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary bibliography in Thomas’s Hist. of Printing (Amer. Antiq. Soc. ed.), ii. pp. 524-532, 549, shows numerous publications occasioned by this earthquake. Cf. Drake’s Boston, p. 640.

[309] It is not unlikely that enlistments were impeded by a breach of faith with the New England troops, for they had been detained at the eastward beyond their term of enlistment. Shirley remonstrated about it to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia. Cf. Akins’ Pub. Doc. of Nov. Scotia, 421, 428. Gov. Livingston in 1756 wrote: “The New England colonies take the lead in all military matters.... In these governments lies the main strength of the British interests upon this continent.”

[310] For a portrait of Pownall see Mem. Hist. of Boston, ii. 63. Cf. Catal. Cabinet Mass. Hist. Soc., no. 6. Pownall’s private letter book, covering his correspondence during the war, was in a sale at Bangs’s in New York, February, 1854 (no. 1342).

[311] He took the oath June 16. His commission is printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., July, 1867, p. 208.

[312] Parsons’ Sir William Pepperrell, p. 307.

[313] H. C. Lodge, Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies, p. 429; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. p. 467; J. G. Shea in Am. Cath. Quart. Rev., viii. 144.

[314] “I am here,” writes Pownall, September 6, 1757, “at the head of what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising colony,—’t is all puff, ’t is all false; they are ruined and undone in their circumstances.” (Pownall’s Letter Book.) A brief State of the Services and Expences of the Province of the Massachusett’s Bay in the Common Cause, London, 1765, sets forth the charges upon the province during the wars since 1690. Cf. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, ii. 84; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xx. 53; Collections, vi. 44, 47. Walsh in his Appeal (p. 131) says that it was asserted in the House of Commons in 1778 that 10,000 of the seamen in the British navy in 1756 were of American birth. “From the year 1754 to 1762, there were raised by Massachusetts, 35,000 men; and for three years successively 7,000 men each year.... An army of seven thousand, compared with the population of Massachusetts in the middle of the last century, is considerably greater than an army of one million for France in the time of Napoleon.” Edw. Everett on “The Seven Years’ War the School of the Revolution,” in his Orations, i. p. 392.

[315] See post, ch. vii.

[316] Grenville Corresp., i. 305.

[317] The establishment of Fort Pownall effectually overawed the neighboring Indians. Cf. W. D. Williamson’s Notice of Orono in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxix. 87.

[318] Cf. post, ch. viii.

[319] “Pownall thought there ought to be a good understanding between the capital and country, and a harmony between both and the government.... Pownall was the most constitutional and national governor, in my opinion, who ever represented the Crown in this province.” John Adams’ Works, x. 242, 243.

[320] Whitehead’s Perth Amboy.

[321] It was through his suggestion that Harvard College published in 1761 a collection of Greek, Latin, and English verses, commemorating George II. and congratulating George III., called Pietas et Gratulatio. Cf. Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 431, and references.

[322] Vol. III. p. 345. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. 79. Typographical errors in the book are very numerous, as Mather did not have a chance to correct the type. A page of “errata” was printed, but is found in few copies. Some copies have been completed by a fac-simile of the page, which Mr. Charles Deane has caused to be made. Some copies of the book exist on large paper. (Hist. Mag., ii. 123; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 37.) The Hartford ed. of 1820 was printed from a copy without this list of errata, and so preserves the original crop of errors. So did the edition of 1853; but the sheets of this, with a memoir by S. G. Drake added, were furnished with a new title in 1855, in which it is professed that the errors have been corrected; but the profession is said not to be true. (Hist. Mag., i. 29.) An exceptionally fine copy of the original edition, well bound, will bring $40 to $50. Holmes (Amer. Annals, 2d ed., i. 544) says of the Magnalia that its “author believed more and discriminated less than becomes a writer of history.”

[323] Mass. Hist. Coll., v. 200.

[324] Preface to Neal’s History, p. vii.

[325] Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, for editions (iii. 151).

[326] See Vol. III. p. 345.

[327] Harvard Graduates, iii. 32.

[328] Sermon on Mather’s Death.

[329] Out of this book was published in London, in 1744, An abridgment of the life of the late Reverend and learned Dr. Cotton Mather, taken from the account of him published by his son, by David Jennings. Recommended by I. Watts, D. D.

[330] Grahame (i. 425), taking his cue from Quincy, says of Cotton Mather that “a strong and acute understanding, though united with real piety, was sometimes corrupted by a deep vein of passionate vanity and absurdity.”

[331] In Sparks’s Amer. Biog., vol. vi.

[332] Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 158, gives a list of authorities on Mather, which may be supplemented by the references in Poole’s Index to Periodical Literature. Sibley’s count of his printed and manuscript productions (456 in all) is the completest yet made. Samuel Mather gives 382 titles as the true number of his distinct printed books and tracts.

[333] It is usually priced at figures ranging from $7.00 to $10.00.

[334] Mass. Hist. Coll., v. 201.

[335] Douglass, with his usual swagger, points out (Summary, etc., i. 362-3) various errors of Neal.

[336] Harvard Col. lib., no. 6372.12.

[337] Carter-Brown, iii. 899; Sabin, v. 20,726. Cf. present History, Vol. III. p. 346.

[338] The suppression, however, was incomplete. The numbers already out could not be recalled, and it is these bound up which constitute volume i. in many copies of the book, and the preface in which the suppression is promised is often bound with them. Rich (Catal., 1832, p. 94) had seen none of the proper independent issues of vol. i., in which the suppression was made, and in these copies, sig. Ff. (pp. 233-40) is reset, as well as other parts of the volume, though not all of it. A note in vol. i. (pp. 254-5), not bearing gently on Knowles, was suffered to stand.

[339] Sabin (vol. v. 20,726) says that some copies of vol. ii., which have an appendix from Salmon’s Geog. and Hist. Grammar, are dated 1753. The Sparks (no. 780) and Murphy (no. 814) catalogues note Boston editions in 1755. In the last year (1755) and in 1760 the book was reprinted in London, with a map; but Rich and the Carter-Brown catalogue seem to err in saying that the 1760 edition was one with a new title merely. Sabin (vol. v. 20,727-28) says the edition of 1760 has a few alterations and corrections.

[340] Douglass loftily says (i. p. 310), in defence of his digressions: “This Pindarick or loose way of writing ought not to be confined to lyric poetry; it seems to be more agreeable by its variety and turns than a rigid, dry, connected account of things.”

[341] Mass. Bay, ii. 78. Cf. Grahame, ii. 167. Douglass himself says with amusing confidence (Summary, etc., i. 356): “I have no personal disregard or malice, and do write of the present times, as if these things had been transacted 100 years since.”

[342] Vol. ii. pp. 151-157.

[343] Cf. Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 184.

[344] Summary, etc., i. 362.

[345] See Vol. III. p. 377.

[346] Cf. Alvah Hovey’s Life and Times of Isaac Backus, 1858, p. 281; and Sprague’s Annals of the Amer. Pulpit. It was while mainly depending on the Magnalia and Backus that H. F. Uhden wrote his Geschichte der Congregationalisten in Neu England bis 1740, of which there is an English version by H. C. Conant, New England Theocracy, Boston, 1858.

[347] An eminent Catholic authority, John G. Shea, in the Amer. Cath. Q. Rev., ix. (1884) p. 70, on “Puritanism in New England,” has said: “New England has framed not only her own history, but to a great extent the whole history of this country as it is generally read and popularly understood.... Schools made New Englanders a reading and writing people, and no subject was more palatable than themselves.... The consequence is that the works on New England history exceed those of all other parts of the country.... The general histories of the United States, like those of Bancroft and Hildreth, are written from the New England point of view, and Palfrey embodies in an especial manner the whole genius and development of their distinctive autonomy, with all the extenuating circumstances, the deprecating apologies, the clever and artistic arrangement in the background, of all that might offend the present taste.”

[348] See Vol. III. p. 344. Cf. also Chas. Deane’s Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s historical publications (privately printed, 1857, as well as in the Hist. Mag., Apr., 1857, and Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc.) and Sabin’s Dictionary, xi. p. 22. Cf. Bancroft, United States, orig. ed., v. 228.

[349] Vol. III. p. 344. There is a rather striking portrait of Judge Minot (b. 1758; d. 1802), which is reproduced in heliotype in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. p. 42.

[350] Vol. III. p. 364. The MS. of Williamson’s History is in Harvard College library. Mr. John S. C. Abbott published a popular History of Maine at Boston in 1875.

[351] Cf. Vol. III. p. 376.

[352] Vol. III. p. 368. There are two portraits of Belknap by Henry Sargent in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (cf. Catal. Cab. M. H. Soc., nos. 34, 35, with engravings, p. 37), and the introduction to the first volume of the Proceedings of that society gives his portrait and tells the story of his chief influence in forming that society. Cf. also the index to Belknap Papers, 2 vols., published by that society in 1877, and reissued with an app. in 1882; and the Life of Jeremy Belknap, with selections from his correspondence and other writings, collected and arranged by his granddaughter [Mrs. Marcou], N. Y., 1847.

[353] Cf. the Belknap-Hazard correspondence in the Belknap Papers, published by the Mass. Hist. Soc., in Collections, vol. xlii.; and N. H. Hist. Coll., vol. i.

[354] Sabin, ii. 4,434.

[355] Sabin, ii. 4,435-36.

[356] Sabin, ii. 4,437.

[357] Cf. John Le Bosquet’s Memorial of John Farmer, Boston, 1884.

[358] See Vol. III. p. 343.

[359] Hist. New Eng., iv. p. xi.

[360] Vol. IV. p. 366.

[361] Report, etc., p. 17; Moore, Final notes, etc., p. 114; Ellis Ames in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 366.

[362] Hutchinson, ii. 213.

[363] Report of Commissioners on the records, files, etc., 1885, p. 21.

[364] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xx. p. 34.

[365] Report, etc., ut supra, on “General Court Records,” p. 17.

[366] Report, etc., p. 24. Beside the “Mather Papers,” which refer to the colonial period, the Prince Catalogue shows the “Cotton and Prince Papers” (p. 153) and the “Hinckley Papers” (p. 154), which extend beyond the colonial into the provincial period. Gov. Belcher’s letter-books are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. i. begins with Sept., 1731, and his connection with Boston ceases in vol. v., where also his letters from New Jersey begin and are continued to Dec., 1755. (Cf. Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 60.) Dr. Belknap (Papers, ii. 169) speaks of them as having been sold “at Russell’s vendue for waste paper; some of them were torn up.” Various letters of Belcher are printed in the N. H. Provincial Papers, iv. 866-880. The list of MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society (Proc., x., April, 1868) gives various ones of interest in the study of the last century in New England history.

[367] N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1849, p. 167. Cf. references in Poole’s Index, p. 292.

[368] Vol. III. p. 367. Of this series, vols. ii. (1686-1691), iii. (1692-1722), iv. (1722-1737), v. (1738-1749), vi. (1749-1763), concern the provincial period. Vols. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., give the local documents pertaining to the towns.

[369] Proc., x. 160, 324.

[370] Final notes, etc., p. 120.

[371] The first and second editions are extremely rare. (Brinley, i. 818, 1392.) A third edition was printed in London, coming down to 1719, for the Lords of Trade, the charter being dated 1721 and the laws 1724. Other editions were printed in Boston in Jan., 1726-27 (Brinley, i. 1,394); 1742 (Ibid. i. 1,398); 1755 (Temporary Laws); 1759-61 (Perpetual Laws); 1763 (Temporary Laws). These had supplements in needful cases as the years went on. Such of the Province Laws as remained in force after the province became a State were printed as an appendix to the State Laws in 1801, 1807, 1814. (Ames and Goodell’s edition, preface.)

[372] A summary of the work done by the Commissioner on the Province Laws is set forth in D. T. V. Huntoon’s Province Laws, their value and the progress of the new edition, Boston, 1885 (pp. 24), which also contains a history of the various editions. From this tract it appears that Massachusetts, for what printing of her early records she has so far done, for historical uses solely, has expended as follows:—

Mass. Colony Records, five vols.	$41,834.44
Plymouth Colony Records, twelve vols.	47,117.66
Provincial Laws, five vols. (to date)	77,505.75
—————
$166,457.85

A synopsis of the contents of these volumes of the Province Laws is contained in H. B. Staples’ Province Laws of Massachusetts, in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc., Apr., 1884, and separately.

[373] An address on the life and character of Chief-Justice Samuel Sewall, Oct. 26, 1884. Boston, printed for the author, 1885. It also appeared in the volume which the occasion prompted, when its early ministers, with Samuel Adams and other worthies of its membership, were commemorated.

[374] Proceedings, x. 316, 411; xi. 5, 33, 43.

[375] Vols. xlv., xlvi., and xlvii. (1878, 1879, 1882). They are richly annotated with notes under the supervision of Dr. Ellis, as chairman of the committee of publication, who was assisted by Professor H. W. Torrey and Mr. Wm. H. Whitmore, the latter being responsible for the topographical and genealogical notes, of which there is great store. Dr. Ellis communicated to the society in 1873 (Proc., xii. 358) various extracts from the letter-book, which accompanied the diary when it was transferred to the society; but these with other letters and papers will be included in a fourth and fifth volume of the Sewall Papers, now in press.

[376] Probably no personal record of the provincial period of New England history has excited so much interest as the publication of Sewall’s diary. The judgments on it have been kindly, with few exceptions. Cf. D. A. Goddard, Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 417; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii. 345, 364; H. C. Lodge, Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies, 426; Mag. of Amer. Hist., ii. 641; Poole, Index to Period. lit., p. 1181. Tyler (Hist. Amer. lit., ii. 99) gives a generous estimate of Sewall’s character, written before the publication of his diary. Palfrey in his vol. iv. made use of the diary after it came into the society’s library. (Proc., xviii. 378.)

There are genealogical records of the Sewalls in Family Memorials, a series of genealogical and biographical monographs on the families of Salisbury, Aldworth-Elbridge, Sewall, etc. ... by Edward Elbridge Salisbury, privately printed, 1885, two folio volumes. Cf. also volume i. of Sewall Papers.

[377] Address, etc., p. 5.

[378] Address, etc., p. 5.

[379] Cf. W. B. O. Peabody on Cotton Mather’s diary in the Knickerbocker Mag., viii. 196. With the exception of a year’s record preserved in the Congregational library in Boston, what remains of the diary of Cotton Mather is now in the libraries of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,—as follows (A. meaning the Am. Antiq. Soc.; M., the Mass. Hist. Soc.; C., the Cong. lib.):—

1681, 83, 85, 86, M.; 1692, A.; 1693, M.; 1696, A.; 1697, 98, M.; 1699, A.; 1700, 1, 2, M.; 1703, A.; 1705, 6, M.; 1709, 11, 13, A.; 1715, 16, C.; 1717, A.; 1718, 21, 24, M. Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 42; Mem. Hist. Boston, i. p. xviii.; ii. p. 301.

[380] Parts of it are printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1861.

[381] N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1870.

[382] Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 386; Historical Magazine, iii. 342.

[383] Reprinted in N. H. Hist. Coll., iii. He was in Boston in 1709, 1717, and 1720. Drake’s Boston, p. 537. The date of Uring’s book is sometimes 1726.

[384] There was a later edition in 1798 (much enlarged). Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 175.

[385] Quincy (Harv. Univ.) calls Turell’s Life of Benj. Colman “the best biography of any native of Massachusetts written during its provincial state.” Letters to and from Rev. Benj. Colman are preserved among the MSS. of the Mass. Hist. Society. Proc., x. 160-162.

[386] A cursory glance is given in H. W. Frost’s “How they lived before the Revolution” in The Galaxy, xviii. 200.

[387] Judd’s Hadley; Ward’s Shrewsbury, etc.

[388] Particularly vol. ii. ch. 16, “Life in Boston in the Provincial Period.” In the same work other aspects of social and intellectual life are studied in Dr. Mackenzie’s chapter on the religious life (in vol. ii,), in Mr. D. A. Goddard’s on the literary life (in vol. ii.), and in Mr. Geo. S. Hale’s on the philanthrophic tendency (in vol. iv.). Incidental glimpses of the ways of living are presented in several of Mr. Samuel A. Drake’s books, like The Old Landmarks of Boston, Old Landmarks of Middlesex, and Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast. The coast life is depicted in such local histories as Babson’s Gloucester, and Freeman’s Cape Cod. The colonial house and household, beside being largely illustrated in the papers of Dr. Eggleston already mentioned, are discussed in Mr. C. A. Cummings’ chapter on “Architecture,” and Mr. E. L. Bynner’s chapter on “Landmarks” in the Mem. Hist. Boston. Cf. also Lodge, pp. 446, 458; and “Old Colonial houses versus old English houses,” by R. Jackson, in Amer. Architect, xvii. 3. Copley’s pictures and the description of them in A. T. Perkins’s Life and Works of John Singleton Copley (privately printed, 1873), with such surveys as are given in the Eggleston papers in The Century, present to us the outer appearance of the governing classes of that day.

For the other New England colonies, the local histories are still the main dependence, and principal among them are Hollister’s Hist. of Connecticut, Brewster’s Rambles about Portsmouth, and Staple’s Town of Providence.

[389] United States, ii. 401.

[390] For the town system of New England and its working, compare references in Lodge (p. 414), Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 454, and W. E. Foster’s Reference lists, July, 1882: to which may be added Herbert B. Adams’s Germanic Origin of the New England Towns (1882), and Edward Channing’s Town and County government in the English colonies of North America (1884),—both published in the “Johns Hopkins University studies;” Judge P. E. Aldrich in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1884; “Town Meeting,” by John Fiske, in Harper’s Magazine, Jan., 1885 (also in his American Political Ideas, N. Y., 1885); Scott’s Development of Constitutional Liberty, p. 174; Fisher’s American Political Ideas, ch. i. (1885).

For the characteristics of its religious congregations the reader may consult Felt’s Ecclesiastical History of New England; the “Ecclesiastical Hist. of Mass. and Plymouth Colonies,” in Mass. Hist. Coll., vols. vii., viii., ix., etc.; Lodge’s English Colonies (pp. 423-434); the chapters by Dr. Mackenzie in vol. ii., and those on the various denominations in vol. iii., of the Mem. Hist. of Boston, with their references; William Stevens Perry’s Hist. of the American Episcopal Church (2 vols. 1885); H. W. Foote’s King’s Chapel (Boston); M. C. Tyler’s Hist. of American Literature; H. M. Dexter’s Congregationalism as seen in its literature (particularly helpful is its appended bibliography); Dr. W. B. Sprague’s Annals of the American Pulpit; with the notices of such as were ministers in Sibley’s Harvard Graduates; the lives of preachers like Jonathan Edwards; and among the general histories of New England, particularly that of Backus.

One encounters in studying the ecclesiastical history of New England frequent references to organizations for propagating the gospel, and their similarity of names confuses the reader’s mind. They can, however, be kept distinct, as follows:—

I. “Corporation for promoting and propagating the gospel among the Indians of New England.” Incorporated July 27, 1649. Dissolved 1661. There is a history of it by Scull in the New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., xxxvi. 157. What are known as the “Eliot tracts” were its publications. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 355.)

II. “Corporation for the propagation of the gospel in New England and parts adjacent in America.” Incorporated April 7, 1662. It still exists. The history of it is given by W. M. Venning in the Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., 2d ser., ii. 293. Its work in New England was broken up by the American Revolution, but it later (1786) began anew its labors in New Brunswick. Cf. also Henry William Busk’s Sketch of the Origin and the Recent History of the New England Company, London, 1884.

III. “Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts.” Chartered June 16, 1701. Historical Account by Humphreys, London, 1730. The printed annual reports present a reflex of the religious and even secular society of the colonies in the eighteenth century. The Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,334, shows an unusual set from 1701 to 1800. The set in the Carter-Brown library is complete for these years.

IV. “Society for propagating the gospel among the Indians and others in North America.” Incorporated by Massachusetts in 1787.

[391] Separately as Remarks on the early paper Currency of Mass., with photographs of Mass. bills. Cambridge, 1866.

[392] Brinley, i. no. 857.

[393] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 333; Brinley, i. no. 726.

[394] Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr., 1866, p. 88; Palfrey, iv. 333, with references; Province Laws (Ames and Goodell), i. 700; Sewall Papers, ii. 366.

[395] Cf. Henry Bronson’s “Hist. Acc. of Connecticut Currency” in the N. Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, i. p. 171.

[396] What has been called “the first gun fired in the Land-bank war of 1714-1721” was a reprint in Boston, in 1714, of a tract which was originally published in London in 1688, called A Model for erecting a Bank of Credit. Adapted especially for his majesties Plantations in America. (Prince Catal., p. 45.) The Boston preface, dated Feb. 26, 1713-14, says that “a scheme of a bank of credit, founded upon a land security, ... will be humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly at their next session.” (Sabin, no. 49,795; Brinley, i. no. 1,430.)

[397] Sabin, ii. no. 6,710; Prince Catal., p. 51. But see Ibid., under “Bank of Credit,” p. 4, for other titles.

[398] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1884, p. 226.

[399] Hutchinson’s Massachusetts, ii. 207, 208.

[400] Brinley, i. no. 1,431.

[401] Sabin, ii. no. 6,711.

[402] Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. pp. 370-392; Brinley, i. pp. 188-191; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 184, 185, 302.

[403] First Essays at Banking in New England.

[404] This tract (Brinley, i. no. 1,434; Sabin, iv. 14,536) was the work of John Colman, who followed it later in the same year with The distressed state of the town of Boston once more considered, etc. (Brinley, no. 1,439; Sabin, iv. no. 14,537), which was induced by an answer to his first tract, called A letter from one in the Country to his friend in Boston, 1720 (Brinley, i. no. 1,435, and nos. 1,436-37 for the sequel; also Sabin, iv. 14,538). There were further attacks on the council in News from Robinson Crusoe’s island, with attendant criminations (Brinley, i. nos. 1,440-42).

[405] Fac-similes in The Century, xxviii. 248; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. p. 132.

[406] In a tract, Money the Sinews of Trade, Boston, 1731 (Brinley, i. no. 1,447), there is a wail over the disastrous effect of Rhode Island bills in Massachusetts. Rhode Island, in 1733, issued a large amount of paper money for circulation, chiefly in Massachusetts; and the elder colony suffered from the infliction in spite of all she could do. There is in the Connecticut Col. Records, 1726-35, p. 421, a fac-simile of a three-shilling bill of the “New London Society united for trade and commerce in New England.”

[407] Trade and Commerce inculcated ... with some proposals for the bringing gold and silver into the country. Boston, 1731. (Brinley, i. no. 1,448.)

[408] Bennett, an English traveller, who was in New England at this time, gives an account of the currency in vogue, and he says that the merchants informed him that “the balance of trade with England is so much against them that they cannot keep any money [coin] amongst them.” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1860-62, pp. 123-24.

[409] Cf. description of the notes of the “Silver Scheme” in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1860, pp. 263-64.

[410] P. O. Hutchinson’s Thomas Hutchinson, p. 51. A Dissertation on the Currencies of the British plantations in North America, and Observations on a paper currency (Boston, 1740), is ascribed to Hutchinson.

[411] An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Consequences of the two late Schemes commonly call’d the Land-bank or Manufactory Scheme and the Silver Scheme in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, wherein the Conduct of the late and present G——r during their Ad——ns is occasionally consider’d and compar’d. In a letter [Apr. 9, 1744] from a gentleman in Boston to his friend in London. 1744. The reader of the life of Sam. Adams remembers how the closing days of his father’s life and the early years of his own were harassed by prosecutions on account of the father’s personal responsibility as a director of the Land-bank Company. (Cf. Wells’ Life of Sam. Adams, vol. i. pp. 9, 26; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1860, p. 262.) The names of the “undertakers” of the Land-bank are given in Drake’s Boston, p. 613.

[412] Historical MSS. Commission’s Report, v. 229.

[413] Sabin, v. no. 20,725; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 589; Boston Pub. Lib. Bull., 1884, p. 138.

[414] Sabin, v. 20,723.

[415] It was reprinted in Boston in 1740; again in London, 1751, with a postscript; and once more, London, 1757. Sabin, v. no. 20,721; Carter-Brown, iii. 608, 660; Brinley, i. no. 1,450; Harvard Col. lib’y, 10352.3. Douglass reiterated his views with not a little feeling in various notes, sometimes uncalled for, through his Summary, etc., in 1747. Two rejoinders to Douglass’s views appeared, entitled as follows: An inquiry into the nature and uses of money, more especially of the bills of public credit, old tenor.... To which is added a Reply to a former Essay on Silver and Paper Currencies. As also a Postscript containing remarks on a late Discourse concerning the Currencies, Boston, 1740. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 659; Boston Pub. Liby. H. 94.53; Brinley, i. 1,451.) Observations occasioned by reading a pamphlet intituled, A discourse concerning the currencies, etc., London, 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,453.)

Other tracts in the controversy were these: A letter to —— ——, a merchant in London concerning a late combination in the Province of Massachusetts Bay to impose or force a private currency called Land-bank money. [Boston] 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,454.) A letter to a merchant in London to whom is directed the printed letter [as above] dated Feb. 21, 1740. [Boston] 1741. (Boston Pub. Liby. Bull., 1884, p. 138.) These and other titles can be found in Haven’s Bibliography in Thomas, ii. pp. 444-508; in Carter-Catal., Brown, vol. iii.; in the Prince Catalogue, under “Land-bank” and “Letter,” pp. 34, 35; in the Brinley i. pp. 191-192. The general histories like Bancroft (last revision, ii. 263), Hildreth (ii. 380), Palfrey (iv. 547), Williamson (ii. 203), Barry (ii. 132), take but a broad view of the subject. Hutchinson (ii. 352) is an authoritative guide, and W. G. Sumner in his Hist. of Amer. Currency, and J. J. Knox in U. S. Notes (1884), have summarized the matter. Cf. a paper on the Land-bank and Silver Scheme read before the Amer. Statistical Association in 1874 by E. H. Derby; and one by Francis Brinley in the Boston Daily Advertiser, Sept. 4, 1856. There is a fac-simile of a Mass. three-shillings bill of 1741 and a sixpence of 1744 in Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. pp. 131, 134.

[416] In 1749 Douglass said (Summary, i. 535), “The parties in Massachusetts Bay at present are not the Loyal and Jacobite, the Governor and Country, Whig and Tory, but the debtors and creditors. The debtor side has had the ascendant ever since 1741, to the almost utter ruin of the country.”

[417] P. O. Hutchinson (Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, p. 53) gives a table of depreciation which the governor made:—

Rates of Silver in

1714	8	½
1715	9	⅙
1716-17	12
1721	13
1722	14
1724-25	16
1725-26	15	½
1730	18
1731	19
1733	21
1734	25
1737	26	½
1738	27
1739	28	½
1744	30
1745	36
1746	36, 38, 40, 41
1747	50, 55, 60

Felt (p. 83) begins his table in 1710-1711, at 8; for 1712-13 he gives 8½; and (p. 135) he puts the value in 1746-48 at 37, 38, 40; and in 1749-52 at 60. Cf. table in Judd’s Hadley, ch. xxvii.

[418] Admiral Warren was authorized to receive the money. Mass. Archives, xx. 500, 508.

[419] See a humorous contemporary ballad on the Death of Old Tenor, in 1750, reprinted in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xx. p. 30. It is ascribed to Joseph Green in the Brinley Catal., no. 1,459. Cf. Some observations relating to the present circumstances of the Province of the Mass. Bay; humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly, Boston, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 934; Brinley, i. no. 1,457.) Hutchinson’s plan was opposed in A Word in Season to all true lovers of their liberty and their country, by Mylo Freeman, Boston, 1748. (Brinley, i. no. 1,456.) Cf. Minot’s Massachusetts, i. ch. v.

[420] Judge H. B. Staples in his Province Laws of Mass., Worcester, 1884 (p. 13, etc.), gives a synopsis of Massachusetts legislation on the subject of paper money during the whole period; but Ames and Goodell’s ed. of the Laws is the prime source.

[421] Stephen Hopkins was the chairman of the committee reporting to the assembly on the paper-money question, Feb. 27, 1749 (R. I. Col. Rec., v. 283, and R. I. Hist. tracts, viii. 182; and June 17, 1751, R. I. Col. Rec., v. 130).

[422] Brinley, i. 1,493; ii. 2,655.

[423] Harv. Col. Lib., no. 16352.7; Brinley, ii. 2,656.

[424] Thomas, Hist. of Printing, i. 129; Minot, i. 208; Drake’s Boston, p. 635; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 404.

[425] Nos. 1,494-95.

[426] Brinley, nos. 1,497-98; Hunnewell’s Bibliog. of Charlestown, p. 9. Various other pamphlets on the Excise Bill are noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. pp. 520-21.

[427] The act is printed and a description of the stamps is given in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., July, 1860, p. 267. One of the stamps shows a schooner, another a cod-fish, and a third a pine-tree,—all proper emblems of Massachusetts. The vessel with a schooner rig was a Massachusetts invention, being devised at Gloucester in 1714, and the story goes that her name came from some one exclaiming, “How she schoons!” as she was launched from the ways. Cf. Babson’s Gloucester, p. 251; Mag. of Amer. Hist., Nov., 1884, p. 474, and (by Admiral Preble), Feb., 1885, p. 207; and United Service (also by Preble), Jan., 1884, p. 101. The earliest mention of the fish as an emblem I find in Parkman’s statement (Frontenac, p. 199, referring to Colden’s Five Nations) that one was sent to the Iroquois in 1690 as a token of alliance. A figure of a cod now hangs in the chamber of the Mass. House of Representatives, and the legislative records first note it in 1784, but lead one to infer that it had been used earlier. Cf. Essex Inst. Hist. Coll., Sept., 1866; Hist. Mag., x. 197. The pine-tree appeared on the coined shilling piece in 1652, which is known by its name. Cf. Hist. Mag., i. 225, iii. 197, 317; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xi. 293; Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 354, with references; Amer. Jour. of Numismatics; Coin Collector’s Journal, etc.

[428] Cf. post, ch. vii.

[429] Clarence W. Bowen’s Boundary Disputes of Connecticut, part iv.; S. E. Baldwin on the “Boundary line between Connecticut and New York,” in the New Haven Hist. Soc. Collections, iii.; Smith’s New York (1814), p. 275.

[430] Cf. further in Smith’s posthumous second volume, p. 250; and in papers by F. L. Pope in the Berkshire Courier, May 13, 20, 27, 1885. Cf. G. W. Schuyler’s Colonial New York, i. 281.

[431] Cf. Brinley Catal., no. 1,464; Deane’s Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s hist. publications (1857), p. 37.

[432] Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissaries of New York at a Congress with the Commissaries of the Massachusetts Bay, relating to the establishment of a partition line of jurisdiction between the two provinces, New York, 1767. Conference between the Commissaries of Massachusetts Bay and the Commissaries of New York, Boston, 1768. Statement of the case respecting the controversy between New York and Massachusetts respecting their boundaries, London, Boston, Philadelphia, 1767.

[433] The form of these charters is given in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg.. 1869, p. 70.

[434] H. Hall in Hist. Mag., xiii. pp. 22, 74.

[435] Brinley, ii. no. 2,799; Sabin, x. p. 413.

[436] Brinley Catal., nos. 2,510, 2,622; Sparks’ Catal., nos. 47, 50. Allen’s argument in this tract was reprinted in 1779 in his Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the government of New York (Dresden, 1779).

[437] John L. Rice, in Mag. of Amer. Hist., viii. p. 1. Cf. Journals of Prov. Cong. etc. (Albany, 1842).

[438] Brinley, i. no. 2,511. Cf. for the proclamation, Sabin, xiii. 53, 873.

[439] Printed at Dresden, Vt., 1779, and reprinted in the Records of the Governor and Council of Vermont (Montpelier, 1877), vol. v. pp. 525-540. Brinley, i. no. 2,512; Boston Pub. Library, 2338.10.

[440] Printed at Dresden, 1779, and reprinted in the Records of the Council of Safety of Vermont (Montpelier, 1873), vol. i. p. 444. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,513.

[441] Printed at Hartford, 1780, and reprinted in the Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont (Montpelier 1874), vol. ii. p. 223. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,514. Stephen R. Bradley published the same year Vermont’s appeal to the candid and impartial world (Hartford, 1780). Brinley, i. no. 2,515. The Journals of Congress (iii. 462) show how, June 2, 1780, that body denounced the claims of the people of the New Hampshire grants. The same journals (iv. pp. 4, 5) give the Vermont statement of their case, dated Oct. 16, 1781; and New York’s rejoinder, Nov. 15, 1781.

[442] It is reprinted in the Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont (Montpelier, 1874), vol. ii. p. 355. Brinley, i. no. 2,516. It was published anonymously. Cf. under date of March 1, 1782, the Report on the history of the N. H. grants in the Journals of Congress, iii. 729-32. The pardon by New York of those who had been engaged in founding Vermont is in Ibid. iv. 31 (April 14, 1782); and a report to Congress acknowledging her autonomy is in Ibid. iv. p. ii. (April 17, 1782).

[443] Documentary sources respecting this prolonged controversy will be found in William Slade, Jr.’s Vermont State Papers, being a collection of records and documents connected with the assumption and establishment of government by the people of Vermont (Middlebury, 1823); in Documents and Records relating to New Hampshire, vol. x.; in O’Callaghan’s Doc. Hist. New York, vol. iv. pp. 329-625, with a map; in the Fund Publications of the N. Y. Hist. Society, vol. iii., and in the Historical Magazine (1873-74), vol. xxi. Henry Stevens, in the preface (p. vii.) of his Bibliotheca Historica (1870), refers to a collection of papers formed by his father, Henry Stevens, senior, of Barnet, Vermont. The first volume of the Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc. had other papers, the editing of which was sharply criticised by H. B. Dawson in the Historical Magazine, Jan., 1871; with a reply by Hiland Hall in the July number (p. 49). The controversy was continued in the volume for 1872, Mr. Hall issuing fly leaves of argument and remonstrance to the editor’s statements.

The earliest general survey of the subject, after the difficulties were over, is in Ira Allen’s Natural and political History of the State of Vermont (London, 1798, with a map), which is reprinted in the first volume of the Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc. (Montpelier, 1870). It is claimed to be “the aim of the writer to lay open the source of contention between Vermont and New York, and the reasons which induced the former to repudiate both the jurisdiction and claims of the latter, before and during the American Revolution, and also to point out the embarrassments the people met with in founding and establishing the independence of the State against the intrigues and claims of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.” The most extensive of the later accounts is in Hiland Hall’s Early Hist. of Vermont (1868), ch. v. and vi., with a part of Mitchell’s map of 1755. Smith’s History of New York (ii. 149) gives the New York side of the controversy. Cf. also Bancroft’s United States, final revision, ii. 361; and Philip H. Smith’s Green-Mountain Boys, or Vermont and the New York land jobbers (Pawling, N. Y., 1885).

The controversy enters more or less into local histories, like Holden’s Queensbury, N. Y. (p. 393); William Bassett’s Richmond, N. H. (ch. iii.); O. E. Randall’s Chesterfield, N. H.; Saunderson’s Charlestown, N. H. All the towns constituting these early grants are included in Abby Maria Hemenway’s Vermont Historical Gazetteer, a local history of all the towns in the State (Burlington and Montpelier, 1867-1882), in four volumes.

The bibliography of Vermont to 1860, showing 250 titles, was printed by B. H. Hall in Norton’s Lit. Register, vol. vi.; a more extended list of 6,000 titles by Marcus D. Gilman was printed in the Argus and Patriot, of Montpelier, Jan., 1879, to Sept. 15, 1880. (Boston Public Library. 6170.14.)

[444] “Early Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania,” by T. J. Chapman in Mag. of Amer. Hist., Aug., 1884.

[445] Cf. documents mentioned in Henry Stevens’s Catal. of books and pamphlets relating to New Hampshire (1885, p. 15), which documents were sold by him to the State of New Hampshire. Stevens says regarding these papers: “Dear fussy old Richard Hakluyt, the most learned geographer of his age, but with certain crude and warped notions of the South Sea ‘down the back side of Florida,’ which became worked into many of King James’s and King Charles’s charters, and the many grants that grew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geographical puzzles.... All these are fully illustrated in the numerous papers cited in these cases.” The Thomlinson correspondence (1733-37) in the Belknap papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), which is printed in the N. H. Prov. Papers, iv. 833, etc., relates to the bounds with Massachusetts, and chiefly consists of letters which passed between Theodore Atkinson, of Portsmouth, and Capt. John Thomlinson, the province agent in London. Cf. Hiland Hall’s Vermont, ch. iv.; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 554; Belknap, Farmer’s ed., p. 219; and the Report of the Committee on the name Kearsarge, in the N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1876-84, p. 136. The journal of Richard Hazzen (1741), in running the bounds of Mass. and New Hampshire, is given in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., xxxiii. 323.

[446] Historical Mag., 2d ser. vol. ix. 17; N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 349. Cf. Belknap’s New Hampshire, iii. 349; and Farmer’s ed. of same, p. 245. Douglass (Summary, i. 261) points out how inexact knowledge about the variation of the needle complicated the matter of running lines afresh upon old records. Cf. also Ibid., p. 263.

[447] The original MS. award of the commissioners is in the State-paper office in London. The Carter-Brown Catal., iii. no. 692, shows a copy of it. The Egerton MSS. in the British Museum have, under no. 993, various papers on the bounds of Massachusetts, 1735-54. Cf. also Douglass, Summary, i. 399.

[448] Mr. Waters reports in the British Museum an office copy of the “Bounds between Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut,” attested by Roger Wolcott, 1713; and also a plan of the south bounds of Massachusetts Bay as it is said to have been run by Woodward and Safery in 1642. Douglass (Summary, i. 415) has some notes on the bounds of Massachusetts Bay; and on those with Connecticut there are the original acts of that province in the Conn. Col. Records, iv. (1707-1740).

[449] Bowen’s Boundary Disputes of Connecticut, part iii.; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 364. The report of the joint committee on the northern boundary of Conn. and Rhode Island, April 4, 1752, is printed in R. I. Col. Rec., v. 346. Cf. Foster’s Stephen Hopkins, i. 145.

[450] Bowen, parts ii. and iii., with maps of Connecticut (1720) and Rhode Island (1728); Rhode Island Col. Records, iv. 370; Palfrey, iv. 232; R. I. Hist. Mag., July, 1884, p. 51; and the map in Arnold’s Rhode Island, ii. 132, showing the claims of Connecticut. Cf. Foster’s Stephen Hopkins, i. 144. Since Vol. III. was printed some light has been thrown on the earlier disputes over the Rhode Island and Connecticut bounds through the publication by the Mass. Hist. Soc. of the Trumbull Papers, vol. i. (pp. 40, 76), edited by Chas. Deane, who gives references. Rhode Island’s answer to Connecticut about their bounds in 1698, and other papers pertaining, are also printed with references in the Trumbull Papers, i. p. 196, etc.

[451] The cuts of this fort have been kindly furnished by the Maine Historical Society.

[452] Cf. “Frontier Garrisons reviewed by order of the Governor, 1711,” in Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder, i. p. 113; and “Garrison Houses in Maine,” by E. E. Bourne, in Maine Hist. Coll., vii. 109.

[453] Chapters xii. (1688-95), xiv. (1700-1710), xvi. (1713-1725), xxi. (1756-1763). Whittier tells the story of the “Border War of 1708” in his Prose Works, ii. p. 100. Cf. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. 313.

[454] Sewall Papers, ii. 182; Hist. Mag., viii. 71.

[455] The original edition is called The Redeemed Captive, returning to Zion. A faithful history of remarkable occurrences in the captivity and deliverance of Mr. John Williams, minister of the gospel in Deerfield, who, in the desolation which befel that plantation, by an incursion of the French and Indians, was by them carried away with his family into Canada, [with] a sermon preached by him on his return at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706. Boston, 1707. (Harv. Col. lib., 4375.12; Brinley, i. no. 494; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 103.) A second edition was issued at Boston in 1720; a third in 1738, with an appendix of details by Stephen Williams and Thomas Prince; a fourth without date [1773]; a fifth in 1774; another at New London without date [1780?]; one at Greenfield in 1793, with an additional appendix by John Taylor,—the same who delivered a Century Sermon in Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1804, printed at Greenfield the same year; what was called a fifth edition at Boston in 1795; sixth at Greenfield, with additions, in 1800; again at New Haven in 1802, following apparently the fifth edition, and containing Taylor’s appendix. United with the narrative of Mrs. Rowlandson’s captivity, it made part of a volume issued at Brookfield in 1811, as Captivity and Deliverance of Mr. John Williams and of Mrs. Rowlandson, written by themselves. The latest edition is one published at Northampton in 1853, to which is added a biographical memoir [of John Williams] with appendix and notes by Stephen W. Williams. (Brinley, i. nos. 495-505; Cooke, 2,735-37; Field, Indian Bibliog., 1672-75.) The memoir thus mentioned appeared originally as A Biographical Memoir of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of Deerfield, with papers relating to the early Indian wars in Deerfield, Greenfield, 1837. The author, Stephen W. Williams, was a son of the captive, and he gives more details of the attack and massacre than his father did. Jeremiah Colburn (Bibliog. of Mass.) notes an edition dated 1845. This book has an appendix presenting the names of the slain and captured, and Captain Stoddard’s journal of a scout from Deerfield to Onion or French River in 1707. (Field, no. 1,674.) John Williams died in 1729, and a notice of him from the N. E. Weekly Journal is copied in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., April, 1854, p. 174; and Isaac Chauncey’s Sermon at his funeral was printed in Boston in 1729. (Brinley, no. 508.) The house in Deerfield in which Williams lived, showing the marks of the tomahawk which beat in the door, stood till near the middle of this century. An unsuccessful effort was made in 1847 to prevent its destruction. (N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., ii. 110.) There are views of it in Hoyt’s Antiquarian Researches, and in Gay’s Pop. Hist. United States, iii. 122. Eleazer Williams, the missionary to the Indians at the west, was supposed to be a great grandson of the captive, through Eunice Williams, one of the captive’s daughters, who adopted the Indian life during her detention in Canada, and married, refusing afterwards to return to her kindred. A claim was set up late in Eleazer Williams’ life that the was the lost dauphin, Louis XVII., and he is said to have told stories to confirm it, some of which gave him a name for questionable veracity. In 1853, a paper in Putnam’s Magazine (vol. i. 194), called “Have we a Bourbon among us?” followed by a longer presentation of the claim by the same writer, the Rev. J. H. Hanson, in a book, The Lost Prince, attracted much attention to Williams, who died a few years later in 1858, aged about 73. There is a memoir of Mr. Williams in vol. iii. of the Memorial Biographies of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Society. The question of his descent produced a number of magazine articles (cf. Poole’s Index, p. 1411, and appendix to the Longmeadow Centennial Celebration), the outcome of which was not favorable to Williams’ pretension, whose truthfulness in other matters has been seriously questioned. Hoyt, the author of the Antiquarian Researches, represented on the authority of Williams that there were documents in the convents of Canada showing that the French, in their attack on Deerfield, had secured and had taken to Canada a bell which hung in the belfry of the Deerfield meeting-house, and that this identical bell was placed upon the chapel of St. Regis. Benjamin F. De Costa (Galaxy, Jan., 1870, vol. ix. 124) and others have showed that the St. Regis settlement did not exist till long after. This turned the allegation into an attempt to prove that the place of the bell was St. Louis instead, the present Caughnawaga. Geo. T. Davis, who examines this story, and gives some additional details about the attack on the town, has reached the conclusion, in his “Bell of St. Regis,” that Williams deceived Hoyt by a fabrication. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. (1870), xi. 311; Hough’s St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, ch. 2.)

There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ix. 478 (March, 1867), a contemporary account of the destruction of Deerfield, with a table of losses in persons and property; and a letter by John Schuyler in the Mass. Archives, lxxii. 13. Cf. also Penhallow’s Indian Wars; Hutchinson’s Massachusetts, ii. 127, 141; Belknap’s New Hampshire, ch. 12; Holmes, Amer. Annals, with notes; Hoyt, Antiq. Researches on Indian Wars, 184; Drake’s Book of the Indians, iii. ch. 2; Holland’s Western Mass., i. ch. 9; Barry’s Mass., ii. 92; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 262; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. 251, 261; and on the French side, Charlevoix, ii. 290, and a paper by M. Ethier, “Sur la prise de Deerfield, en 1704,” in Revue Canadienne, xi. 458, 542. John Stebbins Lee’s Sketch of Col. John Hawkes of Deerfield, 1707-1784, has details of the Indian wars of this region.

[456] King William’s war, 1688-98, in ch. xxiii.; Queen Anne’s, ch. xxiv.; the wars of 1722-26, 1744-49, 1754-63, in ch. xxx. A competent authority calls Mr. Judd’s history “one of the best local histories ever written in New England.” H. B. Adams, Germanic Origin of New England Towns, p. 30.

[457] Harv. Col. lib., 5325.40; H. C. Murphy Catal., no. 811. Drake’s Particular Hist. of the Five Years’ French and Indian War (Albany, 1870), pp. 10, 12. There is a genealogical memoir of the Doolittles in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., vi. 294. Dr. S. W. Williams printed in the New Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg., April, 1848, p. 207, some contemporary Deerfield papers of this war of 1745-46. The Hampshire County recorder’s book contains in the handwriting of Samuel Partridge an account of the border Indian massacres from 1703 to 1746. It is printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., April, 1855, p. 161.

[458] See French documents for this period in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 32.

[459] Then embracing, to 1761, the four western counties of Massachusetts as now marked.

[460] A. L. Perry on the history and romance of Fort Shirley, in the Bay State Monthly, Oct., 1885; and in the Centennial Anniversary of Heath, Mass., Aug. 19, 1885, edited by Edward P. Guild, p. 94.

[461] The contemporary narrative of this disaster is that of John Norton, the chaplain of the fort, who was carried into captivity, and whose Redeemed Captive, as he called the little tract of forty pages which gave his experiences, was printed in Boston in 1748, after his return from Canada. (Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. p. 498.) In 1870 it was reprinted, with notes (edition, 100 copies), by Samuel G. Drake, and published at Albany under the title of Narrative of the capture and burning of Fort Massachusetts. (Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,139; Brinley, i. 483; Drake’s Five Years’ French and Indian Wars, p. 251; Sabin, xiii. 55,891-92.) Cf. Nathaniel Hillyer Egleston’s Williamstown and Williams College, Williamstown, 1884; Stone (Life of Sir William Johnson, i. 225), in his account of the attack, uses a MS. journal of Serjeant Hawkes. The French documents are in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 65, 67, 77.

[462] Life and character of Col. Ephraim Williams, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 47.

[463] The fort will be seen to consist of a house (A in ground plan, 40 × 24), nine-feet walls of four-inch white ash plank, surmounted by a gambrel roof, the pitches of which are seen (E, F) in the profile, while the limits of the house are marked (X X) in the prospect. Sills (H) on the ground gave support to pillars (I, K, in ground plan, A, C, in profile), which held a platform (B in profile) which was reached by doors (K in profile), and protected towards the enemy by a bulwark of plank pierced with loop-holes, as the doors and window-shields of the house were. One corner of this surrounding breastwork had a tower for lookout, as seen in the prospect. At one end a wall (E, F, G, in ground plan) with a bastion (D) enclosed a yard (L in ground plan, G in profile), which was planked over. In this was a well (C in ground plan) and a storehouse (B, size 35 × 10, in ground plan), with a roof inclining inward (H, in profile).

[464] Hall’s Eastern Vermont, i. 67. The papers of Col. Williams are preserved in two volumes in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc., having come into their possession in 1837. (Proceedings, ii. 95, 121.) The papers are few before 1744, and the first volume comes down to 1757, and concerns the warfare with the French and Indians in the western part of the province. The second volume ends in the main with 1774, though there are a few later papers, and continues the subject of the first, as well as grouping the papers relating to Williams College and Williams’ correspondence with Gov. Hutchinson. It was this same Col. Israel Williams who took offence in 1762 that his son’s name was put too low in the social scale, as marked on the class-lists of Harvard, and tried to induce the governor to charter a new college in Hampshire County. (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xx. 46.)

The MS. index to the Mass. Archives will reveal much in those papers illustrative of this treacherous warfare, and the Report of the Commissioners on the Records, etc. (1885), shows (p. 24) that there is a considerable mass of uncalendared papers of the same character. Various letters from Gov. Shirley and others addressed to Col. John Stoddard during 1745-47, respecting service on the western frontiers of Massachusetts, are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. These, as well as the Israel Williams papers, the Col. William Williams’ papers (in the Pittsfield Athenæum), and much else, will be availed of thoroughly by Prof. A. L. Perry in the History of Williamstown, which he has in progress. A coöperative Memorial History of Berkshire County, edited by the historian of Pittsfield, is also announced, but a History of Berkshire County, issued under the auspices of the Berkshire Historical Society, seems likely to anticipate it.

[465] There is an account of Mason’s expedition from New London to Woodstock in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ix. 473.

[466] [This is described in Vol. IV. p. 364, with authorities, to which add Pearson’s Schenectady Patent, 1883, p. 244; Mag. of Amer. Hist., July, 1883; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 45; Mass. Archives, xxxvi. 111.—Ed.]

[467] See Vol. IV. pp. 353, 361, 364. Cf. Connecticut Col. Records, iv. 38; and the present volume, ante, p. 90.

[468] During the Dutch occupation of New York there were only two Catholics in New Amsterdam, and according to Father Jogues, the Jesuit missionary, they had no complaint to make that they suffered on account of their faith. Father Le Moyne, another missionary, was allowed to come to New Netherland a few years later, and administer the rites of the church to the few Romanists then in the province, and in 1686 Governor Dongan, himself of the Church of Rome, reports that there were still only “a few” of his co-religionists in the government.

[469] Vetoed by the king in 1697.

[470] Leamer and Spicer.

[471] See Vol. III. ch. x.

[472] He remained in the debtors’ prison in New York until his accession to the earldom of Clarendon furnished the means for his release.

[473] A court of equity had been erected in the Supreme Court of New York by an ordinance of Gov. Cosby, in 1733.

[474] From Zenger’s narrative of his trial.

[475] Hist. Mag., xiv. 49.

[476] Cf. Bancroft, final revision, ii. 254.

[477] The chief justice’s commission was made for “during good behavior” in Sept., 1744, so as to conform with the practice in New Jersey.

[478] He came to New York in 1703 as secretary of the province, and was connected by marriage with the royal house of Stuart. He returned to England in 1745, and died in 1759.

[479] See ch. viii.

[480] [Cf. Vol. III. p. 495.—Ed.]

[481] Col. Doc., iv. 159.

[482] The state of affairs in Pennsylvania and Delaware resulting from it is best described in a letter written in June, 1707, by Col. Robert Quary, the judge of the admiralty in New York and Pennsylvania, to the Lords of Trade.

[483] Being the first settlers of the province, the Quakers had very naturally made affirmation instead of an oath a matter of great importance. Upon a revision of the laws following the resumption of the government by Penn, a law concerning the manner of giving evidence, passed in 1701, was repealed by the queen in 1705, not because the English government intended to deprive the Quakers of Pennsylvania of their cherished privilege, but because it punished false affirming with more severity than the law of England required for false swearing. Hence Gookin’s objections. The whole question was not satisfactorily settled until the passage of a law, and its approval by the king, prescribing the forms of declaration of fidelity, abjuration, and affirmation.

[484] He was a considerable trader there when the place was first laid out for a town. Proud’s Pennsylvania.

[485] These £45,000 Pennsylvania currency represented only £29,090 sterling, gold being sold then at £6 6s. 6d. p. oz., and silver at 8s. 3d. p. oz.

[486] East New Jersey the same; New York and West New Jersey ten shillings and sixpence.

[487] During the following year, and as long as the war lasted, the same £100,000 were yearly voted, and bills to that amount emitted, secured by a tax on property. Again, in 1764, the Indian troubles about Fort Augusta caused another emission of £55,000. The war with Spain threatened Philadelphia, and £23,500 more were voted. Again, in 1769, bills to the amount of £14,000 were granted towards the relief of the poor in Philadelphia, and £60,000 for the king’s use.

[488] Chapter iv.

[489] See ante, p. 143.

[490] Vol. VI.

[491] How rarely slaves were imported is shown by the fact that of 1,062 entries for duty (a negro imported for sale was taxed £4) during the period from the 11th of March, 1746, to the 31st of March, 1749, only 29 entries were of 49 slaves, and 5 of these were brought on speculation, the others being servants or seamen, and thus exempted from duty. Slavery and the slave traffic were never countenanced in New York, and much less in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where the Quakers early declared themselves opposed to this institution.

[492] See Vol. IV. p. 410. [Mr. Fernow assisted Geo. W. Schuyler in the account of the records given in his Colonial New York (1885).—Ed.]

[493] Only two of these copies are now known: one is in the manuscript department of the State library at Albany, the other is in the library of the Long Island Historical Society. These laws were printed in the Collection of the New York Historical Society, vol. i. [Cf. Sabin, xiii. p. 178, for editions of early New York laws; and the present History, Vol. III. pp. 391, 414, 510.—Ed.]

[494] The Bradford copy of 1694, in the State library (Albany), not being considered complete, the legislature of 1879 appropriated $1,600 to purchase a better copy at the Brinley sale in 1880. [This was the first book printed in New York. Sabin (xiii. 53,726, etc.; cf. x. p. 371, and Menzies Catal., no. 1,250) gives the successive editions. For the proceedings of the assembly in various forms, see Ibid., xiii. 53,722, 54,003, etc.—Ed.]

[495] It may be here noted that there are also in the State library at Albany the “Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commissioners for settling the Boundaries of the Colony of Rhode Island eastwards towards the Massachusetts Bay,” 1741, one volume; and the “Minutes of the Commissioners appointed to examine, etc., the Controversy between Connecticut and the Mohegan Indians,” 1743, one volume.

[496] [The Johnson papers are further described in chapter viii. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[497] [Dr. Sprague gave also to Harvard College library the papers of Gen. Thomas Gage during his command in New York; but they relate mainly to a later period.—Ed.]

[498] [This is probably the manuscript sold at an auction sale in New York (Bangs, Feb. 27, 1854, Catal., no. 1,330). In an introduction, Wraxall gives an account of his office and its difficulties. He says the originals were somewhat irregularly arranged in four folio volumes, and in part in Dutch, “of which I was my own translator.”—Ed.]

[499] The State library also possesses a small MS., The Mythology of the Iroquois or Six Nations of Indians, by the Hon’ble James Deane, Senior, of Westmoreland, Oneida County, who represented his county in the assembly of New York, in 1803 and 1809, and probably obtained his material from the Oneida Indians in his neighborhood. His account differs very little from that given by the Indian David Cusick. [See Vol. IV. p. 298.—Ed.]

[500] [See ante, p. 169.—Ed.]

[501] Papers relative to the trade and manufactures of New York, 1705-1757, are in Doc. Hist. N. Y., i.

[502] [Page 79, ante. Since that other description of maps in this volume was finally made, there has been issued (1885), in two large volumes, a Catal. of the printed maps, plans, and charts in the British Museum, in which, under the heads of America, New York, etc., will be found extensive enumerations of maps of the eighteenth century.—Ed.]

[503] The drafts of Delisle particularly were the bases of many maps a long way into the eighteenth century. See Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus., 1885.

[504] For example, the Geography anatomiz’d or the Geographical Grammar, by Pat. Gordon (London, 1708), makes the St. Lawrence divide “Terra Canadensis” into north and south parts, of which last section New York (discovered by Hudson in 1608) is a subdivision, as are New Jersey (discovered by the English, “under the conduct of the Cabots,” in 1497) and Pennsylvania, of which it is blindly said that it was discovered “at the same time with the rest of the adjacent continent.” The western limit of these provinces bounds on “Terra Arctica.”

[505] For example, the map without date or imprint, called Pennsylvania, Nova Jersey et Nova York cum Regionibus ad Fluvium Delaware in America sitis. Nova Delineatione ob oculos posita per Matth. Scutterum, Sanctae Caes. Maj. Geographum, Aug. Vind. It places “Dynastia Albany,” “St. Antoni Wildniss,” or “Desertum orientale,” near the junction of the two branches of the Susquehanna River. New York city is on the mainland, from which Long Island is separated by a narrow watercourse.

Another, equally wild in its license, is a Carte Nouvelle de l’Amérique Angloise, etc., Dressée sur les Relations les plus Nouvelles. Par le Sieur S. à Amsterdam chez Pierre Mortier, Libraire, avec Privilége de nos Seigneurs. Lake Erie (Lac Fells) is misshapen, and the Ohio River is ignored.

A common error in the maps of this period, based on Dutch notions, is to place Lakes Champlain and George east of the Connecticut, as is shown in the Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova of Allard’s Minor Atlas, usually undated, but of about 1700. The same atlas also contains (no. 32) a map showing the country from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake, called Totius Neobelgii nova tabula.

[506] [He was born in 1664, and had since 1687 been occupied in his art. During 1701-06 he was at Leipzig, at work on the maps in Cellarius; then he contributed to the geography of Scherer, which appeared in 1710. Homann published what he called an Atlas Novas in 1711, and an Atlas Methodicus in 1719.—Ed.]

[507] Including one without date: Nova Anglia Septentrionali Americae implantata Anglorumque Coloniis florentissima, Geographiae exhibita a Joh. Baptista Homann, Sac. Caes. Maj. Geographo, Norimbergae, cum Privilegio Sac. Caes. Maj. “Novum Belgium, Nieuw Nederland nunc New Jork,” occupies the territory bounded by a north and south line from Lac St. Pierre (St. Lawrence River) through Lakes Champlain and George to about Point Judith on the Sound. In the northwest corner of New York we find “Le Grand Sault St. Louis;” in the southwest, “Sennecaas Lacus,” from which the Delaware River and a tributary of the Hudson, “Groote Esopus River,” emerge. The “Versche River,” the Dutch name for the Connecticut, runs west of Lake George.

[508] See ante, pp. 80, 133. Sabin gives editions of his Atlas in 1701, 1709, 1711, 1717, 1719, 1723, 1732. Moll’s map of the New England and middle colonies in 1741 is in Oldmixon’s British Empire. His drafts were the bases of the general American maps of Bowen’s Geography (1747) and Harris’s Voyages (1764). Cf. Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus. (1885), under Moll, and pp. 2969-70.

[509] Second ed. 1739; third, 1744.

[510] He makes the Mohawk, or western branch of the Delaware River, empty into the eastern branch below Burlington. The same writer’s Modern Gazetteer (London, 1746) is only an abbreviation of his history.

The charts of The English Pilot of about this time give the prevailing notions of the coast. The dates vary from 1730 through the rest of the century,—the plates being in some parts changed. In the edition of 1742 (Mount and Page, London) the maps of special interest are: No. 14, New York harbor and vicinity, by Mark Tiddeman; and No. 15, Chesapeake and Delaware bays. The Dutch Atlas van Zeevaert of Ottens may be compared.

[511] Ante, p. 81. The French reproduction is called Nouvelle Carte Particulière de l’Amérique, où sont exactement marquées ... la Nouvelle Bretagne, le Canada, la Nouvelle Écosse, la Nouvelle Angleterre, la Nouvelle York, Pennsylvanie, etc. This is sometimes dated 1756.

[512] Ante, p. 81.

[513] This is the title of the second part of the volume; the first title calls it an Index of all the considerable Provinces, etc., in Europe.

[514] Ante, p. 83. Stevens also notes a little Spanish Exámen sucincto sobre los antiguos Limites de la Acadia, as having a map of about this time. Bibl. Hist. (1870) no. 679.

[515] Cf. ante, p. 81; and the Carte des Possessions Françoises et Angloises dans le Canada et Partie de la Louisiane. À Paris chez le Sieur Longchamps, Geographe (1756).

[516] Morgan’s League of the Iroquois has an eclectic map of their country in 1720.

[517] Governor Burnet, in his letter of December 16, 1723, perhaps alludes to it when he says: “I have likewise enclosed a map of this province, drawn by the surveyor Gen^ll, Dr. Colden, with great exactness from all surveys that have been made formerly and of late in this province;” ... but more probably Colden refers to it, in his letter of December 4, 1726, to Secretary Popple, as “a Map of this Province, which I am preparing by the Governor’s Order.” As this last letter (N. Y. Col. Docs., v. 806) treats mainly of quit-rents, and as this map illustrates the same as fixed in the various patents, it is most likely that the latter is the map now under consideration. There is a map of the Livingston manor (1714) in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 414, and papers concerning it (1680-1795) are in the same. A map of the Van Rensselaer manor (1767) is in Idem., iii. 552. Cf. Mag. of Amer. Hist., Jan., 1884, with views and portraits.

[518] [This map is further mentioned in chapter viii.—Ed.]

[519] Cf. Report of the Regents of the University on the Boundaries of the State of New York (Albany, 1883-84), two large vols., with historical documents; and the Bicentennial Celebration of the Board of American Proprietors of East New Jersey (1884). [The history of the controversy as given in the Report of the Regents is by Mr. Fernow, whose references are mainly to the N. Y. Col. Doc., iii., iv., vi., vii., xiii., and the New Jersey Archives, ii., iii., vi., viii. H. B. Dawson published at Yonkers, N. Y., 1866, Papers concerning the boundary between the States of New York and New Jersey, written by several hands. On the New Jersey side, see W. A. Whitehead and J. Parker in New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vols. viii. and x., and second series, vol. i.; and also Whitehead’s Eastern boundary of New Jersey: a review of a paper by Hon. J. Cochrane and rejoinder to reply of [H. B. Dawson] (1866). The Brinley Catal., ii. 2,745-2,750, shows various printed documents between 1752 and 1769. Cf. note on the sources of the boundary controversies, in Vol. III. p. 414.—Ed.]

[520] Cf. Vol. III. p. 116.

[521] [Vol. III. p. 501. It is also in Cassell’s United States, i. 282. Respecting Thomas’s Historical Description, see Vol. III. pp. 451, 501-2. Cf. also Menzies ($120); Murphy, no. 2,470; Brinley, no. 3,102; Barlow, no. 739; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 284, £35. The text was translated and the map reproduced in the Continuatio der Beschreibung der Landschaffts Pennsylvaniæ, with foot-notes, probably by Pastorius, Frankfort and Leipzig, 1702 (Boston Pub. Lib. Bulletin, July, 1883, p. 60).—Ed.]

[522] It has been reproduced in Egle’s Pennsylvania (p. 92) and in Cassell’s United States (i. 450).

[523] Stevens, Hist. Coll., ii. no. 399.

[524] [In Hazard’s Register of Penna., Oct. 2, 1830, there is an account of the “long walk” and the so-called “Walking Purchase” acquired in Pennsylvania in 1736, by terms which embraced a distance to be walked in a day and a half, which, by reason of plans devised to increase the distance, was the cause later of much indignation among the Indians. This paper is reprinted in W. W. Beach’s Indian Miscellany (Albany, 1877), p. 86. See further, on troublesome purchases of lands from the Indians, the papers in Doc. Hist. N. Y., on the Susquehanna River, where reference is made to the Susquehanna Title Stated and Examined (Catskill, 1796).—Ed.]

[525] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 343.

[526] Sparks has bound with it a copy of the act of Parliament, 1696, for reversing the attainder of Leisler and others, and refers to Smith’s New York, p. 59, etc., and Hutchinson’s Massachusetts Bay, i. 392.

[527] For a view of Leisler’s house, see Vol. III. 417.

[528] Cf. Edw. F. De Lancey, ed. of Jones’s N. Y. during the Rev., and his memoir of James De Lancey in Doc. Hist. N. Y., iv., and also Sedgwick’s Wm. Livingston.

[529] An account of the commitment, arraignment, tryal, and condemnation of Nicholas Bayard, Esq., for high treason in endeavoring to subvert the government of the province of New York ... collected from several memorials taken by divers persons privately, the commissioners having strictly prohibited the taking of the tryal in open Court. New York, and reprinted in London, 1703. (Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 2,743.)

Case of William Atwood, Esq., Chief Justice of New York ... with a true account of the government and people of that province, particularly of Bayard’s faction, and the treason for which he and Hutchins stand attainted, but reprieved before the Lord Cornbury’s arrival. (London, 1703.) It is reprinted in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1880.

These original reports are both rare, and cost about $5.00 each.

P. W. Chandler examines the evidence on the Bayard trial (Amer. Criminal Trials, i. 269), and the proceedings are given at length in Howell’s State Trials, vol. xiv.

[530] The report of his trial was printed at the time, and reprinted with an introduction by William Livingston in 1755, and again in Force’s Tracts. See Critical Essay of chap. iv., post.

[531] Cornbury is said to have paraded in woman’s clothes. Cf. Hist. Mag., xiii. 71; Shannon’s N. Y. City Manual, 1869, p. 762.

[532] Doc. Hist. N. Y., i. 377; iv. 109. Colden was a Scotchman (born in 1688), who, after completing his studies at the University of Edinburgh, came to Pennsylvania in 1708, where he practised as a physician, and gathered the material for describing in the Acta Upsaliensia several hundred American plants. For a few years after 1715 he was in England; but when Hunter came to New York as governor in 1720, he made Colden surveyor-general and councillor, and ever after he was actively identified with New York. There is a likeness of Colden in Ibid., iii. 495. The Colden Papers are in the library of the N. Y. Historical Society. A portion of them are the correspondence of Colden with Smith, the historian of New York, and with his father, respecting alleged misstatements in Smith’s History, particularly as regards a scheme of Gov. Clarke to settle Scotch Highlanders near Lake George. These letters were printed in the Collections of that society, second series, vol. ii. (1849) p. 193, etc., and another group of similar letters makes part of vol. i. (p. 181) of the Publication Fund Series of the same Collections. (See Vol. III. p. 412.) The main body, however, of the Colden Papers occupy vols. ix. and x. of this last series (1876 and 1877). The earlier of these volumes contains his official letter-books, 1760-1775, which “throw a flood of light upon the measures which were steadily forcing New York into necessary resistance to arbitrary government.” The succeeding volume takes the next ten years down to 1775.

[533] Haven in Thomas, ii., sub anno 1735, 1738; Carter-Brown, iii. 593, 594. Chandler cites editions in New York, 1735, 1756, 1770, and London, 1764. Franklin printed Remarks on Zenger’s Trial in 1737. Remarks on the Trial of John Peter Zenger (London, 1738) is signed by Indus Britannicus, who calls Hamilton’s speech a “wild and idle harangue,” and aims to counteract “the approval of the paper called Common Sense.” Cf. for Hamilton the chapter on the Bench and Bar in Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (ii. 1501). “Andrew Hamilton was the first American lawyer who gained more than a local reputation, and the only one who did so in colonial times.” Lodge, Short History, 233, gives references on the courts and bar of Pennsylvania and New York (pp. 232, 233, 316, 317). There is a portrait of Andrew Hamilton in the Penn. Hist. Soc., and a photograph of it in Etting’s Independence Hall. The trial is canvassed in Chandler’s Amer. Criminal Trials, i. 151; and the narrative of the trial and the Remarks, etc., are reprinted in Howell’s State Trials, vol. xvii. Cf. also Hudson’s Journalism, p. 81, and Lossing in Harper’s Monthly, lvii. p. 293. The New York State library possesses a collection made by Zenger himself of all the printed matter on the case appearing in his day.

[534] See the full title in Sabin’s Dictionary, viii. no. 33,058. Copies were sold in the Rice sale ($140); Menzies, no. 971 ($240); Strong ($300); Brinley, no. 2,865 ($330); Murphy, no. 1,260; Quaritch (£45). There are copies in Harvard College library, Philadelphia library, Carter-Brown (iii. no. 779), and Barlow (Rough List, no. 878). It was reprinted in London in 1747 (Sabin, viii. no. 33,059), and in New York in 1810 as The New York Conspiracy, or a history of the negro plot, with the journal, etc. (Harvard College library, Boston Public library, Brinley, Cooke, etc.), and was again reprinted in New York in 1851, edited by W. B. Wedgwood, as The Negro Conspiracy in the City of New York in 1741.

All the histories touch the story, but for original or distinctive treatment compare Smith’s New York, ii. 58; Stone’s Sir William Johnson, i. 52; Williams’ Negro Race in America, i. p. 144; and the legal examination of the case in Peleg W. Chandler’s American Criminal Trials (i. 211).

[535] See Lives of Penn noted in Vol. III.

[536] Proceedings, v. 312. They are now in the library of the Pennsylvania Hist. Society.

[537] Hildeburn, Century of Printing; Catal. of Works rel. to B. Franklin in Boston Pub. Library, pp. 26, 32, 38.

[538] Stevens, Bibl. Hist. (1870), no. 1,995.

[539] G. Clarke’s Voyage to America, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan (Albany, 1867), being no. 2 of a series of N. Y. Colonial Tracts. Clarke remained in the province till 1745. The original MS. of his Voyage is in the State library at Albany.

[540] Portraits of Keith are in G. M. Hill’s Hist. of the Church in Burlington, New Jersey, and in Perry’s Amer. Episcopal Church, i. p. 209.

[541] The bibliography of the Quakers has been given in Vol. III. p. 503. Since that notice was made, Joseph Smith has added to his series of books on Quaker literature Bibliotheca quakeristica: a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the friends (quakers), and biographical notices (London, 1883). Quaker publications in Pennsylvania can best be followed in Hildeburn’s Century of Printing in Penna., while entries more or less numerous will be found in Haven’s list (Thomas’s Hist. of Printing, ii.), and particularly respecting the tracts of George Keith, in Sabin, ix. p. 403; Carter-Brown, ii. and iii.; Brinley, ii. 3,406, etc.; Cooke, iii. 1,342, etc.

Mr. C. J. Stillé has printed a paper on “Religious Tests in Provincial Pennsylvania” in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., Jan., 1885.

[542] Collection of the Epistles and Works of Benjamin Holme, to which is prefixed an account of his life and travels in the work of the ministry, through several parts of Europe and America, written by himself (London, 1753). Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,000.

[543] London, 1779. There were editions in Philad., 1780; York, 1830; and the book makes vol. v. of the Friends’ Library, Philad., 1841. Sabin (vii. 28,825) gives it as earlier printed with Some brief remarks on sundry important subjects, London, 1764, 1765; Dublin, 1765; London, 1768; Philad., 1781; London, 1805.

These books do not add much to our knowledge of other than the emotional experiences prevalent among this sect at this period. The Journals of John Woolman reveal the beginnings of the anti-slavery agitation among his people. The journals have passed through numerous editions, and John G. Whittier added an introduction to an edition in 1871 (Boston). Cf. Allibone, iii. 2,834.

[544] An Account of Two Missionary Voyages by the Appointment of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., by Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar of Reculver in Kent (London, 1758).

For the history of the Episcopal Church in the middle colonies during the eighteenth century, see Perry’s Amer. Episc. Church, i. chapters 9, 11, 12, 13; and for the non-juring bishops, p. 541. Cf. De Costa’s introduction to Bishop White’s Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church, p. xxxii. A statement of the condition of the church in New York in 1704-5 is in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 74.

[545] Sec Crit. Essay of chap. vi.

[546] Brinley, ii. 3,073; Stevens, Hist. Coll., ii. no. 336.

[547] Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1,211; 1877, no. 2,903: Brinley, Catal., ii. no. 3,093. His book is called Getrouw Verhaal van den waren toestant der meest Herderloze Gemeentens in Pensylvanien, etc. (Amsterdam, 1751.)

[548] Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 268; Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 274; Sabin, i. no. 3,868. This traveller must not be confounded with William Bartram, the son, whose travels belong to a period forty years later.

[549] Chap. viii.

[550] Ante, p. 83. There is a chapter on the modes of travel of this time in Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (vol. iii.).

[551] A German version, Reise nach dem nördlichen America, was published at Göttingen in 1754-64,—some copies having the imprint Leipzig and Stockholm. (Sabin, ix. 36,987.) A Dutch translation, Reis door Noord Amerika, has for imprint Utrecht, 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,988.) An English version by J. R. Forster, Travels into North America, appeared in three volumes at Warrington and at London, in 1770-71, with a second edition at London in 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,989; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova, p. 178.) Cf. the present History, IV. p. 494, and Tuckerman’s America and her Commentators, p. 295.

[552] Two editions, 1775; Dublin, 1775; third edition, London, 1798, revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged by the author. It is reprinted in Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. xiii. A French version was published at Lausanne and at the Hague in 1778, and a German one, made by C. D. Ebeling, at Hamburg, in 1776. (Sabin, iii. pp. 142-3.)

[553] Chapter viii. Particularly may reference be made to Charles Thomson’s Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interests.

[554] Chap. viii.—critical part.

[555] Cf. Brinley, iii. 5,486.

[556] Gov. Bernard’s letter in this conference is in N. Jersey Archives, ix. p. 139.

[557] There are in the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (vol. iii. p. 613, etc.) various papers indicative of the opposition the Moravians encountered within the province of New York.

[558] Cf. the Critical Essay of chap. viii. One of the earlier historical treatments is John C. Ogden’s Excursion to Bethlehem and Nazareth, in 1799, with a succinct history of the Society of United Brethren. (Philad., 1800.)

[559] Crit. Essay of chap. viii.

[560] See Vol. III. p. 515.

[561] Life of Zeisberger, pp. 37, 98, 120.

[562] The Moravian Historical Society (Nazareth, Penna.) has taken active measures to preserve the records of their missionary work. In 1860 it published at Philadelphia A memorial of the dedication of monuments erected by the Moravian Historical Society, to mark the sites of ancient missionary stations in New York and Connecticut [by W. C. Reichel], which contains an account of the Moravians in New York and Connecticut; [Mission of] Shekomeko [N. Y.], by S. Davis; Visit of the committee [to Shekomeko and Wechquadnach], and the proceedings of the society and dedication of the monuments.

The society also began a series of transactions in 1876, whose first volume included Extracts from Zinzendorf’s Diary of his second, and in part of his third journey among the Indians, the former to Shekomeko, and the other among the Shawanese, on the Susquehanna. Transl. from a German MS. in the Bethlehem archives. By Eugene Schaeffer (1742), and Names which the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians gave to rivers, streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations. Prepared from a MS. by J. Heckewelder, by William C. Reichel.

For the Moravians in Philadelphia, see Scharf and Westcott’s Hist. of Philad. (vol. ii. p. 1320, etc.), and Abraham Ritter’s Hist. of the Moravian Church in Philad. from its foundation in 1742 (Phil., 1857). Poole’s Index, p. 870, will enable the reader to trace the literature of which the Moravians have been the subject. The sect publish at Bethlehem a Manual, which is convenient for authoritative information.

[563] Jonathan Edwards wrote Brainerd’s life, using his diaries in part. In 1822 a new edition, by Sereno Edwards Dwight, included journals (June, 1745, to June, 1746) that had been published separately, which had been overlooked by Edwards. (Sabin, ii. nos. 7,339-7,346.) The Journal of a two months’ tour with a view of promoting religion among the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and introducing Christianity among the Indians west of the Alegh-geny Mountains, by Charles Beatty (London, 1768), is the result of a mission planned in England, and is addressed to the Earl of Dartmouth and other trustees of the Indian Charity School. In Perry’s Amer. Episcopal Church, chapter 19, is given an account of missionary labors among the Mohawks and other Indian tribes. Gideon Hawley’s account of his journey among the Mohawks in 1753 is in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iv., and Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii.

[564] Lodge (p. 227) has epitomized this immigration. See references in Vol. III. p. 515.

[565] Cf. Redmond Conyngham, An account of the settlement of the Dunkers at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Added a short history of that religious society, by the late Rev. Christian Endress, of Lancaster, which makes part of the Historical Society of Penn. Memoirs. (1828, vol. ii. 133-153.) Cf. further Penna. Mag. of Hist., v. 276; Century, Dec., 1881; Schele de Vere on a “Protestant Convent” in Hours at Home, iv. 458. For their press see Thomas’s Hist. of Printing, i. 287; Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc., 1872, p. 6; and Muller’s Books on America, 1877, no. 3,623.

[566] The Dutch of J. G. De Hoop Scheffer’s historical account of the friendly relations between the Dutch and Pennsylvania Baptists was printed at Amsterdam in 1869 (Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1,296), and, translated with notes by S. W. Pennypacker, it appeared as the “Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania” in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., ii. 117; also see S. W. Pennypacker’s Historical and Biog. Sketches (Philad., 1883); cf. further in R. Baird’s Religions in America (1856), E. K. Martin’s Mennonites (Philad., 1883), and M’Clintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia, vi. 98.

On the Baptists in general in Pennsylvania, see Sprague’s Amer. Pulpit, vol. vi.; Hist. Mag. (xiv. 76), for an account by H. G. Jones of the lower Dublin Baptist Church (1687), the mother church of the sect in Pennsylvania, and Morgan Edwards’s Materials towards a history of the Baptists in Pennsylvania, both British and German, distinguished into First-day Baptists, Keithian Baptists, Seventh-day Baptists, Tunker Baptists, Mennonist Baptists (Philad., 1770-1792), in two volumes; but the second volume applies to New Jersey. (Sabin, vi. 21,981.)

[567] Cf. James W. Dale’s Earliest settlement by Presbyterians on the Delaware River in Delaware County. (Philad., 1871; 28 pp.)

[568] Annotated ed. of 1876 (Albany), by Jas. Grant Wilson.

[569] Memoirs, vols. ix. and x. They cover the years 1700-1711. “Much of the correspondence is taken up with business and politics; but it is also a great storehouse of information respecting men and manners.” Tyler, Amer. Lit., ii. 233.

[570] Cf. E. G. Scott, Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English Colonies (New York, 1882), ch. vi.; Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (ii. chapters 18, 29, 30, etc.). Scott says, “Pennsylvania had a greater diversity of nationalities than any other colony, and offered consequently a greater variety of character” (p. 162).

[571] The history of the paper-money movement in Pennsylvania is traced in Henry Phillips, Jr.’s Hist. sketch of the paper money issued by Pennsylvania, with a complete list of the dates, issues, amounts, denominations, and signers (Philad., 1862), and his Hist. sketches of the paper currency of the American colonies (Roxbury, 1865). A list of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey currency, printed by Franklin, is given in the Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Pub. Library (p. 42).

For New York paper money see J. H. Hickcox’s Hist. of the bills of credit or paper money issued by New York from 1709 to 1780 (Albany, 1866—250 copies).

For the New Jersey currency Phillips will suffice. These monographs must be supplemented by the general histories and comprehensive treatises on financial history.

[572] Cf. An account of the College of New Jersey, with a prospect of the College neatly engraved. Published by order of the Trustees, Woodbridge, N. J., 1764 (Brinley Catal., ii. 3,599); Princeton Book, a history of the College of New Jersey; “Princeton College,” an illustrated paper in the Manhattan Mag., ii. p. 1; S. D. Alexander in Scribner’s Monthly, xiii. 625; H. R. Timlow in Old and New, iv. 507; B. J. Lossing in Potter’s Amer. Monthly, v. 482.

[573] For these last two colleges, see chapter 23 of Perry’s Amer. Episcopal Church, vol. i.

[574] Cf. Job R. Tyson’s Social and intellectual state of Pennsylvania prior to 1743; and Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (ii. ch. 35). An enumeration of American books advertised in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 1728-1765, is given in Hist. Mag., iv. 73, 235, 328.

[575] Vol. i. was issued in 1885, bringing the record down to 1763. Trial specimens of the list were earlier issued in the Bulletin of the Philadelphia Library, and separately. The first book printed was by Bradford, in 1685, being Atkins’s America’s Messenger (an almanac). An interesting list of books, printed in Philadelphia and New York previous to 1750, is given in the Brinley Catal., ii. nos. 3,367, etc.

[576] See list of his publications in Hist. Mag., iii. 174; his genealogy in N. Y. General and Biog. Record, Oct., 1873; a recent account of him in Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (iii. 1965). Cf. G. D. Boardman on “Early printing in the middle colonies” in Penna. Mag. of Hist., Apr., 1886, p. 15; Lodge’s English Colonies, 255. See further references in Vol. III. p. 513.

[577] His career is commemorated by Horatio Gates Jones in an address, Andrew Bradford, the founder of the newspaper press in the Middle States (Philad., 1869). Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia (vol. iii. ch. 48), on the press of Philadelphia; Thomas’s Hist. of Printing (Worcester, 1874), ii. p. 132; and Frederic Hudson’s Journalism in the United States (N. Y., 1873), p. 60. The best known of the early Philadelphia papers was, however, The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette, which, begun Dec. 24, 1728, passed with the fortieth number into the control of Benj. Franklin, who retained only the secondary title for the paper. Cf. “History of a newspaper—the Pennsylvania Gazette,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., May, 1886, by Paul L. Ford; a long note by Hildeburn in Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library, p. 37.

Of the American Magazine, published at Philadelphia in 1741, and the earliest magazine printed in the British colonies, probably only three numbers were issued (Hildeburn, no. 688). It must not be confounded with a later American Magazine, printed by W. Bradford, which lived through thirteen monthly numbers, Oct., 1757, to Oct., 1758. It purported to be edited “by a society of gentlemen,” and Tyler (Amer. Literature, ii. 306) calls it “the most admirable example of our literary periodicals in the colonial time.” Cf. Wallace’s Col. Wm. Bradford, pp. 64, 73.

[578] Hildeburn’s Century of Printing; the Catal. of books relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library; Brinley Catal., nos. 3,197, etc., 4,312, etc. Cf. Parton’s Franklin; Thomas’s Hist. of Printing. The series of Poor Richard’s Almanacks was begun in 1733 (fac-simile of title in Smith’s Hist. and lit. curios., pl. ix., and Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia, i. 237). Cf. Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library, p. 14. In 1850-52 a publication at New York, called Poor Richard’s Almanac, reprinted the Franklin portion of the original issues for 1733-1741.

[579] He gives in an appendix the publications of the younger Bradford’s press, 1742-1766. Cf. J. B. MacMasters on “A free Press in the Middle Colonies,” in the Princeton Review, 1885.

[580] New York, in Vol. III. p. 412, IV. p. 430, and particularly on Smith’s History, see Tyler’s Amer. Lit., ii. 224; Pennsylvania, in Vol. III. p. 507; New Jersey, in Vol. III. pp. 453, 455. The general histories of the English colonies are characterized in the notes at the end of chapter viii. of the present volume.

[581] Vol. IV. p. 410, etc. Cf. E. A. Werner’s Civil list and constitutional history of the Colony and State of New York. (Albany, 1884.)

[582] See Vol. III. pp. 411, 414; IV. 440. Some special aspects are treated in Our Police Protectors; Hist. of the N. Y. Police (New York, 1885, ch. 2, “British occupancy, 1664-1783”); J. A. Stevens on old coffee houses, in Harper’s Mag. (Mar., 1882), also illustrated in Wallace’s Col. Wm. Bradford; T. F. De Voe’s Hist. of the Public Markets of N. Y. from the first settlement (N. Y., 1862); H. E. Pierrepont’s Historical Sketch of the Fulton Ferry and its Associated Ferries (Brooklyn, 1879); the Catholic Church on N. Y. Island, in Hist. Mag., xvi. 229, 271.

[583] Frank Munsell’s Bibliog. of Albany (1883). See Vol. IV. p. 435. Its own story has been freshly told in A. J. Weise’s Hist. of the City of Albany (1884).

[584] See Vol. IV. p. 441.

[585] A method, prevailing widely at present, of forcing local pride and business enterprise into partnership has produced in New York, as it has in other States, a series of county histories which may find in future antiquaries more respect than historical students at present feel for them. The work of some of the local historical societies, like those of Ulster, Oneida, Cayuga, and Buffalo, is conducted in general in a better spirit, and its genuine antiquarian zeal is exemplified in such books as J. R. Simms’s Frontiersmen of New York (1882-83), and in the conglomerate History of the Schenectady patent in the Dutch and English times; being contributions toward a history of the lower Mohawk Valley, by Jonathan Pearson and others; edited by J. W. MacMurray. (Albany, 1883.)

[586] Vol. III. p. 510. For record of the governors from 1682 to 1863, see Hist. Mag., viii. 266; and the summarized Governors of Pennsylvania, 1609-1873, by Wm. C. Armor. (Norwich, Conn., 1874.) Another official enumeration is Charles P. Keith’s Provincial Councillors of Pennsylvania who held office between 1733 and 1776, and those earlier Councillors who were some time chief magistrates of the province, and their descendants. (Philadelphia, 1883.)

[587] In addition to those named in Vol. III. p. 510, and as coming more particularly within the period under consideration, a few may be named:—

From 1844 to 1846 Mr. I. Daniel Rupp issued various books of local interest: Hist. of Lancaster Co. (Lancaster, 1844); History of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon, and Schuylkill Counties (Harrisburg, 1845); History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford, Adams, and Perry Counties (Lancaster, 1846); and Early Hist. of Western Pennsylvania (Pittsburgh, 1846).

The others may be arranged in order of publication: C. W. Carter and A. J. Glossbrener’s York County (1834); Neville B. Craig’s Pittsburg (1851); George Chambers’s Tribute to Irish and Scotch early settlers of Pennsylvania (Chambersburg, 1856); U. J. Jones’s Juniata Valley (1856); H. Hollister’s Lackawanna Valley (1857); J. F. Meginness’s West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna (1857); Geo. H. Morgan’s Annals of Harrisburg (Harrisburg, 1858); Stewart Pearce’s Annals of Luzerne County, from the first settlement of Wyoming to 1860 (Philad., 1860); J. I. Mombert’s Lancaster County (1869); Alfred Creigh’s Washington County (1870); Alexander Harris’s Biog. Hist. of Lancaster County (1872); S. W. Pennypacker’s Annals of Phœnixville to 1871 (Philad., 1872); Emily C. Blackman’s Susquehanna County (Philad., 1873); John Hill Martin’s Bethlehem, with an account of the Moravian Church (Philad., 1873); A. W. Taylor’s Indiana County (1876); S. J. M. Eaton’s Venango County (1876); John Blair Linn’s Annals of Buffalo Valley, Pa., 1755-1855 (Harrisburg, 1877); H. G. Ashmead’s Hist. sketch of Chester (1883).

The histories of Wyoming, deriving most of their interest from later events, will be mentioned in Vol. VI. The local references can be picked out of F. B. Perkins’s Check List of Amer. Local History. The Pennsylvania Mag. of History and Egle’s Notes and Queries (1881, etc.), with its continuation, the Historical Register, make current records of local research.

[588] Vol. III. p. 509.

[589] Cf. the long list of titles under Philadelphia, prepared by C. R. Hildeburn, in Sabin’s Dict. of books relating to America (vol. xiv. p. 524), and lesser monographs, like James Mease’s Picture of Philadelphia (1811); Daniel Bowen’s Hist. of Philadelphia (1839); Harper’s Monthly (Apr., 1876); J. T. Headley in Scribner’s Monthly (vol. ii.); A Sylvan City, or quaint corners in Philadelphia (Philad., 1883); Hamersley’s Philad. Illustrated (1871).

The evidence of an organized government in Philadelphia prior to the charter of incorporation given by Penn in 1701 is presented in the Penna. Mag. of History (Apr., 1886, p. 61). There is a graphic description of Philadelphia about 1750 in the Life of Bampfylde Moore Carew.

[590] Vol. III. pp. 454-55. Some of the earlier collections of New Jersey laws are noted in the Brinley Catal., ii. no. 3,583, etc. Cf. titles in Sabin, vol. xiii.

[591] Vol. III. p. 455.

[592] Chief among the architectural landmarks of old New York was the City Hall, on Wall Street, built in 1700, and taken down in 1812. (Cf. views in Valentine’s Manual, 1847 and 1866; Mag. of Amer. Hist., ix. 322; and Watson’s Annals of New York, p. 176.) Valentine’s Manual and his Hist. of N. York contain various views of buildings and localities belonging to the early part of the eighteenth century. Particularly in the Manual, see the views of early New York in the volume for 1858, with a view of Fort George and the city from the southwest (1740). (Cf. Appleton’s Journal, viii. p. 353.) The Manual for 1862 contains a view of the battery (p. 503); others of the foot of Wall Street (p. 506), of the great dock (p. 512), and of the East River shore (p. 531),—all of 1746; and of the North River shore in 1740 (p. 549). The volume for 1865 contains a history of Broadway, with historical views; that for 1866 a history of Wall Street, to be compared with the treatment of the same subject by Mrs. Lamb in the Mag. of Amer. Hist.

An engraving from Wm. Burgiss’s view of the Dutch church in New York, built 1727-37, is given in Valentine’s Hist. of N. Y. City, p. 279.

A paper on the old tombs of Trinity is in Harper’s Mag., Nov., 1876.

The Manual also preserves samples of the domestic architecture of the period. Old houses, especially Dutch ones, are shown in the volumes for 1847, 1850, 1853, 1855. In that for 1858 we have in contrast the Dutch Cortelyou house (1699) and the Rutgers mansion. Of famous colonial houses in New York city and province, cuts may be noted of the following among others:—

Van Cortland House, in Mrs. Lamb’s Homes of America (1879), p. 696; Harper’s Mag., lii. 645; Appleton’s Journal, ix. 801; Mag. of Amer. Hist., xv. (Mar., 1883). Philipse Manor House at Yonkers, in Lamb; Appleton’s, xi. 385; Harper’s Mag., lii. 642. Roger Morris House, in Lamb. See further on this house when Washington’s headquarters, in Vol. VI. Beekman House, in Lamb; Valentine’s Manual, 1854, p. 554; Appleton’s, viii. 310. Livingston House, in Lamb; Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 239. Verplanck House, in Lamb; Potter’s Amer. Monthly, iv. 242. Van Rensselaer House at Albany, in Lamb. Schuyler Mansion in Albany, in Lamb.

Many of these houses are also conveniently depicted in Harper’s Cyclopædia of U.S. Hist. (ed. by Lossing).

Cf. “Old New York and its Houses,” by R. G. White, in The Century, Oct., 1883. Geo. W. Schuyler’s Colonial New York epitomizes the histories of several of the old families,—Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Livingston, Verplanck, etc. (vol. i. 187, 206, 243, 292).

[593] Cf. Valentine’s Hist. of New York City, p. 263; his N. Y. City Manual, 1841-42, 1844-45, 1850, and 1851; Dunlap’s New York, i. 290; Mrs. Lamb’s New York, i. 524; Lossing’s New York, i. 14; Weise’s Discoveries of America, p. 358. It was also republished in fac-simile by W. W. Cox, of Washington; and in lithograph by G. Hayward. Cf. Map Catal. Brit. Mus. (1885), sub “New York City.”

[594] Cf. the “Ville de Manathe ou Nouvelle York,” in Bellin’s Petit Atlas Maritime, vol. i. (1764). The same atlas has a plan of Philadelphia of that date.

[595] Cf. Vol. III. p. 551.

[596] There is a print of the old capitol at Annapolis. Cf. Gay, Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 51.

[597] Vol. III. p. 551.

[598] See the arguments on the question of the king’s subjects carrying with them, when they emigrate, the common and statute law, in Chalmers’ Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i. 194. Cf. also note in E. G. Scott’s Constitutional Liberty, p. 40.

[599] “A few neglected grave-stones, several heaps of brick and rubbish, and a solitary mansion, belonging to one of the oldest families in the State, are about all that remain of the once famous seaport town [Joppa] of provincial Maryland.” Lewis W. Wilhelm’s Local Institutions of Maryland (1885), p. 128. This paper is parts v., vi., and vii. of the third series of the Johns Hopkins University Studies, and covers a history of the land system, the hundreds, the county and towns of the province. The institutional life of the town began in 1683-85.

[600] See a portrait of Sharpe after an old print in Scharf’s Maryland, i. 443.

[601] Vol. III. p. 153.

[602] There is a cut of Culpepper, after an old print, in Gay, Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 54.

[603] Grahame, United States, i. p. 126, has a note on the authorities concerning the penal proceedings following the rebellion.

[604] See Brock’s Hist. of Tobacco, cited in Vol. III. p. 166.

[605] Cf. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1872, p. 30.

[606] Cf. James Drew Sweet on Williamsburg, as the “ancient vice-regal capital of Virginia,” in Mag. of Western Hist., Oct., 1885, p. 117.

[607] Palmer’s Calendar, p. 86.

[608] Palmer’s Calendar, p. 152.

[609] Official Letters, i. 116, 134; Byrd MSS., Wynne’s ed., ii. 192.

[610] Palmer’s Calendar, p. 162.

[611] See post, ch. viii. Iron was first forged in 1714.

[612] Spotswood’s speeches to the assembly in 1714 and 1718 are in Maxwell’s Virginia Register, vol. iv.

[613] February, 1718-19. Official Letters, ii. 273. “Capt. Teach, alias Blackbeard, the famous Pyrate, came within the Capes of this Colony in a Sloop of six Guns and twenty Men; whereof our Governor having Notice, ordered two Sloops to be fitted out, which fortunately met with him. When Teach saw they were resolv’d to fight him, he leap’d upon the Round-House of his Sloop, and took a Glass of Liquor, and drank to the Masters of the two Sloops, and bid Damnation seize him that should give Quarter; but notwithstanding his Insolence the two Sloops soon boarded him, and kill’d all except Teach and one more, who have been since executed. The head of Teach is fix’d on a Pole erected for that Purpose.” (1719.) Mag. of Amer. Hist., Sept., 1878.

[614] Account in Byrd MSS., Wynne’s ed., ii. 249-63.

[615] West, the crown counsel in 1719, interpreted the law as leaving in the hands of the king the right to present to vacant benefices in Virginia. Chalmers’ Opinions of Eminent Lawyers concerning the Colonies, etc. London, 1814, i. p. 17. Blair was still the champion of the ecclesiastical supremacy. Cf. Spotswood’s Official Letters, ii. 292; Perry’s Church Papers of Va., pp. 199, 247.

[616] Meade, Old Churches, etc., ii. 75.

[617] Speeches of Gov. Drysdale to the assembly in 1723 and 1726 are printed in Maxwell’s Virginia Reg., vol. iv.

[618] We have the journal of William Black, who was sent by the province in 1744 to treat with the Iroquois, with reference to these shadowy lands. Penna. Mag. of Hist., vols. i. and ii.

[619] See the view of this mansion in Appleton’s Journal, July 19, 1873; in Mrs. Lamb’s Homes of America, N. Y., 1879; and in the paper on the Fairfaxes in the Mag. of Amer. Hist. (Mar., 1885), vol. xiii. p. 217, by Richard Whateley. Fairfax’s stone office, which was near the mansion, is still standing.

[620] There is no portrait of Maj. William Mayo known to be in existence. Mayo came to Virginia in 1723, and in 1728 was one of those who ran the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1737 he planned Richmond, and died in 1744. See the paper, “Some Richmond Portraits,” in Harper’s Magazine, 1885.

[621] The speeches and papers respecting the opening of the assembly under Gooch in 1736 are reprinted from the Virginia Gazette in Maxwell’s Virginia Reg., iv. p. 121.

[622] Byrd, of Westover, in comparing the New Englanders with the Southrons of Virginia, says that the latter “thought their being members of the established church sufficient to sanctifie very loose and profligate morals.” Wynne’s ed. Westover MSS., i. p. 7. Cf. the collation of the laws and traits of Virginia and New England in “Old Times in Virginia,” in Putnam’s Mag., Aug., 1869. A paper by W. H. Whitmore on “The Cavalier Theory refuted,” in the Continental Monthly (1863), vol. iv. p. 60, was written in the height of feeling engendered by the civil war.

[623] Given in the Dinwiddie Papers, i. p. 3.

[624] Post, ch. viii.

[625] The journal of Col. James Burd, while building Fort Augusta, at Shamokin, 1756-57, is in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., ii. p. 743. Loudon caused Fort Loudon to be built on the Tennessee in 1756. There is a MS. plan of it in the De Brahm MS. in Harvard College library.

[626] John Echols’s journal about “a march that Capt. Robert Wade took to the New River” in search of Indians, Aug.-Oct., 1758, is in Palmer’s Calendar, p. 254; and papers on the expedition against the Shawnee Indians in 1756 are in Maxwell’s Virginia Register, vol. v. pp. 20, 61.

[627] Vol. III. p. 555.

[628] Archives of Maryland. Proceedings and acts of the general assembly, January, 1617-38-September, 1664. Published by authority of the State, under the direction of the Maryland Historical Society. William Hand Browne, editor. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society. 1883. Two other volumes have since been published.

[629] Archives of Maryland: Calendar and Report by the Publication Committee of the Maryland Hist. Society, 1883.

[630] This Calendar shows that the Proprietary records, with few gaps, exist from 1637 to 1658; the council proceedings from 1636 to 1671, with some breaks; the assembly proceedings from 1637 to 1658 (included in the published volume, with continuation from the Public Record Office in London to 1664); the Upper House Journals from 1659 to 1774; the Senate Journals, 1780-83; the Lower House Journals, 1666 to 1774; the Revolutionary journals, 1775-1780; the Laws from 1638 to 1710 (those to 1664 are continued in the published volume, and the commissioners say that the full text probably exists of these from 1692 to 1774; and while Bacon in his edition of the Laws had given only six of the 300 laws, and none before 1664 in full, the commissioners in the printed volume have supplied the full text of the others from the Public Record Office); the Court Records, 1658-1752; Letters, 1753-1771; Council of Safety Correspondence, 1775-77; Council Correspondence, 1777-93; Commission books, 1726-1798; Commission on the Public Records, 1724-1729; Minutes of the Board of Revenue, 1768-1775; the David Ridgely copies of important papers (1682-1785), made in 1838; and Ethan Allen’s Calendar of Maryland State Papers, 1636-1776, made in 1858. (See Vol. III. p. 556.)

The laws of Maryland, 1692-1718, were printed in Philadelphia by Bradford. (Hildeburn’s Penna. Publications, no. 150.) The charter of Maryland, with the debates of the assembly in 1722-24, was printed in Philadelphia in 1725. (Ibid. no. 255.)

[631] Vol. III. p. 559.

[632] Ch. v. Bancroft (History of the United States, orig. ed., ii. 244) says: “The chapters of Chalmers on Maryland are the most accurate of them all.”

[633] One of the American Commonwealths, edited by Mr. Horace E. Scudder.

[634] Also in Lewis Mayer’s Ground Rents in Maryland, Baltimore, 1883.

[635] Cf. Mr. Adams’s Maryland’s influence in founding a national commonwealth, published as no. 11 of the Fund Publications of the Maryland Historical Society.

Since Volume III. of the present History was printed, there have been added to these Fund Publications, as no. 18, B. T. Johnson’s Foundation of Maryland and the origin of the act concerning religion, of April 21, 1649; no. 19, E. Ingle’s Capt. Richard Ingle, the Maryland pirate and rebel, 1642-1653; no. 20, L. W. Wilhelm’s Sir George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore.

Beside Mr. Johnson’s monograph on the Toleration Act, Mr. R. H. Clarke in the Catholic World, October, 1883, has replied to the views held by Bancroft.

Beside Mr. Wilhelm’s paper on Calvert, see E. L. Didier on the family of the Baltimores in Lippincott’s Magazine, vi. 531. Scharf gives portraits of the fifth and sixth lords (vol. i. pp. 381, 441). Neill traces the line’s descent in the eighth chapter of his Terra Mariæ.

[636] Memorial Volume, 1730-1880. An account of the municipal celebration of the 150th anniversary of the settlement of Baltimore, October 11-19, 1880. With a sketch of the history, and summary of the resources of the city. Illus. by Frank B. Mayer. (Baltimore, 1881.) 328 pp. 4^o. Cf. also G. W. Howard, Monumental City, its past history and present resources. Baltimore, 1873-[83].

[637] There is a copy in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. It is reproduced in Scharf’s Maryland (i. 421), and in his City and County of Baltimore (p. 58).

[638] Neill’s Terra Mariæ, p. 200; Sabin, Dictionary, iv. 16,234. M. C. Tyler, Hist. Amer. Literature, ii. 255, epitomizes it. In 1730 there appeared at Annapolis, Sot-weed Redivivus, or the Planter’s Looking-glass, in burlesque verse, calculated for the meridian of Maryland, by E. C., Gent. Mr. Tyler throws some doubt upon the profession of the same authorship conveyed in the title, because it is destitute of the wit shown in the other. The next year (1731) the earlier poem is said to have been reprinted at Annapolis with another on Bacon’s Rebellion. (Hist. Mag., iv. 153.) The Sot-weed Factor was again reprinted with a glossary in Shea’s Early Southern Tracts, 1866, edited by Brantz Mayer. There is a copy of the original edition in Harvard College library [12365.14].

[639] Cf. E. W. Latimer’s “Colonial Life in Maryland, 1725-1775” in the International Review, June, 1880; Frank B. Meyer’s “Old Maryland Manners” in Scribner’s Monthly, xvii. 315; and J. C. Carpenter’s “Old Maryland, its Homes and its People,” in Appleton’s Journal, Mar. 4, 1876, with a view of the Caton mansion. The Carroll house is pictured in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., ii. 105.

[640] A view of All-Hallows Church, built 1692, is given in Perry, ii. 613.

[641] Vol. III. p. 513. In the Ellis sale, London, Nov., 1885, no. 232, was a map, Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ tabulæ, multis in locis emendata a Nicolas Visschero (Amsterdam, about 1651), which had belonged to William Penn, and was indorsed by him, “The map by which the Privy Council, 1685, settled the bounds between Lord Baltimore and I, and Maryland, Pennsylvania and Territorys or annexed Countys.—W. P.” Franklin printed (1733) the articles of agreement between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and again (1736) with additional matter. In 1737 and 1742 he printed the proclamations against the armed invaders from Maryland. Cf. Catal. of Works relating to B. Franklin, in Boston Public Library (1883), pp. 29, 36.

[642] Cf. also Jacob’s Life of Cresap, p. 25; B. Mayer’s Logan and Cresap, p. 25; Gordon’s Pennsylvania, p. 221; Egle’s Pennsylvania, p. 824; Rapp’s York County, Pa., p. 547; Hazard’s Reg. of Penna., i. 200, ii. 209. The statement of the government of Maryland, respecting the border outrages, which was addressed to the king in council, is printed in Scharf’s Hist. of Maryland, i. p. 395.

[643] A map showing the temporary bounds as fixed by the king in council, 1738, is in Penna. Archives, i. 594.

[644] The report on this line is given in Scharf’s Maryland, p. 407. Cf. map in Penna. Arch., iv.

[645] Cf. Vol. III. p. 489. Extracts from Mason’s field-book are given in the Hist. Mag., v. 199. A view of one of the stones erected by them, five miles apart, and bearing the arms of Penn and Baltimore, is given in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., vi. 414, in connection with accounts respectively of Baltimore and Markham in 1681-82. See Vol. III. p. 514. The line was continued farther west in 1779, giving to Pennsylvania the forks of the Ohio, which Dinwiddie had claimed for Virginia. Olden Time, i. 433-524.

[646] Report of the Boundary Commission (1874), pp. 21, 129. Cf. Moll’s map of Virginia and Maryland in Oldmixon’s Brit. Empire in America, 1708, which shows Chesapeake and Delaware bays and their affluents.

[647] “A new map of Virginia, humbly dedicated to ye Right Hon^ble Thomas Lord Fairfax, 1738,” in Keith’s Virginia. The Map of the most inhabited part of Virginia by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson, 1751, published in London by Jeffreys, is the best known map of this period. The map which was engraved for Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, 1787, which showed the country from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, was for the region east of the Alleghanies, based on Fry and Jefferson, and on Scull’s Map of Pennsylvania, “which was constructed chiefly on actual survey,” while that portion west of the mountains is taken from Hutchins. A fac-simile of this map is in the Notes which accompany the second volume of the Dinwiddie Papers.

There is a map of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays in Bowen’s Geography, 1747.

[648] There are two copies of this in Harvard College library. Cf. map of Maryland in London Mag., 1757.

[649] See further in Vol. III. p. 159. There is in Maxwell’s Virginia Register, vol. i. p. 12, a paper on the limits of Virginia under the charters of James I.

[650] Spotswood Letters, ii. 26.

[651] The Westover Papers also contain a journey to a tract that Byrd owned near the river Dan, which he called a “Journey to the land of Eden.” See the view of the Westover mansion in Harper’s Magazine, May, 1871 (p. 801); in Appleton’s Journal, Nov. 4, 1871, with notes by J. E. Cooke; and in Mrs. Lamb’s Homes of America, 1879, where are views of other colonial houses like Powhatan Seat, Gunston Hall, etc. Cf. references on country houses in Lodge, Short History, p. 79. There are views of Ditchley House, the home of the Lees of the Northern Neck, and of Brandon House, the seat of the Beverleys in Middlesex, in Harper’s Mag., July, 1878 (pp. 163, 166). For some traces of family estates in the eastern peninsula, see Harper’s Mag., May, 1879. It was the cradle of the Custises. There is a paper on the ancient families of Virginia and Maryland by George Fitzhugh in De Bow’s Review (1859), vol. xxvi. p. 487, etc.

[652] Cf. M. C. Tyler, Hist. Amer. Literature, ii. 270; J. Esten Cooke’s Virginia, 362. Stith speaks of Byrd’s library (3,625 vols.) as “the best and most copious collection of books in our part of America.” Byrd possessed the MS. of the Virginia Company Records, already referred to (Vol. III. p. 158). See some account of the Westover library in Maxwell’s Virginia Hist. Reg., iv. 87, and Spotswood Letters, i. p. x., where something is said of other Virginia libraries of this time. Grahame (United States, i. 148) evidently mistakes these manuscripts of Byrd’s for something which he supposed was published in the early part of that century on the history of Virginia, and which he says Oldmixon refers to.

[653] The importance of the British plantations in America to this kingdom, London, 1731, p. 75.

[654] This sketch is reproduced in Hawks’ No. Carolina, ii. 102. The journal of the commissioners is given in Martin’s No. Carolina, vol. i. App.

[655] Williamson’s North Carolina, App., for documents reprinted in Maxwell’s Virginia Reg., iv. p. 80.

[656] Grant of the Northern Neck in Virginia to Lord Culpepper by James II., in Harvard College library.

[657] Spotswood Letters, i. 152.

[658] This grant, from conflicting interests, has been the subject of much later litigation. Cf. Kercheval’s History of the Valley, 2d ed., 1850, pp. 138-152. Cf. on the boundary disputes between Pennsylvania and Virginia, Mag. of Amer. Hist., Feb., 1885, p. 154.

[659] Vol. III. 160, 161.

[660] In his introduction, p. xxxv., he discusses the successive seals of Virginia.

[661] Sparks’ Catal., p. 214.

[662] Spotswood Letters, ii. 16.

[663] Hist. Amer. Lit., ii. 260. Cf. Sprague’s Annals of the Amer. Pulpit, v. p. 7.

[664] One of the earliest accounts of the college is in the paper of 1696-98 (Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v. section xii.). Palmer (Calendar, p. 61) gives a bill for facilitating the payment of donations to the college (1698). Its charter is given in The Present State, etc., by Blair and others, was printed at Williamsburg in 1758, and is found in the History of the College of William and Mary (1660-1874), printed with the general catalogue at Richmond in 1874. An oration by E. Randolph on the founders of William and Mary College was printed at Williamsburg in 1771. Jones in 1724 gave a rather melancholy picture of the institution, then a quarter of a century old. It is, he says, “a college without a chapel, without a scholarship, and without a statute; a library without books, comparatively speaking, and a president without a fixed salary, till of late.” (Hugh Jones’s Present State, 83.) Other sketches are Historical Sketch of the College of William and Mary, Richmond, 1866 (20 pp.); History of William and Mary College from the foundation, Baltimore, 1870; and Mr. C. F. Richardson’s “Old Colonial College” in the Mag. of Amer. History, Nov., 1884. Richardson, together with Henry Alden Clark, also edited The College Book, which includes an account of the college, as of others in the United States. Doyle (English in America, 363) says, “We may well doubt if the college did much for the colony.... It is evident it was nothing better than a boarding-school, in which Blair had no small difficulty in contending against the extravagance engendered by the home training of his pupils.”

[665] The Canadian Antiquarian (iv. 76) describes an old MS. concerning the government of the English plantations in America, which is preserved in the library at Ottawa, and is supposed to have been written “by a Virginian in 1699, Mr. Blaire or B. Hamson [? Harrison], Jr.” Cf. on Blair, E. D. Neill’s Virginia Colonial Clergy. Can this be the account elsewhere referred to, and printed in the Mass. Hist. Collections, vol. v.? See Scribner’s Monthly, Nov., 1875, p. 4.

[666] See Vol. III. 164. Lodge, Short Hist. Eng. Colonies, speaks of this book as “inaccurate but not uninteresting.” Cf. Cooke’s Virginia, p. 361. Beverley’s family is traced in the Dinwiddie Papers, ii. 351.

[667] In Maxwell’s Virginia Register, iii. p. 181, etc., there is a paper, “Some observations relating to the revenue of Virginia, and particularly to the place of auditor,” written early in the 18th century; and extracts from “A general accompt of the quit-rents of Virginia, 1688-1703, by William Byrd, Rec’r Gen’ll,” etc.

[668] There is a copy in Harvard College library. Sabin (ix. 36,511) says it is not so rare as Rich represents. It was reprinted in 1865 as no. 5 of Sabin’s Reprints (New York).

[669] Hist. Amer. Lit., ii. 268. Cf. Perry’s Amer. Episc. Church, i. 307; Sprague’s Annals, v. p. 9.

[670] Lodge (Short History, etc., p. 65) refers, on the modes of cultivating tobacco, to sundry travellers’ accounts of the last century: Anburey, ii. 344; Brissot de Warville, 375; Weld, 116; Rochefoucauld, 80; Smyth, i. 59.

Cf. The present state of the tobacco plantations in America (about 1709), folio leaf (Sabin, xv. 65,332).

[671] See Vol. III. p. 165. A paper by Sir William Keith on “The Present State of the Colonies in America with respect of Great Britain” is in Wynne’s ed. of the Byrd MSS., ii. 214, with (p. 228) Gov. Gooch’s “Researches” on the same. Walsh in his Appeal (part i. sect. 5) shows the benefits reaped by Great Britain from the American trade, making use of an essay on the subject by Sir William Keith (1728) which will be found in Burk’s Virginia (vol. ii. ch. 2).

[672] See Vol. III. p. 165; Cooke’s Virginia, 361.

[673] The four volumes, 1804-16, which make up a complete set of Burk are now rather costly. Stevens, Bibl. Amer., 1885, no. 59, prices them at £18 18s. See Vol. III. p. 165.

[674] United States, orig. ed., ii. 248; iii. 25; and later eds.

[675] Short Hist., 23, etc.

[676] Vol. III. p. 166.

[677] It forms one of the American Commonwealths, edited by H. E. Scudder.

[678] Cf. Wm. Green’s “Genesis of Counties” in Philip Slaughter’s Memoir of Hon. Wm. Green; and Edward Channing’s Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North America, being no. x. of the 2d series of the same Johns Hopkins University Studies. Cf. also Henry O. Taylor’s “Development of Constitutional Government in the American Colonies,” in the Mag. of Amer. History, Dec., 1878,—a summary contrasting Massachusetts and Virginia.

[679] Cf. article from Richmond Enquirer, Dec. 9, 1873, copied in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1874, p. 257.

[680] Cf. C. Campbell’s Genealogy of the Spotswood Family, published in 1868.

[681] Post, ch. viii.

[682] See ch. viii.

[683] Vol. III. p. 166.

[684] There is a copy of this rare discourse in Harvard College library. Perry in his Amer. Episc. Church, i. 139, gives a rude drawing of the title, as if it were a fac-simile of it. Cf. Dexter’s Bibliog. of Congregationalism, no. 2,530, and the notice of Thomas Bray, in Sprague’s Annals, v. 17. See the views of old churches in Meade, Perry, and Appleton’s Monthly, vol. vi. 701; xii. 193, etc.

[685] Ecclesiastical Contributions, vol. i.

[686] W. S. Perry’s Hist. Coll. of the American Colonial Church, and his Hist. of the Amer. Episc. Church (1885).

[687] “Early Episcopacy in Virginia,” in his introduction to White’s Memoirs of the Episc. Church, p. xxiv., etc.

[688] It is said that the collection of parish registers and vestry books which Meade gathered was finally bestowed by him upon the theological seminary near Alexandria. Spotswood Letters, i. p. 166.

[689] See Vol. III. p. 160.

[690] An episode of Mackemie’s history is recorded in a Narrative of a new and unusual American imprisonment of two Presbyterian ministers, and prosecution of Mr. Francis Mackemie, one of them, for preaching a sermon at New York, 1707, in Force’s Tracts, vol. iv. Cf. Sprague’s Annals, iii. p. 1; Richard Webster’s Hist. of the Presbyterian Church.

[691] Semple’s Hist. of the Baptists; R. B. C. Howell’s “Early Baptists of Virginia” in L. Moss’s Baptists and the National Centenary, Philadelphia, 1874 (pp. 27-48).

[692] Meade’s Old Churches, etc., i. 463; Mag. of Amer. Hist., viii. 31 (Jan., 1882), by Wm. P. Dabney.

[693] A private letter-book of Captain William Byrd, Jan. 7, 1683, to Aug. 3, 1691, is preserved by the Virginia Hist. Soc.; Maxwell’s Va. Reg., i. and ii., where some of the letters are printed. Some letters of a certain William Fitzhugh (1679-1699) are preserved in Ibid., i. 165. Two letters of Culpepper’s on Virginia matters, dated at Boston, on his way to England in 1680, are in Ibid., iii. p. 189.

[694] Virginia Hist. Soc. Coll.; The Huguenot Family, 260, 333. See Vol. III. p. 161. MS. letters of the second William Byrd and of Dr. George Gilmor are also preserved.

[695] Tyler, Hist. Amer. Lit., ii. 269.

[696] Old Churches and Families of Virginia. Philad., 1857. It takes up the older parishes in succession.

[697] A history of St. Mark’s parish, Culpepper County, Virginia; with notes of old churches and old families, and illustrations of the manners and customs of the olden time. [Baltimore, Md.?] 1877.

[698] Sketches of Virginia.

[699] His chapter on “The golden age of Virginia” in his Virginia.

[700] Vol. I. ch. 26.

[701] Chap. v., “Manners in the southern provinces.”

[702] On Virginia social classes, see Lodge, p. 67, and references.

[703] A. Burnaby, Travels through the middle settlements in North America, 1759-60, London, 1775. Extracts from Burnaby relating to Virginia are given in Maxwell’s Virginia Register, vol. v.

T. Anburey, Travels through the interior parts of America, two vols., London, 1789. He was an officer of Burgoyne’s army.

C. C. Robin, Nouveau Voyage dans l’Amérique Septentrionale en 1781. Philad., 1782. He was one of Rochambeau’s officers.

J. F. D. Smyth, Travels in the United States, London, 1784. Extracts from Smyth on Virginia are in Maxwell’s Virginia Reg., vi. p. 11, etc. John Randolph said of this book in 1822: “Though replete with falsehood and calumny, it contains the truest picture of the state of society and manners in Virginia (such as it was about half a century ago) that is extant. Traces of the same manners could be found some years subsequent to the adoption of the federal constitution, say to the end of the century. At this moment not a vestige remains.”

Brissot de Warville, Nouveau Voyage dans les États Unis, Paris, 1791.

Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, Voyage dans les États-Unis, 1795-97.

Weld, Travels through the States of North America, 1795-97, London, 1799.

In fiction reference may be made to De Foe’s Captain Jack; Paulding’s Sketches; Kennedy’s Swallow Barn; Miss Wormley’s Cousin Veronica; and Thackeray’s Virginians.

[704] All the country of which North and South Carolina form a part was known for a long time by the name of Florida, a name given by early Spanish explorers. The English, after the settlement of Virginia, called the region in that direction South Virginia. From 1629, in the reign of Charles I., the name Carolana (as in Heath’s claim), and at times Carolina, began to be used (see S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. p. 200). At length, when the new charter was obtained, the name as it now stands was definitely applied to the region granted to the Proprietors. If they had wished, they could have adopted some other name. It happened that the fort built by the French in Florida was called in Latin “arx Carolina”; a Charles fort was also built by them in what is now South Carolina,—both so named in honor of Charles IX. of France; yet they did not apply the name to the territory, which they continued to call Florida. Gov. Glen in his Description of South Carolina (1761) says: “The name Carolina, still retained by the English, is generally thought to have been derived from Charles the Ninth of France, in whose reign Admiral Coligny made some settlements on the Florida coast.”

[705] Clarendon was the companion of Charles II. in his exile, and rendered great service in his restoration. We all know the services of General Monk (preëminently the restorer of the king), afterwards created Duke of Albemarle. Sir George Carteret, governor of the Isle of Jersey, opposed Cromwell, and gave refuge to Charles, the Duke of York, the Earl of Clarendon, and others. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper (Earl of Shaftesbury) was particularly commended to the king by General Monk as one of the council, and his abilities raised him to the chancellor-ship. Sir John Colleton had impoverished himself in the royal cause; and after Cromwell’s success retired to Barbadoes, till the Restoration. Lord Berkeley had faithfully followed Charles in his exile; and his brother, Sir William, as governor of Virginia, caused that colony to adhere to the king, as their rightful sovereign. The Earl of Craven was of the Privy Council, and held a military command under the king. For authorities, see Sketch of the Hist. of S. C., p. 64.

[706] N. Carolina, Abstracts of Records, etc., p. 2. In the letter of the Proprietors, 8th September, it is said the patent was “granted in the 5th year of King Charles I.” A subsequent copy, under the Great Seal, bears date August 4, 1631.

[707] Letter of the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley, September 8, 1663.

[708] He was commissioned by the Proprietors in 1664.

[709] For the prosperous state of Barbadoes, see Martin’s Brit. Colonies, ii. pp. 324-328.

[710] Abstracts, etc., North Carolina, p. 4.

[711] January 7, 1664-5. “Minute: although the county of Clarendon, etc., be, for the present, under the government of Sir J. Yeamans, yet it is purposed that a part of it, south and west of Cape Romania, shall be a distinct government and be called Craven County.” Abstracts, Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc., i. p. 97.

Chalmers (“Annals,” in Carroll’s Hist. Coll., ii. p. 289) says Yeamans and his colonists arrived at Cape Fear “during the autumn of 1665.” Dr. Hawks gives May, 1664, on p. 83 (vol. ii.), and 1665 on pp. 181 and 453. From the Charleston Year Book, 1883, p. 359, it appears Yeamans had ample powers in 1665 to explore the coast south and west of Cape Roman. He did sail from Barbadoes for that purpose, in October, and did go at that time to Cape Fear, of which he was governor by appointment nine months before. He may have been at Barbadoes merely for the purpose of making ready for that exploration. We have no reason to doubt the settling at Cape Fear in May, 1664, whether Yeamans was or was not, at that time, the leader of the colonists. In Sandford’s Relation (1666) the expression “the great and growing necessityes of the English colony in Charles river,” when Yeamans arrived (November, 1665), seems to refer to colonists already there. It was for the interests of the Proprietors to secure—as they did in 1665—the services of such a man not only for Clarendon, but as their “lieutenant-general” for further services southward in their policy above indicated. The difficulty appears to be that Sir John had a policy of his own,—to grow rich; and that his real home was all the while in Barbadoes. He did not sacrifice himself for the emolument of their lordships either at Cape Fear or at Ashley River, as will be apparent in our subsequent narrative.

[712] Sandford’s Relation, and information from papers in London now being received by the authorities in North Carolina.

[713] See Abstracts, etc., relating to Colonial Hist. of N. C., p. 3; also for this letter, Hawks, ii. p. 23; and for a copy of the declaration, etc., of 25th August, Rivers’ Sketch of the Hist. of So. Carolina, p. 335.

[714] See Chalmers’ “Annals” in Carroll’s Collections, ii. p. 288, with respect to charges against Clarendon.

[715] Under their charter they could grant titles of honor, provided they were not like those of England. A provincial nobility was accordingly created under the titles of Landgraves and Cassiques. The province was divided into counties; each county into eight signories, eight baronies, and four precincts, and each precinct into six colonies for the common people. Each of the other divisions (that is, excluding the precincts) was to contain 12,000 acres; the signories for the Proprietors, the baronies for the provincial nobility, to be perpetually annexed to the hereditary title. These nobles were, in the first instance, to be appointed by their lordships. In their subsequent endeavors to establish this scheme of government quite a large number of provincial nobles were created: the philosopher Locke, James Carteret, Sir John Yeamans to begin with, and many others, from time to time, till the title of Landgrave—and there were Cassiques also—must have appeared to the recipient as ridiculous as it was to Albemarle to be first Palatine, Craven first High Constable, Berkeley first Chancellor, Ashley Chief Justice, Carteret Admiral, and Colleton High Steward, of Carolina.

[716] This, it is true, was not contrary to the charter, but there is no doubt that the majority of the early settlers were dissenters, and the establishment of this Church, to be supported by taxation, occasioned much dissatisfaction and active opposition.

[717] A Brief Description, etc.; also Hawks, ii. p. 149.

[718] Instructions for Gov. Sayle, July 27, 1669.

[719] They said, “Sir John intended to make this a Cape Feare Settlement.” Charleston Year Book, p. 376.

[720] Letter of the people in South Carolina to Sothel, 1691; Sketch of Hist. of S. C., p. 429. See also memorial from members of the assembly in Clarendon County, probably in 1666, asking for better terms of land than in the agreement with Yeamans; otherwise the county may be abandoned. See Abstracts, etc., p. 6 (N. Carolina).

[721] Towards 1700, “about half of the Albemarle settlement was composed of Quakers.” (Hawks, ii. p. 89.) They had been, at an earlier day, driven from Massachusetts and Virginia. (Ib. p. 362.) They did not, however, at any time amount to 2,000, and constituted a small minority of the whole population in the colony (p. 369).

[722] It is said by historians that a sort of constitution had been given the colony at Albemarle, in 1667, when Stephens became governor. It is explained by Chalmers (“Political Annals,” p. 524, as cited by Dr. Hawks, ii. p. 147), and said not to be now extant, and that the provisions were simple and satisfactory to the colony. The Hon. W. L. Saunders, the present Secretary of State of North Carolina, has discussed this subject, and shows from the Shaftesbury Papers, which were unknown to Chalmers, that what has been considered a constitution was merely the “Concessions of January 7th, 1665,” a transcript of which had been sent to Governor Stephens. See pamphlet, 1885, p. 31, et seq.

[723] The revenue, collected by Miller in six months after he arrived, was about 5,000 dollars and 33 hogsheads of tobacco. Hawks’ North Carolina, ii. p. 471

[724] Bancroft, ii. pp. 161, 162, ed. 1856, views the Culpepper rebellion as an outgrowth of the spirit of freedom, not mere lawlessness. See documents in Hawks’ North Carolina, ii. pp. 374-377; also the “Answer of the Lords Proprietors,” p. 38 of North Carolina under the Proprietary Government, pamphlet, 1884. Compare this self-excusatory answer with the manly “remonstrance of the inhabitants of Pasquotank,” who wanted, first of all, “a free Parliament.” This manifesto has been ridiculed by Chalmers and Hawks; Wheeler appears to have the right conception of it.

[725] The histories of North Carolina—through lack of records—are deficient in explaining the political aims of the people. The lack of records of the popular assembly will be noticed hereafter.

[726] His commission as deputy governor was to come from the Executive in South Carolina. The governor there—Tynte—was dead, and Hyde’s formal commission delayed. In December, 1710, it was proposed among the Proprietors to appoint a separate governor for North Carolina. Hyde received the appointment, and was sworn in—the first “Governor of North Carolina”—in 1712. Abstracts, etc., N. C., p. 23. The population of the colony was at this time about 7,000, white and black.

[727] We can, to some extent, understand the aim, at this time, of the popular party, from letters of Gov. Spotswood (July 28th and 30th). The people demanded the repeal of certain laws. One of these was probably that which excluded Quakers from all offices for which oaths were a prerequisite, as no reservation was made for conscientious scruples; and another, that which imposed a fine of £5 on any one promoting his own election or not qualifying as prescribed. Perhaps the disaffection was more deeply seated. In 1717 the Rev. John Urmstone said the people acknowledged no power not derived from themselves. This opinion, at any rate, appears to be consistent with the tenor of events. See Hawks, ii. pp. 423, 426, 509, and 512; and N. Carolina under the Proprietary Government, p. 36 (pamphlet), 1884.

[728] Coll. of S. C. Hist. Soc., i. p. 176. This letter may be sarcastic, if the “great dislike” of rebellion applies to the people, but we are sure it is untrue in saying that the almost unanimous action of South Carolina was the action of “several of the inhabitants.” It is likely, also, to be untrue in intimating that the assembly joined in such an address. Hawks, ii. p. 561. See Yonge’s account of the way in which the affairs of the Proprietors were often transacted by their secretary. Some Proprietors lived away from London; others were minors and represented by proxy.

[729] Legislative document no. 21, 1883, informs us that among the historical material especially needed are “the Journals of the Lower House of the legislature prior to 1754.”

[730] About 1743, John Lord Carteret (Earl of Granville) was allotted his eighth part of the land, all other rights being conveyed to the Crown. This strip of land was just below the Virginia line, and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From notices in Hewat’s “South Carolina” in Carroll’s Collections, p. 360, and S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 284.

[731] Martin’s North Carolina, ii. p. 10.

[732] Wheeler’s Sketches, North Carolina, i. pp. 42, 43.

[733] Hildreth, ii. p. 340. Wheeler, i. p. 43.

[734] It is probable there were in North and South Carolina many “private tutors” for families or neighborhoods, though few “public schools” supported by taxation.

[735] Martin, ii. p. 48.

[736] At the close of the proprietary government the population numbered 10,000; it numbered in 1750 about 50,000. Its exports were 61,528 barrels of tar, 12,055 barrels of pitch, 10,429 barrels of turpentine, 762,000 staves, 61,580 bushels of corn, 100,000 hogsheads of tobacco, 10,000 bushels of peas, 3,300 barrels of pork and beef, 30,000 pounds of deer-skins, besides wheat, rice, bread, potatoes, bees-wax, tallow, bacon, lard, lumber, indigo, and tanned leather. Cf. Martin and Wheeler. The former says 100 hogsheads of tobacco; but he had given 800 hogsheads as the crop about 1677, when the whole population amounted to only 1,400; the latter is authority for changing this item to 100,000 hogsheads.

[737] North Carolina; its Settlement and Growth, by Hon. W. L. Saunders (1884). See also Foote’s Sketches of North Carolina. From these settlers came the celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.

[738] Wheeler, i. p. 46. There is a good mezzotint portrait of Dobbs, of which an excellent reproduction is given in Smith’s British Mezzotint Portraits.

[739] The following estimates of population in North Carolina are from the Secretary of State, 1885: 1663, 300 families, Oldmixon. 1675, 4,000 population, Chalmers. 1677, 1,400 tithables, Chalmers. 1688, 4,000 population, Hildreth. 1694, 787 tithables, General Court Records (Albemarle). 1700, not 5,000 population, Martin. 1711, not 7,000 population, Hawks; not 2,000 “Fensibles,” Williamson. 1714, 7,500 population, Hawks. 1715, 11,200 population, Chalmers. 1716, not 2,000 taxables, Martin. 1717, 2,000 taxables, Pollock. 1720, 1,600 taxables, Memorial of S. C. Assembly. 1729, 10,000 population, Martin, Wiley; 13,000 population, Martin. 1735, about 50,000 population, McCulloch. 1752, over 45,000 population, Martin. 1760, about 105,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1764, about 135,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1776, 150,000 population, Martin; not less than 210,000 population, Gov. Swain. 1790, 393,751 population, U. S. Census.

[740] The city council of Charleston (S. C.) have obtained copies of some of the Shaftesbury Papers recently given by the family to the State Paper Office in London. Among them is a MS. of 36 pp., being “A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, formerly called Florida, in the Continent of Northern America, from Charles River, neare Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the lat. of 34 deg: to Port Royall in North Lat. of 32 deg: begun 14th June, 1666—performed by Robert Sandford, Esq., Secretary & Chief Register for the Right Hon’ble the Lords Proprietors of their County of Clarendon, in the Province aforesaid.” For a copy of this narrative we are indebted to the Hon. W. A. Courtenay, mayor of Charleston. From the new facts brought to light in these Shaftesbury Papers we must alter, in some particulars, the extant history of the first English settlement in South Carolina.

[741] In the Sketch of the History of South Carolina published in 1856 is a copy of Sayle’s commission, obtained from London, and it bears date 26th July, 1669. At the same time West’s commission, dated 27th July, confers such power upon him as “Governor and Commander-in-Chief,” till the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes, that we cannot suppose Sayle was on board at that time. The difficulty is removed in the Shaftesbury MSS., and by the filling up of the commission with the name of Sayle at Bermuda.

[742] See Winthrop’s Hist. of New England, ii. p. 335.

[743] I make the date of their arrival 17th March. See Sketch of the Hist. of So. Carolina, p. 94.

[744] Of the first site of Charlestown on the west side of the Ashley River there is said to be no trace left, or was not fifty years ago, except a depression, which may have been a ditch, then traceable across the plantation of Jonathan Lucas, as Carroll says (i. p. 49).

[745] The duke was dead when the colony was founded, and the new duke, Christopher, was represented by proxy at the meeting of the Proprietors, January 20, 1670. Lord Berkeley was then Palatine by seniority.

[746] From the Shaftesbury Papers. We should not fail to notice here that the aged governor had written, on 25th June, to Earl Shaftesbury for the procurement of Rev. S. Bond, of Bermuda (who had been ordained by Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter), to settle in the colony; and that their lordships authorized an offer to Mr. Bond of five hundred acres of land and £40 per annum. It is not known that he came.

[747] [See Vol. II. ch. 4.—Ed.] The writer of this narrative has examined Albemarle Point, the spot selected by the English for their settlement: a high bluff, facing the east and the entrance of the bay, and running out between a creek and an impassable marsh, and easily defended by cutting a deep trench across the tongue of land. Precisely the same defensible advantages, with the additional one of a far better harbor, lay opposite at a tongue of land called Oyster Point, between the Ashley and Cooper rivers.

[748] The earliest notice we have of the population is from the Shaftesbury Papers, under date 20 January, 1672 [N. S.]: “By our records it appears that 337 men and women, 62 children or persons under 16 years of age, is the full number of persons who have arrived in this country in and since the first fleet out of England to this day.” Deducting for deaths and absences at the above date, there remained of the men 263 able to bear arms. Though the colony increased in wealth and importance, there was for many years but a slow increase in the number of white inhabitants.

[749] How pompous is article 7: “Any Landgrave or Cassique, when it is his right to choose, shall take any of the Barronies appropriated to the Nobility, which is not already planted on by some other Nobleman.” These provincial nobles, made so, in the first instance, by appointment of the Proprietors, were to be legislators by right. Yet in this same year (1672), their lordships issued an offer to settlers from Ireland and promised that whoever carried or caused to go to Carolina 600 men should be a Landgrave with four baronies; and if 900 he should be Landgrave and also nominate a Cassique; and if 1,200, should also nominate two Cassiques. This was scattering at random the hereditary right of legislating over the freemen of the colony.

[750] See letter of the Proprietors, May 8, 1674, in Sketch, etc., p. 332.

[751] In the Reports of the Historical Committee of the Charleston Library Society, prepared by Benj. Elliott, Esq., and published 1835, this MS. is spoken of as a present from Robert Gilmor, Esq., of Baltimore, but is not accurately described in the report of the committee. My copy of it is dated 21st July, and is not divided into numbered sections.

[752] A third set was sent out (dated January 12, 1682), and to please the Scots who were willing to emigrate, further alterations were made, and a fourth set (dated August 17, 1682, and containing 126 articles) was despatched to Governor Morton. Last of all, a fifth set (dated April 11, 1698, and containing only 41 articles), was sent out by the hands of Major Daniel, and with it, as an inducement for a favorable reception, six blank patents for landgraves and eight for cassiques. When the third set was sent, the sentiments of the people with regard to the whole subject may be fairly represented as in the letter to Sothel in 1691,—that, inasmuch as their lordships, under their hands and seals, had ordered that no person should be a member of the council nor of parliament, nor choose lands due to him, unless he subscribed his submission to this last set of the Constitutions; “the people remembering their oaths to the first, and deeming these not to be agreeable to the royal charters, which direct the assent and approbation of the people to all laws and constitutions, did deny to receive the said Fundamental Constitutions.” Governor Morton, in 1685, actually turned out of parliament the majority of the representatives for refusing to sign the third set, though they had sworn to the first set. In consequence, the laws that year enacted were enacted by only seven representatives and by eight of the deputies of the Proprietors.

[753] A fac-simile of Smith’s commission is given in Harper’s Monthly, Dec., 1875.

[754] MS. Journal of the Commons, May 15, 1694.

[755] As inferred from the Statutes (ii. p. 101, sec. 16).

[756] Archdale in Carroll’s Hist. Collections, ii. p. 109.

[757] At this time, one passed, in riding up the road, the plantations of Matthews, Green, Starkey, Gray, Grimball, Dickeson, and Izard, on the Cooper River; and further up, those of Sir John Yeamans, Landgrave Bellinger, Colonel Gibbes, Mr. Schenking, Colonel Moore, Colonel Quarry, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson. On the left, Landgrave West, Colonel Godfrey, Dr. Trevillian, and Mr. Colleton, had plantations. Westward from Charlestown lived Col. Paul Grimball, Landgrave Morton, Blake (a Proprietor), and Landgrave Axtel; while many residences in the town, as those of Landgrave Smith and Colonel Rhett, were said to be “very handsome buildings,” with fifteen or more “which deserve to be taken notice of.” From these residences could be seen entering the harbor vessels from Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Isles, from Virginia and other colonies, and the always welcome ships from England. An active and lucrative commerce employed many ships to various ports in North America, and also twenty-two ships between Charles Town and England; about twelve were owned by the colonists; half of these had been built by themselves. The inhabitants (1708) numbered nearly 10,000; the whites and negroes being about equal, with 1,400 Indian slaves. (Letter of Governor and Council, Sept. 17, 1708, in S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 217.) For a few years the whites had decreased in number on account of epidemics and disaffection with regard to the tenure of lands (the nature of this disaffection may be noticed in what is recorded in the preceding narrative sketch of North Carolina); while negroes were regularly imported by the English traders and by Northern ships, as the plantation work extended, particularly the culture of rice, which had become the most valuable export. A little later (1710) the whites were computed at .12 of the whole inhabitants, negro slaves .22, and Indian subjects .66. Of the whites, the planters were .70, merchants about .13, and artisans .17. With respect to religion, the Episcopalians were then computed to be .42, the Presbyterians, with the French Huguenots, .45, Anabaptists .10, and the Quakers .03. (Inserted in Governor Glen’s Description of South Carolina.)

[758] MS. Journals of the House.

[759] Rev. Mr. Marston says, “Many of the members of the Commons House that passed this disqualifying law are constant absentees from the Church, and eleven of them were never known to receive the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper,” though for five years past he had administered it in his church at least six times a year. (“Case of Dissenters;” and Archdale.) The same assembly had passed an act against blasphemy and profaneness, “which they always made a great noise about,” wrote Landgrave Smith, “although they are some of the most profanest in the country themselves.” See Sketch of the Hist. of S. C., p. 220.

[760] Yonge’s Narrative.

[761] The folly, or grasping cupidity, of the Proprietors plainly appears in their action respecting these lands (S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. p. 192), 21 Nov., 1718: “Lots drawn this day for the 119,000 acres of land in South Carolina; that 48,000 acres should be taken up in South Carolina by each Proprietor for the use of himself and heirs, 24,000 of which may be of the Yemassee land if thought fit, ... at a pepper corn rent, etc.”

[762] We should add along with this avowal of loyalty, which was no doubt sincere, the prophetic language of Colonel Rhett, in December, 1719, as mentioned in Chalmers, ii. p. 93: If this “revolt is not cropt in the bud, they will set up for themselves against his majesty.” And in the same strain we understand the extract of a letter (Nov. 14, 1719, in S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 237), concluding, “I must tell you, sir, if the much greater part of the most substantial people had their choice, they would not choose King George’s government.”

[763] In S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 119, is an abstract (from state papers, London) of a “draft” for new instructions, that the governor should approve or disapprove of the speaker and clerk, and refuse assent to any law appointing civil officers; and that money bills should be framed by a committee of the council joined with a committee of the “Lower House of Assembly,” as they should in future be called. We are not aware that such instructions were ever sent. Johnson allowed them to appoint their clerk (1731), they pleading custom, and giving instances of the same in other colonies.

[764] Details are given by Hewatt in Carroll’s Hist. Coll., ii. pp. 331 et seq.

[765] Samuel Horsey was made governor in July, 1738, but died before he left England. Glen was appointed in his place in October, 1738. We may state here that the elder William Rhett died 1723, the second James Moore 1724, President Middleton 1737, Nicholas Trott 1740, Alexander Skene 1741. Lieutenant-Governor Bull was father of the later lieutenant-governor of the same name (Ramsay, preface).

[766] We quote from the abstract of his communication in the record office in London. S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 303.

[767] Estimates of Population in South Carolina. 1672. Joseph Dalton, secretary to Lord Ashley. Whites, 391: men 263, women 69, children under 16 years 59. 1680. T. A. in Carroll’s Coll., 2d, p. 82, about 1,200. 1682. Same, about 2,500. 1699. E. Randolph to Lords of Trade (Sketch of Hist. S. C., p. 443) gives white militia not above 1,500 and four negroes to one white; and 1,100 families, English and French. 1700. Hewatt, Carroll’s Coll., 1st, p. 132, computes whites from 5,000 to 6,000. 1701. Humphreys’ Hist. Account, etc., p. 25, computes whites above 7,000. 1703. By estimate for five years, allowable from statements of the governor and council (Sketch, Hist. S. C., p. 232), we may put the population in 1703 at 8,160. 1708. Governor Johnson and council compute 9,580: freemen 1,360, freewomen 900, white servant men 60, white servant women 60, white free children 1,700, in all 4,080; negro men slaves 1,800, negro women slaves, 1,100, negro children slaves 1,200, in all 4,100; Indian men slaves 500, Indian women slaves 600, Indian children slaves 300, in all 1,400. 1708. Oldmixon, Carroll’s Coll., ii. p. 460, computes total 12,000. 1720. Governor Johnson, whites 6,400; at same date the Revolutionary governor and council report whites 9,000; militiamen not over 2,000. From a sworn statement the taxpayers of the eleven parishes were 1,305, and their slaves 11,828 (see A Chapter in Hist.S. C., p. 56). Chalmers multiplies 1,305 by four, and makes total white and black 17,048; but 9,000 whites and 11,828 blacks give 20,828. 1724. Hewatt, p. 266, computes whites 14,000. In Glen’s Description, etc., in Carroll’s Coll., ii. p. 261, the same number is given; also slaves, mostly negroes, 32,000; total 46,000. 1743. Chalmers’ papers in possession of Mr. George Bancroft, letter of McCulloch, comptroller, computes negroes at 40,000. 1751. Same authority; letter from Glen; also Carroll’s Coll., ii. p. 218; whites 25,000, negro taxables 39,000; say total 64,000. 1756. Same authority; Governor Lyttleton says the militia amounted to 5,500 men. Computing negro increase at 1,000 per annum, we estimate a total of 72,500. 1763. In a Short Description, etc., Carroll’s Coll., ii. p. 478. Whites between 30,000 and 40,000, negroes about 70,000; say total 105,000. 1765. Hewatt, p. 503. Militia between 7,000 and 8,000, from which he computes the whites near 40,000, negroes “not less than” 80,000 or 90,000; say total 123,000. 1770. Chalmers’ MSS.; Lieutenant-Governor Bull gives negroes returned in last tax 75,178; militiamen 10,000; say 125,178. 1770. Wells’ Register says negroes 81,728, and free blacks 159. 1773. Wells’ Register and Almanac for 1774. Whites 65,000, negroes 110,000 (militiamen 13,000); total 175,000. Chalmers’ MSS.; Dr. George Milligan gives for 1775, whites 70,000, negroes 104,000, militiamen 14,000, which makes 174,000. 1790. U. S. Census. Whites 140,178, free blacks 1,801, slaves 107,094; total 249,073.

[768] There is an account of Coxe, by G. D. Scull, in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., vii. 317.

[769] Cf. E. D. Neill’s “Virginia Carolorum” in Penna. Mag. of Hist., Oct., 1885, p. 316.

[770] W. Noel Sainsbury (Antiquary, London, March, 1881, p. 100) refers to documents in the colonial series of State Papers in the Public Record office, showing that a company of French Protestants had been inveigled into a voyage to undertake a settlement under the Heath patent, and reached Virginia; but as transportation was not provided they never went further.

[771] Vol. III. p. 125. The map of Florida in the 1618 edition of Lescarbot, in which the Rivière de May is made to flow from a “Grand Lac” in the interior, is said to have afforded in part the groundwork of De Laet’s map. Cf. also the map of Virginia and Florida (1635) in Mercator’s Atlas; the map “Partie meridionale de la Virginie et de la Floride,” published by Vander Aa. Johannis van Keulen’s Paskart van de Kust van Carolina, in his Atlas, is very rude.

[772] Sabin, iii. no. 10,969. The seal of the Proprietors is shown in Lawson’s map, and is reproduced in Dr. Eggleston’s papers in the Century Magazine, vol. xxviii. p. 848, and in The Charleston Year Book, 1883.

[773] Sabin, iii. no. 10,980; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,526, iii. no. 75; Murphy, no. 481; Harvard College library, nos. 6374.26 and 12352.2. Carroll, in printing the second charter granted by Charles II. (Hist. Coll., ii. 37), speaks of the original as being in the possession of Harvard University; but he must refer to the early printed copy, not the parchment. Both charters may be found in the Revised Statutes of North Carolina, 1837, and in the Statutes at Large of South Carolina, 1836. Hawks (vol. ii. p. 107) gives a synopsis of the two in parallel columns; and they are given in French and English in Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi, etc., vol. iv. (Paris, 1757) p. 554; and on p. 586, the second charter of June 13 (24), 1665. The second is also given in Dr. Wynne’s edition of the Byrd MSS., i. p. 197.

[774] Sabin, iii. no. 10,970; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,016.

[775] The original Fundamental Constitutions (81 articles) were signed July 21, 1669; a second form (120 articles), Mar. 1, 1669-70; a third (120 articles), Jan. 12, 1681-2; a fourth (121 articles), Aug. 17, 1682; a fifth and last (41 articles), Apr. 11, 1698.

[776] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 271; Sabin, x. no. 41,726. There was a second edition in 1739. The Fundamental Constitutions will also be found in Carroll’s Hist. Coll., ii. 361; in Martin’s North Carolina, App. i.; in Hewatt’s South Carolina and Georgia, i. 321, etc.

The most familiar portrait of Locke is Kneller’s, which has been often engraved. It was painted in 1697, and the several engravings by Vertue (1713, etc.) appeared in the Works of Locke, published in folio in London, in 1722 and 1727, and elsewhere, sometimes with different framework, and of reduced size, in the Familiar Letters of 1742 (fourth edition). The same likeness is the one given in editions of Lodge’s Portraits. There is also a folio mezzotint by John Smith (J. C. Smith, Brit. Mezzotint Portraits, iii. 1190). A different head is that engraved by James Basire in the London editions of the Works, 1801 and 1812.

[777] Mr. Henry F. Waters sent the photograph from London, but the map had already been noticed inquiringly by Dr. De Costa in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., Jan., 1877 (vol. i. p. 55).

[778] Brinley Catalogue, ii. no. 3,869; Harvard College library, no. 12355.7. It is reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. iv., and in the Charleston Year Book for 1884.

[779] North Carolina, ii. p. 78.

[780] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 972; Griswold, no. 982; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 593; Brinley, ii. no. 3,842; Sabin, iii. no. 10,961; Rich (1832), no. 338, £1 16s.; Menzies, no. 334. Quaritch priced it in 1885 (no. 29,505) at £12 12s., and it has since been placed at £18 18s. The map referred to is reproduced by Dr. Hawks in his North Carolina (i. p. 37) with a reprint of the tract itself; but a better reproduction is in Gay’s Popular Hist. of the United States (ii. 285). Carroll also reprints the text in his Historical Collections (ii. p. 9), but he omits the map as “very incorrect,” not appreciating the fact that the incorrectness of early maps is an index of contemporary ideas, with which the historian finds it indispensable to deal.

[781] Lederer’s tract is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College library. It was priced $200 in Bouton’s catalogue in 1876, and brought $305 at the Griswold sale the same year. The Sparks copy (at Cornell) lacks the map; but the Murphy (no. 1,456) copy had it. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 358; Brinley, ii. no. 3,875; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 625. A copy was sold in London in Dec., 1884.

[782] See fac-simile of this map in Vol. III. p. 465.

[783] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,633; Barlow’s Rough List, nos. 668-70; Brinley, ii. no. 3,840; Harvard Coll. Library Catalogue, nos. 12352.4 and 6; Menzies, no. 83. It is reprinted in Carroll’s Hist. Coll., ii. 59.

[784] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,261; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 675-76; Harvard Col. Lib. Catalogue, no. 12352.4. It is reprinted in Carroll’s Hist. Coll., ii. 19. The book should be accompanied by a map called “A new description of Carolina by order of the Lords Proprietors,” which shows the coast from the Chesapeake to St. Augustine. The book throws no light on the sources of the map; but Kohl, who has a sketch of the map in his Washington collection (no. 211), thinks White’s map served for the North Carolina coast, and Wm. Sayle’s surveys for the more southerly parts. Kohl says that the boundary line here given between Virginia and Carolina is laid down for the first time on a map. The river May flows from a large “Ashley lake.”

A printed map, very nearly resembling this of Wilson, is signed, “Made by William Hack at the signe of Great Britaine and Ireland, near New Stairs in Wapping. Anno Domini, 1684.” There is a sketch of it in Kohl’s Washington collection (no. 213).

[785] Sabin, v. no. 17,334.

[786] Sabin, iii. no. 10,963.

[787] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,333; and for editions of 1678 and 1697, nos. 1,177 and 1,508.

[788] Extracts touching Carolina are given in Carroll’s Collections, ii. 537, etc. The details are scant in the sketch of the history of the colonial church, which B. F. De Costa added to the edition of Bishop White’s Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church, New York, 1880; but more considerable in “The State of the Church in America, at the beginning of the eighteenth century and the foundation of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,”—being ch. xi. of Perry’s Amer. Episcopal Church.

[789] Sabin, no. 18,298. “Dalcho is very useful for the early history of South Carolina, and is more scrupulous than Ramsay.” (Bancroft, orig. ed., ii. 167.) The movement in South Carolina is necessarily treated more scantily in Hawkins’ Missions of the Church of England; Wilberforce’s Hist. of the Prot. Episc. Church in America; Bishop White’s Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church in the United States; and Dr. W. B. Sprague’s American Pulpit, vol. v. The publications directly bearing at the time on this controversy are:—

An act for the more effectual preservation of the government of the Province of Carolina, by requiring all persons that shall be hereafter chosen members of the Commons House of Assembly to take oaths ... and to conform to the Religious Worship according to the Church of England. Ratified 6th of May, 1704. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,956.)

Another act for the establishment of religious worship in the Province of Carolina according to the Church of England. Ratified Nov. 4, 1704. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,958.)

The case of the Church of England in Carolina ... with resolves of the House of Lords. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,967.)

The copy of an act pass’d in Carolina and sent over to be confirmed by the Lord Granville, Palatine, etc. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,968.)

The representation and address of several members of this present assemble, returned for Colleton County ... to the Right honourable John Grenville, Esq., etc. 26 June, 1705. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,978.)

The humble address of ... Parliament presented to her majesty, 13 March, 1705, relating to Carolina, and the petition therein mentioned, with her majesty’s most gracious answer thereunto. London, 1705. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,972.)

Party-Tyranny, or an occasional bill in miniature as now practised in Carolina. Humbly offered to the consideration of Parliament. London, 1705 (30 pp.). (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 64; Sabin, v. no. 19,288; Harvard College Lib. Catalogue, no. 12352.17; Brinley, ii. no. 3,882. It is ascribed to Daniel De Foe, and the exclusive act of 1704 is severely denounced in it. Stevens, Bibl. Amer., 1885, no. 72, prices it at £6 6s., and gives a second title-edition of the same year, no. 74, £5 5s.)

The case of the protestant dissenters in Carolina, shewing how a law to prevent occasional conformity there, has ended in the total subversion of the Constitution in Church and State. London, 1706. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 76; Sabin, iii. no. 10,966. The copy of this tract in Harvard College Library has an appendix of documents paged separately. It is also sometimes attributed to De Foe.)

Rivers (Sketches, etc., p. 220) thinks it is an error to represent the body of the Dissenters as favoring the Fundamental Constitutions. Dalcho’s Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina (p. 58, etc.) examines the legislation on this movement to an enforced religion.

[790] In the spring before this attack a New England man, Rev. Joseph Lord, then ministering not far from Charlestown, was congratulating himself by letter to Samuel Sewall, of Boston (writing from Dorchester, in South Carolina, March 25, 1706), on “freedom from annoyance by y^e Spaniards, especially considering all, so soon after the proclamation of war, began with them.” He then goes on to inform his correspondent that he believed some of the neighboring tribes to be wandering remnants of the Narragansetts and Pequods. N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., xiii. p. 299.

[791] It was reprinted at Charleston in 1822, and is included in Carroll’s Hist. Collections (ii. 85). Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 3,839; Harvard Coll. Lib’y Cat., no. 13352.6; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 779; Stevens, Bib. Am., 1885, no. 18, £5 5s. Doyle (The English in America, p. 437) fitly calls it “confused and rambling.” The same judgment was earlier expressed by Rivers; but Grahame (ii. p. 140), touching it more generously on its human side, calls it replete with good sense, benevolence, and piety.

[792] Pages 207, 231.

[793] A German version of the first edition was printed at Hamburg in 1715 as Das Gros-Britannische Scepter in der Neuen Welt; and Theodor Arnold published in 1744 a translation of the second edition, called Das Britische Reich in America, reproducing Moll’s map, but giving the names in German. Carroll’s Hist. Collections (ii. 391) gives the essential extracts from Oldmixon.

[794] It was reprinted at Raleigh in 1860. A work called The Natural History of North Carolina by John Brickell, M. D., Dublin, 1737, is Lawson’s book, with some transpositions, changes, and omissions. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 560; Brinley, ii. no. 3,843.) This last book is sufficiently changed not to be considered a mere careless reprint of Lawson, as J. A. Allen points out in his Bibliog. of Cetacea and Sirenia, no. 208. Brickell was a physician settled in North Carolina. A German translation of Lawson by M. Vischer, Allerneuste Beschreibung der Provinz Carolina in West Indien, was printed at Hamburg in 1712; and again in 1722. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,957; v. no. 39,451, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 119, 125, 158, 169, 233; Cooke, no. 1,409; Murphy, nos. 1,448-49; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 787; O’Callaghan, no. 1,349; J. A. Allen’s Bibliography of Cetacea, etc., nos. 165, 167, 170, 174; Field, Indian Bibliog., nos. 896-899; Brinley, ii. no. 3,873.) Quaritch (1885) priced the original 1709 edition at £5, and I find it also quoted at £6 6s. The German version repeats Lawson’s map, and also has one called “Louisiana am Fluss Mississippi.”

[795] Indian Bibliog., p. 228.

[796] Hist. of Amer. Literature, ii. p. 282.

[797] Lawson’s book was accompanied by a map, and a part of it, giving the North Carolina coast, is reproduced by Dr. Hawks (ii. 103). Mr. Deane’s copy has the map. Prof. F. M. Hubbard, writing in 1860 in the North American Review, said, “We know after much inquiry of the existence of only four copies in this country. About 1820, a copy then thought to be unique was offered for sale at auction in North Carolina and brought nearly sixty dollars.” The book now is less rare than this writer supposed.

[798] Auszfuhrlich und umstandlicher Bericht von der berühmten Landschaft Carolina, in dem Engelländischen America gelegen. An Tag gegeben von Kocherthalern. Dritter Druck, mit einem Anhang, ... nebst einer Land-Charte. Frankfort a. M. 1709. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,959; Stevens, Bib. Amer., 1885, no. 75, £5 5s.) Das verlangte, nicht erlangte Canaan, oder ausführliche Beschreibung der unglücklichen Reise derer jüngsthin aus Teutschland nach Carolina und Pensylvania wallenden Pilgrim, absonderlich dem Kochenthalerischen Bericht entgegen gesetzt. Frankfort, 1711. This is a rare tract about the emigration from the Pfälz. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,960; Harrassowitz, Americana (81), no. 114 at 50 marks; Harvard Coll. Lib’y Catalogue, no. 12352.10; Stevens, Bib. Amer., 1885, no. 77, £4 14s. 6d.) A Letter from South Carolina giving an account of the soil, etc.... Written by a Swiss gentleman to his friend at Bern. London, 1710. There were other editions in 1718, 1732. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 143, 239, 493; Harvard College Lib’y Catalogue, nos. 12354.4 and 5.)

Bernheim’s German Settlements, later to be mentioned, is the best modern summary of these Swiss and German immigrations.

[799] The map on the next page is sketched from a draft in the Kohl collection (219) of a map preserved in the British State Paper Office, bearing no date, but having the following legends in explanation of the lines of march:—

“1. — — — — The way Coll. Barnwell marched from Charlestown, 1711, with the forces sent from S. Carol. to the relief of N. Carolina.

“2. — · — · The way Coll. J. Moore marched in the 1712 with the forces sent for the relief of North Carolina.

“3. — ·· — ·· The way Corol. Maurice Moore marched in the year 1713 with recruits from South Carolina.

“4. ···· The way Corol. Maurice Moore went in the year 1715, with the forces sent from North Carolina to the assistance of S. Carolina. His march was further continued from Fort Moore up Savano river, near a N. W. course, 150 miles to the Charokee indians, who live among the mountains.”

[800] Cf. vol. i. 44-46, 100, 102, 105-7, 115, 118, 121, 160. See post ch. viii. and ante ch. iv. of the present volume.

[801] Cf. An abridgment of the laws in force and use in her majesty’s plantations, London, 1702. (Harvard College lib’y, 6374.20.) Chief Justice Trott—“a great man in his day,” says De Bow,—published a folio edition of South Carolina laws in 1736; and the Laws of South Carolina, published by Cooper (Columbia, S. C.), give by title only those enacted before 1685. Trott also published in London (1721) Laws of the British Plantations in America relating to the Church and the Clergy. (Harvard College lib’y, 6371.1.)

[802] H. C. Murphy, Catalogue, no. 2,344; Brinley, ii. no. 3,893. It is attributed to F. Yonge, whose View of the Trade of South Carolina, addressed to Lord Carteret, was printed about 1722 and 1723. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 321, 337.

[803] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 371.

[804] An Act for establishing an Agreement with seven of the lords proprietors of Carolina for the surrender of their title and interest in that province to his Majesty. London, 1729. Brinley, no. 3,831.

[805] Grant and Release of one eighth part of Carolina from his Majesty to Lord Cartaret [1744] with a map. Sabin, iii. no. 10,971.

[806] Brinley, ii. no. 3,883.

[807] This description is usually accompanied by what is called Proposals of Mr. Peter Purry of Neufchatel for the encouragement of Swiss Protestants settling in Carolina, 1731, and this document is also included in Carroll’s Hist. Collections (ii. 121), and will be found in Bernheim’s German Settlements, p. 90, in Col. Jones’ publication, already mentioned, and in other places. Bernheim gives a summarized history of the colony.

[808] Among the publications instigating or recording this immigration, the following are known: Der nunmehro in dem neuen Welt vergnügt und ohne Heimwehe Schweitzer, oder Beschreibung des gegenwärtigen Zustands der Königlichen Englischen Provinz Carolina. Bern, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,975; Stevens, Bib. Am., 1885, no. 76, £4 14s. 6d.) Neue Nachricht alter und neuer Merkwürdigkeiten, enthaltend ein vertrautes Gespräch und sichere Briefe von dem Landschafft Carolina und übrigen Englishchen Pflantz-Städten in Amerika. Zurich, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,974.) The Carter-Brown Catalogue (iii. no. 566) mentions a tract, evidently intended to influence immigration to Pennsylvania and the colonies farther south, which was printed in 1737 as Neu-gefundenes Eden.

[809] Martin, in his North Carolina, vol. i., has an appendix on the Moravians.

[810] Cf. Chapter on Presbyterianism in South Carolina in C. A. Briggs’ Amer. Presbyterianism, p. 127.

[811] This gentleman has contributed to the periodical press various papers on Huguenots in America. Cf. Poole’s Index, p. 612.

[812] In April, 1883, there was formed in New York a Huguenot Society of America, under the presidency of John Jay, with vice-presidents to represent each of the distinct settlements of French Protestants prior to 1787,—Staten Island, Long Island, New Rochelle, New Paltz, New Oxford, Boston, Narragansett, Maine, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina. Their first report has been printed. Monograph iv. of Bishop Perry’s American Episcopal Church is “The Huguenots in America, and their connection with the Church,” by the Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer.

[813] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,046, 1,778.

[814] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,306. There is a copy in Harvard College library [12353.2]. The Dinwiddie Papers throw some light on Glen’s career. The Second Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, p. 38, notes a collection of letters sent from South Carolina during Gov. Lyttleton’s term, 1756-1765, as being in Lord Lyttleton’s archives at Hagley, in Worcestershire.

[815] Brinley, ii. no. 3,989; Haven, “Ante-Revolutionary Bibliog.” (Thomas’ Hist. of Printing, ii. 559). Cf. Bancroft’s United States, original ed. iv. ch. 15. Cf. also John H. Logan’s History of the Upper Country of South Carolina, from the earliest periods to the close of the War of Independence, Charleston, 1859, vol. i. It largely concerns the Cherokee country.

[816] A MS. copy of De Brahm appears (no. 1,313) in a sale catalogue of Bangs, Brother & Co., New York, 1854.

[817] Cf. Emanuel Bowen, in his Complete System of Geography, ii. 1747 (London), who gives a New and accurate map of the Provinces of North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc., showing the coast from the Chesapeake to St. Augustine.

[818] See post, ch. vi.

[819] The latest writer on the theme, Doyle, in his English in America, thinks Hewatt “may probably be trusted in matters of notoriety.” Grahame (iii. 78) says: “Hewit is a most perplexing writer. A phrase of continual recurrence with him is ‘about this time,’—the meaning of which he leaves to the conjecture of readers and the laborious investigation of scholars, as he scarcely ever particularizes a date.” Again he adds (ii. p. 110): “While he abstains from the difficult task of relating the history of North Carolina, he selects the most interesting features of its annals, and transfers them to the history of the southern province. His errors, though hardly honest, were probably not the fruit of deliberate misrepresentation.” Cf. Sprague’s Annals of the Amer. Pulpit, iii. p. 251.

[820] That portion about South Carolina, ending with the revolution of 1719, is printed in Carroll, ii. 273.

[821] These volumes are described in the Sparks Catalogue, pp. 214-215, and are now in Harvard College library.

[822] Grahame (ii. 167) says of Chalmers that “he seems to relax his usual attention to accuracy, when he considers his topics insignificant; and from this defect, as well as from the peculiarities of his style, it is sometimes difficult to discover his meaning or reconcile his apparent inconsistency in different passages.”

[823] Cf. Belknap Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.), ii. 218, 219.

[824] Harvard College library.

[825] An introduction to the history of the revolt of the American colonies, derived from the state papers in the public offices of Great Britain. Boston, 1845. 2 v.

[826] The copy referred to is also marked in Mr. Chalmers’ autograph as “from the author to Mr. Strange as an evidence of his respect and kindness.” It is also noted in it that it is the identical copy described by Rich in his Bibliotheca Americana Nova (under 1782), no. 2, where it is spoken of as “apparently entirely unknown,” and having the bookplate of George Buchanan with a manuscript note, “Not published, corrected for the press by me, G. B.” No such evidences of Buchanan’s ownership are now in the volume, and the title as given by Rich is more extended than that written by Chalmers. A slightly different title too is given in the only other copy of which trace has been found, that given in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 534.

[827] A large number of the Chalmers manuscripts relating to America are enumerated in Thomas Thorpe’s Supplement to a Catalogue of Manuscripts, 1843. Such as relate to periods not of the Revolution are somewhat minutely described under the following numbers:—

No. 616. Copies of papers, 1493-1805, two volumes, £12 12s.

No. 617. Papers relating to New England, 1625-1642, one volume, £2 2s.

No. 618. Papers relating to Maryland, 1627-1765, one volume, £3 3s.

No. 619. Papers relating to New York and Pennsylvania, 1629-1642, £1 11s. 6d.

No. 620. Short account of the English plantations in America, about 1690, MS., £2 2s.

No. 666. Papers on Canada, 1692-1792, one volume, £4 4s.

No. 669. Letters and State Papers relating to Carolina, 1662-1781, two volumes, £12 12s. [I suppose these to be the volumes now in Mr. Bancroft’s hands.]

No. 673. The manuscript of vol. ii. of the Annals, £7 7s.

No. 707. Papers on Connecticut, 15s.

No. 726. Papers on the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the colonies, 1662-1787, one volume, £2 2s.

No. 745. Papers on Georgia, 1730-1798, one volume, £5 5s.

No. 782. Papers on the Indians, 1750-1775, one volume, £10 10s.

No. 823. Papers on Maryland, 1619-1812, two volumes, £15 15s.

No. 838. Papers on New England, 1635-1780, four volumes, £21.

No. 842. Papers on New Hampshire, 1651-1774, two volumes, £10 10s.

No. 843. Papers on New Jersey, 1683-1775, one volume, £6 6s.

No. 845. Papers on New York, 1608-1792, four volumes, £52 10s.

No. 857. Papers on Nova Scotia, 1745-1817, one volume, £7 7s.

No. 867. Papers on Pennsylvania, 1620-1779, two volumes, £10 10s.

No. 869. Letters from and Papers on Philadelphia, 1760-1789, two volumes, £15 15s.

No. 891. Papers on Rhode Island, 1637-1785, one volume, £5 5s.

No. 949. Papers on Virginia, 1606-1775, four volumes, £31 10s.

[828] He was born in 1735, and was a Pennsylvanian, whom commercial aims brought to Edmonton, in North Carolina, where he practised medicine, and as a representative of the district sat in Congress. He had removed, however, to New York when he published his history. He died in 1819. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s Hist. of Philadelphia, ii. 1146.

[829] North Amer. Rev., xii. 37. In 1829 Judge A. D. Murphy sought, unsuccessfully, to induce the legislature to aid him in publishing a history of North Carolina in six or eight volumes. North Amer. Review, xxiv. p. 468.

[830] Orig. ed., i. p. 135.

[831] Cf. N. Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1870.

[832] J. D. B. DeBow’s Political Annals of South Carolina, prepared for the Southern Quarterly Review, was printed separately as a pamphlet, at Charleston, in 1845. A writer in this same Review (Jan., 1852) deplores the apathy of the Southern people and the indifference of Southern writers to the study of their local history. In the series of the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Mr. B. J. Ramage has published an essay on “Local government and free schools in South Carolina.”

[833] There is also a list of papers prior to 1700 in the appendix of Rivers’ Sketch, etc., p. 313.

[834] The Third Report (1872) of the Commission on Historical Manuscripts (p. xi.) says: “In April, 1871, the Earl of Shaftesbury signified his wish to present his valuable collection of manuscripts to the Public Record Office. These papers have been arranged and catalogued by Mr. Sainsbury.” The same Report (p. 216) contains Mr. Alfred J. Horwood’s account of these papers, the ninth section of which is described as comprising letters and papers about Carolina, and many letters and abstracts of letters in Locke’s handwriting. Cf. Charleston Year Book, 1884, p. 167.

[835] A review of documents and records in the archives of the State of South Carolina, hitherto inedited (Columbia, 1852), points out the gaps in its public records. Of the Grand Council’s Journal, only two years (1671, etc.) are preserved, as described by Dalcho and in Topics in the History of South Carolina, a pamphlet. Cf. also Rivers’ Sketch, etc., p. 370.

[836] Abstracts of many of them are necessarily included in Sainsbury’s Calendars.

[837] [This story is told in Vol. II. chap. iv.—Ed.]

[838] [Vol. II. p. 244.—Ed.]

[839] [See Vol. III. p. 157, and chap. v., ante.—Ed.]

[840] [He was born in 1698; but see W. S. Bogart on “the mystery of Oglethorpe’s birthday,” in Magazine of American History, February, 1883, p. 108. There is a statement as to his family in Nichols’s Literary Anecdotes, ii. 17; copied by Harris, in his Life of Oglethorpe.—Ed.]

[841] The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the authentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained this device: two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed streams typifying the rivers forming the northern and southern boundaries of the province. In their hands were spades, suggesting agriculture as the chief employment of the settlers. Above and in the centre was seated the genius of the Colony, a spear in her right hand, the left placed upon a cornucopia, and a liberty cap upon her head. Behind, upon a gentle eminence, stood a tree, and above was engraven this legend, Colonia Georgia Aug. On the other face,—which formed the common seal to be affixed to grants, orders, and certificates,—were seen silk-worms in the various stages of their labor, and the appropriate motto, Non sibi sed aliis. This inscription not only proclaimed the disinterested motives and intentions of the trustees, but it suggested that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most profitable employments of the colonists,—a hope not destined to be fulfilled.

[842] There is in Lossing’s Field Book of the Revolution, ii. 722, a sketch of the remains of the barracks as they appeared in 1851.

[843] As Captain-General he was entitled to command all the land and naval forces of the province, and by him were all officers of the militia to be appointed. As Governor-in-chief he was a constituent part of the General Assembly, and possessed the sole power of adjourning, proroguing, convening, and dissolving that body. It rested with him to approve or to veto any bill passed by the Council and the Assembly. All officers who did not receive their warrants directly from the Crown were appointed by him: and if vacancies occurred, by death or removal, in offices usually filled by the immediate nomination of the King, the appointees of the governor acted until the pleasure of the home government was signified. He was the custodian of the Great Seal, and as Chancellor exercised within the province powers of judicature similar to those reposed in the High Chancellor of England. He was to preside in the Court of Errors, composed of himself and the members of Council as judges, hearing and determining all appeals from the superior courts. As Ordinary, he collated to all vacant benefices, granted probate of wills, and allowed administration upon the estates of those dying intestate. By him were writs issued for the election of representatives to sit in the Commons House of Assembly. As Vice-Admiral, while he did not sit in the court of vice-admiralty,—a judge for that court being appointed by the Crown,—in time of war he could issue warrants to that court empowering it to grant commissions to privateers. With him resided the ability to pardon all crimes except treason and murder. It was optional with him to select as his residence such locality within the limits of the province as he deemed most convenient for the transaction of the public business, and he might direct the General Assembly to meet at that point. He was invested with authority, for just cause, to suspend any member of Council, and, in a word, might “do all other necessary and proper things in such manner and under such regulations as should, upon due consideration, appear to be best adapted to the circumstances of the colony.” The King’s Council was to consist of twelve members in ordinary and of two extraordinary members. They were to be appointed by the Crown, and were to hold office during His Majesty’s pleasure. In the absence of the governor and lieutenant-governor, the senior member of the Council in Ordinary administered the government. When sitting as one of the three branches of the legislature the Council was styled the Upper House of Assembly. It also acted as Privy Council to the governor, assisting him in the conduct of public affairs. In this capacity the members were to convene whenever the governor saw fit to summon them. When sitting as an Upper House, the Council met at the same time with the Commons House of Assembly, and was presided over by the lieutenant-governor, or, in his absence, by the senior member present. The forms of procedure resembled those observed in the House of Lords in Great Britain.

The qualification of an elector was the ownership of fifty acres of land in the parish or district in which he resided and voted; that of a representative, was the proprietorship of five hundred acres of land in any part of the province. Writs of election were issued by order of the Governor in Council under the Great Seal of the province, were tested by him, and were returnable in forty days. When convened, the Representatives were denominated the Commons House of Assembly. Choosing its own speaker, who was presented to the governor for approbation, this body,—composed of the immediate representatives of the people, and conforming in its legislative and deliberative conduct to the precedents established for the governance of the English House of Commons,—when convened, continued its session until dissolved by the governor. It claimed and enjoyed the exclusive right of originating bills for the appropriation of public moneys. Thus constituted, the Upper and Lower Houses formed the General Assembly of the province and legislated in its behalf. Bills which passed both Houses were submitted to the governor for his consideration. If approved by him, the Seal of the Colony was attached, and they were duly filed. Authenticated copies were then prepared and transmitted for the information and sanction of the Home Government.

Provision was also made for the establishment of a “General Court,” of a “Court of Session of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery,” and of courts of inferior jurisdiction. There was also a “Court of Admiralty.”

The presiding judge was styled Chief-Justice of Georgia. He was a “barrister at law” who had attended at Westminster, was appointed by warrant under His Majesty’s sign-manual and signet, and enjoyed a salary of £500, raised by annual grant of Parliament. The assistant justices were three in number. They received no salaries except on the death or in the absence of the chief-justice, and held their appointments from the governor.

Arrangements were also made for appointment of Collectors of Customs, of a Register of Deeds, of a Receiver of Quit Rents, of a Surveyor-General, of a Secretary of the Province, of a Clerk of Council, of a Provost Marshal, of an Attorney-General, and of other necessary officers.

The device approved for a public seal was as follows: On one face was a figure representing the Genius of the Colony offering a skein of silk to His Majesty, with the motto, “Hinc laudem sperate Coloni,” and this inscription around the circumference: “Sigillum Provinciæ nostræ Georgiæ in America.” On the other side appeared His Majesty’s arms, crown, garter, supporters, and motto, with the inscription: “Georgius II. Dei Gratia Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Rex, Fidei Defensor, Brunsvici et Luneburgi Dux, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi Thesaurarius et Princeps Elector.”

[844] Cf. Chapter IV., on “Ancient Florida,” by Dr. John G. Shea, in Vol. II.; and a chapter in Vol. I.

[845] [Sabin, xii. no. 51194; Barlow, no. 809; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 224; Brinley, no. 3911; Murphy, no. 1743; Rich (1835), p. 25. This tract is reprinted with the plan in Force’s Tracts, vol. i. There is a copy in Harvard College library [12354.7]. Coming within the grant to Mountgomery and lying “within a day’s rowing of the English habitations in South Carolina” are certain islands called by Sir Robert, St. Symon, Sapella, Santa Catarina, and Ogeche, which were described in a tract printed in London in 1720, called A description of the Golden Islands with an account of the undertaking now on foot for making a settlement there. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 266.)

There is in Harvard College library a tract attributed to John Burnwell, published also in 1720 in London: An account of the foundation and establishment of a design now on foot for a settlement on the Golden Islands to the south of Port Royal, in Carolina. (Sabin, iii. no. 10955.)—Ed.].

[846] [This plan is reproduced in Jones’ History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 72; and in Gay’s Pop. Hist. of the U. S., iii. 142.—Ed.]

[847] [In this separate shape this tract was a reprint with additions from the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1872. It has a “new map of the Cherokee nation” which it is claimed was drawn by the Indians about 1750, with the names put in by the English. A later map of the region about the Tennessee River above and below Fort Loudon appeared as “A draught of the Cherokee country on the west side of the 24 mountains, commonly called Over the hills, taken by Henry Timberlake, when he was in that country in March, 1762: likewise the names of the principal herdsmen of each town and what number of fighting men they send to war” [809 in all], which appeared in Timberlake’s Memoirs, 1765; and again in Jefferys’ General Topography of North America and West Indies, London, 1768. A copy of Timberlake with the map is in Harvard College library. The above fac-simile is from Harris’s Oglethorpe.—Ed.

[848] [This was reviewed by Sparks in No. Amer. Rev., liii. p. 448.—Ed.]

[849] [The story of the founding of Georgia is necessarily told in general histories of the United States (Bancroft, Hildreth, Gay, etc.), and in articles on Oglethorpe like those in the Southern Quart. Rev., iii. 40, Temple Bar, 1878 (copied into Living Age, no. 1797), and All the Year Round, xviii. 439.—Ed.]

[850] [It was reprinted in London in 1733. Both editions are in Harvard College library. It was again reprinted in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections, i. p. 42. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 494. Grahame (iii. 182) calls it “most ingenious and interesting, though somewhat fancifully colored.” Sabin (Dictionary, xiii. nos. 56, 846) says it is mostly taken from Salmon’s Modern History, 4th ed., iii. p. 700.—Ed.]

[851] [It was issued in two editions in 1733; to the second was added, beginning p. 43, among other matters a letter of Oglethorpe dated “camp near Savannah, Feb. 10, 1732-3,” with another from Gov. Johnson, of South Carolina. It has a plate giving a distant view of the projected town, with emblematic accompaniments in the foreground, and the map referred to on a previous page. There is a copy of the second issue in Charles Deane’s collection. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 511-12. A French translation was issued at Amsterdam in 1737 in the Recueil de Voyages au Nord, vol. ix., with the new map of Georgia, copied from the English edition. The original English was reprinted in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 203.—Ed.]

[852] [When the sermon of Samuel Smith, Feb. 23, 1730-31, was printed in 1733, he added to it Some account of the design of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, which was accompanied by the map referred to in the preceding note (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 516). The charter of Georgia, as well as those of Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Bay, is given in A list of Copies of Charters from the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, presented to the House of Commons, 1740 (London, 1741). It is given in English in Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi, vol. iv. p. 617 (London, 1757). Cf. Mag. of Amer. Hist., Feb., 1883, in “The Sesqui-Centennial of the founding of Georgia.” There is an appendix of documents in a Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia with respect to South Carolina and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies. Charlestown, 1737. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 570; Brinley, ii. no. 3886 with date, 1736; the Harvard College copy is also dated, 1736.)—Ed.]

[853] [It is also ascribed to Benj. Martyn. It was reprinted at Annapolis in 1742, and is included in Force’s Tracts, vol. i., and in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections, ii. p. 265. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 685. The original is in Harvard College library. One passage in this tract (Force’s ed., p. 37) reads: “Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Rawlegh’s written journal, and by the latitude of the place, the marks and traditions of the Indians, it is the very first place where he went on shore, and talked with the Indians, and was the first Indian they ever saw; and about half a mile from Savannah is a high mount of earth, under which lies their chief king. And the Indians informed Mr. Oglethorpe that their king desired, before he died, that he might be buried on the spot where he talked with that great good man.” The fact that Ralegh was never in North America somewhat unsettles this fancy.—Ed.]

[854] [It has an appendix of documents, and is reprinted in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections, i. 153. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686; Barlow, no. 857. A MS. note by Dr. Harris in one of the copies in Harvard College library says that, though usually ascribed to Henry Martyn, he has good authority for assigning its authorship to John Percival, Earl of Egmont.—Ed.]

[855] [This little volume is in Harvard College library; as is also Kurzgefasste Nachricht von dem Etablissement derer Salzburgischen Emigranten zu Ebenezer, von P. G. F. von Reck. Hamburg, 1777.—Ed.]

[856] [Sabin, xiii. no. 56848.—Ed.]

[857] [This tract is assigned to 1747 in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, iii. no. 849, and in the Harvard College library catalogue.—Ed.]

[858] [This important series of tracts, edited at Halle, in Germany, by Samuel Urlsperger, was begun in 1734, with the general title, Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten. It was reissued in 1735. Judging from the copies in Harvard College library, both editions had the engraved portrait of Tomo-cachi, with his nephew, and the map of Savannah County. The 1735 edition had a special title (following the general one), Der Ausführlichen Nachrichten von der Königlich-Gross-Britannischen Colonie Saltzburgischer Emigranten in America, Erster Theil. In the “vierte continuation” of this part there is at p. 2073 the large folding map of the county of Savannah. With the sixth continuation a “Zweyter Theil” begins, with a general title (1736), and a “Dritter Theil” includes continuations no. 13 to 18. This thirteenth continuation has a large folding plan of Ebenezer, showing the Savannah River at the bottom, with a ship in it, and it was published by Seutter in Augsburg, with a large map of the coast. The set is rare, and the Carter-Brown Catalogue (iii. no. 541) gives a collation, and adds that “only after many years’ seeking and the purchase of several imperfect copies” was its set completed. Harvard College library has a set which belonged to Ebeling. (Turell’s Life of Colman, 152.) Urlsperger was a correspondent of Benjamin Colman, of Boston. Calvary, of Berlin, had for sale in 1885 the correspondence of Samuel Urlsperger with Fresenius, 1738-56 (29 letters), held at 100 marks.

There is a supplemental work in four volumes, printed at Augsburg in 1754-60, bringing the journal down to 1760, Americanisches Ackerwerk Gottes. It is also in Harvard College library, and contains the mezzotint portrait of Bolzius, the senior minister of Ebenezer, which is engraved on wood in Gay’s Pop. Hist. of the U. S., iii. 155. Harvard College library has also a part of the journal, with the same title (Augsburg, 1760), which seems to belong chronologically after the third part. (Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 3926.)

Other illustrative publications may be mentioned: Kurtze Relation aus denen aus Engelland erhaltenen Briefen von denen nach Georgien gehenden zweyten Transport Saltzburgischer Emigranten (cf. Leclerc, Bibl. Americana, 1867, no. 1512; Harrassowitz, ‘81, no. 119). Auszug der sichern und nützlichen Nachrichten von dem Englischen America besonders von Carolina und der fruchtbaren Landschaft Georgia, etc. ... von D. Manuel Christian Löber, Jena, without year.

Fred. Muller (Books on America, 1877, no. 1679) notes C. D. Kleinknecht’s Zuverlässige Nachricht von der schwarzen Schaaf- und Lämmer-Heerde, Augsburg, 1749, as containing in an appendix Nachrichten von den Colonisten Georgiens zu Eben-Ezer in America.—Ed.]

[859] [This has a lithograph of the Bolzius likeness in the Urlsperger Tracts. Dr. Sprague (American Pulpit, vol. ix. p. vi.) calls the Salzburger settlement the fourth in order of the Lutheran immigrations into the English colonies. The same volume contains a notice of Bolzius by Strobel.—Ed.]

[860] [Cf. Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1085; Sabin, xii. p. 336; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 776. It is reprinted in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections, vol. i. A London dealer, F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 204), priced a copy at £7 10s. Three other contemporaneous tracts of no special historical value may here be mentioned: A New Voyage to Georgia, by a Young Gentleman, etc., to which are added, A Curious Account of the Indians, by an Honourable Person [Oglethorpe], and A Poem to James Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia, London, 1735, with a second edition in 1737; A Description of the famous new Colony of Georgia in South Carolina, etc., Dublin, 1734; and A Description of Georgia by a Gentleman who has resided there upwards of seven years, and was one of the first settlers, London, 1741. This last (8 pp. only) is included in Force’s Tracts, vol. ii. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 536, 562. It is in Harvard College library.—Ed.]

[861] [The work is in three volumes, the second containing “A state of that Province [Georgia] as attested upon oath in the Court of Savannah, Nov. 10, 1740.” (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 720.) There is a copy in Harvard College library.—Ed.]

[862] [For some years at least yearly statements of the finances were printed, as noted in a later note in connection with Burton’s sermon. A single broadside giving such a statement is preserved in Harvard College library [12343.4]; and in the same library is a folio tract called The General Account of all Monies and Effects, etc., London, 1736. This is in good part reprinted in Bishop Perry’s Hist. of the American Episcopal Church, i. 360.—Ed.]

[863] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 714.

[864] [Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary Publications in Thomas’s Hist. of Printing, ii. p. 478. The main portion of this report is given in Carroll’s Hist. Coll. of So. Carolina, ii. p. 348.—Ed.]

[865] [The author of this tract was George Cadogan, a lieutenant in Oglethorpe’s regiment. It induced the author of the Impartial Account to print A Full Reply to Lieut. Cadogan’s Spanish Hireling, and Lieut. Mackay’s Letter concerning the Action at Moosa, London, 1743. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 731-32; Sabin, xiii. no. 56845. Both tracts are in Harvard College library. Two other tracts pertain to this controversy: Both sides of the question: an inquiry] into a certain doubtful character [Oglethorpe] lately whitened by a C——t M——l, which passed to a second edition; and The Hireling Artifice detected, London, 1742.—Ed.

[866] [There are various references to this expedition in Jones’ Georgia, i. p. 335, and in his Dead Towns, p. 91. Watt mentions a Journal of an Expedition to the gates of St. Augustine conducted by General Oglethorpe, by G. L. Campbell, London, 1744.—Ed.]

[867] [Cf. references in the Dead Towns of Georgia, p. 114, and more at length in Jones’ Georgia, i. 335, 353. There is a plan of Frederica in the Dead Towns, p. 45.—Ed.]

[868] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686. No. 707 of the same catalogue is a Journal received Feb. 4, 1741, by the Trustees, from William Stevens, Secretary; and in Harvard College library is the Resolution of the Trustees, March 8, 1741, relating to the grants and tenure of lands.—Ed.]

[869] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 706. Harvard College library catalogue ascribes this to Patrick Graham.—Ed.]

[870] [Reprinted in the Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. p. 87; cf. Barlow’s Rough List, nos. 873-74. This book, which has an appendix of documents, is assigned to Thomas Stephens in the Harvard College library catalogue. A two-leaved folio tract in Harvard College library, called The Hard Case of the distressed people of Georgia, dated at London, Apr. 26, 1742, is signed by Stephens.—Ed.]

[871] [It was reprinted in London, 1741, and is included in Force’s Tracts, vol. i., and in Georgia Hist. Coll., vol. ii. p. 163. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 696; Brinley, no. 3922; Barlow, no. 859. There is a copy in Harvard College library. F. S. Ellis, of London (1884, no. 106), prices it at £3 5s.—Ed.]

[872] [Tyler (Amer. Lit., ii. 292), on the contrary, says of this book: “Within a volume of only one hundred and twelve pages is compressed a masterly statement of the author’s alleged grievances at the hands of Oglethorpe. The book gives a detailed and even documentary account of the rise of the colony, and its quick immersion in suffering and disaster, through Oglethorpe’s selfishness, greed, despotism, and fanatic pursuit of social chimeras.... Whatever may be the truth or the justice of this book, it is abundantly interesting, and if any one has chanced to find the prevailing rumor of Oglethorpe somewhat nauseating in its sweetness, he may here easily allay their unpleasant effect. Certainly as a polemic it is one of the most expert pieces of writing to be met with in our early literature. It never blusters or scolds. It is always cool, poised, polite, and merciless.”—Ed.]

[873] Among those which have been preserved are sermons, by Samuel Smith, LL. B., 1731; by John Burton, B. D., 1732; by Thomas Rundle, LL. D., 1733; by Stephen Hales, D. D., 1734; by George Watts, 1735; by Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1737; by William Berriman, D. D., 1738; by Edmund Bateman, D. D., 1740; by William Best, D. D., 1741; by James King, D. D., 1742; by Lewis Bruce, A. M., 1743; by Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1744; by Glocester Ridley, LL. B., 1745; and by Thomas Francklin, M. A., 1749. [Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 515, 528, 530, 572, 598. Burton’s sermon (London, 1733) has appended to it, beginning p. 33, “The general account of all the monies and effects received and expended by the trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia ... for one whole year, 1732-33.” A list of these sermons is given in Perry’s American Episcopal Church, vol. i.—Ed.]

[874] [They are described in a report of the Georgia Historical Society.—Ed.]

[875] They were sold in London in July, 1881, by Mr. Henry Stevens; and, although the State of Georgia was importuned to become the purchaser of them, the General Assembly declined to act, and the volumes passed into other hands, but have recently been given to the State by Mr. J. S. Morgan, the London banker. [Cf. Stevens, Hist. Collections, i. p. 34. Mr. Stevens also gives in his Bibliotheca Geographica, no. 2618, some curious information about other MSS. in England, being records kept by William Stephens, the Secretary of the Colony, which are now at Thirlstane House, Cheltenham. A Report of the Attorney and Solicitor General to the Lords of Trade, on the proposal of the Trustees of Georgia to surrender their trust to the Crown, dated Feb. 6, 1752, is noted in vol. 61 of the Shelburne MSS., as recorded in the Fifth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 230; and also, a Report of the same officer on the properest method of administering the government after the surrender. The opinion of the attorney and solicitor-general on the king’s prerogative to receive the charter of Georgia (1751) is given in Chalmers’ Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i. p. 34.—Ed.]

[876] [This Society was organized in Dec., 1839. Cf. Amer. Quart. Reg., xii. 344; Southern Quart. Rev., iii. 40; The Georgia Hist. Soc., its founders, patrons, and friends, an address by C. C. Jones, Jr., Savannah, 1881; Proceedings at the dedication of Hodgson Hall, 1876.—Ed.]

[877] Volume I. (1840) contains the anniversary address of the Hon. William Law, February 12, 1840, reviewing the early history of the province; reprints of Oglethorpe’s New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia; of Francis Moore’s Voyage to Georgia begun in the year 1735; of An Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, and of Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain; together with the Hon. Thomas Spalding’s Sketch of the life of General James Oglethorpe.

Volume II. (1842) contains the Historical Discourse of William Bacon Stevens, M. D., and reprints of A New Voyage to Georgia, &c.; of A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740; of A Brief Account of the causes that have retarded the progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c.; of A true and historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., by Patrick Tailfer, M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., David Douglass, and others; and of An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America from its first establishment, &c.

Volume III., part i., consists of A Sketch of the Creek Country in the years 1798 and 1799, by Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, with a valuable introduction by the late William B. Hodgson.

Volume III. (1873) contains letters from General Oglethorpe to the Trustees and others, covering a period from October, 1735, to August, 1744,—a report of Governor Sir James Wright to Lord Dartmouth, dated September 20th, 1773, exhibiting the condition of the Colony of Georgia,—letters from Governor Wright to the Earl of Dartmouth and Lord George Germain, from August 24th, 1774, to February 16th, 1782:—an Anniversary Address of Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., on the life, services, and death of Count Casimir Pulaski,—and an Address by Dr. Richard D. Arnold commemorative of the organization of the Georgia Historical Society and of the Savannah Library Association.

Volume IV. (1878) contains The Dead Towns of Georgia, by Charles C. Jones, Jr. (also published separately), and Itinerant Observations in America, reprinted from the London Magazine of 1745-6. In the Dead Towns of Georgia the author perpetuates the almost forgotten memories of Old and New Ebenezer, of Frederica, of Abercorn, of Sunbury, of Hardwick, of Petersburg, and of lesser towns and plantations, once vital and influential, but now covered with the mantle of decay. This contribution embraces a large portion of the early history of the province, and recounts the vicissitudes and the mistakes encountered during the epoch of colonization. It is illustrated with engraved plans of New Ebenezer, Frederica, Sunbury, Fort Morris, and Hardwick, and revives traditions and recollections of persons and places which had become quite forgotten.

To the Itinerant Observations in America the student will turn with pleasure for early impressions of the province, and especially of its southern confines.

[878]

1. Plan of Ebenezer and its fort.
2. Plan of Savannah and fortifications.
3. Chart of Savannah Sound.
4. Plan and profile of Fort George on Coxpur Island.
5. Environs of Fort Barrington.
6. Plan and view of Fort Barrington.

[The plan of Ebenezer is also reproduced by Col. Jones in his Dead Towns and in his Hist. of Georgia.—Ed.]

[879] [This series is thus entered in the Harvard College library catalogue:—

Wormsloe quartos. Edited by G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne. 5 vol. Wormsloe, Ga. 1847-81. 4^o; and sm. f^o, large paper. Namely:—

i. [Walton, G., and others.] Observations upon the effects of certain late political suggestions. By the delegates of Georgia [G. Walton, W. Few, R. Howly]. 1847. 4^o. First printed at Philadelphia in 1781. 21 copies reprinted: with a reproduction of the original title-page.

ii. De Brahm, J. G. W. History of the province of Georgia. 1849. 4^o. 6 maps. 49 copies privately printed from a part of a manuscript in Harvard College library, entitled: “History of the three provinces, South Carolina, Georgia, and east Florida.”

iii. Pinckney, Mrs. E. (L.). Journal and letters [July 1, 1739-Feb. 27, 1762. Edited by Mrs. H. P. Holbrook.] Now first printed. 1850. 4^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 19 copies.”

iv. Sargent, W. Diary [relating to St. Clair’s expedition. 1791]. Now first printed. 1851. “Privately printed. Limited to 46 copies.”

v. Georgia (Colony of)—General Assembly. Acts passed by the assembly. 1755-74. Now first printed. [Prepared for publication by C. C. Jones, Jr.] 1881. f^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 49 copies.” “The materials for this work were obtained from the public record office in London, by the late G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne, who intended himself to prepare them for the press.”

Cf. Sabin, ii. no. 7325.—Ed.]

[880] [The lives of Wesley as touching this early experience of his life, as well as illustrating a moral revolution, which took within its range all the English colonies during the period of the present volume, may properly be characterized here:—

The introduction to Rigg’s Living Wesley is devoted to a criticism of the different accounts of John Wesley, and the student will find further bibliographical help in a paper on “Wesley and his biographers,” by W. C. Hoyt in the Methodist Quarterly, vol. viii.; in the article in Allibone’s Dict. of Authors; in Decanver’s [Cavender pseud.] list of books, written in refutation of Methodism; and in the list of authorities given by Southey in his Life of Wesley.

Wesley left three literary executors,—Coke, Moore, and Whitehead, his physician; and his journals and papers were put into the hands of the last named. Coke and Moore, however, acting independently, were the first to publish a hasty memoir, and Whitehead followed in 1793-96; but his proved to be the work of a theological partisan. A memoir by Hampton was ready when Wesley died, but it turned out to be very meagre.

Next came the life by Southey in 1820. He had no sources of information beyond the printed material open to all; but he had literary skill to make the most of it, and appreciation enough of his subject to elevate Wesley’s standing in the opinion of such as were outside of his communion. He accordingly made an account of a great moral revolution, which has been by no means superseded in popular usefulness.

Now followed a number of lives intended to correct the representations of previous biographers, and in some cases to offer views more satisfactory to the Methodists themselves. Moore, in 1824, found something to correct in the accounts of both Whitehead and Southey. Watson, in 1831, aimed to displace what Southey had said unsatisfactory to the sect, and to correct Southey’s chronological order; but he made his narrative slight and incomplete. Southey was, however, chiefly relied upon by Mrs. Oliphant in her sketch, first in Blackwood’s Mag., Oct., 1868, and later in her Hist. Sketches of the Reign of George II.; but while Dr. Rigg acknowledges it to be clever, he calls it full of misconceptions. Mrs. Julia Wedgwood, in her John Wesley and the Evangelical Reaction of the Eighteenth Century (London, 1870), relied so much on Southey, as the Methodists say, that she neglected later information; but she so far accorded with the general estimation of Wesley in the denomination as to reject Southey’s theory of his ambition.

In the general histories of English Methodism, Wesley necessarily plays a conspicuous part, and their authors are among the most important of his biographers. The first volume of George Smith’s history was in effect a life of Wesley, though somewhat incomplete as such; but in Abel Stevens’s opening volumes the story is told more completely and with graphic skill. There is an excellent account of these days in chapter 19 of Earl Stanhope’s History of England, and a careful summary is given in the fourth volume of the Pictorial History of England.

The relations which Wesley sustained throughout to the Established Church have been discussed in the London Quarterly Review by the Rev. W. Arthur, and by Dr. James H. Rigg, the contribution by the latter being subsequently enlarged in a separate book, The relations of John Wesley and of Wesleyan Methodism to the Church of England, investigated and determined. 2d edition, revised and enlarged. London, 1871. See also British Quarterly Review, Oct., 1871, and the Contemp. Review, vol. xxviii. Curteis, in his Bampton lectures, goes over the ground also. Urlin, John Wesley’s place in Church History (1871), prominently claimed that Wesley was a revivalist in the church, and not a dissenter, and aimed to add to our previous knowledge. A Catholic view of him is given by Dr. J. G. Shea in the Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., vii. p. 1.

The most extensive narrative, considering Wesley in all his relations, private as well as public, the result of seventeen years’ labor, with the advantage of much new material, is the Life and Times of Wesley, by Tyerman. It is, however, far too voluminous for the general reader. He is not blind to Wesley’s faults, and some Methodists say he is not in sufficient sympathy with the reformer to do him justice.

Those who wish compacter estimates of the man, with only narrative enough to illustrate them, will find such in Taylor’s Wesley and Methodism, where the philosophy of the movement is discussed; in Rigg’s Living Wesley, which is a condensed generalization of his life, not without some new matter; and in Dr. Hamilton’s article in the North British Review, which was kindly in tone, but not wholly satisfactory to the Methodists.

There is a well-proportioned epitome of his life by Lelièvre in French, of which there is an English translation, John Wesley, his Life and Work, London, 1871. Janes has made Wesley his own historian, by a collocation of his journals, letters, etc., and his journals have been separately printed. There is a separate narrative of Wesley’s early love, Narrative of a remarkable Transaction, etc. A paper on his character and opinions in earlier life is in the London Quart. Rev., vol. xxxvii. On his mission to Georgia, see David Bogue and James Bennett’s History of Dissenters from 1688 to 1808, London, 1808-12, in 4 volumes, vol. iii.; and the note on his trouble with Oglethorpe in Grahame’s United States (Boston ed., iii. p. 201).

Lesser accounts and miscellaneous material will be found in Clarke’s Memoirs of the Wesley Family; in Gorrie’s Eminent Methodist Ministers; in Larrabee’s Wesley and his Coadjutors; in Sprague’s Annals of the American Pulpit, v. 94; in J. B. Hagany’s paper in Harper’s Magazine, vol. xix.; in the Galaxy, Feb., 1874; in the Contemporary Review, 1875 and 1876; in Madame Ossoli’s Methodism at the Fountain, in her Art, Literature, and Drama; and in W. M. Punshon’s Lectures.

See also Nichols’s Literary Anecdotes, vol. v.; Malcolm’s Index, and numerous references in Poole’s Index to Periodical Literature, p. 1398.

Tyerman’s Oxford Methodists uses the material he was forced to leave out of his Life of Wesley.

The portraits of Wesley are numerous. Tyerman gives the earliest known; and it was taken (1743) nearer the time of his Georgia visit than any other which we have. J. C. Smith in his British Mezzotint Portraits enumerates a series (vol. i. pp. 64, 442; ii. 600, 692, 773; iii. 1365; iv. 1545, 1748).—Ed.]

[881] [Cf. the view of the building given in Stevens’ Georgia, p. 352.—Ed.]

[882] [Whitefield’s labors in Georgia are summarized in Tyerman’s Life of Whitefield, London, 1876, with references; and other references are in Poole’s Index to Periodical Lit., p. 1406. Bishop Perry, in his Hist. of the American Episcopal Church, gives the bibliography of Whitefield’s Journals, and a chapter on “The Wesleys and George Whitefield in Georgia.” An account by Bishop Beckwith of the Orphan House is contained in the same work. Foremost among the opponents of Whitefield was Alexander Garden, an Episcopal clergyman in Charleston, who lived in the colony from 1720 to his death in 1756. As the Commissary of the Bishop of London, the constructive ecclesiastical head of the colonies, he brought much power to aid his pronounced opinions, and he prosecuted Whitefield with vigor both in the ecclesiastical court and in the desk. In 1743 Garden reviewed his course in a letter [N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., xxiv. 117] in which he says: “Bad also is the present state of the poor Orphan House in Georgia,—that land of lies, and from which we have no truth but what they can neither disguise nor conceal. The whole Colony is accounted here one great lie, from the beginning to this day; and the Orphan House, you know, is a part of the whole,—a scandalous bubble.”—Ed.]

[883] [Reprinted with editorial annotations and corrections of errors in B. R. Carroll’s Hist. Collections of South Carolina, New York, 1836, vol. i.—Ed.]

[884] [This name is variously spelled Hewatt, Hewat, Hewitt, and Hewit. Cf. Drayton’s View of So. Carolina, p. 175.—Ed.]

[885] [Cf. Sabin, x. no. 42973; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 972.—Ed.]

[886] [Mr. Geo. R. Gilmer, in an address in 1851 on the Literary Progress of Georgia, said of McCall’s history, “A few actors in the scenes described read it on its first appearance; it was then laid upon the shelf, seldom to be taken from it. Ten years afterwards Bevan collected materials for the purpose of improving what McCall had executed indifferently. He received so little sympathy or aid in his undertaking that he never completed it.”—Ed.]

[887] [A severe criticism appeared in Observations on Dr. Stevens’s History of Georgia, Savannah, 1849. C. K. Adams’ Manual of Historical Reference, p. 559, takes a favorable view. Hildreth (ii. 371) speaks of Stevens as a “judicious historian, who has written from very full materials.”—Ed.]

[888] [In two volumes. It passed to a second and third edition. Pickett is spoken of as a private gentleman and planter of Alabama, in the enjoyment of wealth and leisure when he wrote his history, bringing to his task a manly industry and generous enthusiasm. He was fortunate in being able to procure much material which had been hitherto inedited; manuscripts of early adventurers in the territory, who were traders among the red men, and in some cases the testimony of the red men themselves. Southern Quarterly Review, Jan., 1852.—Ed.]

Portraits of Oglethorpe. The likeness given on a preceding page follows a print by Burford, after a painting by Ravenet, of which a reduction is given in John C. Smith’s British Mezzotint Portraits, p. 128. There is a note on the portrait of Oglethorpe in the Magazine of American History, 1883, p. 138. See the cut in Bishop Perry’s American Episcopal Church, i. 336.

The head and shoulders of this Burford print are given in the histories of Georgia by Stevens and Jones; and in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, iii. 143; Cassell’s United States, i. 481. The expression of the face seems to be a hard one to catch, for the engravings have little likeness to one another.

The medal-likeness is given in Harris’s Oglethorpe, together with the arms of Oglethorpe.

There is beside the very familiar full-length profile view, representing Oglethorpe as a very old man, sitting at the sale of Dr. Johnson’s library, which is given in some editions of Boswell’s Johnson; in White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, 117; in Harris’s Oglethorpe; in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, iii. 165; in the Magazine of American History, February, 1883, p. 111; in Dr. Edward Eggleston’s papers on the English Colonies in the Century Magazine, and in various other places.—Ed.

[889] Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, ii. 95.

[890] The articles of capitulation are in Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts Bay, ii. 182-184; and the first volume of the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society contains an ample collection of documents connected with the capture of Port Royal, obtained from the State-Paper Office in London, and covering forty-six printed pages.

[891] Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia, pp. 5, 6.

[892] [A description of Nova Scotia in 1720 was transmitted to the Lords of Trade by Paul Mascarene, engineer. It is given in the Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia, p. 39.—Ed.]

[893] [There is a portrait of Waldo in Jos. Williamson’s Hist. of Belfast, Me., p. 44.—Ed.]

[894] History of Massachusetts Bay, ii. 371.

[Views of this sort regarding the prudence or apathy of Rhode Island were current at the time, and Gov. Wanton, in a letter to the agent of that colony in London, Dec. 20, 1745 (R. I. Col. Records, v. 145), sets forth a justification. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, in a chapter of his naval history of Rhode Island (Historical Mag., xviii. 24, 94), claims that the position of the colony has been misrepresented.—Ed.]

[895] [For authorities, see post, p. 448.—Ed.]

[896] Letter to the Duke of Bedford in Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia, p. 560.

[897] July 17, 1750, a proclamation was ordered to be published “against the retailing of spirituous liquors without a license.” August 28th, a second proclamation was ordered to be published, and “a penalty be added of 20 shillings sterling for each offence, to be paid to the informers, and that all retailers of liquors be forbid on the same penalty to entertain any company after nine at night.” In the following February, it was “Resolved, that over and above the penalties declared by former Acts of council, any person convicted of selling spirituous liquors without the governor’s license, shall for the first offence sit in the pillory or stocks for one hour, and for the second offence shall receive twenty lashes.”—Selections from the Public Documents, pp. 570, 579, 603.

[898] Ibid., p. 710.

[899] Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia, p. 266.

[900] Winslow’s Journal in Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society, iii. 94, 95.

[901] Winslow’s Journal in Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society, iii. 98.

[902] Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia, pp. 302, 303.

[903] Ibid., pp. 329-334.

[904] Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia. Published under a Resolution of the House of Assembly, passed March 15, 1865. Edited by Thomas B. Akins, D. C. L., Commissioner of Public Records. The Translations from the French by Benj. Curren, D. C. L. Halifax, N. S., 1869. 8vo, pp. 755. [See further in Editorial Notes following the present chapter.—Ed.]

[905] [This journal had already been printed in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1879, p. 383.]

[906] Report and Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society. Vols. i.-iv. Halifax: Printed at the Morning Herald Office. 1879-1885. 8vo, pp. 140, 160, 208, 258.

[907] A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie. By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., Q. C. Halifax, N. S. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo, pp. xv. and 543, xiv. and 624, xxiii. and 613.

[908] The History of Acadia, from its first Discovery to its Surrender to England by the Treaty of Paris. By James Hannay. St. John, N. B., 1879. 8vo, pp. vii. and 440.

[909] Nova Scotia, in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial Relations. By Duncan Campbell. Halifax, N. S. Montreal, 1873. 8vo, pp. 548.

[910] A History of the County of Pictou, Nova Scotia. By the Rev. George Patterson, D. D. Montreal, 1877. 8vo, pp. 471.

[911] See post for fac-simile of title-page.

[912] We encounter Gyles frequently as commander of posts in the eastern country. He lived latterly at Roxbury, Mass., and published at Boston, in 1736, Memoirs of the odd adventures, strange deliverances, etc., in the captivity of John Gyles, Esq., Commander of the garrison on St. George’s River. This book is of great rarity. There is a copy in Harvard College library [5315.14] and a defective one in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (Catalogue, p. 553). One is noted in S. G. Drake’s Sale Catalogue, 1845, which seems also to have been imperfect. Drake in reprinting the book in his Tragedies of the Wilderness, Boston, 1846 (p. 73), altered the text throughout. It was perhaps Drake’s copy which is noted in the Brinley Catalogue, i. no. 476, selling for $37. It was again reprinted in Cincinnati, by William Dodge, in 1869, but he followed Drake’s disordered text. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 547; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 336; Church, Entertaining Passages, Dexter’s ed., ii. 163, 203; Johnston, Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid, 183; J. A. Vinton’s Gyles Family, 122; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., Jan., 1867, p. 49; Oct., 1867, p. 361.)

[913] Shea’s Charlevoix, iv. 171.

[914] See Vol. IV. p. 62.

[915] There were two governors of Canada of this name, who must not be confounded. This was the earlier.

[916] L’Abbé J. A. Maurault, Histoire des Abénakis, 1866; chapters 9-15 cover “Les Abénakis en Canada et en Acadie, 1701-1755.”

[917] John Marshall’s diary under March, 1707, notes the disinclination of the people to agree with the determination of the General Court to make a descent on Port Royal. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 159.) There are in the Collection de Manuscrits, etc. (Quebec, 1884), two papers on this matter: one dated Port Royal, June 26, 1707, “Entreprise des Anglois contre l’Acadie” (vol. ii. p. 464); the other dated July 6, “Entreprise des Bastonnais sur l’Acadie par M. Labat” (p. 477).

[918] Colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and John Leverett. Letters from the latter respecting the expedition are in C. E. Leverett’s Memoir of John Leverett, and in Quincy’s Hist. of Harvard Univ. Cf. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iii. 185, 197; Marshall’s diary in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., April, 1884, p. 159.

[919] Hannay (Acadia, 269) judges Charlevoix’s stories of hand-to-hand fighting as largely fabulous. Hutchinson (ii. 134) prints a letter from Wainwright, who had succeeded March in command, in which the sorry condition of the men is set forth.

[920] These tracts are: A Memorial of the Present Deplorable State of New England, with the many disadvantages it lyes under by the mall-administration of their present Governor, Joseph Dudley, Esq., and his son Paul ... to which is added a faithful but melancholy account of several barbarities by the French and Indians in the east and west parts of New England, Printed in the year 1707, and sold ... in Boston. Two things seem clear: that Cotton Mather incited, perhaps wrote, this tract, and that the printing was done in London. It is not known that there is a copy in this country, and the reprint was made from one in the British Museum.

Dudley or some friend rejoined in the second tract, not without violent recriminations upon Mather: A modest enquiry into the grounds and occasions of a late pamphlet intituled a Memorial, etc. By a disinterested hand. London, 1707. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 99; Murphy, i. 327.)

The third tract touches particularly the present expedition: The Deplorable State of New England, by reason of a covetous and treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors, ... to which is added an account of the shameful miscarriage of the late expedition against Port Royal. London, 1708. (Harv. Coll. library, 10396.80; and Carter-Brown, iii. no. 115.) This tract was reprinted in Boston in 1720. The North Amer. Rev. (iii. 305) says that this pamphlet was thought to have been written by the Rev. John Higginson, of Salem, at the age of ninety-two; but the “A. H.” of the preface is probably Alexander Holmes. (Sabin, v. 19,639.) Palfrey (iv. 304, etc.) thinks that its smartness and pedantry indicate rather Cotton Mather or John Wise (Brinley, i., no. 285) as the author.

[921] Stevens, Bibliotheca Geog., no. 887; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 428; Brinley, i. no. 83; Sabin, v. 20,128. The Boston Public Library has a Rouen edition of 1708. The Carter-Brown (iii. 109, 137) has both editions, as has Mr. Barlow (Rough List, nos. 784, 789, 790). The full title of the Rouen edition is: Relation du voyage du Port Royal de l’Acadie ou de la Nouvelle France, dans laquelle on voit un détail des divers mouvements de la mer dans une traversée de long cours; la description du Païs, les occupations des François qui y sont établis, les manières des différentes nations sauvages, leurs superstitions et leurs chasses, avec une dissertation exacte sur le Castor. Ensuite de la relation, on y a ajouté le détail d’un combat donné entre les François et les Acadiens contre les Anglois.

[922] Jeremiah Dummer’s memorial, Sept. 10, 1709, setting forth that the French possessions on the river of Canada do of right belong to the Crown of Great Britain. (Mass. Hist. Coll., xxi. 231.)

[923] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823.

[924] Cf. Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., v. 72; N. E. H. and Gen. Reg., 1870, p. 129, etc.

[925] Palfrey, iv. 275, quotes Sunderland’s instructions to Dudley from the British Colonial Papers. The proclamation which the British agents issued on their arrival, with Dudley’s approval, is in the Mass. Archives. Vetch had as early as 1701 been engaged in traffic up the St. Lawrence. Cf. Journal of the voyage of the sloop Mary from Quebec, 1701, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan, Albany, 1866. Through this and other adventures he had acquired a knowledge of the river; and in pursuance of such traffic he had gained some enmity, and had at one time been fined £200 for trading with the French. It was in 1706 that William Rouse, Samuel Vetch, John Borland, and others were arrested on this charge. (Mass. Hist. Coll., xviii. 240.)

[926] Hutchinson, ii. 161; Barry, Mass., ii. 98, and references; Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 222.

[927] Bearing an address to the queen, asking for assistance in another attempt the next year. (Mass. Archives, xx. 119, 124.)

[928] Some documents relative to the equipment are given in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1876, p. 196. Dudley (July 31, 1710) notified the New Hampshire assembly of the provisions to be made for the expedition. N. H. Prov. Papers, iii. p. 435.

[929] The Rev. George Patterson, D. D., of New Glasgow, N. S., contributed in 1885 to the Eastern Chronicle, published in that town, a series of papers on “Samuel Vetch, first English governor of Nova Scotia.” Cf. also J. G. Wilson on “Samuel Vetch, governor of Acadia” in International Review, xi. 462; and The Scot in British North America (Toronto, 1880), i. p. 288. There is also in the Nova Scotia Historical Collections, vol. iv., a memoir of Samuel Vetch by Dr. Patterson, including papers of his administration in Nova Scotia, 1710-13, with Paul Mascarene’s narrative of events at Annapolis, Oct., 1710 to Sept., 1711, dated at Boston, Nov. 6, 1713; as also a “journal of a voyage designed to Quebeck from Boston, July, 1711,” in Sir Hovenden Walker’s expedition. (See the following chapter.)

[930] Sabin, ix. p. 525; Harv. Col. lib., 6374.12. The general authorities on the French side are Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 224, 227, etc., with references, including some strictures on Charlevoix’s account, by De Gannes. An estimate of Subercase by Vaudreuil is in N. Y. Col. Doc., ix. 853. Cf. Garneau’s Canada (1882), ii. 42; E. Rameau, Une Colonie féodale en Amerique—L’Acadie, 1604-1710 (Paris, 1877); Célestin Moreau, L’Acadie Française, 1598-1755, ch. 10 (Paris, 1873). The English side is in Penhallow, p. 59; Hutchinson, ii. 165; Haliburton, i. 85; Williamson, ii. 59; Palfrey, iv. 277; Barry, ii. 100, with references; Hannay, 272; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 105. Nicholson’s demand for surrender (Oct. 3), Subercase’s reply (Oct. 12), the latter’s report to the French minister, and a paper, “Moyens de reprendre l’Acadie” (St. Malo, Jan. 10, 1711), are in Collection de Manuscrits (Quebec, 1884), ii. pp. 523, 525, 528, 532. There is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (Misc. Papers, 41.41) a diagram showing the plan of sailing for the armed vessels and the transports on this expedition, with a list of the signals to be used, and instructions to the commanders of the transports.

Major Livingstone, accompanied by the younger Castine, was soon sent by way of the Penobscot to Quebec to acquaint Vaudreuil, the French governor, on behalf of both Nicholson and Subercase, with the capture of Port Royal, and to demand the discontinuance of the Indian ravages. Livingstone’s journal is, or was, in the possession of the Chicago Historical Society, when William Barry (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1861, p. 230) communicated an account of it, showing how the manuscript had probably been entrusted to Governor Gurdon Saltonstall, and had descended in his family. (N. Y. Col. Docs., v. 257.) Cf. Palfrey, iv. 278; Williamson, ii. 60; a paper on the Baron de St. Castin, by Noah Brooks, in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., May, 1883; Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 233. Penhallow seems to have had Livingstone’s journal; Hutchinson (ii. 168) certainly had it. Cf. account in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 854. Castine’s instructions are in Collection de Manuscrits, ii. p. 534.

[931] Field, Indian Bibliog., nos. 1,202-3; Brinley, i. nos. 414, 415; Palfrey, New England, iv. 256; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 407; Tyler, Amer. Literature, ii. 141; Hunnewell’s Bibliog. of Charlestown, p. 7. Mr. Henry C. Murphy (Catalogue, no. 1,924) refers to the original MS. of this book as being in the Force collection, and as showing some occasional variations from the printed copy. (Cf. Catalogue of the Prince Collection, p. 49; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 384.) Penhallow had been engaged, during the April preceding the August in which he began his history, on a mission to the Penobscots, the reports of which are in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1880, p. 90. There is a sketch of him and his family in Ibid., 1878, p. 28. There are many letters of Samuel Penhallow among the Belknap Papers in the Mass. Hist. Society (61. A).

[932] Tyler, Amer. Lit., ii. 143.

[933] Cf. Vol. III. p. 361; also Tyler’s Amer. Lit., ii. 140; Brinley, i. nos. 383-4. Quaritch priced it in 1885 at £50. The best working edition is that edited by Dr. H. M. Dexter.

[934] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 186; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 371; Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. p. 117.

[935] Cf. James Sullivan’s Hist. of the Penobscots in Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 207; and a memoir respecting the Abenakis of Acadia (1718) in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 879.

[936] Hutchinson, ii. 246; Palfrey, iv. 423. For the Castin family, see Bangor Centennial, 25; Shea’s Charlevoix, v. 274, and references in Vol. IV. p. 147. Williamson (ii. 71, 144) seems to confound the two sons of the first Baron de Castin, judging from the letter of Joseph Dabadis de St. Castin, dated at Pentagouet, July 23, 1725, where he complains of the treachery of the commander of an English vessel. (N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., Ap., 1860, p. 140, for a letter from Mass. Archives, lii. p. 226.) See also Maine Hist. Coll., vii., and Wheeler’s Hist. of Castine, 24.

[937] Penhallow, 90; Vaudreuil and Begon in N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 933. Dr. Shea (Charlevoix, v. 278) thinks some rude translations of letters of Rasle (Mass. Hist. Coll., xviii. 245, 266), alleged to have been found at Norridgewock, are suspicious. Cf. Palfrey, iv. 422, 423; Farmer and Moore’s Hist. Coll., ii. 108. A distinct asseveration of the incitement of the French authorities and their priests is in the Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, published by Dr. Clarke in Boston in 1755, quoted by Franklin in his Canada pamphlet (1760), in Works, iv. p. 7. Cf. on the French side a “Mémoire sur l’entreprise que les Anglois de Baston font sur les terres des Abenakis sauvages alliés des François” in Collection de manuscrits (Quebec, 1882), ii. p. 68, where are various letters which passed between Vaudreuil and Shute.

[938] On the French side we have Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., v. 280), and the Lettres Edifiantes, sub anno 1722-1724 (cf. Vol. IV. p. 316), with the Nouvelles des Missions; Missions de l’Amérique, 1702-43, Paris, 1827, both giving Father de la Chasse’s letter, dated Quebec, Oct. 29, 1724, which is also given in English by Kip, p. 69. Cf. Les Jésuites Martyrs du Canada, Montreal, 1877, p. 243. There is a letter of Vaudreuil in N. Y. Col. Doc., ix. 936. These and on the English side the letters of Rasle, edited by Thaddeus Mason Harris, in the Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xviii., are the chief authorities; but Harmon’s journal and a statement by Moulton were used by Hutchinson (ii. 281). Upon this material the Life of Rasle, by Convers Francis in Sparks’s Amer. Biog., vol. 17, and that in Die Katholisches Kirche in dem Vereinigten Staten (Regensburg, 1864) are based.

The estimates of Rasle’s character are as diverse as the Romish and Protestant faiths can make them. The times permitted and engendered inhumanity and perfidy. There is no sentimentality to be lost over Rasle or his adversaries. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, v. 280; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 438; Hannay, Acadia, 320. Hutchinson (ii. 238) says the English classed him “among the most infamous villains,” while the French ranked him with “saints and heroes.”

Cf. further Dr. Shea, in Vol. IV. p. 273, with note; Williamson’s Maine, ii. 130; Bancroft, United States, final revision, ii. 218, etc.; Drake, Book of the Indians, iii. 127; Atlantic Souvenir, 1829; Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, i. 412; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 109; William Allen, Hist. of Norridgewock (1849); Hist. Magazine, vi. 63; Hanson’s Norridgewock and Canaan, with a view of the Rasle monument.

[939] An uncut copy was in the Brinley sale, no. 422. Cf. Haven in Thomas, p. 404; Hunnewell’s Bibliog. of Charlestown, p. 7.

[940] Brinley, i. no. 423; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.27; Haven’s Bibliog. in Thomas, p. 404. Field (Indian Bibliog., no. 1,527) says the copy sold in the Menzies sale (no. 1,940) is the only perfect copy sold at public auction in many years, and this one had passed under the hammer four times, bringing once $175, and again $132.50 when it was last sold.

[941] Field, no. 1,527. This edition has a map of the scene of action which is repeated in Kidder and reproduced herewith. N. E. Hist. & Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1861, p. 354. Only extracts of the sermon are given.

[942] A small number of copies was printed separately.

[943] There were copies on large and small paper, and a few on drawing paper. Brinley, nos. 406, 407; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Jan., 1866, p. 93; also see Ibid., 1880, p. 382.

[944] Other accounts are in Penhallow, 107, and the edition of Dodge, app.; Niles in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxv. 255, etc.; N. Hampshire Prov. Papers, iv. 168; Worcester Mag., i. 20; New Hampshire Book (1844); Williamson’s Maine, ii. 135; Davies’ Centennial Address (1825); Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. ch. 9; Belknap, New Hampshire, 209; Palfrey, iv. 440; Maine Hist. Coll., iv. 275, 290; Mason’s Dunstable; Fox’s Dunstable, p. 111; C. E. Potter, Manchester, N. H., p. 145; S. A. Green, Groton in the Indian Wars; Bay State Monthly, Feb., 1884, p. 80. Dr. Belknap describes a visit to Lovewell’s Pond in 1784 in Belknap Papers, i. 397-98; ii. 159. A list of the men making up Lovewell’s company is in the N. H. Adj. Genl. Rept., 1866, p. 46.

Various popular ballads commemorating the fight were printed in Farmer and Moore’s Hist. Coll., ii. 64, 94, and they are repeated in whole or in part in the Cincinnati (1859) edition of Penhallow, and in Kidder, Palfrey, etc.

Longfellow wrote a poem in the measure of Burns’ Bruce, for the centennial celebration of the fight, May 19, 1825, and this was his first printed poem. It has been reprinted in connection with Daniel Webster’s youthful Fourth of July oration, delivered at Fryeburg, July 4, 1802, in the Fryeburg Webster Memorial.

[945] A tract of seven pages,—in Harvard College library. A paper of this title, as printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll., v. 202, is dated “From my lodgings in Cecil Street, 9 April, 1744.” An early MS. copy is in a volume of Louisbourg Papers in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library.

[946] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823; Brinley, i. no. 70.

[947] See on the contribution of New York to the expedition, N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 284.

[948] Cf. William Goold on “Col. William Vaughan of Matinicus and Damariscotta,” in the Collections (viii. p. 291) of the Maine Historical Society. S. G. Drake’s Five Years’ French and Indian War (Albany, 1870). Palfrey (Compendious History of New England, iv. 257) gives Vaughan the credit. Cf. Johnston’s Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid, p. 290.

[949] Cf. Chauncy’s Sermon on the victory, p. 9; Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 69. The Rev. Amos Adams, or Roxbury, in his Concise History of New England, etc. (Boston, reprinted in London, 1770), written at a time when “many of us remember the readiness with which thousands engaged themselves in that hazardous enterprise,” credits Shirley with the planning of it.

[950] A memorandum of Dr. Belknap, printed in the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (x. p. 313) shows as being in the cabinet of that society in 1792 the following sets of papers: Correspondence between Shirley and Wentworth, 1742-1753; between Shirley and Pepperrell, 1745-1746; between Pepperrell and Warren, 1745; between these last and the British ministry, 1745-1747; and between Pepperrell and persons of distinction throughout America, 1745-1747. These papers as now arranged cover the preparations for the siege, as well as its progress, and the events immediately succeeding. Pepperrell’s letters are mostly drafts, in his own hand. The instructions from Shirley are dated Mar. 19 (p. 13). We find here “A register of all the Commissions” (p. 26); the notification of the capitulation, June 20 (p. 63). There are letters of Benning Wentworth, Com. Warren, Gen. Waldo, John Gorham, John Bradstreet, Arthur Noble, William Vaughan, John Rous, Robert Auchmuty, Ammi R. Cutter, N. Sparhawk, etc. There are also various letters of Benj. Colman, who from his relations to Pepperrell took great interest in the movement. (Cf. the Colman papers, 1697-1747, presented to the same society in 1793.) The editor of N. H. Prov. Papers, vol. v., prints various papers as from the “Belknap Papers” in the N. H. Hist. Society library. Cf. Belknap Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.), i. 120.

[951] It contains manuscript books, bound together, which were in part the gift of the Hon. Daniel Sargent, and in part came from the heirs of Dr. Belknap. These books contain copies of the leading official papers of the expedition and capitulation, the records of the councils of war from Apr. 5, 1745, at Canso, to May 16, 1746, at Louisbourg, the letters of Pepperrell, Shirley, Warren, and others between Mar. 27, 1745, and May 30, 1746; records of consultation on board the “Superbe,” Warren’s flag-ship; with various other letters of Warren; several narratives and journals of the siege and later transactions at Louisbourg, some of them bearing interlineations and erasures as if original drafts; and papers respecting pilots and deserters. The writer of the diaries and narrative is given in one case only, that of an artillerist who records events between May 17 and June 16, 1745, and signs the name of Sergeant Joseph Sherburn. There are also some notes made at the battery near the Light-house beginning June 11.

[952] Boston and London, 1855-56, three editions. Sabin, xiv. no. 58,921.

[953] Other special accounts of Pepperrell are by Ward in the appendix of Curwen’s Journal and in Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag., July, 1858; Mag. of Amer. Hist., Nov., 1878; Potter’s Amer. Monthly, Sept., 1881.

[954] Seth Pomeroy’s letter to his wife from Louisbourg, May 8, 1745, was first printed by Edward Everett in connection with his oration on “The Seven Years’ War a School of the Revolution.” Cf. his Orations, i. p. 402.

[955] Harv. Coll. library, 4375.46; Boston Pub. Library, 4417.27; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 824.

[956] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.41, 5316.38; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 489; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 585; Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. nos. 815, 816. It again appeared as An accurate and authentic account of the taking of Cape Breton in the year 1745, London, 1758 (cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,175; Stevens, Bibl. Amer., 1885, £3 13s. 6d.), and in the American Magazine, 1746.

[957] Carter-Brown, iii. 801, 805. Gibson accompanied the prisoners as cartel-agent when they sailed for France, July 4, 1745.

[958] Of the vessels shown in this view the “Massachusetts” frigate (no. 20) was under the command of Edward Tyng, the senior of the provincial naval officers, who, acting under Shirley’s commission, had found a merchantman on the stocks, which under Tyng’s direction was converted into this cruiser of 24 guns. (Mass. Hist. Coll., x. 181; Williamson’s Maine, ii. 223; Preble’s “Notes on Early Ship-Building,” in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1871, p. 363; Alden’s Epitaphs, ii. 328; Drake’s Five Years’ War, 246.) Tyng had been a successful officer. The previous year he had captured a French privateer which, sailing from Louisbourg, had infested the bay, and on May 24, 1744, the town of Boston had thanked him.

The next ranking provincial naval officer was Capt. John Rous, or Rouse, who commanded the “Shirley Galley,” a snow, or two-masted vessel, of 24 guns. Rouse had the previous year, in a Boston privateer, spread some consternation among the French fishing-fleet on the Grand Banks. It was this provincial craft and the royal ship the “Mermaid,” of 40 guns, Capt. James Douglas, which captured the French man-of-war the “Vigilant,” 64 guns (no. 15), as she was approaching the coast. (Drake’s Five Years’ War, App. C.) Douglas was transferred to the captured ship, and a requisition was made upon the colonies to furnish a crew to man her. (Corresp., etc., in R. I. Col. Rec., v.) Capt. William Montague was put in command of the “Mermaid,” and after the surrender she sailed, June 22, for England with despatches, arriving July 20. Duplicate despatches were sent by Rouse in the “Shirley Galley,” which sailed July 4. The British government took the “Shirley Galley” into their service and commissioned Rouse as a royal post-captain. This vessel disappears from sight after 1749, when Rouse is found in command of a vessel in the fleet which brought Cornwallis to Chebucto (Halifax). At the time of Rouse’s death at Portsmouth, Apr. 3, 1760, he was in command of the “Sutherland,” 50 guns. (Charnock, Biographia Navalis; Isaac J. Greenwood’s “First American built vessels in the British navy,” in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1866, p. 323. There are notes on Rouse, with references, in Hist. Mag., i. 156, and N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 59; cf. also Drake’s Five Years’ French and Indian War, p. 240, and Nova Scotia Docs., ed. by Akins, p. 225.) Preble (N. E. H. and Gen. Reg., 1868, p. 396) collates contemporary authorities for a precise description of a “galley.” Such a ship was usually a “snow,” as the largest two-masted vessels were often called, and would seem to have carried all her guns on a continuous deck, without the higher tiers at the ends, which was customary with frigates built low only at the waist.

The “Cæsar,” of 20 guns, was commanded by Capt. Snelling, the third ranking provincial officer.

[959] Gov. Wolcott, of Connecticut, wrote to Gov. Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, that the secret of the success of the Louisbourg expedition lay in the fact that the besiegers were freeholders and the besieged mercenaries. (Pa. Archives, ii. p. 127.)

[960] Petitions of one Capt. John Lane, who calls himself the first man wounded in the siege, are in the Mass. Archives, and are printed in the Hist. Mag., xxi. 118.

[961] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 796, 805. Cf. Samuel Niles, A brief and plain essay on God’s wonder-working Providence for New England in the reduction of Louisbourg. N. London (T. Green), 1747. This is in verse. (Sabin, xiii. 55,330.)

[962] Burrows (Life of Lord Hawke, p. 341) says of this tract: “Few papers convey a more accurate description of contemporary opinion on the colonial questions disputed between Great Britain and France in the last century.”

[963] “A train of favorable, unforeseen, and even astonishing events facilitated the conquest,” says Amos Adams in his Concise Hist. of New England, etc. Palfrey in his review of Mahon speaks of it as “one of the wildest undertakings ever projected by sane people.” Whatever the fortuitous character of the conquest, there was an attempt made in England to give the chief credit of it to Warren, who never landed a marine during its progress.

This assumption was violently maintained in the debates in Parliament at the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. The question is examined by Stone in his Life of Johnson, i. 152, who also, p. 58, gives an account of Warren and his residence in New York. English statesmen were not so instructed later, but that Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the Bedford Correspondence, i. p. xliv., could say: “Commodore Warren, having been despatched by the Duke of Bedford for that purpose, took Louisbourg.”

[964] The French record of some of the principal official documents is in the Collection de Manuscrits (Quebec), vol. iii., such as the summons of May 7, the declination of May 18 (pp. 220, 221), the papers of the final surrender and exchange of prisoners (pp. 221-236, 265, 314, 377), and Du Chambon’s account of the siege, written from Rochefort, Sept. 2, 1745 (p. 237).

[965] Inquiry has not disclosed that any portrait of Gridley exists.

[966] Both of these works contain another map, Plan of the City and Harbour of Louisbourg, showing the landing place of the British in 1745 and 1758, and their encampment in 1758.

[967] The Carter-Brown Catalogue (iii. no. 1,469) gives the date of publication 1765, and assigns its publication to “Mary Ann Rocque, topographer to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Gloucester.”

[968] Amer. Magazine (Boston), Dec., 1745. Some of Shirley’s admirers caused his portrait to be painted, and some years later they gave it to the town of Boston, and it was hung in Faneuil Hall. Town Records, 1742-57, p. 26.

[969] Mascarene in a letter to Shirley, April 6, 1748, undertakes to show the difficulties of composing the jealousies of the English towards the Acadians. Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 120.

[970] In Harv. Coll. library “Collection of Nova Scotia maps.”

[971] Cf. Lawrence to Monckton, 28 March, 1755, in Aspinwall Papers (Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxix. 214).

[972] The annexed plan is from the Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760, as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (re-impression), 1873, p. 45. The same Mémoires has a plan (p. 40) of Fort Lawrence. Various plans and views of Chignectou are noted in the Catalogue of the King’s Maps (British Museum), i. 239. A “Large and particular plan of Shegnekto Bay and the circumjacent country, with forts and settlements of the French till dispossessed by the English, June, 1755, drawn on the spot by an officer,” was published Aug. 16, 1755, by Jefferys, and is given in his General Topography of North America and West Indies, London, 1766. Cf. J. G. Bourinot’s “Some old forts by the sea,” in Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada, i. sect. 2, p. 71.

[973] A contemporary account of these Indians, by a French missionary among them, was printed in London in 1758, as An account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations now dependent on the government of Cape Breton. (Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1,062; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,984, £4 4s.)

[974] The Life and Sufferings of Henry Grace, Reading, 1764 [Harv. Coll. lib. 5315.5], gives the experience of one of Lawrence’s men, captured by the Indians at this time.

[975] The French ministry were advising Vaudreuil, “Nothing better can be done than to foment this war of the Indians on the English, which at least delays their settlements.” (N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 949.)

[976] Cf. references in Barry’s Mass., ii. 199. The journal of Winslow during the siege in the summer and autumn of 1755 is printed from the original MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, in the Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. iv. Tracts of the time indicate the disparagement which the provincial men received during these events from the regular officers. Cf. Account of the present state of Nova Scotia in two letters to a noble lord,—one from a gentleman in the navy lately arrived from thence; the other from a gentleman who long resided there, London, 1756. Cf. also French policy defeated, being an account of all the hostile proceedings of the French against the British colonies in North America for the last seven years, ... with an account of the naval engagement of Newfoundland and the taking of the forts in the Bay of Fundy, London, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,060.)

[977] On the 10th of Aug., 1754, Lawrence had sent a message to the Acadians, who had gone over to the French, that he should still hold them to their oaths, and this, as well as a letter of Le Loutre to Lawrence, Aug. 26, 1754, will be found in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, New France, i. pp. 271, 281.

[978] Minot, without knowledge of these documents, says: “They [the Acadians] maintained, with some exceptions, the character of neutrals.”

[979] Cf. Bury’s Exodus of the Western Nations, vol. ii. ch. 7.

[980] “They call themselves neutrals, but are rebels and traitors, assisting the French and Indians at all opportunities to murder and cut our throats.” Ames’s Almanac, 1756,—a household authority.

[981] This condition was thoroughly understood by the French authorities. Cf. Vaudreuil’s despatch when he heard of the deportation, Oct. 18, 1755. Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., x. 358. On Nov. 2, 1756, Lotbinière, addressing the French ministry on a contemplated movement against Nova Scotia, says: “The English have deprived us of a great advantage by removing the French families.”

[982] Winslow’s instructions, dated Halifax, Aug. 11, 1755, are printed in Akins’s Selections, etc., 271. It has sometimes been alleged that a greed to have the Acadian lands to assign to English settlers was a chief motive in this decision. Letters between Lawrence and the Board of Trade (Oct. 18, 1755, etc.) indicate that the hope of such succession to lands was entertained after the event; but it was several years before the hope had fruition.

[983] Guillaume Thomas Raynal’s Histoire philosophique et politique des Etablissemens et du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes, Paris, 1770; Geneva, 1780 (in 5 vols. 4to, and 10 vols. 8vo.); revised, Paris, 1820. (Rich, after 1700, p. 290; H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 648.)

[984] M. Pascal Poirier in the Revue Canadienne (xi. pp. 850, 927; xii. pp. 71, 216, 310, 462, 524) discusses the question of mixed blood, and gives reasons for the mutual attachments of the Acadians and Abenakis, confronting the views of Rameau. He follows the Acadian story down, and traces the migrations of families.

[985] A writer in the Amer. Cath. Q. Rev. (1884), ix. 592, defends the “Acadian confessors of the faith,” and charges Hannay with “monstrous and barefaced perversions of history.” Cf. among the Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Society, New France, i. p. 165) a paper called “Etat présent des missions de l’Acadie. Efforts impuissants des gouverneurs anglois pour détruir la religion catholique dans l’Acadie.”

[986] Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., x. p. 5.

[987] United States, final revision, ii. 426.

[988] These are set forth in Hannay’s Acadia, ch. xx.; Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., x. p. 11, etc.; Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 114, 266, etc.; Akins’s Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia (with authorities there cited); Mémoires sur le Canada, 1749-1760 (Quebec, 1838). Le Loutre was a creature of whom it is difficult to say how much of his conduct was due to fanaticism, and how much to a heartless villainy. The French were quite as much inclined as any one to consider him a villain. The Acadians themselves had often found that he could use his Micmacs against them like bloodhounds.

[989] Minot, i. 220.

[990] Rameau (La France aux Colonies, p. 97) allows Raynal’s description to be a forced fantasy to point a moral; but he contends for a basis of fact in it. Cf. Antoine Marie Cerisier’s Remarques sur les erreurs de l’histoire philosphique et politique de Mr. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, par rapport aux affaires de l’Amérique septentrionale, Amsterdam, 1783.

[991] The General History of the Late War, London, 1763, etc.

[992] A Brief State of the Services and Expenses of the Massachusetts Bay, London, 1765, p. 17.

[993] Hist. of Mass. Bay, iii. 39.

[994] Massachusetts, ch. i. x.

[995] Vol. IV. p. 156. Cf. Morgan, Bibliotheca Canadensis, p. 168.

[996] Cf. Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 123. This journal is in three volumes, the first opening with a letter of proposals by Winslow, addressed to Shirley, followed by a copy of Winslow’s commission as lieutenant-colonel, Feb. 10, 1755. Transcripts then follow of instructions, letters, accounts, orders, rosters, log-books, reports, down to Jan., 1756. This volume is mostly, if not wholly, in Winslow’s own hand. It has been printed in vol. iii. of the Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Collections, beginning with a letter from Grand Pré, Aug. 22, 1755. The second volume (Feb.-Aug., 1756) has a certificate that it is, “to the best of my skill and judgment, a true record of original papers committed to my care for that purpose.” This is signed “Henry Leddel, Secretary to General Winslow.” The third volume (Aug.-Dec., 1756) is similarly certified. There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. another collection of Winslow’s papers (cf. Proc., iii. 92) covering 1737-1766, being mostly of a routine military character.

[997] Compare the enumeration of MSS. on Acadia, as indexed in the Catalogue of the Library of Parliament, Toronto, 1858, p. 1451. There are preserved in the office of the registrar of the Province of Quebec ten volumes of MS. copies of documents relating to the history of Canada, covering many pertaining to Acadia. A list of their contents was printed in 1883, entitled Réponse à un ordre de la chambre, demandant copie de la liste des documents se rapportant à l’histoire du Canada, copiés et conservés au département du régistraire de la Province de Québec. J. Blanchet, Secrétaire. Cf. “Evangeline and the Archives of Nova Scotia,” in Trans. Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, 1869-70.

[998] Orig. ed. (1852), iv. 206. In writing his first draft of the transaction in 1852, Bancroft, referring seemingly to Haliburton’s statement, says: “It has been supposed that these records of the council are no longer in existence; but I have authentic copies of them.” (Orig. ed., iv. 200).

[999] Ed. 1882, vol. ii. 225.

[1000] “The publications of C. R. Williams, with notes concerning them,” in R. I. Hist. Tracts. no. xi. For other accounts concerning the condition of the “Evangeline Country,” see E. B. Chase’s Over the Border, Acadia, the home of Evangeline (Boston, 1884), with various views; J. De Mille in Putnam’s Magazine, ii. 140; G. Mackenzie in Canadian Monthly, xvi. 337; C. D. Warner’s Baddeck (Boston, 1882); and the view of Grandpré in Picturesque Canada, ii. 789.

[1001] There is a sample of this purely sympathetic comment in Whittier’s Prose Works, ii. 64.

[1002] New series, vol. vii. (1870).

[1003] Palfrey (Compend. Hist. New England, iv. 209) says: “There appears to be no doubt that they were a virtuous, simple-minded, industrious, unambitious, religious people. They were rich enough for all their wants. They lived in equality, contentment, and brotherhood; the priest or some trusted neighbor settled whatever differences arose among them.”

[1004] Halifax, 1865-67, vol. ii. ch. 20. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 156.

[1005] Page 369.

[1006] Ch. iv. and viii.

[1007] Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 90.

[1008] He does intimate, in some later published letters, that a taking of hostages might perhaps have sufficed. The controversy of which these letters are a part began with the anticipatory publication by Mr. Parkman of his chapter on the Acadians in Harper’s Monthly, Nov., 1884. This drew out from Mr. Philip H. Smith a paper in the Nation, Oct. 30, 1884, in which incautiously, and depending on Haliburton, he charged the English with rifling their archives to rid them of the proofs of the atrocity of the deportation. Parkman exposed his error, in the same journal, Nov. 6, 1884, and also in the N. Y. Evening Post, Jan. 20, 1885, and Boston Evening Transcript, Jan. 22. Smith transferred his challenge to the Boston Evening Transcript of Feb. 11, 1885, making a good point in quoting the Philadelphia Memorial of the Acadians, which affirmed that papers which could show their innocence had been taken from them; but he unwisely claimed for the exiles the literary skill of that memorial, which seems to have been prepared by some of their Huguenot friends in Philadelphia. A few more letters appeared in the same journal from Parkman, Akins, and Smith, but added nothing but iteration to the question. (Cf. Transcript, Feb. 25, by Parkman; March 19 by Akins; March 23, April 3, by Smith.)

[1009] Akins’ Select. from Pub. Doc., 277; Smith’s Acadia, 219.

[1010] A letter from a gentleman in Nova Scotia to a person of distinction in the continent, describing the present state of government in that colony, 1736, p. 7.

[1011] Boston Transcript, Feb. 11, 1885. In his Acadia, p. 256, he says 15,000 were “forcibly extirpated” [sic], but he probably includes later deportations, mainly from the northern side of the Bay of Fundy.

[1012] Une Colonie féodale en Amérique (Paris, 1877). To this 6,000 Rameau adds 4,000 as the number previously removed to the islands of the gulf, 4,000 as having crossed the neck to come under French protection, and 2,000 as having escaped the English,—thus making a total of 16,000, which he believes to have been the original population of the peninsula. Cf. on Rameau, Daniel’s Nos Gloires, ii. 345

[1013] See Lawrence’s letter to Monckton in the “Aspinwall Papers,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xxxix. 214

[1014] Lawrence’s letter to Hancock, Sept. 10, 1755, in N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1876, p. 17.

[1015] There are large extracts from these Archives in the Winslow Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.). North Amer. Rev., 1848, p. 231. There is usually scant, if any, mention of them in the published town histories of Massachusetts. In Bailey’s Andover (p. 297) there is some account of those sent to that town, and a copy of a petition (Mass. Archives, xxiii. 49) from those in Andover and adjacent towns to the General Court, urging that their children should not be bound out to service. Cf. also Aaron Hobart’s Abington, App. F., and “Lancaster in Acadie and Acadiens in Lancaster,” by H. S. Nourse, in Bay State Monthly, i. 239; Granite Monthly, vii. 239. More came to Boston in the first shipment than were expected, and New Hampshire was asked to receive the excess. N. H. Prov. Records, vi. 445, 446.

[1016] N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1862, p. 142.

[1017] Jasper Mauduit’s letter to the House of Representatives, relating to a reimbursement of the expense of supporting the French neutrals, 1763. Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 189. Among the Bernard Papers (Sparks MSS.), ii. 279, is a letter from Bernard to Capt. Brookes, dated Castle William, Sept. 26, 1762, forbidding the landing of Acadians from his “transports.” There is also in Ibid., ii. 83, a letter of Gov. Bernard, July 20, 1763, in which he speaks of a proposition which had been made to the French neutrals then in the province, to go to France on invitation of the French government. “Many of these people,” he adds, “are industrious, and would, I believe, prefer this country and become subjects of Great Britain in earnest, if they were assured of liberty of conscience.” The governor accordingly asks instructions from the Lords of Trade. The number of such people intending to go was, as he says, 1,019 in all, which he considers very near if not quite the whole number in the province. Bernard expressed a hope that he could induce them to settle rather at Miramichi, as he had formed a high opinion of their industry and frugality (p. 86). When some of them wished to migrate to Saint Pierre, the small island near the St. Lawrence Gulf, then lately confirmed to France, the governor and council tried to persuade them to remain.

[1018] See further in Penna. Archives, ii. 513, 581; Penna. Col. Recs., vii. 45, 55, 239-241, 408-410.

[1019] Cf. also his Contributions to Amer. History (1858), and Philad. American and Gazette, Mar. 29, 1856.

[1020] Penna. Mag. of Hist., iii. 147. Cf. also Scharf’s Maryland, i. 475-79; Johnston’s Cecil County (1881), p. 263.

[1021] Dinwiddie Papers, ii. 268, 280, 293, 306, 347, 360, 363, 379, 380, 396, 408, 444, 538.

[1022] Hist. Georgia, i. 505.

[1023] Dinwiddie Papers, ii. 410, 412, 417, 463, 479, 544.

[1024] Akins’ Selections, etc., 303; R. I. Col. Rec., v. 529.

[1025] In July, 1756, Governor Spencer Phips gave orders to detain seven boats, containing ninety persons.

[1026] Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., vii. 125.

[1027] R. L. Daniels in Scribner’s Monthly, xix. 383.

[1028] From January to May, 1765, 650 arrived from the English colonies. Gayarré, Louisiana, its history as a French colony (N. Y., 1852), pp. 122, 132.

[1029] Parkman, i. 282-3. There are various papers of uncertain value in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, New France, vol. i., respecting the fate and numbers of the exiles. One paper dated at London in 1763 says there were 866 in England, 2,000 in France, and 10,000 in the English colonies. Another French document of the same year places the number in France at from three thousand to thirty-five hundred. There are among these papers plans for establishing some at Guiana, with letters from others at Miquelon and at Cherbourg.

[1030] Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xiii. 77.

[1031] See chapter viii.

[1032] Sabin, ix. 36,727; Boston Public Library, 4426.17; Harvard Coll. lib., 4375.39; Haven, Ante Rev. Bibliog., p. 540. Parkman (Montcalm and Wolfe, ii. 81) refers to five letters from Amherst to Pitt, written during the siege, which he got from the English Public Record Office, copies of which are in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. Cf. Proc., 2d ser., i. p. 360.

[1033] There is an abstract in English of the journal of a French officer during the siege, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1881, p. 179.

[1034] He sometimes called himself Thomas Signis Tyrrell, after his mother’s family. Cf. Akins’ Select. from Pub. Doc. of N. Scotia, p. 229, where some of Pichon’s papers, preserved at Halifax, are printed.

[1035] Sabin, xv. 62,610-11; Brinley, i. no. 71; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,274-75. There are in the Collection de Manuscrits (Quebec, 1883, etc.) Drucour’s account of the defences of Louisbourg (iv. 145); Lahoulière’s account of the siege, dated Aug. 6, 1758 (iv. 176), and other narratives (iii. 465-486).

[1036] Also, Ibid., p. 188, is a journal of a subsequent scout of Montresor’s through the island.

[1037] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,184.

[1038] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389.

[1039] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680.

[1040] Particularly letters of Nathaniel Cotton, a chaplain on one of the ships.

[1041] Cf. references in Barry’s Massachusetts, ii. p. 230. There are some letters in the Penna. Archives, ii., 442, etc.

[1042] Vol. III. p. 8.

[1043] Vol. II. p. 108.

[1044] Vol. III. p. 9.

[1045] Vol. II. p. 122.

[1046] Vol. IV. p. 92.

[1047] Vol. III. p. 213.

[1048] Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the blue book, North American boundary, Part i. London, 1840.

[1049] Vol. IV. p. 380.

[1050] Vol. IV. p. 382.

[1051] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1052] Vol. III. p. 306.

[1053] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1054] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1055] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1056] Vol. IV. p. 386.

[1057] Vol. IV. p. 388.

[1058] Vol. IV. p. 390.

[1059] Vol. IV. p. 391.

[1060] Vol. IV. p. 148.

[1061] Vol. IV. p. 393.

[1062] The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670-71) the map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen,” represents the great lakes beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, Die unbekante Neue Welt, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked “per Jacobum Meursium.” Ogilby’s English version, America, being an accurate description of the New World (London, 1670), though using for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map of America, “per Johannem Ogiluium.” This volume has an extra map of the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in Montanus. These maps are repeated in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, America, being the latest and most accurate description of the new world. It will be remembered that Pope, in the Dunciad (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for his ponderous folio,—

“Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great.”

[1063] Vol. III. p. 383.

[1064] Vol. IV. p. 249.

[1065] Vol. IV. p. 228.

[1066] See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the North American boundary, Part i. London, 1840.

[1067] For further references, see sections v. and vi. of “The Kohl Collection of Maps,” published in Harvard Univ. Bulletin, 1884-85. Cf. also the Mémoire pour les limites de in Nouvelle France et de la Nouvelle Angleterre (1689) in Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531. In later volumes of this Collection will be found (vol. iii. p. 49) “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans par le Père Charlevoix,” dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii. p. 522); “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie,” dated 1755. here is an historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 781.

[1068] Moll’s maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon. Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called The world displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires, etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720.

[1069] This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about 1721. Hildeburn’s Century of Printing, no. 170. There was a claim upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth Colony, and in elucidation of such claims A patent for Plymouth in New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the Colony, etc., was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the Belknap Papers, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is called A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson’s, Esq^r., from Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin^s. Jones’ Survey in 1751, and from John North’s late survey in 1752. Attest, Thomas Johnston. The Belknap copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it is a tract called Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick, dated at Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince’s notes upon it.

[1070] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 894. Cf. Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 93.

[1071] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 915.

[1072] Brit. Mus. MSS., no. 23,615 (fol. 72).

[1073] Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746, by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, An account of the French settlements in North America ... claimed and improved by the French king. By a gentleman.

[1074] Jefferys reproduced this map in the Gentleman’s Mag. in 1746.

[1075] Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the London Mag., 1749, p. 181.

[1076] Sabin, xii. no. 47,552.

[1077] See Vol. IV. p. 154.

[1078] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 220.

[1079] Rich, Bibl. Amer. (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691.

[1080] The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William Bollan’s Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton, etc. (London, 1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the Miscellaneous State Papers, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited by the name of the editor, as the Hardwicke Papers. Cf. also Actes, mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d’Utrecht, depuis l’année 1706 jusqu’à présent. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W. Gerard’s Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty of 1713-14, and of the principal events of the war of the Spanish succession (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the American aspects of the treaty.

[1081] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981.

[1082] To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston, Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to Great Britain, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same year. Cf. Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn’s Century of Printing, no. 1,407; Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib., p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the Nova Scotia Hist. Coll., i. 105.

[1083] The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne MSS. in the Hist. MSS. Com. Report, iii. 141.

[1084] The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set forth in A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their authorities in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry to the courts of Europe. Translated from the French. New York, 1757. The 2d volume of the original 4to ed. and the 3d volume of the 12mo edition contain the following treaties which are not in the London edition, later to be mentioned:—

1629, Apr. 24, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Suze.

1632, Mar. 29, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Saint Germain-en-Laye.

1655, Nov. 3, between France and England, at Westminster.

1667, July 21-31, between France and England, at Breda; and one of alliance between Charles II. and the Netherlands.

1678, Aug. 10, between Louis XIV. and the Netherlands, at Nimégue.

1686, Nov. 16. Neutrality for America, between France and England, at London.

1687, Dec. 1-11. Provisional, between France and England, concerning America, at Whitehall.

1697, Sept. 20, between France and England, at Ryswick.
[This treaty is also in the Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii.]

1712, Aug. 19. Suspension of arms between France and England, at Paris.

1713, Mar. 31-11 Apr. Peace between France and England, and treaty of navigation and commerce, at Utrecht.

1748, Oct. 18, between France, England, and the Netherlands, at Aix-la-Chapelle.

The Bedford Correspondence (3 vols., 1842) is of the first importance in elucidating the negotiations which led to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The Mémoires of Paris and the Memorials of London also track the dispute over the St. Lucia (island) question, but in the present review that part need not be referred to.

[1085] It is said to have been arranged by Charles Townshend. Cf. Vol. IV. index.

[1086]

1. Memorial describing the limits, etc. (in French and English), signed Sept. 21, 1750, by W. Shirley and
W. Mildmay.

2. “Mémoires sur l’Acadie” of the French commissioners, Sept. 21 and Nov. 16, 1750.

3. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English), Jan. 11, 1751.

4. Memoir of the French commissioners (en réponse), Oct. 4, 1751. The “preuves” are cited at the foot of each page.

5. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English) in reply to no. 4. The “authorities” are given at the foot of the page. It is signed at Paris, Jan. 23, 1753, by William Mildmay and Ruvigny de Cosne.

6. “Pièces justificatives,” supporting the memoir of the English commissioners, Jan. 11, 1751, viz.:—

Concession of James I. to Thomas Gates, Apr., 1606 (in French and English).

Concession of James I. to Sir Wm. Alexander, Sept., 1621 (in Latin), being the same as that of Charles I., July 12, 1625.

Occurrences in Acadia and Canada in 1627-28, by Louis Kirk, as found in the papers of the Board of Trade (in French and English).

Lettres patentes au Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, Feb., 1647.

Lettres patentes au Sieur de la Tour, 1651. [There are various papers on the La Tour-D’Aulnay controversy in Collection de Manuscrits, Quebec, 1884, ii. 351, etc.]

Extract from Memoirs of Crowne, 1654 (in French and English).

Orders of Cromwell to Capt. Leverett, Sept. 18, 1656 (in French and English).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie au Roi de France, 17 Feb., 1667-8 (in French and English).

Letters of Temple, 1668 (in French and English).

Lettre du Sieur Morillon du Bourg, dated “à Boston, le 9 Nov., 1668.”

Order of Charles II. to Temple to surrender Acadia, Aug. 6, 1669 (in French and English).

Temple’s order to Capt. Walker to surrender Acadia, July 7, 1670 (in French and English).

Act of surrender of Pentagoet by Walker, Aug. 5, 1670 (in French and English).

Procès verbal de prise de possession du fort de Gemisick, Aug. 27, 1670.

Certificate de la redition de Port Royal, Sept. 2, 1670.

Ambassadeur de France au Roi d’Angleterre, Jan. 16, 1685.

Vins saisis à Pentagoet, 1687.

John Nelson to the lord justices of England, 1697 (in French and English).

Gouverneur Villebon à Gouverneur Stoughton, Sept. 5, 1698.

Vernon to Lord Lexington, Ap. 29, 1700 (in French and English).

Board of Trade to Queen Anne, June 2, 1709 (in French and English).

Promesse du Sieur de Subercase, Oct. 23, 1710.

Premières Propositions de la France, Ap. 22, 1711.

Réponses de la France, Oct. 8, 1711, aux demands de la Grand Bretagne (in French and English).

Instruction to British plenipotentiaries for making a treaty with France, Dec. 23, 1711 (in French and English).

Mémoire de M. St. Jean, May 24, 1712 (in French and English).

Réponses du Roi au mémoire envoyé de Londres, June 5-10, 1712.

Offers of France, Demands for England, the King’s Answers, Sept. 10, 1712 (in French and English).

Treaty of Utrecht, art. xii. (in Latin and French).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie par Louis XIV., May, 1713.

7. Table des Citations, etc., dans le mémoire des Com. Français, Oct. 4, 1751, viz.—

Ouvrages imprimés: Traités, 1629-1749; Mémoires, etc., par les Com. de sa Majesté Britannique; Titres
et pièces communiquées aux Com. de sa Majesté Britannique.

Pièces manuscrites;—

1632, May 19. Concession à Rasilly.

1635, Jan. 15. Concession à Charles de St. Étienne.

1638, Feb. 10. Lettre du Roy au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1641, Feb. 13. Ordre du Roi au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1643, Mar. 6. Arrêt.

1645, June 6. Commission du Roi an Sieur de Montmagny.

1651, Jan. 17. Provisions en faveur du Sieur Lauson.

1654, Jan. 30. Provision pour le Sieur Denis.

1654, Aug. 16. Capitulation de Port Royal.

1656, Aug. 9. Concession faite par Cromwell.

1657, Jan. 26. Lettres patentes en faveur du Vicomte d’Argenson.

1658, Mar. 12. Arrêt (against departing without leave).

1663, Jan. 19. Concession des isles de le Madelaine, etc., au Sieur Doublet.

1663, May 1. Lettres patentes an Gov. de Mezy.

1664, Feb. 1. Concession an Sieur Doublet (discovery in St. Jean Island).

1668, Nov. 29. Lettre du Temple an Sieur du Bourg.

1669, Mar. 8. Ordre du Roi d’Angleterre au Temple pour restituer l’Acadie.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession de la terre de Soulanges par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession an Sieur Joibert de Soulanges du fort de Gemisik par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 24. Concession de Chigneto au Sieur le Neuf de la Vallière par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1684. M. de Meules au Roi.

1684. Requête des habitans de la Coste du sud du fleuve St. Laurent.

1684, Sept. 20. Concessions des Sieurs de la Barre et de Meules au Sieur d’Amour Ecuyer, de la rivière de
Richibouctou, et an Sieur Clignancourt, de terres à la rivière St. Jean.

1686. Mémoire de M. de Meules sur la Baye de Chedabouctou.

1689, Jan. 7. Concession à la rivière St. Jean au Sieur du Breuil.

1710, Oct. 3. Lettre de Nicholson à Subercase.

[1087] This document was also published at the Hague in 1756, as Répliques des Commissaires Anglois: ou Mémoire présenté, le 23 Janvier, 1753, with a large folding map.

[1088] The maps of Huske and Mitchell (1755), showing the claims of the French and English throughout the continent, are noted on a previous page (ante, p. 84), and that of Huske is there sketched. In a New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America, London, 1756, etc., are maps of “Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,” and of “New England and parts adjacent,” showing the French claim as extending to the line of the Kennebec, and following the water-shed between the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic.

[1089] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,028. A French translation appeared the next year: Conduite des François par rapport à la Nouvelle Ecosse, depuis le premier établissement de cette colonie jusqu’à nos jours. Traduit de l’Anglois avec des notes d’un François [George Marie Butel-Dumont]. Londres, 1755. The next year (1756) a reply, said to be by M. de la Grange de Chessieux, was printed at Utrecht, La Conduite des François justifiée. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,129.)

[1090] Discussion sommaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie [par Matthieu François Pidansat de Mairobert]. Basle, 1755. (Stevens, Nuggets, no. 2,972.) Cf. also A fair representation of his Majesty’s right to Nova Scotia or Acadie, briefly stated from the Memorials of the English Commissaries, with an answer to the French Memorials and to the treatise Discussion sommaire par les anciennes limites de l’Acadie, London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,130).

[1091] Stevens, Nuggets, no. 2,973.

[1092] It includes, for the most distant points, Boston, Montreal, and Labrador.

[1093] Various maps of Nova Scotia, drawn by order of Gov. Lawrence (1755), are noted in the British Museum, King’s Maps (ii. 105), as well as others of date 1768. Of this last date is an engraved Map of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the islands of Cape Breton and St. John, from actual surveys by Capt. Montresor, Eng’r. There is a map of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland in A New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America, Lond., 1756; and one of New England and Nova Scotia by Kitchin, in the London Magazine, Mar., 1758. In the Des Barres series of British Coast Charts of 1775-1776, will be found a chart of Nova Scotia, and others on a larger scale of the southeast and southwest coasts of Nova Scotia.

[1094] On three sheets, each 22½ x 18½ inches, and called Louisiane et Terres Angloises.

[1095] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 293.

[1096] Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 451.

[1097] See Vol. IV. p. 356.

[1098] The Indians held the Ohio to be the main stream, the Upper Mississippi an affluent. Hale, Book of Rites, 14.

[1099] Cf. also Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians to the Earl of Bellomont, 20 July, 1698, New York, 1698 (22 pp.). Sabin, xv. 66,061. Brinley’s copy brought $410.

[1100] See chapters ii. and vii.

[1101] There is a contemporary MS. record of this conference in the Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. (Catal., p. 158.)

[1102] For the movement instituted by Spotswood, and his inspection of the country beyond the Blue Ridge, see chapter iv., and the authorities there cited.

[1103] See chapter vii.

[1104] See chapter ii.

[1105] This Indian confederacy of New York called themselves Hodenosaunee (variously spelled); the French styled them Iroquois; the Dutch, Maquas; the English, the Five Nations; the Delawares, the Menwe, which last the Pennsylvanians converted into Mingoes, later applied in turn to the Senecas in Ohio. Dr. Shea, in his notes to Lossing’s ed. of Washington’s diaries, says: “The Mengwe, Minquas, or Mingoes were properly the Andastes or Gandastogues, the Indians of Conestoga, on the Susquehanna, known by the former name to the Algonquins and their allies, the Dutch and Swedes; the Marylanders knew them as the Susquehannas. Upon their reduction by the Five Nations, in 1672, the Andastes were to a great extent mingled with their conquerors, and a party removing to the Ohio, commonly called Mingoes, was thus made up of Iroquois and Mingoes. Many treat Mingo as synonymous with Mohawk or Iroquois, but erroneously.”

[1106] The inscription on Moll’s Map of the north parts of America claimed by France (1720) makes the Iroquois and “Charakeys” the bulwark and security of all the English plantations. This map has a view of the fort of “Sasquesahanock.” A map of the region of the Cherokees, from an Indian draught, by T. Kitchen, is in the London Mag., Feb., 1760.

[1107] Chapter vii.

[1108] This fort had been built in 1739, and called Fort St. Frederick. G. W. Schuyler (Colonial N. Y., ii. pp. 113, 114) uses the account of the adjutant of the French force, probably found in Canada at the conquest. The fort stood on the west side of the Hudson, south of Schuylerville, while Fort Clinton, built in 1746, was on the east side. (Ibid., ii. pp. 126, 254.) A plan of this later fort (1757) is noted in the King’s Maps (Brit. Museum), ii. 300. See no. 17 of Set of Plans, etc., London, 1763.

[1109] American Mag. (Boston), Nov., 1746.

[1110] Chapter ii. p. 147.

[1111] N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1866, p. 237.

[1112] See ante, p. 9.

[1113] See ante, p. 3.

[1114] Canadian Antiquarian, vii. 97.

[1115] He was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a conspicuous frontiersman of this time. Cf. Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 54; Schweinitz’s Zeisberger, 112; Thomas Cresap’s letter in Palmer’s Calendar, Va. State Papers, 245; and on his family the Penna. Mag. of Hist., iii. 79, iv. 218.

In 1750 John Pattin, a Philadelphia trader, was taken captive among the Indians of the Ohio Valley, and his own narrative of his captivity, with a table of distances in that country, is preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society, together with a letter respecting Pattin from William Clarke, of Boston, dated March, 1754, addressed to Benjamin Franklin, in which Clarke refers to a recent mission of Pattin, prompted by Gov. Harrison, of Pennsylvania, into that region, “to gain as thorough a knowledge as may be of the late and present transactions of the French upon the back of the English settlements.”

[1116] The English got word of this movement in May. N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 779.

[1117] See papers on the early routes between the Ohio and Lake Erie in Mag. of Amer. Hist., i. 683, ii. 52 (Nov., 1877, and Jan., 1878); and also in Bancroft’s United States, orig. ed., iii. 346. For the portage by the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers, see Darlington’s ed. of Col. James Smith’s Remarkable Occurrences, p. 174. The portages from Lake Erie were later discovered than those from Lake Michigan. For these latter earlier ones, see Vol. IV. pp. 200, 224. Cf. the map from Colden given herewith.

[1118] The ruins of this fort are still to be seen (1855) within the town of Erie. Sargent’s Braddock’s Expedition, p. 41. Cf. Egle’s Pennsylvania.

[1119] Now Waterford, Erie Co., Penna.

[1120] The road over the mountains followed by Washington is identified in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 51.

[1121] Sargent says the ruins of the fort which the French completed in 1755 at Venango were still (1855) to be seen at Franklin, Penna.; it was 400 feet square, with embankments then eight feet high. Sargent’s Braddock’s Exped., p. 41; Day, Hist. Coll. Penna., 312, 642. There is a notice of the original engineer’s draft of the fort in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ix. 248-249. Cf. S. J. M. Eaton’s Centennial Discourse in Venango County, 1876; and Egle’s Pennsylvania, pp. 694, 1122, where there is (p. 1123) a plan of the fort.

[1122] This summons is in Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 141. Cf. N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 840.

[1123] The terms of the capitulation, as rendered by Villiers, had a reference to the “assassinat” of Jumonville, which a Dutchman, Van Braam, who acted as interpreter, concealed from Washington by translating the words “death of Jumonville.” This unintended acknowledgment of crime was subsequently used by the French in aspersing the character of Washington. See Critical Essay, post.

[1124] In December, 1754, Croghan reported to Gov. Morris that the Ohio Indians were all ready to aid the English if they would only make a movement. Penna. Archives, ii. 209.

[1125] See chapter ii.

[1126] See post.

[1127] Cf. Le Château de Vaudreuil, by A. C. de Lery Macdonald in Rev. Canadienne, new ser., iv. pp. 1, 69, 165; Daniel’s Nos Gloires, 73.

[1128] A view of the house in Alexandria used as headquarters by Braddock is in Appleton’s Journal, x. p. 785.

[1129] See chapter vii.

[1130] This was now Fort Cumberland. There is a drawn plan of it noted in the Catal. of the King’s Maps (Brit. Mus.), i. 282. Parkman (i. 200) describes it. The Sparks Catal., p. 207, notes a sketch of the “Situation of Fort Cumberland,” drawn by Washington, July, 1755.

[1131] Sargent summarizes the points that are known relative to the unfortunate management of the Indians which deprived Braddock of their services. Sargent, pp. 168, 310; Penna. Archives, ii. 259, 308, 316, 318, 321; vi. 130, 134, 140, 146, 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443; Penna. Col. Rec., vi. 375, 397, 460; Olden Time, ii. 238; Sparks’ Franklin, i. 189; Penna. Mag. of History, Oct., 1885, p. 334. Braddock had promised to receive the Indians kindly. Penna. Archives, ii. 290.

[1132] Two other officers, as well as Washington, were destined to later fame,—Daniel Morgan, who was a wagoner, and Horatio Gates, who led an independent company from New York.

[1133] There is an engraving of Beaujeu in Shea’s Charlevoix, iv. 63; and in Shea’s ed. of the Relation diverses sur la bataille du Malangueulé, N. Y., 1860, in which that editor aims to establish for Beaujeu the important share in the French attack which is not always recognized, as he thinks. Cf. Hist. Mag., vii. 265; and the account of Beaujeu by Shea, in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., 1884, p. 121. Cf. also “La famille de Beaujeu,” in Daniel’s Nos gloires nationales, i. 131.

[1134] The annexed plan of the field is from a contemporary MS. in Harvard College library. See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. p. 118 (1879).

Parkman (Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 214) reproduces two plans of the fight: one representing the disposition of the line of march at the moment of attack; the other, the situation when the British were thrown into confusion and abandoned their guns. The originals of these plans accompany a letter of Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, and are preserved in the Public Record Office, in the volume America and West Indies, lxxxii. They were drawn at Shirley’s request by Patrick Mackellar, chief engineer, who was with Gage in the advance column. Parkman says: “They were examined and fully approved by the chief surviving officers, and they closely correspond with another plan made by the aide-de-camp Orme,—which, however, shows only the beginning of the affair.” This plan of Orme is the last in a series of six plans, engraved in 1758 by Jefferys (Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 107; Sabin, ii. no. 7,212), and used by him in his General Topography of North America and the West Indies, London, 1768. There is a set of them, also, in the Sparks MSS., in Harvard Coll. library, vol. xxviii.

These six plans are all reproduced in connection with Orme’s Journal, in Sargent’s Braddock’s Expedition. They are:—

I. Map of the country between Will’s Creek and Monongahela River, showing the route and encampments of the English army.

II. Distribution of the advanced party (400 men).

III. Line of march of the detachment from Little Meadows.

IV. Encampment of the detachment from Little Meadows.

V. Line of march with the whole baggage.

VI. Plan of the field of battle, 9 July, 1755.

See also the plans of the battle given in Bancroft’s United States (orig. ed.), iv. 189; Sparks’ Washington, ii. 90, the same plate being used by Sargent, p. 354, and in Guizot’s Washington. In the Faden Collection, in the Library of Congress, there are several MS. plans. (Cf. E. E. Hale’s Catalogue of the Faden Maps.)

Beside the map of Braddock’s advance across the country, given in the series, already mentioned, there is another in Neville B. Craig’s Olden Time (ii. 539), with explanations by T. C. Atkinson, who surveyed it in 1847, which is copied by Sargent (p. 198), who also describes the route. Cf. Egle’s Pennsylvania, p. 84; and the American Hist. Record, Nov., 1874. A map made by Middleton and corrected by Lowdermilk is given in the latter’s History of Cumberland, p. 141. A letter of Sparks on the subject is in De Hass’s West. Virginia, p. 125. The condition of Braddock’s route in 1787 is described by Samuel Vaughan, of London, in a MS. journal owned by Mr. Charles Deane.

The Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc., no. 65, shows a view of Braddock’s Field, and an engraving is in Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 254, and another in Sargent, as a frontispiece. Judge Yeates describes a visit to the field in 1776, in Hazard’s Register, vi. 104, and in Penna. Archives, 2d ser., ii. 740; and Sargent (p. 275) tells the story of the discovery of the skeletons of the Halkets in 1758. Cf. Parkman, ii. 160; Galt’s Life of Benj. West (1820), i. 64. Some views illustrating the campaign are in Harper’s Magazine, xiv. 592, etc.

[1135] “Poor Shirley was shot through the head,” wrote Major Orme. Cf. Akins’ Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia, pp. 415, 417, where is a list of officers. Various of young Shirley’s letters are in the Penna. Archives, ii.

[1136] Braddock’s remains are said to have been discovered about 1823 by workmen engaged in constructing the National Road, at a spot pointed out by an old man named Fossit, Fausett, or Faucit, who had been in the provincial ranks in 1755. He claimed to have seen Braddock buried, and to have fired the bullet which killed him. The story is not credited by Sargent, who gives (p. 244) a long examination of the testimony. (Cf. also Hist. Mag., xi. p. 141.) Lowdermilk (p. 187) says that it was locally believed; so does De Hass in his West. Virginia, p. 128. Remains of a body with bits of military trappings were found, however, on digging. A story of Braddock’s sash is told by De Hass, in his W. Virginia, p. 129. In July, 1841, a large quantity of shot and shell, buried by the retreating army, was unearthed near by. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., iii. 231, etc. A picture of his grave was painted in 1854 by Weber, and is now in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Soc. (Cf. its Catal. of Paintings, no. 66.) It is engraved in Sargent, p. 280. Cf. Day, Hist. Coll. Penna., p. 334. Lowdermilk (pp. 188, 200) gives views of the grave in 1850 and 1877, with some account of its mutations. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s Philadelphia, ii. p. 1002. A story obtained some currency that Braddock’s remains were finally removed to England. De Hass, p. 112.

[1137] See a subsequent page.

[1138] Inquiry into the Conduct of Maj.-Gen. Shirley.

[1139] Stone’s Life of Johnson, i. 538.

[1140] Penna. Archives, vi. 333, 335.

[1141] There are views of it in 1840 and 1844 in J. R. Simms’s Trappers of New York (1871), and Frontiersmen of New York (Albany, 1882), pp. 209, 249; in W. L. Stone’s Life of Johnson, ii. 497; and in Lossing’s Field-Book of the Revolution, i. p. 286.

[1142] See views of it in Gay, iii. p. 286; in Lossing’s Field-Book of the Rev., i. p. 107, and Scribner’s Monthly, March, 1879, p. 622.

[1143] “The loss of the enemy,” says Smith (New York, ii. 220), “though much magnified at the time, was afterwards found to be less than two hundred men.”

[1144] See the English declaration in Penna. Archives, ii. 735.

[1145] On his family see Daniel, Nos Gloires, p. 177.

[1146] For the rejoicing of Shirley’s enemies, cf. Barry’s Mass., ii. 212. Shirley had got an intimation of the purpose to supersede him as early as Apr. 16, 1756. (Penna. Archives, ii. 630.) He had some strong friends all the while.

Gov. Livingston undertook to show that the ill-success of the campaign of 1755 was due more to jealousies and intrigues than to Shirley’s incapacity. (Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 159.) “Except New York,” he adds, “or rather a prevailing faction here, all the colonies hold Shirley in very high esteem.” Franklin says: “Shirley, if continued in place, would have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1756, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond comparison; for though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution.... Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved.” Franklin’s Writings (Sparks’ ed.), i. p. 220-21.

[1147] Grenville Correspondence, i. 165, June 5, 1756.

[1148] Marshall’s Washington, i. 327.

[1149] There seems to be some question if any massacre really took place. (Cf. Stone’s Johnson, ii. p. 23.)

[1150] Referring to the fall of Oswego, Smith (New York, ii. 236) says: “The panic was universal, and from this moment it was manifest that nothing could be expected from all the mighty preparations for the campaign.”

[1151] Parkman (i. p. 440) notes the sources of this commotion.

[1152] Loudon had to this end held meetings with the northern governors at Boston in January, and with the southern governors at Philadelphia in March, 1757. Loudon’s correspondence at this time is in the Public Record Office (America and West Indies, vol. lxxxv.), and is copied in the Parkman MSS. When Loudon left with his 91 transports and five men-of-war, he sent off a despatch-boat to England; and Jenkinson, on the receipt of the message, wrote to Grenville, reflecting probably Loudon’s reports, that “the public seem to be extremely pleased with the secrecy and spirit of this enterprise.” Grenville Corresp., i. 201.

[1153] Bancroft and those who follow him, taking their cue from Smith (Hist. of New York), say that Loudon “proposed to encamp on Long Island for the defence of the continent.” Parkman (ii. p. 2) points out that this is Smith’s perversion of a statement of Loudon that he should disembark on that island if head winds prevented his entering New York bay, when he returned from Halifax. There seems to have been a current apprehension of a certain ridiculousness in all of Loudon’s movements. It induced John Adams to believe even then that the colonies could get on better without England than with her. Cf. the John Adams and Mercy Warren Letters (Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections), p. 339.

[1154] Plans of the fort and settlement at Schenectady during the war are in Jonathan Pearson’s Schenectady Patent (1883), pp. 311, 316, 328: namely, one of the fort, by the Rev. John Miller (1695), from an original in the British Museum; another of the town (about 1750-60); and still another (1768).

[1155] Chapter vii.

[1156] Hutchinson (iii. 71) represents that Howe, in the confusion, may have been killed by his own men. On Howe’s burial at Albany, and the identification of his remains many years after, see Lossing’s Schuyler, i. p. 155; Watson’s County of Essex, 88. He was buried under St. Peter’s Church. Cf. Lossing, in Harper’s Mag., xiv. 453.

[1157] Abercrombie’s engineer surveyed the French works from an opposite hill, and pronounced it practicable to carry them by assault. Stark, with a better knowledge of such works, demurred; but his opinions had no weight. A view of the field of Abercrombie’s defeat is given in Gay, Pop. Hist. U. S., iii. 299. M. D’Hagues sent to the Marshal de Belle Isle on account of the situation of Fort Carillon [Ticonderoga] and its approaches, dated at the fort, May 1, 1758, which is printed (in translation) in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 707; and in the same, p. 720, is another description by M. de Pont le Roy, French engineer-in-chief.

The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758 is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 721; and the French plan noted in the Catal. of the Library of Parliament (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose (Montcalm et le Canada, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758, which Jefferys later included in his General Topog. of North America and the West Indies, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, De Montcalm en Canada, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of Pouchot, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in Mante’s Hist. of the Late War, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it is reproduced in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 726.

[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville: “I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the remaining campaign.” Grenville Correspondence, i. 262.

[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him Joseph Forbes; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision.

[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not in fac-simile, in Sparks’ Washington, ii. 314.

[1161] Loyalhannon, Parkman; Loyal Hanna, Bancroft; Loyal Hannan, Irving; Loyal Hanning, Warburton.

[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309.

[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (Amer. Polit. Ideas, p. 55) says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare, the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict.

[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec., 1758, is in Penna. Archives, vi. 433.

[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on the “Niagara Frontier,” in Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ., ii. 409.

[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 101.)

[1167] See chapter vii.

[1168] In a massive old building, the manor-house of the first Seigneur of Beaufort (1634), which was destroyed in 1879. Cf. Lossing’s sketch in Harper’s Magazine (Jan., 1859), xviii. p. 180.

[1169] Turcotte’s Hist. de l’île d’Orléans (Quebec. 1867), ch. iii.

[1170] Among the officers of the army and navy here acting together were some who were later very famous,—Jervis (Earl St. Vincent), Cook, the navigator, Isaac Barré, the parliamentary friend of America, Guy Carleton, and William Howe, afterwards Sir William.

[1171] This point is prominent in most views of Quebec from below the town. Cf. Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, i. 185, etc. Montcalm was overruled by Vaudreuil, and was not allowed to entrench a force at Point Levi, as he wished. Beatson’s Naval and Mil. Memoirs.

[1172] The Life of Cook gives some particulars of an exploit of Cook in taking soundings in the river, preparatory to the attack from Montmorenci.

[1173] On the 2d, in a despatch to Pitt, he used a phrase, since present to the mind of many a baffled projector, for when referring to the plans yet to be tried, he spoke of his option as a “choice of difficulties.”

[1174] Wolfe’s Cove, as it has since been called. Views of it are numerous. Cf. Picturesque Canada; Lossing’s Field-Book; and the drawing by Princess Louise in Dent’s Last forty years, ii. 345.

[1175] Memoirs of Robert Stobo. Cf. Boston Post Boy, no. 97; Boston Evening Post, no. 1,258. Stobo had made his escape from Quebec early in May, 1759. Cf. Montcalm’s letter in N. Y. Col. Docs., x.970.

[1176] Montgomery, nearly twenty years later, with a similar task before him, said, “Wolfe’s success was a lucky hit, or rather a series of such hits; all sober and scientific calculations of war were against him until Montcalm gave up the advantage of his fortress.” (Force’s Am. Archives, iii. 1,638.)

[1177] Sabine collates the various accounts of Wolfe’s death, believing that Knox’s is the most trustworthy. The Memoirs of Donald Macleod (London), an old sergeant of the Highlanders, says that Wolfe was carried from the field in Macleod’s plaid. There is an account of his pistols and sash in the Canadian Antiquarian, iv. 31.

Capt. Robert Wier, who commanded a transport, timed the firing from the first to the last gun, and made the conflict last ten minutes. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., iii. 307.)

[1178] Doyle’s Official Baronage, iii. 543.

[1179] A view or plan of this post is given in Mémoires sur les affaires du Canada, 1749-60, p. 40.

[1180] Dr. O’Callaghan (N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 400) threw some doubt on this statement, but it seems to be well established by contemporary record (Parkman, ii. 441). The remains of Montcalm were disturbed in digging another grave in 1833, but little was found except the skull, which is still shown in the convent. (Miles’s Canada, p. 415.) See the view in Harper’s Magazine, xviii. 192.

HEIGHTS OF ABRAHAM, WITH WOLFE’S MONUMENT.

Dalhousie, when governor, caused a monument, inscribed with the names of both Wolfe and Montcalm, to be erected in the town. (Harper’s Mag., xviii. 188; Canadian Antiquarian, vi. 176.) A monument near the spot where Wolfe was struck down, and inscribed, “Here Wolfe died victorious,” fell into a decay, which relic-seekers had helped to increase (see a view of it in its dilapidated condition in Lossing’s Field-Book of the Revolution, i. p. 189), and was in 1849 replaced by a monument surmounted with a helmet and sword, which is now seen by visitors, and, beside repeating the inscription on the old one, bears this legend: “This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada, A. D. 1849, ... to replace that erected ... in 1832, which was broken and defaced, and is deposited beneath.” (See views in Harper’s Mag., xviii. p. 183.) A view of it from a sketch made in 1851 is annexed. An account of these memorials, with their inscriptions, is given in Martin’s De Montcalm en Canada, p. 211, with the correspondence which passed between Pitt and the secretary of the French Academy respecting an inscription which the army of Montcalm desired to place over his grave in Quebec. (Cf. Martin, p. 216; Bonnechose, Montcalm et Canada, App.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii., App.; and Watson’s County of Essex, p. 490.)

Cf. also Lossing in Harper’s Mag., xviii. 176, 192, etc.

[1181] The news which reached England from Murray did not encourage the government to hope that Quebec could be saved. Grenville Correspondence, i. 343.

[1182] There is doubt where Rogers encamped,—the river “Chogage.” Parkman in the original edition of his Pontiac (1851, p. 147) called it the site of Cleveland; but he avoids the question in his revised edition (i. p. 165). Bancroft (orig. ed., iv. 361) and Stone, Johnson (ii. 132), have notes on the subject. Cf. also Chas. Whittlesey’s Early Hist. of Cleveland, p. 90; and C. C. Baldwin’s Early Maps of Ohio, p. 17.

[1183] Parkman has a plan of Detroit, made about 1750 by the engineer Léry.

[1184] The London Mag. for Feb., 1761, had a map of the “Straits of St. Mary, and Michilimakinac.”

[1185] Here we find Bellomont’s correspondence (1698) with the French governor as to the relations of the Five Nations to the English, pp. 682, 690. Cf. also N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 367, 420; Shea’s Charlevoix, v. 82; a tract, Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians ... to Bellomont in Albany, 20th of July, 1698 (N. Y., 1698), containing the doings of Bellomont and his council on Indian affairs up to Aug. 20, 1698. (Brinley, ii. 3,400.) The same vol. of N. Y. Col. Docs. (ix.) gives beside a memoir (p. 701; also in Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 45) on the encroachments of the English; conferences with the Indians at Detroit (p. 704) and elsewhere in 1700; the ratification of the treaty of peace at Montreal, Aug. 4, 1701 (p. 722); conferences of Vaudreuil with the Five Nations in 1703 and 1705 (pp. 746, 767); the scheme of seizing Niagara, 1706 (p. 773); Sieur d’Aigrement’s instructions and report on the Western posts (p. 805); a survey (p. 917) of English invasion of French territory (1680-1723); a memoir (p. 840) on the condition of Canada (1709),—not to name others.

For the period covered by the survey of this present chapter, these N. Y. Col. Docs. give from the London archives papers 1693-1706 (vol. iv.), 1707-1733 (vol. v.), 1734-1755 (vol. vi.), 1756-1767 (vol. vii.); and from the Paris archives, 1631-1744 (vol. ix.), 1745-1778 (vol. x.). The index to the whole is in vol. xi. See Vol. IV. pp. 409, 410.

There has been a recent treatment of the relations of the English with the Indians in Geo. W. Schuyler’s Colonial New York, in which Philip Schuyler is a central figure, during the latter end of the seventeenth and for the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The book touches the conferences in Bellomont’s and Nanfan’s time. Colden, who was inimical to Schuyler, took exception to some statements in Smith’s New York respecting him, and Colden’s letters were printed by the N. Y. Hist. Society in 1868.

[1186] The biography of Cadillac has been best traced in Silas Farmer’s Detroit, p. 326. He extended his inquiries among the records of France, and (p. 17) enumerates the grants to him about the straits. Cf. T. P. Bédard on Cadillac in Revue Canadienne, new ser., ii. 683; and a paper on his marriage in Ibid., iii. 104; and others by Rameau, in Ibid., xiii. 403. The municipality of Castelsarrasin in France presented to the city of Detroit a view of the old Carmelite church—now a prison—where Cadillac is buried. An engraving of it is given by Farmer. Julius Melchers, a Detroit sculptor, has made a statue of the founder, of which there is an engraving in Robert E. Roberts’ City of the Straits, Detroit, 1884, p. 14.

Farmer (p. 221) gives a description of Fort Pontchartrain as built by Cadillac, and (p. 33) a map of 1796, defining its position in respect to the modern city. Cf. also Roberts’ City of the Straits, p. 40. The oldest plan of Detroit is dated 1749, and is reproduced by Farmer (p. 32). Of the oldest house in Detroit, the Moran house, there are views in Farmer (p. 372) and Roberts (p. 50), who respectively assign its building to 1734 and 1750.

Among the later histories, not already mentioned, reference may be made to Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 154); E. Rameau’s Notes historiques sur la colonie canadienne de Détroit. Lecture prononcée à Windsor sur le Détroit, comté d’Essex, C. W., 1^er avril, 1861, Montréal, 1861; Rufus Blanchard’s Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest, Chicago, 1880; and Marie Caroline Watson Hamlin’s Legends of le Détroit, Illus. by Isabella Stewart, Detroit, 1884. These legends, covering the years 1679-1815, relate to Detroit and its vicinity. On p. 263, etc., are given genealogical notes about the early French families resident there. A brief sketch of the early history of Detroit by C. I. Walker, as deposited beneath the corner-stone of the new City Hall in 1868, is printed in the Hist. Mag., xv. 132. Cf. Henry A. Griffin on “The City of the Straits” in Mag. of Western History, Oct., 1885, p. 571.

[1187] See Vol. IV. p. 316. Shea’s volume is entitled: Relation des affaires du Canada, en 1696. Avec des lettres des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702. (N. Y., 1865.) Contents: La guerre contre les Iroquois; De la mission Iroquoise du Sault Saint François Xavier en 1696, ex literis Jac. de Lamberville; De la mission Illinoise en 1696, par le P. Gravier; Lettre du P. J. Gravier à Monseigneur Laval, 17 sept., 1697; Lettre de M. de Montigni au Rev. P. Bruyas [Chicago, 23 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. Gabriel Marest, 1700; Lettre du P. L. Chaigneau sur le rétablissement des missions Iroquoises en 1702; Relation du Destroit; Lettre du P. G. Marest [du pays des Illinois, 29 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Binneteau [du pays des Illinois, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Bigot [du pays des Abnaquis, 1699].

These papers illustrate affairs in the extreme west just at the opening of the period we are now considering. Cf. also the “Mémoire sur le Canada” (1682-1712) in Collection de Manuscrits ... relatifs à la Nouvelle France, Quebec, 1883, p. 551, etc.

[1188] Letters (1703) from Cadillac to Count Pontchartrain (p. 101), and to La Touche (p. 133); the developments of Cadillac’s defence in 1703 and later years (p. 142); Père Marest’s letter from Michilimackinac in 1706 (p. 206); a letter of Cadillac in the same year (p. 218), reports of Indian councils held at Montreal, Detroit, and Quebec in 1707 (pp. 232, 251, 263); a letter of Cadillac to Pontchartrain (p. 277) and D’Aigrement’s report on an inspection of the posts (p. 280), both in 1708. Speeches of Vaudreuil and an Ottawa chief, from a MS. brought from Paris by Gen. Cass, are printed in the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Papers, no. 8. These papers, as translated by Whittlesey, pertaining to affairs about Detroit in 1706, are revised by that gentleman and reprinted in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, p. 270.

[1189] Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, v. 257; Sheldon’s Michigan, 297.

[1190] A memoir on the peace made by De Lignery, the commandant at Mackinac, with the Indians in 1726 (p. 148); letters of Longueil, July 25, 1726 (p. 156), and Beauharnois, Oct. 1, 1726 (p. 156); a petition of the inhabitants of Detroit to the Intendant in 1726, with Tonti’s remonstrance (pp. 169, 175); a memoir of the king on the Indian war, and another by Longueil on the peace (pp. 160, 165).

[1191] Cf. ch. ii. Dudley’s speech in aid of the expedition is given in the Boston Newsletter, no. 377, and his call of June 9, 1711, upon New Hampshire to furnish its contingent appears in the N. H. Prov. Papers, iii. 479.

[1192] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 295; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.11; Cooke, no. 2,544; Menzies, no. 2,026; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 63.

[1193] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 166, 825; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.16; 6374.36.

[1194] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167; Bost. Pub. Lib., H. 98.18. Cf. also Letter from an old whig in town ... upon the late expedition to Canada [signed X. Z.], published at London in 1711. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 146; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.14.)

[1195] New England, iv. 281, 282.

[1196] Notwithstanding the failure of the expedition, Dudley issued a Thanksgiving proclamation for other mercies, etc. N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 629. In general, see Boston Newsletter, nos. 379-81; Penhallow, pp. 62-67; Niles, in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxv. 328; Hutchinson’s Massachusetts, ii. 175, 180; N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 277; v. 284; ix., passim; Chalmers’ Revolt, etc., i. 349; Lediard’s Naval History, 851; Williamson’s Maine, ii. 63; Palfrey’s New England, iv. 278, etc., with references; Mem. Hist. Boston, ii. 106. The tax for the expedition was the occasion of Thomas Maule’s Tribute to Cæsar, with some remarks on the late vigorous expedition against Canada, Philadelphia [1712]. Hildeburn’s Century of Printing, no. 120.

[1197] Vol. v. 238, 245, 247, 252.

[1198] Cf. also Garneau, Histoire de Canada (1882), ii. 48; Juchereau, Hist. de l’hôtel Dieu; Grange de Chessieux, La conduite des Français justifiée, and an edition of the same edited by Butel-Dumont.

[1199] The two volumes are edited, with an introduction, by R. A. Brock. Bancroft had used these papers when owned by Mr. J. R. Spotswood, of Orange County, Va. The MS. was carried to England by Mr. G. W. Featherstonehaugh, and of his widow it was bought by the Virginia Hist. Society in 1873.

[1200] Mr. Brock refers to accounts of it in Hugh Jones’s Present State of Virginia; the preface to Beverly’s Virginia; Campbell’s Virginia; Slaughter’s Hist. of Bristol Parish; and in Slaughter’s St. Mark’s Parish is a paper on “The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe,” crediting the diary of John Fontaine, which he reprints (it is also in Maury’s Huguenot Family, N. Y., 1872, p. 281), with giving the most we know of the expedition. Cf. also J. Esten Cooke’s Stories of the Old Dominion, N. Y., 1879; and W. A. Caruthers’ Knights of the Horseshoe. Slaughter also gives a map of Spotswood’s route from Germanna to the Shenandoah.

Palmer, the editor of the Calendar of Virginia State Papers (p. lix.), could find nothing official throwing light on this expedition.

[1201] Spotswood’s Official Letters, ii. 296, 329.

[1202] It is printed in Hist. Mag., vi. 19. The treaty between Keith and the Five Nations at Albany, Sept., 1722, was printed that year in Philadelphia, as were treaties at a later date at Conestogoe (May, 1728) and Philadelphia (June, 1728), made with the Western Indians. Hildeburn’s Century of Printing, nos. 189, 356. There were reports in 1732 of the French being then at work building near the Ohio “a fort with loggs” (Penna. Archives, i. 310), and delivering speeches to the Shawanese (Ibid., p. 325).

[1203] Cf. C. C. Royce on the identity and history of the Shawnees in Mag. of West. History, May, 1885, p. 38.

[1204] Walker’s Athens Co., Ohio, p. 5.

[1205] Printed in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 49, and in the N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 885.

[1206] The Ohio was the division between Canada and Louisiana. Cf. Du Pratz, Paris, 1758, vol. i. 329.

[1207] Wisconsin Hist. Coll., vols. i. and iii. (p. 141).

[1208] Doc. Hist. N. Y., octavo ed., i. p. 15.

[1209] Penna. Mag. of Hist., i. 163, 319; ii. 407. It was printed in English by Franklin in 1757. (Franklin’s Works in the Boston Public Library, p. 40.) A journal of his mission to the Ohio Indians in 1748 is given in the Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. (1853) p. 23. Cf. T. J. Chapman in Mag. of West. Hist., Oct., 1885, p. 631.

[1210] There is an abstract of Trent’s Journal in Knapp’s Maumee Valley, p. 23.

[1211] Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. p. 85. Cf. Proud’s Pennsylvania, ii. 296, and Mr. Russel Errett on the Indian geographical names along the Ohio and the Great Lakes in the Mag. of West. Hist., 1885.

[1212] C. C. Baldwin’s Indian Migrations in Ohio, reprinted from the Amer. Antiquarian, April, 1879; Mag. of West. Hist., Nov., 1884, p. 41; Hiram W. Beckwith’s paper on the Illinois and Indiana Indians, which makes no. 27 of the Fergus Historical Series. It includes the Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, Foxes and Sacks, and Pottawatomies. Cf. Davidson and Struvé’s Hist. Illinois, 1874, ch. iv., and the reference in Vol. IV. p. 298.

[1213] Pontiac, i. 32.

[1214] W. R. Smith’s Wisconsin, i. p. 60. Cf. also Breese’s Early Hist. of Illinois. The more restricted application of this term is seen in a “plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, with a part of the River Mississippi, by Thomas Hutchins;” showing the position of the old and new Fort Chartres, which is in Hutchins’ Topographical Description of Virginia, etc. (London, 1778, and Boston, 1787), and is reëngraved in the French translation published by Le Rouge in Paris, 1781. This same translation gives a section of Hutchins’ large map, showing the country from the Great Kenawha to Winchester and Lord Fairfax’s, and marking the sites of Forts Shirley, Loudon, Littleton, Cumberland, Bedford, Ligonier, Byrd, and Pitt. Logstown is on the north side of the Ohio. The portages connecting the affluents of the Potomac with those of the Ohio are marked. The map is entitled: Carte des environs du Fort Pitt et la nouvelle Province Indiana, dediée à M. Franklin. The province of Indiana is bounded by the Laurel Mountain range, the Little Kenawha, the Ohio, and a westerly extension of the Northern Maryland line, being the grant in 1768 to Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and George Morgan.

[1215] Sparks, Franklin, iv. 325. Smith (New York, 1814, p. 266) says “there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian affairs,” and the surrender “through negligence was not made by the execution of a formal deed under seal.” Cf. French encroachments exposed, or Britain’s original right to all that part of the American continent claimed by France fully asserted.... In two letters from a merchant retired from business to his friend in London. London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,115.)

[1216] James Maury in 1756, referring to Evans’ map, says, “It is but small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson’s, consequently crowded. It gives an attentive peruser a clear idea of the value of the now contested lands and waters to either of the two competitor princes, together with a proof, amounting to more than a probability, that he of the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes must in the course of a few years become sole and absolute lord of North America.” Maury’s Huguenot Family, 387. T. Pownall’s Topographical description of such parts of North America as are contained in the (annexed) map of the British middle colonies, etc., in North America (London, 1776) contains Evans’ map, pieced out by Pownall, and it reprints Evans’ preface (1755), with an additional preface by Pownall, dated Albemarle Street (London), Nov. 22, 1775, in which it is said that the map of 1755 was used by the officers during the French war, and served every practicable purpose. He says Evans followed for Virginia Fry and Jefferson’s map (1751), and that John Henry’s map of Virginia, published by Jefferys in 1770, enabled him (Pownall) to add little. For Pennsylvania Evans had been assisted by Mr. Nicholas Scull, who in 1759 published his map of Pennsylvania, and for the later edition of 1770 Pownall says he added something. As to New Jersey, Pownall claims he used the drafts of Alexander, surveyor-general, and that he has followed Holland for the boundary line between New Jersey and New York. Pownall affirms that Holland disowned a map of New York and New Jersey which Jefferys published with Holland’s name attached, though some portions of it followed surveys made by Holland. What Pownall added of New England he took from the map in Douglass, correcting it from drafts in the Board of Trade office, and following for the coasts the surveys of Holland or his deputies. Pownall denounces the “late Thomas Jefferys” for his inaccurate and untrustworthy pirated edition of the Evans map, the plate of which fell into the hands of Sayer, the map publisher, and was used by him in more than one atlas.

[1217] Sparks, Franklin, iv. 330.

[1218] This deed is in Pownall’s Administration of the Colonies, London, 1768, p. 269.

[1219] Evans’ map of 1755 is held to embody the best geographical knowledge of this region, picked up mainly between 1740 and 1750. The region about Lake Erie with the positions of the Indian tribes, is given from this map, in Whittlesey’s Early Hist. of Cleveland, p. 83. This author mentions some instances of axe-cuts being discovered in the heart of old trees, which would carry the presence of Europeans in the valley back of all other records.

There are stories of early stragglers, willing and unwilling, into Kentucky from Virginia, after 1730. Collins, Kentucky, i. 15; Shaler, Kentucky, 59. A journey of one John Howard in 1742 is insisted on. Kercheval’s Valley of Virginia, 67; Butler’s Kentucky, i., introd.; Memoir and Writings of J. H. Perkins, ii. 185.

[1220] Five Nations.

[1221] Administration of the Colonies.

[1222] Sparks, Franklin, iv. 326.

[1223] This has been reprinted as no. 26 of the Fergus Hist. Series, “with notes by Edward Everett;” certain extracts from a notice of the address, contributed by Mr. Everett to the No. Amer. Review in 1840, being appended. A recent writer, Alfred Mathews, in the Mag. of Western History (i. 41), thinks the Iroquois conquests may have reached the Miami River. Cf. also C. C. Baldwin in Western Reserve Hist. Tracts, no. 40; and Isaac Smucker in Mag. of Amer. Hist., June, 1882, p. 408.

J. H. Perkins (Mem. and Writings, ii. 186) cites what he considers proofs that the Iroquois had pushed to the Mississippi, but doubts their claim to possess lands later occupied by others.

Franklin’s recapitulation of the argument in favor of the English claim is in Sparks’ Franklin, iv. 324; but Sparks (Ibid., iv. 335) allows it is not substantiated by proofs, and enlarges upon the same view in his Washington, ii. 13.

[1224] Colden’s official account of this conference and treaty was printed in Philadelphia the same year by Benjamin Franklin: A Treaty held at the Town of Lancaster in Pennsylvania by the Honourable the lieutenant governor of the Province, and the Commissioners for the provinces of Virginia and Maryland, with the Indians of the Six Nations in June, 1744. There is a copy in Harvard College library [5325.38]. Quaritch priced a copy in 1885 at £6. 10s. Cf. Barlow’s Rough List, no. 879; Brinley, iii. no. 5,488; Carter-Brown, iii. 785, with also (no. 784) an edition printed at Williamsburg the same year. There was a reprint at London in 1745. It was included in later editions of Colden’s Five Nations. Cf. J. I. Mombert’s Authentic Hist. of Lancaster County, 1869, app. p.51. The journal of William Marshe, in attendance on the commissioners, is printed in the Mass. Hist. Collections, vii. 171. Cf. Wm. Black’s journal in Penna. Mag of Hist., vols. i. and ii. Black was the secretary of the commission, and his editor is R. A. Brock, of Richmond. Stone, in his Life of Sir Wm. Johnson, i. 91, gives a long account of the meeting. See the letter of Conrad Weiser in Proud’s Pennsylvania, ii. 316, wherein he gives his experience (1714-1746) in observing the characteristics of the Indians. Weiser was an interpreter and agent of Pennsylvania, and a large number of his letters to the authorities during his career are in the Penna. Archives, vols. i., ii., and iii. The Brinley Catal., iii. p. 105, shows various printed treaties with the Ohio Indians of about this time. Those that were printed in Pennsylvania are enumerated in Hildeburn’s Century of Printing, nos. 852, 870, 907, etc.; and those printed by Franklin, as most of them were, are noted in the Catal. of Works relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library, p. 39.

[1225] Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 134.

[1226] Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 1,099; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,092. The French posts north of the Ohio in 1755, according to the Present State of North America, published that year in London, were Le Bœuf and Venango (on French Creek), Duquesne, Sandusky, Miamis, St. Joseph’s (near Lake Michigan), Pontchartrain (Detroit), Michilmackinac, Fox River (Green Bay), Crèvecœur and Fort St. Louis (on the Illinois), Vincennes, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and at the mouths of the Wabash, Ohio, and Missouri. A portion of Gov. Pownall’s map, showing the location of the Indian villages and portages of the Ohio region, is given in fac-simile in Penna. Archives, 2d ser., ii. Cf. map in London Mag., June, 1754; Kitchin’s map of Virginia in Ibid., Nov., 1761; and his map of the French settlements in Ibid., Dec., 1747.

James Maury (1756) contrasts the enterprise of the French in acquiring knowledge of the Ohio Valley with the backwardness of the English. Maury’s Huguenot Family, 394.

Smith (New York, ii. 172), referring to the period of the alarm of French encroachments on the Ohio, speaks of its valley as a region “of which, to our shame, we had no knowledge except by the books and maps of the French missionaries and geographers.”

A tract called The wisdom and policy of the French, ... with observations on disputes between the English and French colonists in America (London, 1755) examines the designs of the French in their alliance with the Indians.

[1227] Beauharnois’ despatches about Oswego begin in 1728 (N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 1,010). That same year Walpole addressed a paper on the two posts to the French government, and with it is found in the French archives a plan of Oswego, “fait à Montreal 17 Juillet, 1727, signé De Lery.” The correspondence of Gov. Burnet and Beauharnois is in Ibid., ix. p. 999. The plan just named is also in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. i., in connection with papers respecting the founding of the post. Smith (New York, 1814, p. 273) holds that the French purpose to demolish the works at Oswego in 1729 caused a reinforcement of the garrison, which deterred them from the attempt. Smith says of the original fort there that its situation had little regard to anything beside the pleasantness of the prospect. Burnet, the New York governor, exerted himself to destroy the trade between Albany and Montreal, and the report of a committee which he transmitted to the home government is printed in Smith’s New York (Albany, 1814 ed., p. 246); but in 1729 the machinations of those interested in the trade procured the repeal of the restraining act. (Ibid., 274; cf. Smith, vol. ii. (1830) p. 97.) At a late day (1741) there is an abstract of despatches to the French minister respecting Oswego in the Penna. Archives (2d ser., vi. 51), and a paper on the state of the French and English on Ontario in 1743 is in N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 227.

[1228] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 386.

[1229] O. H. Marshall on the Niagara frontier, in the Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publications, vol. ii. Smith (New York, 1814, p. 268) says that “Charlevoix himself acknowledges that Niagara was a part of the territory of the Five Nations; yet the pious Jesuit applauds the French settlement there, which was so manifest an infraction of the treaty of Utrecht.”

A view of the neighboring cataract at this period is given by Moll on one of his maps (1715), and is reproduced in Cassell’s United States, i. 541.

[1230] Of the occupation of Crown Point by the French, Smith (New York, 1814, p. 279) says: “Of all the French infractions of the treaty of Utrecht, none was more palpable than this. The country belonged to the Six Nations, and the very spot upon which the fort stands is included within the patent to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany, granted in 1696.” Again he says (p. 280): “The Massachusetts government foresaw the dangerous consequences of the French fort at Crown Point, and Gov. Belcher gave us the first intimation of it.” It was not till 1749 that there were reports that the French were beginning to plant settlers about Crown Point. (Penna. Archives, ii. 20.) Jefferys published a map showing the grants made by the French about Lake Champlain.

The English fort at Crown Point was built farther from the lake than the earlier French inconsiderable work. Chas. Carroll (Journal to Canada in 1776, ed. of 1876, p. 78) describes its ruins at that time,—-the result of an accidental fire.

[1231] W. C. Watson’s Hist. of the County of Essex, Albany, 1869, ch. iii.

[1232] N. Y. Col. Docs. ix. 1,041, etc.

[1233] Hist. Documents of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1840.

[1234] A translation of Weiser’s journal on this mission is in the Penna. Hist. Col., i. 6.

[1235] Pierre Margry has two articles in the Moniteur Universel, and a chapter, “Les Varennes de Vérendrye,” in the Revue Canadienne, ix. 362. The Canadian historian, Benjamin Sulte, has a monograph, La Vérendrye, a paper, “Champlain et la Vérendrye,” in the Revue Canadienne, 2d ser., i. 342, and one on “Le nom de la Vérendrie” in Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes, ii. p. 5. The Rev. Edw. D. Neill has a pamphlet, Le Sieur de la Vérendrye and his sons, discoverers of the Rocky Mountains by way of Lakes Superior and Winnipeg, Minneapolis, 1875. Cf. also Garneau, Hist. du Canada, 4th ed., ii. 96.

In the Kohl Collection (no. 128) of the Department of State there are copies of three maps in illustration. The first is a MS. map by La Vérendrye, preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine, “donnée par Monsieur de la Galissonière, 1750,” which Kohl places about 1730, showing the country, with portages, forts, and trading posts, between Lake Superior and Hudson’s Bay. The second (no. 129) is an Indian map made by Ochagach, likewise in the Marine. Kohl supposes it to have been carried to Europe by La Vérendrye, who used it in making the map first named. The third map (no. 130), also in the same archives, is inscribed: Carte des nouvelles découvertes dans l’ouest du Canada et des nations qui y habitent; Dressée, dit-on, sur les Mémoires de Monsieur de la Véranderie, mais fort imparfaite à ce gu’il m’a dit. Donnée au Dépôt de la Marine par Monsieur de la Galissonière en 1750.

[1236] Cf. Wisconsin Hist. Coll., iii. 197; Hist. Mag., i. 295; Joseph Tassé on “Charles de Langlade” in Revue Canadienne, v. 881, and in his Les Canadiens de l’ouest, Montreal, 1878 (p. 1, etc.); also M. M. Strong, in his Territory of Wisconsin (Madison, 1885), p. 41.

[1237] It will be found in Beatson’s Naval and Military Memoirs, p. 144, and in the Amer. Magazine, i. pp. 381-84.

[1238] Conrad Weiser’s letter, Sept. 29, 1744, in Penna. Archives, i. 661.

[1239] Smith’s New York, ii. p. 71.

[1240] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 22, etc.

[1241] Hildeburn, Cent. of Printing, no. 959; N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 289, etc.; Brinley, iii. no. 5,490. Stone, Life of Johnson, i. ch. iv., gives a long account. There was about the same time (1745-47) a plot laid by Nicholas, a Huron, to exterminate the French in the West. Knapp’s Maumee Valley, p. 14. Smith (New York, ii. 35) gives an account of the conference of Aug., 1746.

[1242] Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the Bedford Correspondence, i. p. xlviii., says: “Had the Duke of Bedford been allowed to order the sailing of the expedition, it is most probable the conquest of Canada would not have been reserved for the Seven Years’ War; but the indecision or timidity of the Duke of Newcastle delayed and finally broke up the expedition.” A representation of the Duke of Bedford and others upon the reduction of Canada, made March 30, 1746, is in Bedford Corresp., i. 65.

[1243] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,161; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 1,835.

[1244] Brinley, i. 61. Cf. Stone’s Johnson, i. 190.

[1245] Bedford Correspondence, i. 285. There was a treaty with the Ohio Indians at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1747 (Hildeburn, no. 1,110); and another at Lancaster in July, 1748, for admitting the Twightwees into alliance. (Ibid., no. 1,111.)

[1246] In addition to the references there given, note may be taken of a paper on the expedition, by O. H. Marshall, in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., ii. 129 (Mar., 1878), with reference to the original documents in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 189, and in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 63. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 43. On his plates, see Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ix. 248; Mag. of Amer. Hist., Jan., 1878, p. 52; and Mag. of Western History, June, 1885, p. 207. A representation of a broken plate found at the mouth of the Muskingum River, in 1798, is given in S. P. Hildreth’s Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley, Cincinnati, 1848, p. 20, with the inscription on the one found at the mouth of the Kenawha in 1846 (p. 23). An account of the Muskingum plate was given by De Witt Clinton in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans., ii. 430. Its defective inscription is given in the Mémoires sur les Affaires du Canada, p. 209. Cf. Sparks’s Washington, ii. 430. Other fac-similes of these plates can be seen in Olden Time, p. 288; N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 611; Egle’s Pennsylvania (p. 318; also cf. p. 1121); De Hass’s Western Virginia, p. 50.

The places where the plates were buried are marked on a map preserved in the Marine at Paris, made by Père Bonnecamps, who accompanied Céloron. It shows eight points where observations for latitude were taken, and extends the Alleghany River up to Lake Chautauqua. It is called Carte d’un voyage, fait dans la belle rivière en la Nouvelle France, 1749, par le reverend Père Bonnecamps, Jesuite mathématicien. There is a copy in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State at Washington.

Kohl identifies the places of burial as follows: Kananouangon (Warren, Pa.); Rivière aux bœufs (Franklin, Pa.); R. Ranonouara (near Wheeling); R. Yenariguékonnan (Marietta); R. Chinodaichta (Pt. Pleasant, W. Va.); R. à la Roche (mouth of Great Miami River).

There are two portages marked on the map: one from Lake Chautauqua to Lake Erie, and the other from La Demoiselle on the R. à la Roche to Fort des Miamis on the R. des Miamis, flowing into Lake Erie.

In the annexed sketch of the map, the rude marks of the fleur-de-lis show “les endroits ou l’on enterré des lames de plomb;” the double daggers “les latitudes observées;” and the houses “les villages.”

The map has been engraved in J. H. Newton’s Hist. of the Pan Handle, West Virginia (Wheeling, 1879), p. 37, with a large representation of a plate found at the mouth of Wheeling Creek (p. 40).

Spotswood in 1716 had taken similar measures to mark the Valley of Virginia for the English king. John Fontaine, who accompanied him, says in his journal: “The governor had graving irons, but could not grave anything, the stones were so hard. The governor buried a bottle with a paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place, and in the name of and for King George the First of England.” Maury’s Huguenot Family, p. 288.

[1247] The home government ordered Virginia to make this grant to the Ohio Company. In 1749, 800,000 acres were granted to the Loyal Company. In 1751 the Green Briar Company received 100,000 acres. Up to 1757, Virginia had granted 3,000,000 acres west of the mountains.

[1248] Dinwiddie Papers, i. 272. The American Revolution ended the company’s existence. See ante, p. 10; also Rupp’s Early Hist. Western Penna., p. 3; Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 26; Sparks’s Washington, ii., app.; Sparks’s Franklin, iv. 336.

[1249] This treaty was made June 13, 1752. The position of Logstown is in doubt. Cf. Dinwiddie Papers, i. p. 6. It appears on the map in Bouquet’s Expedition, London, 1766. Cf. De Hass’s West. Virginia, 70.

[1250] Ante, p. 10.

[1251] Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 516, and in N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 267, etc.

[1252] Penna. Archives, ii. 31. William Smith, in 1756, spoke of the French “seizing all the advantages which we have neglected.” (Hist. of N. York, Albany, 1814, Preface, p. x.)

[1253] This plan is also reproduced in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, ii. 9; in Hough’s St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, 70; in the papers on the early settlement of Ogdensburg, in Doc. Hist. N. Y., i. 430.

[1254] Translated in Hough’s St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, p. 85, where will be found an account of the mission (p. 49), and a view of it (p. 17) after the English took possession. De la Lande’s “Mémoires” of Piquet are in the Lettres Édifiantes, vol. xv., and there is an abridged version in the Doc. Hist. N. Y. The Canadian historian, Joseph Tassé, gives an account of Piquet in the Revue Canadienne, vii. 5, 102.

[1255] Travels, London, 1771, ii. 310.

[1256] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 205, May 15, 1750.

[1257] Penna Archives, 2d ser., vi. 108.

[1258] A paper in Hist. Mag., viii. 225, dwells on the impolicy of the French government in superseding Galissonière.

[1259] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 220.

[1260] Stone’s Johnson; Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi.

[1261] N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 734; x. 239, etc.

[1262] Ibid., vi. 738.

[1263] Ibid., vi. 614-39.

[1264] Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 123, 125.

[1265] Sedgwick’s William Livingston, p.99; Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, i. p. 54.

[1266] Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 1,149; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 85. Cf. Sparks’s Franklin, iv. 71, 330; Contest in North America, p. 36, etc.

[1267] Thomson, nos. 449, 940. Thomas Cresap writes in 1751, “Mr. Muntour tells me the Indians on the Ohio would be very glad if the French traders were taken, for they have as great a dislike to them as we have, and think we are afraid of them, because we patiently suffer our men to be taken by them.” Palmer’s Calendar of Virginia State Papers, p. 247.

[1268] Montcalm and Wolfe, i. ch. v.

[1269] His foot-notes indicate the particular papers on which he depends among the Parkman MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, as well as papers in the N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 806, 835, etc., x. 255, and in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, v. 659. Cf. papers on the French movements in the Ohio Valley in 1753, in the Mag. of Western Hist., Aug., 1885, p. 369; and T. J. Chapman on “Washington’s first public service,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 248, and on “Washington’s first campaign,” in Ibid., Jan., 1886.

[1270] Cf. N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 259, note.

[1271] Cf. Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, 450.

[1272] Sparks’s Catal., p. 224; also Sparks’s Washington, i. 48, ii. p. x. Sparks considered that these papers “filled up the chasm occasioned by the loss of Washington’s papers” in the Braddock campaign. Referring to Washington’s letters during the French war, Sparks (ii., introd.) says that Washington, twenty or thirty years after they were written, caused them to be copied, after he had revised them, and it is in this amended condition they are preserved, though several originals still exist. In his reply to Mahon (Cambridge, 1852, p. 30) Sparks says that this revision by Washington showed “numerous erasures, interlineations, and corrections in almost every letter,” probably meaning in those whose originals are preserved. With the canons governing Sparks as an editor, this revision was followed in his edition of Washington’s Writings; but the historian regrets, as he reads the record in Sparks’s volumes, that the Washington of the French war has partly disappeared in the riper character which he became after he had known the experiences of the American Revolution.

[1273] The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of the Colony of Virginia, 1751-58, Richmond, 1883-84, 2 vols.

[1274] Brinley, ii. no. 4,189, a copy which brought $560. Though described as in “the original marble wrapper,” it did not have a map, as the copy noted in the Carter-Brown Catal. (iii. 1,033) does, though this may have been added from the London reprint of the same year, which had “a new map of the country as far as the Mississippi.” This map is largely derived from Charlevoix. Trumbull, in noting this reprint (Brinley, ii. 4,190), implies that the original edition did not have a map, which may be inferred from what Washington says of its being put hurriedly to press, after he had had only a single day to write it up from his rough notes. This London reprint is also in the Carter-Brown library (iii. no. 1,034), and Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio (no. 1,187) records sales of it as follows: (1866) Morrell, $46; (1867) Roche, $49; (1869) Morrell, $40; (1870) Rice, $52; (1871) Bangs & Co., $28; (1875) Field, $30; (1876) Menzies, $48. The Brinley copy brought $80. Cf. Rich., Bib. Amer. Nova (after 1700), p. 105; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,623; Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. no. 1,618; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 310, £7 10s. Sabin reprinted the London edition in 1865 (200 copies, small paper), and other reprints of the text are in Sparks’s Washington, ii. 432-447; in I. Daniel Rupp’s Early History of Western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of Western Expeditions and Campaigns, from 1754 to 1833. By a gentleman of the bar. With an appendix containing the most important Indian Treaties, Journals, Topographical Descriptions, etc. Pittsburgh, 1846, p. 392; in the appendix to the Diary of Geo. Washington, 1789-91, ed. by B. J. Lossing, pp. 203-248, with notes by J. G. Shea, N. Y., 1860, and Richmond, 1861; and in Blanchard’s Discovery and Conquests of the North West, app., 1-30, Chicago, 1880.

Stevens (Hist. Coll., i. p. 131) says the “original autograph of Washington’s Journal” is in the Public Record Office in London.

St. Pierre’s letter to Dinwiddie was also printed in the London Magazine, June, 1754. This and the allied correspondence are in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 164, etc.; and in Lossing’s ed. of Washington’s Diaries.

The letter of Holdernesse to the governors of the English colonies, authorizing force against the French, is in Sparks’s Franklin, iii. 251. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter (July 5, 1754) urging resistance to French encroachments, with the comments of the Lords of Trade, is in the New Jersey Archives, viii. pp. 292, 294; where will also be found Robinson’s letter (Oct. 26, 1754) urging enlistments (Ibid., Part ii. p. 17.)

[1275] Washington, ii. 7.

[1276] Penna. Archives, ii. 233.

[1277] Sparks’s Washington, ii. 23; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,051, with an erroneous note; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 809; Leclerc, Bib. Amer., no. 761.

[1278] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,122-24.

[1279] Leclerc, Bib. Amer., no. 762.

[1280] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,151; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 264.

[1281] Sparks’s Washington, ii. 24; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,162; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 811, 812. It was reprinted in 1757 in Philadelphia. Thomson, no. 810; Hildeburn, Century of Printing, i. 1,537.

[1282] Stevens, Bibliotheca Hist. (1870), no. 1,383; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,229; Sabin, xii. 51,661.

[1283] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,167; Cooke, no. 2,904; Sabin, x. p. 412; Murphy, no. 1,510; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 944. It is also reprinted in Olden Time, vol. ii. 140-277 (Field, no. 1,052), and in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 55, etc.

[1284] Montcalm and Wolfe, i. 155.

[1285] Parkman also characterizes as “short and very incorrect” the abstract of it which is printed in the N. Y. Col. Docs., vol. x.

[1286] Cf. letter of Contrecœur in the Précis des Faits; in Pouchot’s Mémoire sur la dernière Guerre, i. p. 14 (also Hough’s translation); in Le Politique Danois, ou l’ambition des Anglais demasquée par leurs Pirateries, Copenhagen, 1756 (Stevens, Bibliotheca Geographica, no. 2,212; Sabin, xv. no. 63,831); in Histoire de la Guerre contre les Anglois (Geneva, 1759, two vols.), attributed to Puellin de Lumina, who speaks of “le cruel Washington;” in Thomas Balch’s Les Français en Amérique (p. 45); in Dussieux’s Le Canada sous la domination Française, 118; in Gaspe’s Anciens Canadiens, 396. There are other particular references given by Parkman. Garneau’s account and inferences in his Histoire du Canada are held to be strictly impartial. Jumonville’s loss is noted in the Collection de Manuscrits, etc. (Quebec, 1884), vol. iii. p. 521.

[1287] Poole’s Index refers to the following: “Washington and the death of Jumonville,” by W. T. Anderson, in Canadian Monthly, i. p. 55; “Washington and the Jumonville of M. Thomas,” in Historical Magazine, vi. 201. The “Jumonville” of Thomas was a poem published in 1759, reflecting severely on Washington, and may be found in Œuvres de Thomas, par M. Saint-Surin, v. p. 47. Peter Fontaine represents the current opinion among the English, as to Jumonville’s action, when he says that the French “were in ambush in the woods waiting for” Washington. (Maury’s Huguenot Family, 361.) It is not necessary to particularize the references to Smollett, and Mahon, Marshall’s Washington, Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, and other obvious books; though something of local help will be found in W. H. Lowdermilk’s History of Cumberland, Maryland, from 1728 up to the present day, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc., Washington, 1878. Sargent also goes over the events in the introduction to his Braddock’s Expedition, p. 43, etc., and epitomizes the account by Adam Stephen in the Pennsylvania Gazette, no. 1,343.

[1288] Col. Rec. of Penna., vi. 195.

[1289] A view of the fort is noted in the Catal. of Paintings, Pa. Hist. Soc., 1872, no. 64. A diagram of Fort Necessity and its surroundings, from a survey made in 1816, is given in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 76. A plan of the attack is in Sparks’s Washington, i. 56. De Hass (Western Virginia, 63, 65) says that in 1851 the embankments of the fort could be traced; and that at one time a proposition had been made to erect a monument on the site.

[1290] Washington, ii. 456-68.

[1291] Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe. Cf. also Penna. Archives, ii. 146; N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 260; Walpole’s Mem. of the Reign of George II., 2d ed., i. p. 399.

[1292] “It is a constant maxim among the Indians that if even they can speak and understand English, yet when they treat of anything that concerns their nation, they will not treat but in their own language.” Journal of John Fontaine in Maury’s Huguenot Family, p. 273.

[1293] Henry Reed added to Mahon’s account in the Amer. ed. of that historian (1849), ii. 307. There is a detailed account in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 77.

[1294] Braddock’s Expedition, p. 55; Proud’s Pennsylvania, ii. 331. The Enquiry has a map of the country, and the second journal of Christian Frederic Post. The book was reprinted in Philad. in 1867. (Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 1145, 1146; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 951, 952; H. C. lib., 5325.44.) Parkman (Pontiac, i. 85) refers to Thomson’s tract “as designed to explain the causes of the rupture, which took place at the outbreak of the French war, and the text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents.” Referring to a copy with MS. notes by Gov. Hamilton, Parkman says that the proprietary governor cavils at several unimportant points, but suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged. Cf. Several Conferences between ... the Quakers and the Six Indian Nations in order to reclaim their brethren the Delaware Indians from their defection, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756. (Brinley, iii. 5,497.)

[1295] J. M. Lemoine epitomizes Stobo’s career in his Maple Leaves, new series, 1873, p. 55.

[1296] These articles are also in Livingston’s Review of Mil. Operations, etc.; Penna. Archives, ii. 146; De Hass’s Western Virginia, p. 67; S. P. Hildreth’s Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley, p. 36; Sparks’s Washington, ii. 459.

[1297] History of an expedition against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755, under Edward Braddock. Ed. from the original MSS., Phila., 1855. Contents:—Preface. Introductory memoir, pp. 15-280; Capt. [Robert] Orme’s journal, pp. 281-358; Journal of the expedition, by an unknown writer, in the possession of F. O. Morris, pp. 359-389; Braddock’s instructions, etc., pp. 393-397; Letter by Col. Napier to Braddock, pp. 398-400; Fanny Braddock [by O. Goldsmith], pp. 401-406; G. Croghan’s statement, pp. 407, 408; French reports of the action of the 9th July, 1755, pp. 409-413; Ballads, etc., pp. 414-416; Braddock’s last night in London, pp. 417, 418; Index, pp. 419-423. Sargent was born in 1828, and died in 1870. N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., 1872, p. 88.

[1298] Cf. Catal. of Sparks MSS., under vol. xliii., no. 4, for the same.

[1299] Cf. letter dated Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755, given in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xviii. 153, with list of officers killed; also in Hist. Mag., viii. 353 (Nov., 1864); and in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 180. It describes the flight of the army.

[1300] Keppel’s letter to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia, is in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., Jan., 1886, p. 489.

[1301] Also in the Penna. Archives, ii. 203 (cf. 2d series, vi. 211), and N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 920. In Olden Time, ii. 217, will be found a re-Englished form of these instructions, taken from a French version of them, which the French government published from the original, captured among Braddock’s baggage.

[1302] Second ed., 1870, i. 101.

[1303] Orig. ed., iv. 184-192; final revision, ii. 420.

[1304] Life and Writings of Washington, vol. i., Memoir, and vol. ii. 16-26, 68-93, 468. Sparks also encountered the subject in dealing with Franklin, for the Autobiography of Franklin (Franklin’s Works, ed. Sparks, i. 183,—some errors pointed out, p. 192; Bigelow’s ed., p. 303) gives some striking pictures of the confidence of Braddock and the assurance of the public, the indignation of Braddock towards what he conceived to be the apathy if not disloyalty of the Pennsylvanians, and the assistance of Franklin himself in procuring wagons for the army (in which he advanced money never wholly repaid,—Franklin’s Works, vii. 95). On this latter point, see Sargent, p. 164; and Penna. Archives, vol. ii. 294.

Neville B. Craig’s Washington’s First Campaign, Death of Jumonville, and taking of Fort Necessity; also Braddock’s Defeat and the March of the unfortunate General explained by a Civil Engineer, Pittsburgh, 1848, is made up of papers from Mr. Craig’s monthly publication, The Olden Time, published in Pittsburgh in 1846-1848, and reprinted in Cincinnati in 1876. It had a folded map of Braddock’s route, repeated in the work first named. Many of these Olden Time papers are reprinted in the Virginia Historical Register, v. 121.

The full title of Craig’s periodical was The Olden Time; a monthly publication devoted to the preservation of documents and other authentic information in relation to the early explorations and the settlement of the country around the head of the Ohio. (Cf. Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 280, 892, 893; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 381.) Thomson refers to a similar publication of a little earlier date: The American Pioneer. A Monthly Periodical, devoted to the objects of the Logan Historical Society; or to Collecting and Publishing Sketches relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement of the Country. Edited and Published by John S. Williams. Vol. i., Chillicothe, 1842; vol. ii., Cincinnati, 1843. After the removal of the place of publication to Cincinnati, vol. i. was reprinted, which accounts for the fact that in many copies vol. i. is dated Cincinnati, 1844, and vol. ii. 1843. The publication was discontinued at the end of no. 10, vol. ii. It contains journals of campaigns against the Indians, narratives of captivity, incidents of border warfare, biographical sketches, etc. The Logan Historical Society was first organized on July 28, 1841, at Westfall, Pickaway County, near the spot where Logan, the Mingo chief, is said to have delivered his celebrated speech. The society flourished for two or three years. Mr. Williams was the secretary of the society. An attempt was again made in 1849 to revive the society, without success.

[1305] Life of Washington, i. ch. xiv.

[1306] For 1755, pp. 378, 426. The first intelligence which Gov. Morris sent to England was from Carlisle, July 16. Penna. Archives, ii. 379.

[1307] The latest local rendering is in W. H. Lowdermilk’s History of Cumberland (Maryland) from 1728, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc. With maps and illustrations. Washington, D. C., 1878. It is only necessary to refer to such other later accounts as Hutchinson’s Mass., iii. 32; Chalmers’ Revolt, ii. 275; Marshall’s Washington; Grahame’s United States; Mahon’s England, vol. iv.; Hildreth’s United States, ii. 459-61; Scharf’s Maryland, i. ch. 15; J. E. Cooke’s Virginia, p. 344; A. Matthews in the Mag. of Western History, i. 509; Viscount Bury’s Exodus of the Western Nations (ii. p. 237), who quotes largely from a despatch which he found in the Archives de la Guerre (Carton marked “1755, Marine”).

[1308] Letters (1755), and Mem. Geo. II., i. 190.

[1309] Apology for her Life.

[1310] Capt. Bilkum in the Covent Garden Tragedy, 1732.

[1311] See a single letter in Mag. of Amer. Hist., July, 1882, p. 502, dated June 11, 1755.

[1312] Braddock, at a later stage, was supplied with Evans’ map, for acquiring a knowledge of the Ohio Valley. Penna. Archives, ii. 309, 317. There is in the Faden collection (Library of Congress), no. 4, “Capt. Snow’s sketch of the country [to be traversed by Braddock] by himself and the best accounts he could receive from the Indian tribes,”—a MS. dated 1754, with also Snow’s original draft (no. 5).

[1313] Cf. Parton’s Franklin, i. 349. Gov. Sharpe’s letter on this council is printed in Scharf’s Maryland, vol. i. 454.

[1314] A plan of Fort Cumberland, 1755, from a drawing in the King’s Maps (Brit. Museum), is given in Lowdermilk’s History of Cumberland, p. 92. (Cf. Scharf’s Maryland, i. p. 448.) A lithographic view (1755), in Lowdermilk’s Hist. of Cumberland, is given in a reduced wood-cut in Scharf’s Maryland, vol. i. p. 458.

[1315] Cf. a memoir and portrait of St. Clair by C. R. Hildeburn, in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., 1885, p. 1.

[1316] America and West Indies, vol. lxxxii.

[1317] Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 91-94. Cf. Letter to the people of England on the present situation and conduct of national affairs (London, 1755). Sabin, x. no. 40,651.

[1318] See letter from Camp on Laurel Hill, July 12, 1755, on the defeat, in Hist. Mag., vi. 160. In the Penna. Mag. of History, iii. p. 11, is a MS. Newsletter by Daniel Dulany, dated Annapolis, Dec. 9, 1755, giving the current accounts.

[1319] Parkman notes (p. 221) as among his copies a letter of Gov. Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, from the Public Record Office (Amer. and W. Indies, lxxxii.); a report of the court of inquiry into the behavior of the troops at the Monongahela; Burd to Morris, July 25; Sinclair to Robinson, Sept. 3, etc.

[1320] The sermon was printed in Philad., and reprinted in London in 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,763; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,409; Brinley, i. 218.) There are other symptoms of the time in another sermon of the same preacher, Oct. 28, 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,757.) Cf. Tyler, Amer. Literature, ii. p. 242; and W. H. Foote’s Sketches of Virginia (Phil., 1850), pp. 157, 284. See further on Davies (who was later president of Princeton College) and his relations to current events in Sprague’s Annals, iii.; John H. Rice’s memoir of him in the Lit. and Evangelical Mag.; Albert Barnes’ “Life and Times of Davies,” prefixed to Davies’ Works (N. Y., 1851); and David Bostwick’s memoir of him accompanying Davies’ fulsome Sermon on the Death of George II. (Boston, 1761).

[1321] America and West Indies, lxxxii. Cf. the statement of loss in Collection de Manuscrits (Quebec), iii. 544, and in Sargent, p. 238. The list of Braddock’s killed and wounded, as reported in the Gentleman’s Mag., Aug., 1755, is reprinted in Lowdermilk’s Cumberland, p. 164. There is among the Sparks MSS. (no. xlviii.) a paper, apparently contemporary, giving the British loss, in which Washington is marked as “wounded.”

[1322] It is signed T. W., and is dated Boston, Aug. 25, 1755. There were other editions the same year at Bristol and London. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,039, 1,120; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 182; Sabin, iii. no. 12,320, x. no. 40,382; Brinley, i. no. 213; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.46. The O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,749, says the T. W. was “probably Timothy Walker, afterwards chief justice of the Common Pleas in Boston.”

[1323] Hildeburn, i. no. 1,479.

[1324] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,038; Thomson, no. 106; Sabin, ii. 7,210.

[1325] Mem. of the Reign of George II., 2d ed., ii. 29.

[1326] The book, which is very rare, was published at Lexington, Ky., in 1799. (Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1,438; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, 1,055.) It was reprinted in Cincinnati, in 1870 “with an appendix of illustrative notes by W. M. Darlington,” as no. 5 of the Ohio Valley Historical Series. (Field, no. 1,440.) It was reprinted at Philad. in 1831, since dated 1834. (Brinley, iii. 5,570.) The author published an abstract of it in his Treatise on the mode and manner of Indian war, Paris, Ky., 1812. (Field, no. 1,439.) Parkman calls the earlier book “perhaps the best of all the numerous narratives of captives among the Indians.”

There is a sketch of Col. James Smith in J. A. M’Clung’s Sketches of Western Adventure (Dayton, Ohio, 1852). There have been other reprints of the Remarkable Occurrences in Drake’s Tragedies of the Wilderness (Boston, 1841); in J. Pritt’s Mirror of Olden Time Border Life (Abingdon, Va., 1849); in James Wimer’s Events in Indian History (Lancaster, 1841); and in the Western Review, 1821, vol. iv. (Lexington, Ky.). These titles are noted at length in Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio.

[1327] They are: 1. “Relation du combat du 9 juillet, 1755.”

2. “Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec, jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755.”

3. Lettre “de Monsieur Lotbinière à Monsieur le Comte d’Argenson, au Camp de Carillon, le 24 oct., 1755.”

[1328] One hundred copies printed.

[1329] Contents.—Notice sur D. H. M. L. de Beaujeu [par J. G. Shea]; Relation de l’action par Mr. de Godefroy; Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755; Relation de l’action par M. Pouchot; Relation du combat tirée des archives du Dépôt général de la guerre; Relation officielle, imprimée au Louvre; Relation des diuers mouvements qui se sont passés entre les François et les Anglois, 9 juillet, 1755; État de l’artillerie, munitions de guerre et autres effets appartenant aux Anglais qui se sont trouvés sur le champ de bataille; Lettre de M. Lotbinière, 24 octobre 1755; Extraits du registre du Fort Du Quesne. (Cf. Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,394.) Shea also edited in the Cramoisy series (100 copies), as throwing some light on the battle and its hero Beaujeu, Registres des baptesmes et sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du Quesne pendant les années 1753, 1754, 1755, & 1756. Nouvelle York, 1859. (iv. 3-51 pp.) An English translation of this by Rev. A. A. Lambing has been published at Pittsburgh.

Cf. the French account printed in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 256, and the statement of the captured munitions (p. 262). Cf. N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 303, 311. Parkman (app. to vol. ii. 424) brings forward the official report of Contrecœur to Vaudreuil, July 14, 1755, and (p. 425) a letter of Dumas, July 24, 1756, written to explain his own services, both of which Parkman found in the Archives of the Marine at Paris. It has sometimes been held that Beaujeu, not Contrecœur, commanded the post. (Hist. Mag., Sept., 1859, iii. p. 274.) Parkman (i. p. 221) also notes other papers among his own MSS. (copies) now in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. There is something to be gleaned from the Mass. Archives, Doc. collected in France (cf. vol. ix. 211), as well as from the documents copied in Paris for the State of New York (vol. xi., etc.).

Maurault, in his Histoire des Abénakis (1866), gives a chapter to “les Abénakis à la bataille de la Mononagahéla.” The part which Charles Langlade, the partisan chief, took is set forth in Tassé’s Notice sur Charles Langlade (in Revue Canadienne originally), in Anburey’s Travels, and in Draper’s “Recollections of Grignon” in the Wisconsin Hist. Coll., iii.

[1330] Vol. i. p. 38.

[1331] Penna. Mag. of Hist., iii. p. 11.

[1332] N. Jersey Archives, 1st ser., viii. 294. The colony was finally alarmed through fear the enemy would reach her borders. Ibid., viii., Part 2d, pp. 158, 174, 179, 182, 201.

[1333] Hist. of Maryland, i. 459.

[1334] Sparks’s Washington, ii. 218.

[1335] Sargent, in picturing the condition of society which thus existed, finds much help in Joseph Doddridge’s Notes of the Settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1763-1783, with a view of the state of society and manners of the first settlers of the western country, Wellsburgh, Va., 1824. (Sargent, Braddock’s Exped., p. 80; Thomson, Bibl. of Ohio, no. 331.) Doddridge was reprinted, with some transpositions, in Kercheval’s Hist. of the Valley of Virginia (Winchester, 1833, and Woodstock, 1850,—Thomson, nos. 668-9); and verbatim at Albany in 1876, edited by Alfred Williams, and accompanied by a memoir of Doddridge by his daughter (Thomson, no. 332).

Another monograph of interest in this study is John A. M’Clung’s Sketches of Western Adventure ... connected with the Settlement of the West from 1755 to 1794, Maysville, Ky., 1832. Some copies have a Philadelphia imprint. There were editions at Cincinnati in 1832, 1836, 1839, 1851, and at Dayton in 1844, 1847, 1852, 1854. An amended edition, with additions by Henry Waller, was printed at Covington, Ky., 1872. (Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 745-749.)

Of some value, also, is Wills De Hass’s History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, previous to 1795, Wheeling, 1851. (Thomson, no. 318.)

[1336] James Maury gives a contemporary comment on this harassing of the frontiers. Maury’s Huguenot Family, p. 403. Samuel Davies pictures them in his Virginia’s Danger and Remedy (Williamsburg, 1756).

[1337] Penna. Archives,, ii. 600; Le Foyer Canadien, iii. 26; Sparks’s Washington, ii. 137.

These murderous forays can be followed in the correspondence of Washington (1756); in the Col. Recs. of Penna., vii.; Penna. Archives, ii.; Hazard’s Penna. Reg.; and in the French documents quoted by Parkman, i. pp. 422-26. There is a letter of John Armstrong to Richard Peters in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., July, 1882, p. 500; and local testimony in Egle’s Pennsylvania, 616, 714, 764, 874, 1,008; Rupp’s Northumberland County, etc., ch. v. and vi.; Newton’s Hist. of the Panhandle, West. Va. (Wheeling, 1879); Kercheval’s Valley of Virginia, ch. vii., etc.; U. J. Jones’s Juniata Valley (Phil., 1876); J. F. Meginness’ Otzinachson, or the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna (Phil., 1857, p. 62); Scharf’s Maryland, vol. i. 470-492; Hand Browne’s Maryland, 226.

There is record of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania employed in these years in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vol. ii. In February, 1756, Governor Morris wrote to Shirley, describing the defences he had been erecting along the borders. (Penna. Archives, ii. 569.) There is in Ibid., xii. p. 323, a list of forts erected in Pennsylvania during this period. The enumeration shows one built in 1747, one in 1749, two in 1753, seven in 1754, eleven in 1755, twenty-one in 1756, three in 1757, three in 1758, and one in 1759. Plans are given of Forts Augusta at Shamokin, Bedford at Raystown, Ligonier at Loyalhannon, and Pitt at Pittsburgh.

In 1756, William Smith (Hist. New York, 1814, p. 243) says that William Johnson, within nine months after the arrival of Braddock, received £10,000 to use in securing the alliance and pacification of the Indians.

There was published in London in 1756 an Account of conferences and treaties between Sir William Johnson and the chief Sachems, etc., on different occasions at Fort Johnson, in 1755 and 1756 (Brinley, iii. no. 5,495), and in New York and Boston in 1757 a Treaty with the Shawanese on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, by Sir Wm. Johnson (Sabin, xv. 65,759).

[1338] Irving’s Washington, i. p. 192, etc. A map of the region under Washington’s supervision, with the position of the forts, is given in Sparks’ Washington, ii. 110. The journal of John Fontaine describes some of the forts in the Virginia backwoods. Maury’s Huguenot Family, 245, etc.

[1339] Parkman, i. 351.

[1340] The book was first published in London in 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,217.) Sparks, in reprinting it in his edition of Franklin’s Works, ii. p. 107, examines the question of Franklin’s relations to its composition and publication. The book had an appendix of original papers respecting the controversy. The copy which belonged to Thomas Penn is in the Franklin Collection, now in Washington. (U. S. Doc., no. 60.) Cf. Catal. of Franklin Books in Boston Public Library, p. 8.

[1341] Dr. Franklin and the Rev. William Smith are said to have had a hand in A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which the conduct of their assemblies for several years past is impartially examined, London, 1755. (Rich, Bibl. Americana Nova (after 1700), p. 111; Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, 1,070; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,082, 1,133; Brinley, ii. no. 3,034; Cooke, no. 2,007; a third edition bears date 1756. It was reprinted by Sabin in N. Y. in 1865.) The purpose of this tract was (in the opinion of the Quakers) to make them obnoxious to the British government by showing their factious spirit of opposition to measures calculated to advance the interests of the province; and on the other side, An Answer to an invidious pamphlet entitled A Brief State, etc., said to be by one Cross, was published the same year in London. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,083; Cooke, no. 2,008; Brinley, ii. 3,035; Rich, Bib. Am. Nov. (after 1700), p. 111.) A sequel to the Brief State, etc., appeared in London in 1756 as A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755, so far as it affected the service of the British Colonies, particularly the Expedition under the late General Braddock (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,132; Thomson, Bibl. of Ohio, no. 1,072; Cooke, no. 2,006; Brinley, ii. 3,036; Menzies, 1,580-82; Field, Ind. Bibliog., 1,446; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 937), which included an account of the contemporary incursions of the Indians along the Pennsylvania frontiers. A French version was printed in Paris the same year, under the title of Etat présent de la Pensilvanie (Brinley, i. 225; Murphy, 329; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,677, £2 10s.). The Barlow Rough List, no. 930, assigns it to the Abbé Delaville. It had “une carte particulière de cette colonie.”

The Quakers found a defender in An humble apology for the Quakers, occasioned by certain gross abuses and imperfect vindications of that people, ... to which are added Observations on A Brief View, and a much fairer method pointed out than that contained in The Brief State, to prevent the encroachments of the French, London, 1756. (Brinley, ii. 3,041.) The latest contribution to this controversy was A True and Impartial State of the Province of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,232; Brinley, ii. 3,040; Cooke, no. 2,009.) Hildeburn (Century of Printing, i. no. 1,649) says it was thought to be by Franklin. Parkman (i. p. 351) calls this “an able presentation of the case of the assembly, omitting, however, essential facts.” This historian adds: “Articles on the quarrel will also be found in the provincial newspapers, especially the New York Mercury, and in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1755 and 1756. But it is impossible to get any clear and just view of it without wading through the interminable documents concerning it in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvania Archives.”

Parkman also traces the rise of the disturbance in his Pontiac, i. p. 83; and refers further to Proud’s Pennsylvania, app., and Hazard’s Penna. Reg., viii. 273, 293, 323.

[1342] Works, vii. pp. 78, 84, 94, etc.

[1343] Georg Henry Loskiel, Geschichte der mission der Evangelischen Brüder unter den Indianern in Nordamerica, Leipzig, 1789 (Thomson, Bibl. of Ohio, no. 732), and the English version by Christian Ignatius La Trobe, History of the Missions of the United Brethren, London, 1794. The massacre is described in Part iii. p. 180. (Thomson, no. 733.)

John Heckewelder, Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians, 1740-1808, Philadelphia, 1820. (Thomson, no. 537; cf. Hist. Mag., 1875, p. 287.) There is also a chapter on “the brethren with the commissioner of Pennsylvania during the Indian war of 1755-57,” in the Memorials of the Moravian Church, ed. by William C. Reichel (Philad., 1870), vol. i. (Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,270.)

[1344] Penna. Archives, ii. 485.

[1345] Cf. Parton’s Franklin, i. 357; and Franklin’s Autobiography, Bigelow’s ed., p. 319. Franklin drafted the militia act of Pennsylvania, which was passed Nov. 25, 1755. (Gentleman’s Mag., 1756, vol. xxvi.) In Nov., 1755, Gov. Belcher informs Sir Thomas Robinson of expected forays along the western borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania. (New Jersey Archives, viii., Part 2d, 149.) Even New Jersey was threatened (Ibid., pp. 156, 157, 158, 160, where the Moravians are called “snakes in the grass”), and Belcher addressed the assembly (Ibid., p. 162), and, Nov. 26, ordered the province’s troops to march to the Delaware (Ibid., p. 174). On Dec. 16 he again addressed the assembly on the danger (p. 193).

[1346] Cf. Thomson’s Alienation of the Delawares, etc.; Heckewelder’s Acc. of the Hist. of the Indian Nations, Phil., 1819; in German, Göttingen, 1821; in French, Paris, 1822; revised in English, with notes, by W. C. Reichel, and published by Penna. Hist. Soc., 1876. (Details in Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 533-36.)

[1347] Administration of the Colonies, ii. 205.

[1348] The statement is copied in Mills’ Boundaries of Ontario, p. 3.

[1349] N. Y. Col. Docs., xiii., introduction; Dr. C. H. Hall’s The Dutch and the Iroquois, N. Y., 1882,—a lecture before the Long Island Hist. Society. In Morgan’s League of the Iroquois there is a map of their country, with the distributions of 1720, based on modern cartography. The Tuscaroras, defeated by the English in Carolina, had come north, and had joined the Iroquois in 1713, or thereabouts, converting their usual designation with the English from Five to Six Nations.

[1350] Cf. N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 386, etc. Various letters of Shirley are in the Penna. Archives, vol. ii., particularly one to De Lancey, June 1, 1755 (p. 338), on the campaign in general, and one from Oswego, July 20 (p. 381), to Gov. Morris. William Alexander wrote letters to Shirley detailing the progress of the troops from May onward (p. 348, etc.).

[1351] Especially one of Sept. 8, “in a wet tent” (p. 402). A letter from Shirley himself, the next day, Sept. 9, is in the N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 432. Cf. also N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 956. The records of the two councils of war, first determining to continue, and later to abandon, the campaign, with Shirley’s announcement of the decision to Gov. Hardy, are in Penna. Archives, ii. 413, 423, 427, 435.

[1352] Cf. also Gent. Mag., 1757, p. 73; London Mag., 1759, p. 594. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, ii. 370, etc.

[1353] See particularly for this fight vol. i. 501. Stone treats the subject apologetically on controverted points. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,511. Johnson’s letter to Hardy is given in N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. p. 1013.

[1354] Various books may be cited for minor characterizations of Johnson: Mrs. Grant’s Memoirs of an American Lady; J. R. Simms’ Trappers of New York, or a biography of Nicholas Stoner and Nathaniel Foster, and some account of Sir William Johnson and his style of living (Albany, 1871, with the same author’s Schoharie County, ch. iv.), called Frontiersmen of New York in the second edition,—works of little literary skill; Ketchum’s Buffalo (1864). Parkman’s first sketch was in his Pontiac (i. p. 90). Mr. Stone has also a paper in Potter’s Amer. Monthly, Jan., 1875. Cf. Lippincott’s Mag., June, 1879, and Poole’s Index, p. 694. His character in fiction is referred to in Stone’s Johnson, i. p. 57.

Peter Fontaine, in 1757, wrote: “General Johnson’s success was owing to his fidelity to the Indians and his generous conduct to his Indian wife, by whom he has several hopeful sons.” Ann Maury’s Huguenot Family, p. 351.

William Smith (New York, ii. 83), who knew Johnson, speaks of his ambition “being fanned by the party feuds between Clinton and De Lancey,” Johnson attaching himself to Clinton.

[1355] Many of these which cover Johnson’s public career have been printed in the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (vol. ii. p. 543, etc.), and Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vol. vi., not to name places of less extent.

[1356] Cf. An account of conferences held and treaties made between Maj.-Gen. Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart., and the Chief Sachems and Warriours of the Indian nations, Lond., 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,119; Stevens’ Hist. Coll., i. 1,455; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.48.) Johnson’s views on measures necessary to be taken with the Six Nations to defeat the designs of the French (July, 1754) are in Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 203.

As early as 1750-51, Johnson was telling Clinton that the French incitement of the Iroquois was worse than open war, and that the only justification for the French was that the English were doing the same thing.

[1357] N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 422.

[1358] Ibid., p. 421.

[1359] Ibid., p. 429.

[1360] Haven (Thomas, Hist. Printing, ii. p. 526) notes it as printed at the time separately in a three-page folio as a Letter dated at Lake George, Sept. 9, 1755, to the governours of the several colonies who raised the troops on the present expedition, giving an account of the action of the preceding day. There is a copy of a two-page folio edition in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Dr. O’Callaghan, in the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (ii. 691), copies it from the Gent. Mag., vol. xxiv., and gives a map (p. 696) from that periodical, which is annexed herewith.

[1361] Wraxall’s letter, Sept. 10, p. 1003; a gunner’s letter, p. 1005; and a list of killed and wounded, p. 1006.

[1362] Shirley’s commission to Johnson, and his instructions are given in the app. of Hough’s ed. of Rogers’ Journal, Albany, 1883.

[1363] There is an account of Blanchard’s New Hampshire regiment by C. E. Potter, in his contribution, “Military Hist. of New Hampshire, 1623-1861” (p. 129), which makes Part i. of the 2d vol. of the Report of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H. for 1866. Cf. also N. H. Revolutionary Rolls, Concord, 1885, vol. i. A second N. H. regiment, under Col. Peter Gilman, was later sent. (Ibid., p. 144.) Col. Bagley, who commanded the garrison left in Fort William Henry the following winter, had among his troops the N. H. company of Capt. Robert Rogers. (Ibid., p. 156.)

[1364] Mass. Bay, iii. 36.

[1365] The Mass. Archives attest this; cf. also Doc. Hist. N. Y., ii. 667, 677. Out of a reimbursement of £115,000 made by Parliament to be shared proportionately, Massachusetts was given £54,000 and New York £15,000, while Connecticut got £26,000,—Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and New Jersey the rest. (Parkman, i. 382.) The rolls which show the numbers of troops which Massachusetts sent on the successive “Crown Point expeditions,” 1755-60, are in the Mass. Archives, vols. xciii.-xcviii.

[1366] The friends of Gen. Lyman were angry at Johnson for his neglect in his report to give him any share of the credit of the victory. Cf. Fowler’s Hist. of Durham, Conn., 108; Coleman’s Lyman Family (Albany, 1872), p. 204. A letter from Gen. Lyman to his wife is given by Fowler, p. 133.

[1367] Parkman (vol. i. p. 327) touches on this unpleasantness, referring to N. Y. Col. Docs., vols. vi. and vii., Smith’s Hist. of New York, and Livingston’s Review of Military Operations; and adds that both Smith and Livingston were personally cognizant of the course of the dispute.

[1368] Cf. vol. i. pp. 174, 182, 184, etc. They include Pomeroy’s account of the fight of Sept. 8, 1755, addressed to his wife; a letter of Perez Marsh, dated at Lake George, Sept. 26, 1755; and a list of the killed, wounded, and missing in Col. Williams’ regiment in the same action, with a summary of the killed in the whole army, 191 in all.

[1369] They are from Albany, June 6, 1755, July 12; from the carrying place, Aug. 14, 17, 23; from Lake George, Sept. 11, 26, Oct. 8, 19, Nov. 2; from Albany, June 19, 1756; from Stillwater, July 16; from Albany, July 31, August 25, 28; Sept. 2.

[1370] Printed in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Oct., 1863, p. 346, etc.

[1371] Stone’s Johnson, i. 523.

[1372] Samuel Blodget’s Prospective plan of the battle near Lake George, on the eighth day of September, 1755, with an explanation thereof; containing a full, tho’ short History of that important affair, was engraved by Thomas Johnston, and published in Boston by Richard Draper, 1755. (Brinley, i. 209.) The size of the plate is 14×18 inches, and the text is called Account of the engagement near Lake George, with a whole sheet plan of the encampment and view of the battle between the English and the French and Indians (4to, pp. 5). It is dedicated to Gov. Shirley. A copy belonging to W. H. Whitmore is at present in the gallery of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston. It was reëngraved (“not very accurately,” says Trumbull) by Jefferys in London, and was published Feb. 2, 1756, accompanied by An Explanation ... by Samuel Blodget, occasionally at the Camp, when the battle was fought. (Sabin, ii. 5,955; Harv. Coll. library, 5325.45.) Jefferys inserted the plate also in his General Topog. of North America and the West Indies, London, 1768. It was from Jefferys’ reproduction that it was repeated in Bancroft’s United States (orig. ed., iv. 210); in Gay’s Pop. Hist. United States, iii. p. 288; in Doc. Hist. New York, iv. 169; and in Dr. Hough’s ed. of Pouchot. The plate shows two engagements, with a side chart of the Hudson from New York upwards: first, the ambuscade in which Williams and Hendrick were killed; and second, the attack of Dieskau on the hastily formed breastwork at the lake. The plate, as engraved by Jefferys, is entitled A prospective View of the Battle fought near Lake George on the 8th of Sep^r, 1755, between 2,000 English and 250 Mohawks under the Command of Gen^l Johnson, and 2,500 French and Indians under the Command of Genl Dieskau, in which the English were victorious, captivating the French General, with a number of his men, killing 700 and putting the rest to flight.

[1373] The annexed fac-simile is after a copy of this print in the library of the American Antiquarian Society.

[1374] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,068; Harvard Coll. lib., 4376.37.

[1375] Haven (in Thomas), ii. 525, who assigns it to Samuel Cooper. It was reprinted in London, 1755. Brinley, i. no. 214.

[1376] Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 725. Other editions: Dublin, 1757; New England, 1758; New York, 1770. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,166, 1,762; Cooke, no. 2,146; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 944. It is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll., vii. 67. Cf. estimate of the book in Tyler, Amer. Literature, ii. 222.

Stone, Life of Johnson, i. 202, says that the coincidences between passages in this letter and others in William Smith’s Hist. of New York are so striking as to warrant the conclusion that Smith must have had a share in the Review.

Sedgwick (Wm. Livingston, p. 114) says: “Allowance is to be made for its bitter attacks upon the character of De Lancey, Pownall, and Johnson.” William Smith, alleged to have been a party to its production, says: “No reply was ever made to it; it was universally read and talked of in London, and worked consequences of private and public utility. General Shirley emerged from a load of obloquy.” De Lancey (Jones’ N. Y. during the Rev., i. 436) holds that, while Livingston was doubtless cognizant of its publication, its real author was probably William Smith.

[1377] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,196; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25. It is sometimes ascribed to William Alexander, Earl of Stirling.

[1378] The histories have usually stated that Dieskau was mortally wounded, and Bancroft (United States, iv. 207), in his original edition speaking of him as “incurably wounded,” has changed it in his final revision (vol. ii. 435) to “mortally wounded,”—hardly true in the usual acceptation of the word, since Dieskau lived for a dozen years, though his wounds were indeed the ultimate cause of his death.

[1379] Penna. Mag. of Hist., iii. p. 11.

[1380] Vol. i. 115.

[1381] Cf. further Entick, i. 153; Hutchinson, iii. 35; Smith’s New York, ii. 214; Minot, i. 251; Trumbull’s Conn., ii. 368; Palfrey, Compend. ed., iv. 217; Gay, iii. 283; Barry, ii. 191, etc.; and among local authorities, Holland’s Western Mass.; Holden’s Queensbury, p. 285; Palmer’s Lake Champlain; Watson’s Essex County (1869), ch. iv.; De Costa’s Hist. of Fort George (New York, 1871; also Sabin’s Bibliopolist, iii. passim, and ix. 39.)

As to Hendrick, see Schoolcraft’s Notes of the Iroquois; Campbell’s Annals of Tryon County; N. S. Benton’s Hist. of Herkimer County, ch. i.

Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer delivered a centennial address at Caldwell in 1855, which is in his Sermons, Essays, and Addresses (Philad., 1861), and Stone (i. 547) makes extracts regarding the grave and monument of Williams. Joseph White delivered a discourse on Williams before the alumni of Williams College in 1855. Cf. the histories of that college.

A Ballad concerning the fight between the English and French at Lake George, a broadside in double column, was published at Boston in 1755. (Haven, in Thomas, ii. 523.) Parkman (i. 317) cites another, “The Christian Hero,” in Tilden’s Poems, 1756.

[1382] What he hoped of the campaign is expressed in his letter to Doreil, Aug. 16 (N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 311). Dieskau’s commission and instructions (Aug. 15, 1755) from the home government, as well as Vaudreuil’s instructions to him, are in Ibid., x. 285, 286, 327, and in the original French in Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iii. p. 548.

[1383] Here also (pp. 381, 397), as well as in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 341, will be found the usual annual reports of “occurrences” transmitted to Paris.

[1384] Printed in Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iv. p. 1, as is also a letter of Dieskau from the English Camp (p. 5), and a letter of Montreuil of Sept. 18 (p. 6).

[1385] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 318.

[1386] It is translated in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 340, and is accompanied (p. 342) by a diagram of the cul-de-sac which received the English.

[1387] This seems to be the document which Parkman quotes as Livre d’Ordres, now in the possession of Abbé Verreau. Parkman does not think it materially modifies the despatches as filed in Paris.

[1388] New Jersey Archives, viii., Part 2d, 133; also see pp. 137, 149, 188.

[1389] New Jersey Archives, viii., Pt. 2d, p. 168.

[1390] Smith’s New York, ii. 224; N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 460, 463; The Conduct of Gen^l Shirley, pp. 53-56; Livingston’s Rev. of Mil. Operations.

[1391] One of his projects, which he had to abandon, was a winter attack on Ticonderoga. (N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 461, 467.) He explained in Feb. to Gov. Morris, of Penna., his views of the campaign. (Penna. Archives, ii. 579.) Cf. also N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 480.

[1392] Johnson, i. 536.

[1393] Vol. ii. ch. i. Cf. also Parkman, i. 392-3.

[1394] Johnson had held a conference with them at Lake George shortly after the fight (Sept. 11). Penna. Archives, ii. 407.

[1395] Cf. L. C. Draper’s “Expedition against the Shawanoes,” in the Virginia Historical Register (vol. v. 61). Later in the season the Pennsylvanians (July and Nov., 1756) sought to quiet the tribes by conferences at Easton. Cf. Penna. Archives, ii. 722, etc., and Sparks’ note in Franklin’s Works, vii. 125, and the histories of Pennsylvania, and Several Conferences of the Quakers and the deputies from the Six Indian Nations, in order to reclaim the Delaware Indians, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756, noted in Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,118. Hildeburn, i. nos. 1,538, 1,539, 1,540, and the Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library, p. 35, give these various publications. The opposition of the Quakers to the war was still an occasion of attacks upon them. Cf. A true relation of a bloody battle fought between George and Lewis (Philad., 1756), noted in Hildeburn, i. no. 1,476. In Jan., the New Jersey government had made a treaty at Croswicks, and the proceedings of the conference were printed at Philad. (Cf. Hildeburn, i. no. 1,504; Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 530.) Governor Sharp erected Fort Frederick for the defence of the Maryland frontier. Its ruins are shown in Scharf’s Maryland, i. 491.

Among the accounts of “captivities” which grew out of the frontier warfare of Pennsylvania, the Narrative of the sufferings and surprising deliverance of William and Elizabeth Fleming was one of the most popular. It was printed in Philadelphia, Lancaster (Pa.), and Boston, in 1756, in English, and at Lancaster in German. (Hildeburn, nos. 1,465-1,468.) The Captivity of Hugh Gibson among the Delawares, 1756-59, is printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll., xxv. 141. A Journal of the Captivity of Jean Lowry and her children, giving an account of her being taken by the Indians, April 1, 1756, in the Rocky Spring settlement in Pennsylvania, was printed in Philadelphia in 1760. (Hildeburn, Century of Printing, i. no. 1,683.) On the Indian depredations at Juniata in 1756, see Egle’s Hist. Register, iii. 54.

[1396] In the N. Y. Col. Docs., vii., these conferences of 1756 can be followed equally well, beginning with a long paper by the secretary of Indian affairs, Peter Wraxall, in which he examines the causes of the declension of British interests with the Six Nations (p. 15), with records of conferences from March through the season (pp. 44, 91, 130, 171, 229, 244).

[1397] Cf. the instructions given to Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1755, touching his conduct towards the English, in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 295, and Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 239.

[1398] Conduct of Shirley, etc., p. 76; Pouchot’s Mémoires, i. 76; Parkman, i. 375.

[1399] Vol. i. p. 357. Cf. Barry’s Mass., i. 211.

[1400] The roll of the regiment which New Hampshire sent into the field is given in the Rept. of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H., 1866, vol. ii. p. 159, etc.

[1401] On Winslow’s appointment, compare Conduct of Shirley, etc., p. 65; Journal of Ho. of Rep. Mass., 1755-56; Winslow’s letter in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. p. 34; Minot’s Mass., i. 265; Parsons’s Pepperrell, 289.

[1402] Vol. i. p. 405.

[1403] Ibid., i. pp. 401-2.

[1404] Since printed in the Mag. of Amer. Hist. (March, 1882), viii. 206. It covers June 11-Aug. 18, 1756.

[1405] Vol. i. p. 72.

[1406] Parkman (vol. i. p. 394) tells the story of that success, and refers to a letter of J. Choate in the Mass. Archives, vol. lv.; letters from Albany, in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., i. 482, 505; Livingston’s Review; Niles, in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxv. 417; Mante, p. 60; Lossing’s Life of Philip Schuyler (1872, vol. i. p. 130), who was Bradstreet’s commissary.

[1407] Montcalm’s commission is given in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 394, and in Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), vol. iv. 19. It is dated at Versailles, Mar. 1, 1756.

[1408] Vol. i. p. 398.

[1409] Loudon was now directing affairs. The circular from Fox, secretary of state, to the governors of the colonies, directing them to afford assistance to Lord Loudon, is in New Jersey Archives, viii., Pt. ii., p. 209; with additional instructions, p. 218.

[1410] Life of Johnson, ii. 22.

[1411] Cf. Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iv. 59. Robert Eastburn, who was captured by the Indians near Oswego and carried to Canada, published at Philadelphia and Boston, in 1758, a Faithful narrative of many dangers and sufferings during his late captivity. (Sabin, vi. no. 21,664; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,581.)

[1412] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,163; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,064.

[1413] Second ed., York, 1758; fourth ed., London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,200, 1,241.) Also, Dublin, 1766; and Stockbridge, Mass., 1796.

[1414] Page 64.

[1415] New York (to 1762), ii. 239.

[1416] Mass., vol. iii. The latest account and best to consult is Parkman’s (vol. i. p. 413). Bancroft’s is much the same in his final revision (vol. ii. 453) as in his original ed. (iv. 238). Warburton’s Conquest of Canada (ch. ii.) is tolerably full. For local aspects, cf. Clark’s Onondaga, and a paper by M. M. Jones in Potter’s American Monthly, vii. 178.

[1417] Vol. i. p. 356-360.

[1418] The governors of Canada were in the habit of reporting to the Marine; but Montcalm sent his despatches to the department of War. Various ones are given in N. Y. Col. Docs., x., and in Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), vol. v.

[1419] Such are an officer’s letter (p. 453), a journal (p. 457), Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 461), an engineer’s letter (p. 465), an account (p. 467), Vaudreuil to D’Argenson (p. 471), other narratives with enumeration of booty (pp. 484-85, 520, 537), Lotbinière’s account (p. 494), etc. Cf. the French account, Aug. 28, 1756, in the Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 376, beside the letter of Claude Godfroy (p. 391). Pouchot’s Mémoires, i. pp. 70, 81, gives the current French account.

[1420] Boston Pub. Library; Murphy, no. 2,114. It is given in Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iv. 48.

[1421] They will be found in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., iv. pp. 169, 170 (Sept., 1755), 171, 175 (Oct.), 176 (Nov.), 184 (Jan., 1756), 185 (June), 286 (July), etc.

[1422] It was reprinted at Dublin in 1769. (Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 996, 997; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1,315; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,474, 1,702; Barlow’s Rough List, nos. 983-84; Brinley, i. no. 256; Menzies, no. 1,716; H. C. lib., 4376.21.) In a condensed form it makes part of a book edited by Caleb Stark, and published at Concord, N. H., in 1831, called Reminiscences of the French War, and it also appears in an abridged form in Caleb Stark’s Memoir of John Stark, Concord, 1860, p. 390. The best edition is that edited by Dr. F. B. Hough, with an Appendix, Albany, 1883. The Journals cover the interval from Sept. 24, 1755, to February 14, 1761. Haven (Thomas, ii. p. 560) cites from the Boston News-Letter, Apr. 15, 1762, proposals for printing at Charleston, S. C., in 4 vols., a “Memoir of Robert Rogers, containing his journals, 1755-1762,” but the publication was not apparently undertaken.

[1423] Hough’s ed., p. 9; Parkman, i. p. 437.

[1424] The best later accounts are in Parkman (vol. i. 431), Stone’s Johnson (ii. 20), and the papers by J. B. Walker in the Granite Monthly, viii. 19, and Bay State Monthly, Jan., 1885, p. 211. Sabine has a sketch of Rogers in his Amer. Loyalists, and more or less of local interest can be gathered from H. H. Saunderson’s Charlestown, N. H., ch. 5 and 6; N. Bouton’s Concord, N. H., ch. 6; Caleb Stark’s Dunbarton, N. H., p. 178; and Worcester’s Hollis, N. H., p. 98. Caleb Stark prints a sketch of Rogers in his Memoir of Gen. Stark. Cf. references in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., Apr., 1885, p. 196.

The officers of Rogers’ Rangers are given in the Report of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H., vol. ii. p. 158, etc., but it is there stated that but few fragments remain of their rolls.

There is an account by Asa Fitch of the affair of Jan., 1757, in the N. Y. State Agric. Soc. Trans., 1848, p. 917. The legend of “Rogers’ slide,” near the lower end of Lake George, has no stable foundation. Hough’s ed. of Journals, p. 101.

[1425] Brinley Catal., i. no. 469.

[1426] Vol. xv. no. 63,223.

[1427] Vol. i. p. 451.

[1428] Some of these are printed in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x., like Vaudreuil’s letter (p. 542), enclosing an extended narrative (p. 544), Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 548), to M. de Paulmy (p. 554), beside other statements (p. 570, etc.).

[1429] The general accounts which had been earlier printed, and which were based on contemporary reports, were, on the English side, in John Knox’s Historical Journal of the Campaigns, 1757-60 (London, 1769), Mante’s History of the Late War (London, 1772, pp. 82-85), and Smith’s New York, ii. 246. To these may be added the reports which were printed in the newspapers and magazines of the time, like the Boston Gazette and the London Magazine. An important letter of John Burk from the camp at Fort Edward, July 28, 1757, is in the Israel Williams MSS. (Mass. Hist. Soc.).

[1430] Col. Frye’s “Journal of an attack on Fort William Henry, Aug. 3-9” is printed in Oliver Oldschool’s (Dennie’s) Portfolio, xxi. 355 (May, 1819).

[1431] Printed in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x.: Montcalm’s letter (p. 596); Journal, July 12 to Aug. 16 (p. 598); Bougainville’s letter to the ministry (p. 605); articles of capitulation (p. 617); other accounts (p. 640); number of the French forces (pp. 620, 625), of the English garrison (p. 621); account of the booty (p. 626), etc. The same volume contains (p. 645) a reprint of a current French pamphlet, dated Oct. 18, 1757. These and other documents are in the Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), vol. iv.: Montcalm’s letters from Montreal; his instructions, July 9 (p. 100); his letters from Carillon (p. 110); his letter to Webb, Aug. 14 (p. 114); an account of the capture, dated at Albany, Aug., 1757 (p. 117); Munro’s capitulation (p. 122).

[1432] Vol. iv. Cf. Felix Martin’s De Montcalm en Canada, p. 65. The letter is translated in Kip’s Jesuit Missions, and is reprinted by J. M. Lemoine in his La Mémoire de Montcalm vengée, ou le massacre au Fort George, Quebec, 1864, 91 pp. (Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 906; Sabin, x. p. 205.) Cf., on Roubaud, “The deplorable case of Mr. Roubaud,” in Hist. Mag., 2d ser., viii. 282; and Verreau, Report on Canadian Archives (1874). A late writer, Maurault, in his Histoire des Abénakis (1866), has a chapter on these Indians in the wars. They are charged with beginning the massacre. The modern French view is in Garneau’s Canada, 4th ed., vol. ii. 251.

[1433] There is a letter on the capture, by N. Whiting, among the Israel Williams MSS. (ii. 42) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. Cf. a paper by M. A. Stickney in the Essex Inst. Historical Collections, iii. 79.

[1434] Cf. Scull’s Evelyns in America, p. 260.

[1435] The Journals give a sketch of the intrenchment near Fort William Henry, laid out by James Montresor (p. 23), and describe how the firing was heard at Fort Edward (p. 26), and how the survivors of the massacre came in (p. 28). Webb’s reports to the governor during this period are noted in Goldsbrow Banyar’s diary (Aug. 5-20), in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., January, 1877. The Journal of General Rufus Putnam, kept in Northern New York during four campaigns, 1757-1760, with notes and biog. sketch by E. C. Dawes (Albany, 1886), shows (pp. 38-41) how the news came in from the lake,—the diarist, whose father was a cousin of Israel Putnam, being stationed at Fort Edward.

[1436] Niles’ French and Indian Wars; Minot’s Massachusetts (ii. 21); Belknap’s New Hampshire (ii. 298); Hoyt’s Antiq. Researches, Indian Wars, (p. 288); Williams’ Vermont, (i. 376). Chas. Carroll (Journal to Canada, 1876, p. 62) tells what he found to be the condition of Forts George and William Henry twenty years later.

[1437] Orig. ed., iv. 258; final revision, ii. 463.

[1438] Vol. iii. 376.

[1439] Stone’s Johnson, ii. 47. The admirer of Cooper will remember the interest with which he read the story of Fort William Henry as engrafted upon The Last of the Mohicans, but the novelist’s rendering of the massacre is sharply criticised by Martin in his De Montcalm en Canada, chaps. 4 and 5. Cf. also Rameau, La France aux Colonies, ii. p. 306. Cooper, in fact, embodied the views which at once became current, that the French did nothing to prevent the massacre. The news of the fall of the fort reached the eastern colonies by way of Albany, where the fright was excessive, and it was coupled with the assurance that the massacre had been connived at by the French. (N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 604, 605.) Montcalm had apprehensions that he would be reproached, and that the massacre might afford ground to the English for breaking the terms of the surrender. He wrote at once to Webb and to Loudon, and charged the furor of the Indians upon the English rum (N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 618, 619), and Vaudreuil wrote a letter (p. 631) of palliation. Some later writers, like Grahame (United States, iv. 7), do not acquit Montcalm; but the more considerate hardly go further than to question his prudence in not providing a larger escort. (Warburton, Conquest of Canada, ii. 67.) Potter (Adj.-Gen. Rep. of N. H., 1866, ii. 190) says that of 200 men of that province, bringing up the rear of the line of retreating English, 80 were killed; and he reminds the apologists of Montcalm that, when the English were advised to defend themselves, the French general knew that they had not surrendered till their ammunition was expended. Stone (Johnson, ii. 49) says that thirty were killed. Parkman (i. p. 512) says it is impossible to tell with exactness how many were killed—about fifty, according to French accounts, not including those murdered in the hospitals. Of the six or seven hundred carried off by the Indians, a large part were redeemed by the French. The evidence, which is rather confusing, is examined also in Watson’s County of Essex, N. Y., p. 74. Cf. Les Ursulines de Québec, 1863, vol. ii. p. 295.

[1440] Of the later writers, see Parkman, ii. 6; Stone’s Johnson, ii. 54; Simms’s Frontiersmen of N. Y., 231; and Nath. S. Benton’s Herkimer County, which rehearses the history of the Palatine community, 1709-1783. Parkman, referring to Loudon’s despatches as he found them in the Public Record Office, says they were often tediously long. They were, it seems, in keeping with the provoking dilatoriness in coming to a point which characterized all his lordship’s movements. Franklin gives some amusing instances. (Cf. Parton’s Franklin, i. p. 383; Sparks’ Franklin, i. 217-21.) “The miscarriages in all our enterprises,” wrote Peter Fontaine in 1757, “have rendered us a reproach, and to the last degree contemptible in the eyes of our savage Indian and much more inhuman French enemies.” (Maury’s Huguenot Family, 366.)

Attached to a collection of papers in the Doc. Hist. N. Y., vol. i., relating to the Oneida country and the Mohawk Valley, 1756-57, is a sketch-plan of the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, showing the relative positions of Fort Bull, Fort Williams, and the German Flats.

[1441] G. H. Fisher on Bouquet in Penna. Mag. of Hist., iii. 121.

[1442] Minutes of Conferences with the Indians at Harris’s ferry and at Lancaster, Mar., Apr., May, 1757, fol., Philad. (Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 535.)

[1443] A treaty with the Shawanese and Delaware Indians at Fort Johnson, by Sir Wm. Johnson, with a preface, N. Y., 1757. (Harv. Coll. lib., 5321.30.) It was also printed at Boston. (Haven, p. 535.) Cf. Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 499, 511.

[1444] Stone’s Johnson, ii. 26.

[1445] Johnson, ii. 28.

[1446] Minutes of Conference held with the Indians at Easton, July and Aug., 1757, Philad. (Haven, p. 535.) A journal of Capt. George Croghan during its continuance and Croghan’s report to Johnson are in Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 527-538, and in N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 280. In a sale of Americana at Bangs’s in New York, Feb. 27, 1854, no. 1,307 of the Catalogue shows MS. minutes of this conference, which is endorsed by Benj. Franklin, “This is Mr. [Chas.] Thomson’s copy, who was secretary to King Teedyuskung,” who was the Delaware chief. No. 1,308 of the same Catalogue is the MS. Report of the council.

An account of Johnson’s proceedings with the Indians from July to Sept., 1757, is in the N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 324; and in the same volume are various letters of Johnson to the Lords of Trade.

[1447] It is told graphically in Macaulay’s Essay on Chatham. Cf. also J. C. Earle’s English Premiers, Lond., 1871, vol. i.

[1448] Cf. Occasional reflections on the importance of the war in America, in a letter to a member of Parliament, Lond., 1758. (H. C. lib., 4375.34.) The Carter-Brown Catal. (iii. 1,201) assigns this to Peter Williamson, who published at York, in 1758, Some considerations on the present state of affairs wherein the defenceless condition of Great Britain is pointed out. (H. C. lib., 6374.19.) Cf. also Proposals for uniting the English Colonies ... so as to enable them to act with force and vigour against their enemies, London, 1757. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,165; Harv. Coll. library, 6374.14.)

[1449] Vol. ii. ch. xviii.

[1450] Orig. ed., iv. 144; final revision, ii. 457.

[1451] Conduct of a noble commander in America impartially reviewed, Lond., 1758, pp. 45. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,176; Sabin, iv. 15,197.)

[1452] In June, 1758, Simon Stevens, who commanded a reconnoitring party from Fort William Henry, was captured by the enemy, and an account of his experiences, till he escaped from Quebec, was printed in Boston in 1760.

[1453] Cf. letter in Penna. Archives, iii. 472. Later historians have followed Dwight (Travels, iii. 383) in supposing the earthworks still remaining to represent the work of Montcalm in preparation for the fight. Hough (ed. of Rogers’ Journal, p. 118) so accounts them. Parkman says, however, that these mounds are relics of the strengthened works that Montcalm threw up later, his protection at the fight being of logs mainly.

[1454] Travels, iii. 384.

[1455] Items from this diary are quoted in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., vol. xvii. (1879), p. 243. The original is in the cabinet of that society.

[1456] Parkman refers (ii. 432) to letters of Colonel Woolsey and others in the Bouquet and Haldimand Papers in the British Museum. A letter of Sir William Grant is given in Maclachlan’s Highlands (1875), ii. 340. Knox (i. 148) gives a letter from an officer. Dwight refers to a letter in the New Amer. Magazine. There are among the letters of Chas. Lee to his sister (N. Y. Hist. Coll., 1871) one from Schenectady, June 18, and one from Albany, Sept. 16, 1758. He describes his being wounded at Ticonderoga, and is very severe on the “Booby-in-chief.” Other letters are in the Boston Gazette, 1758. The Boston Evening Post, July 24, 1758, has “the latest advices from Lake George, published by authority,” in which, speaking of Montcalm’s lines, it is said that “the ease with which they might be forced proved a mistake; for it was not possible with the utmost exaction of bravery to carry them.” It gives a table of losses as then reported; and adds extracts from a letter dated Saratoga, July 12, “which are not authenticated.” There is in the Israel Williams MSS., in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, a letter from Col William Williams, dated July 11, 1758, at Lake George, as at “a sorrowful situation.” The same papers contain also a letter from Oliver Partridge, Lake George, July 12, 1758; a detailed account of the campaign, by Col. Israel Williams; a letter of his nephew, Col. William Williams, Aug. 21, 1758; a rough draft of a narrative of the campaign by Colonel Israel Williams, dated at Hatfield, Aug. 7, 1758; a letter from Timothy Woodbridge, Lake George, July 24, 1758; and others from the camp, Lake George, Sept. 26 and 28, by William Williams.

Several diaries have been printed: Chaplain Shute’s is in the Essex Inst. Hist. Coll., xii. 132. In the same, vol. xviii. pp. 81, 177 (April, July, 1881), is another by Caleb Rea, published separately as Journal, written during the expedition against Ticonderoga in 1758. Edited by F. M. Ray, Salem, Mass., 1881.

In the Historical Mag., Aug., 1871 (p. 113), is the journal of a provincial officer, beginning at Falmouth (Me.), May 21, 1758, and ending on his return to the same place, Nov. 15.

The journal of Lemuel Lyon, during this expedition, makes part (pp. 11-45) of The military journals of two private soldiers, with illustrative notes by B. J. Lossing, published at Poughkeepsie in 1855. (Field, no. 963; Sabin, x. no. 42,860.) An account by Dr. James Searing is given in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1847, p. 112, and Rufus Putnam’s journal, 1757-1760, edited by E. C. Dawes (Albany, 1885), covers the campaign. A Scottish story of second sight,—a legend of Inverawe,—in reference to the death of Major Duncan Campbell in the fight, is given in Fraser’s Mag., vol. cii. p. 501, by A. P. Stanley; in the Atlantic Monthly, Apr., 1884, by C. F. Gordon-Cumming; and by Parkman (vol. ii., app., P. 433).

[1457] Vol. ii. p. 432.

[1458] A list of the killed and wounded of the English, from the London Mag., xxvii. p. 427, is in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 728. In a volume of miscel. MSS., 1632-1795, in the Mass. Hist. Society, there is a list of officers and soldiers killed and wounded in the attack on Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758, “from papers of Richard Peters, secretary of the governor of Pennsylvania.”

[1459] Other general sources: Entick; Hutchinson, iii. 70; Smith’s New York (1830), ii. 265; Trumbull’s Connecticut; Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 298, final revision, ii. 486; Williams’ Vermont; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii. ch. 5, who accuses Grahame (United States, ii. 279) of undue predilection for the provincial troops; Watson’s County of Essex, ch. 6; Stone, ii. 173, who neglects to say what part Johnson’s braves took in the fight; beside the general English historians, Smollett, Belsham, Mahon, etc.

[1460] Such are Montcalm’s letter to the Marshal de Belle Isle, July 12 (p. 732), his report to the same (p. 737), and his letter to Vaudreuil (p. 748). The governor made the victory the occasion of casting reproaches upon the general (p. 757), and Vaudreuil’s spirit of crimination is shown in his letter to De Massiac, Aug. 4 (p. 779), and in his observations on Montcalm’s account of the fight (p. 788, etc.), as well as in Vaudreuil’s letter to Montcalm, and the latter’s observations upon it (p. 800). The Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), vol. iv., has several documents, like Montcalm’s letters to Vaudreuil of July 9 and Oct. 21 (pp. 168, 201).

A letter of Doreil, dated at Quebec, July 28, is also in the N. Y. Col. Docs. (pp. 744, 753), as well as a reprint of an account printed at Rouen, Dec. 23, 1758 (p. 741). A Journal de l’affaire du Canada, passée le 8 Juillet, 1758, imprimé à Paris, 1758, is in the Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iv. 219. There is a French letter (July 14) in the Penna. Archives, iii. 472, of which a translation is given in the N. Y. Col. Docs., x. p. 734. (Cf. also pp. 747 and 892.) The journal of military operations before Ticonderoga from June 30 to July 10 is in Ibid., p. 721, as well as a journal of occurrences, Oct. 20, 1757, to Oct. 20, 1758, which also rehearses the details of the fight (p. 844).

M. Daine, in a letter to Marshal de Belle Isle, dated Quebec, 31 July, 1758, gives him the details of the victory at Carillon, as he had collected them from the letters of different officers who were in the action. (N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 813.) It resembles Montcalm’s own letter to Vaudreuil.

[1461] On the part of the Indians in the battle, see Joseph Tassé, “Sur un point d’histoire,” in Revue Canadienne, v. 664. Ernest Gagnon has a paper, “Sur le drapeau de Carillon,” in Ibid., new series, ii. 129.

[1462] Proceedings, 2d ser., i. p. 134.

[1463] N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1862, p. 217.

[1464] Called “Molong” by the early chroniclers on the English side, and even by Tarbox, in his Life of Putnam. Parkman says Humphreys’ account of the battle is erroneous at several points. There are details in Rogers’ Journals; in a record by Thomson Maxwell in the Hist. Coll. of the Essex Institute, vii. 97; in Gentleman’s Mag., 1758, p. 498; in Boston Gazette, no. 117; in N. H. Gazette, no. 104; beside, on the French side, in the Paris documents of the Parkman MSS. Cf. account of the ground in Lossing’s Field-Book of the Rev., i. 140, and Holden’s Queensbury, p. 325. A letter of Oliver Partridge, Sept., 1758 (Israel Williams MSS.), describes the movements of Rogers.

[1465] Bradstreet himself is thought to have had a hand in An Impartial Account of Lieut.-Col. Bradstreet’s Expedition to Fort Frontenac, by a Volunteer on the Expedition, London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,203; Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 171; Bost. Pub. Library, H. 95.74; Brinley, i. 210.) There is in Harvard College library a copy of a MS. which belonged in 1848 to Lyman Watkins, of Walpole, N. H., and is called A Journal of the Expedition against Fort Frontenac in 1758, by Lieut. Benjamin Bass, with lists of officers, etc. (H. C., 5325.51.) Fort Frontenac, after its capture, is described in a Letter to the Right Hon. William Pitt, Esq., from an officer at Fort Frontenac, London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,223; Sabin, x. 40,533.)

[1466] His letter announcing the occupation is in Penna. Archives, viii. 232, and N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 905.

[1467] Parkman’s notes on these indicate that in Sparks, ii. p. 293, the letter is abbreviated and altered; p. 295 is altered; p. 297 is varied; p. 299 has great variations; p. 302 has variations; p. 307 is shortened and changed; p. 310 has variations.

[1468] This is reprinted in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 902. Cf. Penna Archives, 2d ser., vi. 429.

[1469] Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 939; Sabin, xv. 64,453; Field, no. 1,233. It is reprinted in Proud’s Hist. of Penna., ii., app.; Rupp’s Early Hist. of Western Penna., p. 99; Olden Time, i. 98; Penna. Archives, iii. 520 (cf. also pp. 412, 560). Stone, Life of Johnson, ii. ch. 4, magnifies Johnson’s influence in this pacification of the Indians. Cf. Parkman’s Pontiac, i. 143.

[1470] Vol. ii. ch. 22.

[1471] Orig. ed., iv. 308; final revision, ii. 490.

[1472] Vol. i. ch. 24.

[1473] Cf. Sargent’s Braddock’s Exped., introd.; Darlington’s ed. of Smith’s Remarkable Occurrences, p. 102; A. W. Loomis’ Centennial Address (1858), published at Pittsburgh, 1859; Gordon’s Hist. of Pennsylvania; The American Pioneer (periodical). A sketch of Fort Pitt, as Mr. Samuel Vaughan found it in 1787, is given in his MS. journal, owned by Mr. Chas. Deane.

[1474] The Parkman MSS. contain letters of Bougainville dated July 25, 1758; Paris, Dec. 22, Versailles, Dec. 29; Paris, Jan. 16, 1759; Versailles, Jan. 28, Feb. 1, 16; Bordeaux, March 5; Paris, Dec. 10.

[1475] Some letters of Doreil on his Paris mission (1760) are among the Parkman MSS.

[1476] The disheartening began early, as shown by Doreil’s letter of Aug. 31, 1758 (N. Y. Col. Docs., 828), and Montcalm, addressing Belle Isle in the spring (Apr. 12, 1759), had to depict but a sorry outlook. (Ibid., x. 960.)

[1477] Particularly (p. 857) in the abstracts of the despatches in the war office, complaining of Vaudreuil.

[1478] Sabin, xii. 47,556. Cf. the address of J. M. Lemoine, Glimpses of Quebec, 1749-1759, made in Dec., 1879, and printed in the Transactions of the Lit. and Hist. Soc., 1879-80; Martin’s De Montcalm en Canada, ch. 9; and Viscount Bury’s Exodus of the Western Nations (vol. ii. ch. 9), who seems to have used French documentary sources.

[1479] N. Y. ed., ii. ch. 6 and 7.

[1480] Rule and Misrule of the English in America, N. Y., 1851, p. 209.

[1481] Vol. ii. ch. 1.

[1482] New York, 1882, p. 51.

[1483] See his introduction; also Part ii. p. 59. Various characteristics of French colonization in Canada are developed by Rameau in the Revue Canadienne: e. g., “La race française en Canada” (x. 296); “L’administration de la justice sous la domination française” (xvi. 105); “La langue française en Canada” (new ser., i. 259); “Immigration et colonisation sous la domination française” (iv. 593).

[1484] Stanwix worked hard to put Pittsburgh into a defensible condition. Maury’s Huguenot Family, 416.

[1485] Indeed, military critics have questioned the general multiform plan of Pitt’s campaign as a serious error. Cf. Smollett’s England, and Viscount Bury’s Exodus, ii. 288. Pitt’s letter of Dec. 9, 1758, to the colonial governors on the coming campaign is in the New Hampshire Prov. Papers, vi. 703; and his letter of Dec. 29, 1758, to Amherst on the conduct of it is in the N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 355. Cf. also Chatham Correspondence. Jared Ingersoll’s account of the character and appearance of Pitt in 1759 is given in E. E. Beardsley’s Life and Times of William Samuel Johnson, Boston, 2d ed., 1886, p. 21.

Col. Montresor submitted a plan for amendments which, in its main features, was like Pitt’s. Cf. Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 433, and N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 907. (Cf. Collection de Manuscrits, Quebec, iv. 208.) The plan of Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1759, on the French side, is in Ibid., x. 952. In Dec., 1758, Gen. Winslow was in England, and William Beckford was urging Pitt to have recourse to him for information. Chatham Correspondence, i. 378.

[1486] Life of Johnson, ii. 394, etc.

[1487] There is a contemporary letter in the Boston Evening Post, no. 1,250, a composite account in the Annual Register, 1759, and another in Knox’s Hist. Journal, vol. ii. Papers from the London Archives are in the New York Col. Docs., vii. 395. There are among Charles Lee’s letters two (July 30 and Aug. 9, 1759) describing the siege of Niagara, and his subsequent route towards Duquesne is defined in another (March 1, 1760). N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1871, p. 9.

[1488] Vol. ii. 42; vol. iii. 165.

[1489] Cf. on Pouchot, N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 668, note. In the same (p. 990) are the articles of capitulation.

[1490] Vol. ii. p. 130.

[1491] Vol. ii. p. 104, etc.

[1492] Gage’s Letters, 1759-1773 (MS.), in Harvard College library. In one of them he says to Bradstreet: “You must not conclude that all the oxen that leave Schenectady reach this; and in your calculation of provisions make allowance for what may be lost, taken by and left at the Indian castles, beside what are used at the several posts.”

[1493] Amherst’s letters chronicling progress are in N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 400, etc. Early in Nov., 1758, it had been rumored in Albany that Amherst was to supersede Abercrombie. (C. V. R. Bonney’s Legacy of Hist. Gleanings, Albany, 1875, p. 26.) A large number of letters addressed to Amherst are in the Bernard Papers (Sparks MSS.), 1759. On Amherst’s family connections, cf. James E. Doyle’s Official Baronage of England (London, 1886), i. p. 38.

[1494] An Orderly Book of Commissary Wilson, in the possession of Gen. J. Watts De Peyster, was printed as no. 1 of Munsell’s Historical Series, at Albany, in 1857, with notes by Dr. O’Callaghan, which in the main concern persons mentioned in the record.

A journal of Samuel Warner, a Massachusetts soldier, is printed in the Wilbraham Centennial, and is quoted in De Costa’s Lake George. Parkman was favored by Mr. Wm. L. Stone with the use of a diary of Sergeant Merriman, of Ruggles’ regiment, and with a MS. book of general and regimental orders of the campaign. The Journal of Rufus Putnam covers this forward movement. A MS. “Project for the attack on Ticonderoga, May 29, 1759, W. B. delt.,” is among the Faden maps, no. 24, Library of Congress.

[1495] A centennial address of the capture of Ticonderoga, delivered in 1859, is in Cortlandt Van Rensselaer’s Sermons, Essays, and Addresses, Phil., 1861.

[1496] Parkman refers to an account by Thompson Maxwell as of doubtful authenticity, as it is not sure that the writer was one of Rogers’s party. A hearsay story of equal uncertainty, respecting an ambush laid by Rogers for the Indians, as told by one Jesse Pennoyer, is given by Mrs. C. M. Day, in her Hist. of the Eastern Townships. Stone (Life of Johnson, ii. 107) says he could not find any tradition of the raid among the present descendants of the St. Francis tribe. Maurault, in his Histoire des Abénakis, gives an account. Vaudreuil refers to it in his letters in the Parkman MSS. Cf. Watson’s County of Essex, p. 106.

[1497] The first attempt to recount the exploits of Wolfe in the shape of a regular biography was made by a weak and florid writer, who, in 1760, “according to the rules of eloquence,” as he professed, got out a brief Life of General James Wolfe, which was in the same year reprinted in Boston. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,280; Haven in Thomas, p. 557.) Nothing adequate was done, however, for a long time after, and the reader had to gather what he could from the Annual Register, Smollett’s England, Walpole’s George II., or from the contemporary histories of Entick and Mante. (Cf. various expressions in Walpole’s Letters.)

The letters of Wolfe to his parents were not used till Thomas Streatfeild made an abstract of a part of them for a proposed history of Kent; but his project falling through, the papers passed by Mahon’s influence (Hist. of England, 3d ed., iv. 151) to the Rev. G. R. Gleig, who used them in his Lives of the Most Eminent British Military Commanders (1832). About 1827, such of the Wolfe papers as had descended from General Warde, the executor of Wolfe’s mother, to his nephew, Admiral George Warde, were placed in Robert Southey’s hands, but a life of Wolfe which he had designed was not prepared, and the papers were lost sight of until they appeared as lots 531, 532 of the Catalogue of the Dawson Turner Sale in 1858, which also contained an independent collection of “Wolfiana.” Upon due presentation of the facts, the lots above named were restored to the Warde family, together with the “Wolfiana,” as it was not deemed desirable to separate the two collections. This enlarged accumulation was submitted to Mr. Robert Wright, who produced the Life of Major-General James Wolfe, which was published in London in 1864. To the domestic correspondence of Wolfe above referred to, which ceases to be full when the period of his greatest fame is reached, Mr. Wright added other more purely military papers, which opportunely came in his way. Some of these had belonged to Col. Rickson, a friend of Wolfe, and being filed in an old chest, in whose rusty lock the key had been broken, they had remained undisturbed till about forty years ago, when the chest was broken open, and the papers were used by Mr. John Buchanan in a sketch of Wolfe, which he printed in Tait’s Magazine in 1849, and reprinted in his Glasgow Past and Present in 1856. Wright found the originals in the Museum of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, at Edinburgh, and he says they, better than the letters addressed to his mother, exhibit the tone and bent of Wolfe’s mind. The letters which passed between Wolfe and Amherst during the siege of Louisbourg (1758) were submitted to Wright by Earl Amherst, and from these, from the “Wolfiana” of Dawson Turner, from the Chatham and Bedford Correspondence, he gathered much unused material to illustrate the campaigns which closed the struggle for Canada. See particularly a letter of Wolfe, from Halifax, May 1, 1759, detailing the progress of preparations, which is in the Chatham Correspondence, i. 403, as is one of Sept. 9, dated on board the “Sutherland,” off Cape Rouge (p. 425). Walpole speaks of the last letter received from Wolfe before news came of his success, and of that letter’s desponding character. “In the most artful terms that could be framed, he left the nation uncertain whether he meant to prepare an excuse for desisting, or to claim the melancholy merit of having sacrificed himself without a prospect of success.” (Mem. of the Reign of George II., 2d ed., iii. p. 218.) Mr. Wright, from a residence in Canada, became familiar with the scenes of Wolfe’s later life, and was incited thereby to the task which he has very creditably performed.

[1498] Cf. also, on Wolfe, James’ Memoirs of Great Commanders, new ed., 1858; Bentley’s Mag., xxxi. 353; Eclectic Mag., lxii. 376; Canadian Monthly, vii. 105, by D. Wilson. Mahon (England, iv. ch. 35) tells some striking stories of the way in which Wolfe’s shyness sometimes took refuge in an almost crazy dash.

[1499] The Abbé Verreau is said to have one. I note another in a sale catalogue (Bangs, N. Y., 1854, no. 1,319), and a third is cited in the Third Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 124, as being among the Northumberland Papers at Alnwick Castle.

[1500] This address was delivered before the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Soc. in Boston. It was not so much a narrative of events as a critical examination of various phases of the history of the siege.

Mr. W. S. Appleton describes the medal struck to commemorate the capture of Quebec and Montreal, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xi. 298, and in the Amer. Journal of Numismatics, July, 1874. A cut of it is given on the title of the present volume. Cf. Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Transactions, 1872-73, p. 80.

[1501] Those on the English side are as follows:—

1. Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence from the embarkation at Louisbourg ‘til after the surrender of Quebeck, by the sergeant-major of Gen. Hopson’s Grenadiers, Boston, 1759. (Sabin, ix. 36,723.). This appeared originally in the N. Y. Mercury, Dec. 31, 1759, and is reprinted in the second series of the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec.

2. Journal of the expedition up the river St. Lawrence, beginning at Perth Amboy, May 8, 1759. The original was found among the papers of George Allsop, secretary to Sir Guy Carleton, Wolfe’s quartermaster-general. It has been printed in the Hist. Docs., 4th ser., of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec.

3. Capt. Richard Gardiner’s Memoirs of the siege of Quebec, and of the retreat of M. de Bourlamaque from Carillon to the Isle aux Noix on Lake Champlain, from the Journal of a French officer on board the Chezine frigate ... compared with the accounts transmitted home by Maj.-Gen. Wolfe, London, 1761.

4. An accurate and authentic Journal of the siege of Quebec, 1759, by a gentleman in an eminent station on the spot, London, 1759. (Brinley, i. 207; H. C. library, 4376.29; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,233.)

5. Genuine letters from a volunteer in the British service at Quebec, London [1760]. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,257.)

6. “Journal of the particular transactions during the siege of Quebec,” by an officer of light infantry, printed in Notes and Queries, xx. 370. It is reprinted in the Hist. Mag. (Nov., 1860), iv. 321. It extends from June 26 to Aug. 8, 1759, purports to be penned “at anchor opposite the island of Orleans.” The original is said to have been in the possession of G. Galloway, of Inverness, and is supposed to have been written by an officer of Fraser’s regiment.

7. A short, authentic account of the expedition against Quebec, by a volunteer upon that expedition, Quebec, 1872. It is ascribed to one James Thompson.

8. Memoirs of the siege of Quebec and total reduction of Canada, by John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster-sergeant to the Fifty-Eighth Regiment. A MS. of 176 pages, cited by Parkman (ii. 440) as by a pensioner at Chelsea (England) Hospital. It belongs to Geo. Francis Parkman, Esq.

9. A short account of the expedition against Quebec ... by an engineer upon that expedition (Maj. Moncrief), with a plan of the town and basin of Quebec, and part of the adjacent country, showing the principal encampments and works of the British army, and those of the French army during the attack of 1759. Catal. of Lib. of Parliament (Toronto, 1858), p. 1277. There is, or was, a MS. copy in the Royal Engineers’ office at Quebec. The original is without signature, but is marked with the initials “P. M.” (Miles, Canada, p. 493.)

10. Col. Malcolm Fraser’s Journal of the siege of Quebec. This officer was of the Seventy-Eighth Highlanders. It is printed in the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, 2d series. Cf. “Fraser’s Highlanders before Quebec, 1759,” in Lemoine’s Maple Leaves, new series, p. 141.

11. In the N. Y. Hist. Coll. (1881), p. 196, is a journal of the siege of Quebec, beginning June 4, 1759, and extending to Sept. 13, accompanied (p. 217) by letters of its author, Col. John Montresor, to his father (with enclosed diaries of events), dated Montmorency, Aug. 10; Quebec, Oct. 5 and Oct. 18.

12. In Akins’ Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia, p. 452, is a long letter (July-Aug.) from James Gibson respecting the progress of the siege.

13. In the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Register (1872), p. 237, is a brief journal of the siege, beginning July 8th, kept by Daniel Lane.

14. A letter dated at Quebec, Oct. 22, 1759, written by Alexander Campbell, in the Hist. Mag., iv. 149.

15. Joseph Grove’s Letter on the glorious success at Quebec ... and particularly an account of the manner of General Wolfe’s death, London, 1759.

16. Timothy Nichols was a private in the company of John Williams, of Marblehead, and reached Wolfe’s army, by transport, July 19. He notes the daily occurrences of cannonading, fires in the town, skirmishes, fire-rafts, the attack near Montmorency, ceasing his entries Aug. 22, and dying Sept. 9. The MS., which is defective, belongs to Dr. Arthur H. Nichols, of Boston, to whom the editor is indebted for extracts.

On the French side we have:—

1. The Second Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission (p. 30) notes, as among the Earl of Cathcart papers, a folio MS., “Journal de la expédition contre Québec, 1759.” It has 34½ pages, and extends from May 1 to May 10, according to the report.

2. Martin, in his De Montcalm en Canada, p. 239, describes an English MS. in the Bibliothèque du Ministère de la Guerre (Paris), called for a general title Memoirs of a French Officer, and divided into two parts:—

(1.) Begins with a narrative of the Scottish rebellion in 1745, and then gives “An account of the war in Canada to the capitulation of Montreal in 1760, with an account of the siege of Louisbourg in 1758, and an exact and impartial account of the hostilities committed in Acadia and Cape Breton before the declaration of war.”

(2.) a. Dialogue in Hades between Montcalm and Wolfe, reviewing, in the spirit of a military critic, the mistakes of both generals in the conduct of the campaign, not only of Quebec, but of the other converging forces of the English. This portion is given in English in the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec. Martin has a French translation of it.

b. “A critical, impartial, and military history of the war in Canada until the capitulation signed in 1760.” Published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec in 1867.

The whole MS. is attributed to a Scotch Jacobite, Chevalier Johnston, who after the suppression of the Scotch revolt went to France, and served in the campaign of this year in Canada as aid to Lévis, and afterwards as aid to Montcalm.

3. In the first series (1840) of the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec there is a “Relation de ce qui s’est passé au siége de Québec, et de la prise du Canada, par une Religieuse de l’Hôpital Général de Québec: addressée à une communauté de son ordre en France.” It is thought to have been written in 1765; and the original belongs to the Séminaire de Québec. It was again printed at Quebec in 1855.

There was also published at Quebec, about 1827, an English version, The siege of Quebec, and conquest of Canada: in 1759. By a nun of the general hospital of Quebec. Appended an account of the laying of the first stone of the monument to Wolfe and Montcalm.

4. Parkman (ii. 438) considers one of the most important unpublished documents to be the narrative of M. de Foligny, a naval officer commanding one of the batteries in the town, namely a Journal mémoratif de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable pendant qu’a duré le siége de la ville de Québec. It is preserved in the Archives de la Marine at Paris.

5. In the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, 4th series, there is a paper, “Siége de Québec en 1759—journal tenu par M. Jean Claude Panet, ancien notaire de Québec.” It is the work of an eye-witness, and begins May 10.

6. “Journal tenu à l’armée que commandait feu M. le Marquis de Montcalm” is also printed in the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec. Parkman calls it minute and valuable.

7. Parkman cites, as from the Archives de la Marine, Mémoires sur la Campagne de 1759, par M. de Joannès, major de Québec.

8. Siégede Québec, en 1759. Copie d’après un manuscrit apporté de Londres, par l’honorable D. B. Viger, lors de son retour en Canada, en septembre 1834-mai 1835. Copie d’un manuscrit déposé à la bibliothèque de Hartwell en Angleterre. This was printed in a small edition at Quebec in 1836, and Parkman (ii. 438) calls it a very valuable diary of a citizen of Quebec.

9. In the first series of the Hist. Docs. of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec is a “Jugement impartial sur les opérations militaires de la campagne en 1759, par M^gr de Pontbriand, Évêque de Québec.” It aims only to touch controverted points. It is translated in N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 1059. Cf. “Lettres de M^gr Pontbriand,” in Revue Canadienne, viii. 438.

10. Leclerc, in his Bibliotheca Americana (Maisonneuve, Paris), 1878, no. 770, describes a manuscript, Mémoires sur les affaires du Canada, 1756-1760, par Potot de Montbeillard, Commandant d’Artillerie, as a daily journal, written on the spot, never printed, and one of three copies known. Priced at 400 francs. This has been secured by Mr. Parkman since the publication of his book.

11. The Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec has also printed a document, the original of which was found in the Archives du département de la Guerre at Paris, entitled: Événements de la Guerre en Canada durant les années 1759 et 1760: Relation du Siége de Québec du 27 Mai au 8 Aôut, 1759: Campagne du Canada depuis le 1^er Juin jusqu’au 15 Septembre, 1759. These are followed by other documents, including no. 6 (ante).

[1502] The Parkman MSS. contain transcripts from these archives, 1666-1759.

[1503] These are translated in N. Y. Col. Docs., x., with others: such as a published narrative of the French, ending Aug. 8 (p. 993); an account, June 1 to Sept. 15 (p. 1001); Montreuil’s letter (p. 1013); a journal of operations with Montcalm’s army (p. 1016); and Bigot’s letter to Belle Isle on the closing movements of the siege (p. 1051).

The collection of Montcalm letters in the Parkman MSS., copied from the originals in the possession of the present Marquis of Montcalm, begins in America, May 19 (Quebec), 1756, when he says that he had arrived on the 12th. The others are from Montreal, June 16, 19, July 20, Aug. 30; from Carillon, Sept. 18; from Montreal, Nov. 3, 9, Apr. 1 (1757), 16, 24, June 6, July 1, 4, 8, Aug. 19; from Quebec, Sept. 13, Feb. 19 (1758); from Montreal, Apr. 10, 18, 20, June 2; from Carillon, July 14, 21, Aug. 20, 24, Sept. 25, Oct. 16, 27; from Montreal, Nov. 21, 29, Apr. 12 (1759), May 16, 19.

The Parkman MSS. also contain letters of Montcalm to Bourlamaque, copied from the Bourlamaque papers, beginning with one from Montreal, June 25, 1756, and they are continued to his death; to which are added letters of Bougainville and Bernetz, written after the death of Montcalm.

[1504] Vol. ii. 441.

[1505] Cf. “Où est mort Montcalm?” by J. M. Lemoine, in Revue Canadienne, 1867, p. 630; and the document given in the Coll. de Manuscrits (Quebec), iv. 231.

[1506] Vol. ii. 325.

[1507] In this last there seems to be an allusion to a book which appeared in London in 1777, in French and English, published by Almon, called Lettres de Monsieur le Marquis de Montcalm à Messieurs de Berryer et de la Molé, écrites dans les années 1757, 1758, et 1759. (Sabin, xii. p. 305; Barlow’s Rough List, no. 1,095.) The letters were early suspected to be forgeries, intended to help the argument of the American cause in 1777 by prognosticating the resistance and independency of the English colonists, to follow upon the conquest of Canada and the enforced taxation of the colonies by the crown. These views came out in what purported to be a letter from Boston, signed “S. J.,” to Montcalm, and by him cited and accepted. The alleged letters were apparently passed round in manuscript in London as early as Dec., 1775, when Hutchinson (Diary and Letters, p. 575) records that Lord Hardwicke sent them to him, “which I doubt not,” adds the diarist, “are fictitious, as they agree in no circumstance with the true state of the colonies at the time.” Despite the doubt attaching to them, they have been quoted by many writers as indicating the prescience of Montcalm; and the essential letter to Molé is printed, for instance, without qualification by Warburton in his Conquest of Canada (vol. ii.), and is used by Bury in his Exodus of the Western Nations, by Barry in his Hist. of Mass., by Miles in his Canada (p. 425), and by various others. Lord Mahon gave credence to it in his Hist. of England (orig. ed., vi. 143; but see 5th ed., vi. 95). Carlyle came across this letter in a pamphlet by Lieut.-Col. Beatson, The Plains of Abraham, published at Gibraltar in 1858, and citing it thence embodied it in his Frederick the Great. Ten years later Parkman found a copy of the letter among the papers of the present Marquis de Montcalm, but inquiry established the fact that it was not in the autograph of the alleged writer. This, with certain internal evidences, constitutes the present grounds for rejecting the letters as spurious, and Parkman further points out (vol. ii. 326) that Verreau identifies the handwriting of the suspected copy of the letter as that of Roubaud.

Mr. Parkman first made a communication respecting the matter to the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., June, 1869 (vol. xi. pp. 112-128), where the editor, Dr. Charles Deane, appended notes on the vicissitudes of the opinions upon the genuineness of the letters; and these data were added to by Henry Stevens in a long note in his Bibliotheca Historica, no. 1,336. Carlyle finally accepted the arguments against them. (M. H. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1870, vol. xi. 199.)

[1508] This periodical was begun in 1758, and Mahon speaks of its narratives as “written with great spirit and compiled with great care.”

[1509] The victory of Quebec, as well as British successes in Germany, induced the formation in England of a “Society for the Encouragement of the British Troops,” of which Jonas Hanway printed at London, in 1760, an Account, detailing the assistance which had been rendered to soldiers’ widows, etc. (Sabin, viii. no. 30,276. There is a copy in Harv. Coll. Library.)

[1510] Smith’s Hist. of New York (1830, vol. ii.); the younger Smith’s Hist. of Canada (vol. i. ch. 2); Chalmers’ Revolt, etc. (vol. ii.); Grahame’s United States (vol. ii.); Mortimer’s England (vol. iii.); Mahon’s England, 5th ed. (vol. iv. ch. 35), erroneous in some details; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada (vol. ii. ch. 10-12); Bancroft, United States, orig. ed., iv.; final revision, vol. ii.; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S. (vol. iii. 305); a paper by Sydney Robjohns, in the Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., v.

[1511] It is reprinted in the Eclectic Mag., xxvii. 121, and in Littell’s Living Age, xxxiv. 551.

[1512] Fourth ed., vol. ii. p. 313.

[1513] Cf. also his papers on Montcalm in the Revue Canadienne, xiii. 822, 906; xiv. 31, 93, 173. Thomas Chapais’ “Montcalm et le Canada,” in Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes, i. 418, 543, is a review of Bonnechose’s fifth edition.

[1514] Vol. ii. 298, 305, 436.

[1515] Miles’ Canada, 418.

[1516] Parkman, ii. 317. Walpole (Mem. of the Reign of George II., 2d ed., iii. p. 218) says that “Townshend and other officers had crossed Wolfe in his plans, but he had not yielded.”

[1517] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,267.

[1518] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,268.

[1519] N. Y. Col. Docs., vii. 422.

[1520] Aspinwall Papers, in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxxix. 241.

[1521] Stone’s Life of Johnson, ii. 122, etc.

[1522] Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xxxix. 249, etc.

[1523] Ibid., p. 302.

[1524] N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 1139. There are letters received by Bourlamaque between June 28, 1756, and the end of the contest in Canada (1760), preserved in the collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. They are from Vaudreuil, De Lévis (after 1759), Berniers, Bougainville, Murray, Malartic, D’Hébécourt, etc. Copies of them are in the Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Soc.).

There is a summary of the strategical movements of the war in a Précis of the Wars in Canada, 1755-1814, prepared, by order of the Duke of Wellington in 1826, by Maj.-Gen. Sir James Carmichael-Smyth, “for the use and convenience of official people only.” During the American civil war (1862) a public edition was issued, edited by the younger Sir James Carmichael, with the thought that some entanglement of Great Britain in the American civil war (1861-1865) might render the teachings of the book convenient. The editor, in an introduction, undertakes to say “that the State of Maine has exhibited an unmistakable desire for annexation to the British Crown,” which, if carried out, would enable Great Britain better to maintain military connection between Canada and New Brunswick.

[1525] America and West Indies, vol. xcix.

[1526] Vol. ii. 359.

[1527] Vol. ii. 292-322.

[1528] Vol. ii. 359.

[1529] Quebec Past and Present, p. 177.

[1530] Canada, 4th ed., vol. ii. 351.

[1531] Picturesque Quebec, 305.

[1532] Cf. Martin, De Montcalm en Canada, ch. 14; Philippe Aubert de Gaspé’s Anciens Canadiens (Quebec, 1863), p. 277. In 1854 E. P. Tache delivered a discourse at a ceremonial held by the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Québec, on the occasion of “l’inhumation solennelle des ossements trouvés sur le champ de bataille de Sainte-Foye.” There is an account of the monument on the ground in Lemoine’s Quebec Past and Present, p. 295.

For the winter in Quebec, see Les Ursulines de Québec, vol. iii.

On the 26th of January Col. John Montresor was sent by way of the Chaudière and Kennebec to carry despatches to Amherst in New York. His journal till his return to Quebec, May 20, is in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1882, p. 29, and in the library of the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Soc. is the map which he made of his route. (Mag. of Amer. Hist., Oct., 1882, p. 709.) Cf. also Maine Hist. Coll., vol. i.; N. Y. Hist. Coll., 1881, pp. 117, 524.

[1533] Woodhull was the colonel of the Third Regiment of N. Y. Provincials, and was with Amherst. The journal begins at Albany, June 11, and ends Sept. 27, 1760. It is in the Hist. Mag., v. 257.

[1534] Mante’s account is copied in Hough’s St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, p. 89, where the passage down the St. Lawrence is treated at length. Dr. Hough judges the account of the taking of Fort Lévis, as given by David Humphrey in his Works (New York, 1804, p. 280), to be mostly fabulous. Hough (p. 704) also prints Governor Colden’s proclamation on the capture. Pouchot gives a plan of the attack. There are various documents, French and English, in Collection de documents (Quebec), iv. 245, 283, 297.

[1535] Vol. xxxix. p. 316.

[1536] Vol. ii. p. 360.

[1537] The success of the campaign made Amherst a Knight of the Bath, and his investiture with the insignia took place at Staten Island in Oct., 1761, and is described in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., ii. 502.

Charles Carroll (Journal to Canada, ed. 1876, p. 86) seems to give it as a belief current in his time (1776) that Amherst took the route by Oswego and the St. Lawrence because he feared being foiled by obstructions at Isle-aux-Noix. The correspondence of Amherst and the Nova Scotia authorities is noted in T. B. Akins’s List of MS. Docs. in the government offices at Halifax (1886), p. 12.

[1538] Amherst’s order to Rogers is in Lanman’s Michigan, p. 85. Rogers made a detour from Presqu’isle to Fort Pitt to deliver orders to Monckton.

[1539] Cf. Rupp’s Early Penna., p. 50.

[1540] Cf. also Blanchard’s Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest, ch. vi.

[1541] Cf. Lemoine, Maple Leaves, new ser., 79.

[1542] Lemoine, p. 115. See also Les Anciens Canadiens, ii. p. 5.

[1543] Moreau’s Principales requêtes du Procureur-Général en la commission établie dans l’affaire du Canada [1763].

Mémoire pour le Marquis de Vaudreuil, ci-devant Gouverneur et Lieutenant-Général de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1763.

Mémoire pour Messire François Bigot ... accusé, contre Monsieur le Procureur-Général ... contenant l’histoire de l’administration du Sieur Bigot, Paris, 1763, 2 vols. This is signed by Dupont and others, with a “Suite de la seconde Partie,” “contenant la discussion et le détail des chefs d’accusation.”

Mémoire pour Michel-Jean-Hugues Péan contre M. le Procureur-Général accusateur, Paris, 1763.

Réponse du Sieur Breard, ci-devant contrôleur de la marine à Québec, aux mémoires de M. Bigot et du Sieur Péan [par Clos], Paris, 1763.

Mémoire pour D. de Joncaire Chabert, ci-devant commandant au petit Fort de Niagara, contre M. le Procureur-Général [par Clos], in three parts.

Mémoire pour le Sieur de la Bourdonnais and supplément.

Mémoire pour le Sieur Duverger de Saint Blin, lieutenant d’enfantrie dans les troupes étant ci-devant en Canada, contre M. le Procureur-Général, Paris, 1763.

Mémoire pour [Charles Deschamps] le Sieur de Boishebert ci-devant commandant à l’Acadie [par Clos].

Mémoire du Sieur [Jean-Baptiste] Martel [de Saint-Antoine] dans l’affaire du Canada, 1763.

Jean-Baptiste-Jacques-Elie de Beaumont’s Observations sur les profits prétendus indûment faits par la Société Lemoine des Pins, 1763.

Sufflet de Berville’s Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier ressort dans l’affaire du Canada du 10 Decembre, 1763, [contre Bigot, etc.], Paris, 1763.

Some of these are mentioned in Stevens’ Bibl. Geographica, nos. 546-551.

On Bigot, cf. Lemoine, “Sur les dernières années de la domination française en Canada,” in Revue Canadienne, 1866, p. 165.

[1544] See Vol. III., Index.

[1545] Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, p. 86. Bancroft makes a brief summary of movements towards union in the opening chapter of vol. viii. of his final revision.

[1546] Cf. also Rise of the Republic, p. 111.

[1547] Cf. Rise of the Republic, p. 111.

[1548] Rise of the Republic, p. 112.

[1549] Hist. Mag., iii. 123.

[1550] Cf., on Coxe, G. M. Hills’ Hist. of the Church in Burlington, N. J. (2d ed.), where there is a portrait of Coxe.

[1551] No attempt is made to enumerate all the conferences with the Indians in which several colonies joined. They often resulted in records or treaties, of which many are given in the Brinley Catalogue (vol. iii. no. 5,486, etc.). Records of many such will also be found in the N. Y. Col. Docs. and in Penna. Archives. Cf. Stone’s Sir William Johnson. See chapters ii. and viii. of the present volume.

[1552] Rise of the Republic, 116. Cf. also Kennedy’s Serious Considerations on the Present State of the Affairs of the Northern Colonies, New York, 1754. James Maury was writing about this time: “It is our common misfortune that there is no mutual dependence, no close connection between these several colonies: they are quite disunited by separate views and distinct interests, and like a bold and rapid river, which, though resistless when included in one channel, is yet easily resistible when subdivided into several inferior streams.” (Maury’s Huguenot Family, 382.) In March, 1754, Shirley urged a union upon the governor of New Hampshire. (N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 279.)

[1553] The commissions of the deputies are printed in Penna. Archives, ii. 137, etc.

[1554] Cf. Shirley to Gov. Wentworth, in N. H. Prov. Papers, vi. 279.

[1555] Sparks’s ed., iii. 26. The “Short Hints,” with Alexander’s and Colden’s notes, are preserved in a MS. in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Library; and from this paper they were first printed in Sedgwick’s Life of William Livingston, Appendix. A MS. in Colden’s handwriting is among the Sparks MSS. (no. xxxix.).

[1556] It can also be found in Penna. Col. Rec., vi. 105; N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 889; Minot’s Massachusetts, i. 191; Pownall’s Administration of the Colonies, 1768, app. iv.; Trumbull’s Connecticut, app. i.; Haliburton’s Rule and Misrule of the English in America, p. 253,—not to name other places.

There is a MS. copy among the Shelburne Papers, as shown in the Hist. MSS. Commission’s Report, no. 5, p. 55.

[1557] The first of these is by Franklin, in his Autobiography. It will be found in Sparks’s ed., p. 176, and in Bigelow’s edition, p. 295. Cf. also Bigelow’s Life of Franklin, written by himself, i. 308, and Parton’s Life of Franklin, i. 337.

The second is that by Thomas Hutchinson, contained in his Hist. of Mass. Bay (iii. p. 20).

The third is William Smith’s, in his History of New York (ed. of 1830), ii. p. 180, etc.

The fourth is in Stephen Hopkins’s A true representation of the plan formed at Albany [in 1754], for uniting all the British northern colonies, in order to their common safety and defence. It is dated at Providence, Mar. 29, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,065.) It was included in 1880 as no. 9, with introduction and notes by S. S. Rider, in the Rhode Island Historical Tracts. Cf. William E. Foster’s “Statesmanship of the Albany Congress” in his Stephen Hopkins (R. I. Hist. Tracts), i. p. 155, and his examination of current errors regarding the congress (ii. p. 249). This account by Hopkins is the amplest of the contemporary narratives which we have.

[1558] Cf. John Adams’ Novanglus in his Works, iv. 19; Parton’s Franklin, i. 340; John Almon’s Biog., Lit., and Polit. Anecdotes (London, 1797), vol. ii.

[1559] This subject, however, is examined with greater or less fulness—not mentioning works already referred to—in William Pulteney’s Thoughts on the present state of affairs with America (4th ed., London, 1778); Chalmers’ Revolt of the American Colonies, ii. 271; Trumbull’s Connecticut, ii. 355-57, 541-44; Belknap’s New Hampshire, ii. 284; Minot’s Massachusetts, i. 188-198; Sparks’s edition of Franklin, iii. p. 22; Pitkin’s Civil and Political Hist. of the U. States, i. 143; Bancroft’s United States (final revision), ii. 385, 389; Barry’s Massachusetts, ii. 176 (with references); Palfrey’s Compendious Hist. New England, iv. 200; Weise’s Hist. of Albany, p. 313; Stone’s Sir William Johnson, i. ch. 14; Munsell’s Annals of Albany, vol. iii., 2d ed. (1871); Greene’s Hist. View Amer. Revolution (lecture iii.).

[1560] Another MS. is in the Trumbull MSS., i. 97.

[1561] It is printed in N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 917; Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 206.

[1562] It is printed in N. Y. Col. Docs., vi. 903; Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 206.

[1563] Montcalm and Wolfe, ii. 383, etc.

[1564] Orig. ed., iv. ch. 17; and final revision, ii.

[1565] There was an English version issued in London the same year. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1, 294-95. The tract is known to be the production of Jean François Bastide. Both editions are in Harvard College library [4376.34 and 35].

[1566] Considerations on the importance of Canada ... addressed to Pitt, London, 1759. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.39).

The superior gain to Great Britain from the retention, not of Canada, but of the sugar and other West India islands, is expressed in a Letter to a Great M——r on the prospect of peace, wherein the demolition of the fortifications of Louisbourg is shewn to be absurd, the importance of Canada fully refuted, the proper barrier pointed out in North America, etc., London, 1761. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,299.)

Examination of the Commercial Principles of the late Negotiation, etc., London, 1762. (Two editions. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,321.) Comparative importance of our acquisitions from France in America, with remarks on a pamphlet, intitled An Examination of the Commercial Principles of the late Negotiation in 1761, London, 1762. There was a second edition the same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,317-18.)

Burke was held to be the author of a tract, Comparative importance of the commercial principles of the late negotiation between Great Britain and France in 1761, in which the system of that negotiation with regard to our colonies and commerce is considered, London, 1762. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,319.)

[1567] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,263-1,266. The two great men were Pitt and Newcastle. The Letter was reprinted in Boston, 1760. As to its authorship, Halkett and Laing say that it “was generally attributed to William Pulteney, Earl of Bath, and is so attributed in Lord Stanhope’s History of England; but according to Chalmers’ Biographical Dictionary it was really written by John Douglas, D. D., Bishop of Salisbury.” Sabin says that it has been attributed to Junius. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. p. 364.

[1568] There were editions in Dublin, Boston, and Philadelphia the same year. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,251-55. Cf. Franklin’s Works, Sparks’s ed., iv. p. 1.)

[1569] Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed. iv. pp. 369, 460. “After the surrender of Montreal in 1759, rumors were everywhere spread that the English would now new-model the colonies, demolish the charters, and reduce all to royal governments.” John Adams, preface to Novanglus, ed. 1819, in Works, iv. 6.

[1570] Sparks’s Franklin, i. p. 255; Parton’s Franklin, i. 422. It is also held that Franklin’s connection with this pamphlet was that of a helper of Richard Jackson. Catal. of Works relating to Franklin in the Boston Pub. Library, p. 8. Lecky (England in the XVIIIth Century, iii. ch. 12) traces the controversy over the retention of Canada. Various papers on the peace are noted in the Fifth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission as being among the Shelburne Papers.

[1571] Among other tracts see Appeal to Knowledge, or candid discussions of the preliminaries of peace signed at Fontainebleau, Nov. 3, 1762, and laid before both houses of Parliament, London, 1763. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,340.) There is a paper on the treaty in Dublin University Mag., vol. 1. 641. Cf. “The Treaty of Paris, 1763, and the Catholics in American Colonies,” by D. A. O’Sullivan, in Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., x. 240 (1885).

[1572] The treaty is printed in the Gent. Mag., xxxiii. 121-126.

[1573] It is given in the Annual Register (1763); in the Gentleman’s Magazine (Oct., 1763, p. 479), with a map (p. 476) defining the boundaries of the acquired provinces; in Sparks’s Franklin, iv. 374; in Mills’ Boundaries of Ontario, pp. 192-98, and elsewhere. For other maps of the new American acquisitions, see the London Magazine (Feb., 1763); Kitchen’s map of the Province of Quebec, in Ibid. (1764, p. 496); maps of the Floridas, in Gent. Mag. (1763, p. 552); of Louisiana, Ibid. (1763, p. 284), and London Mag. (1765, June).

[1574] Thomson, Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 838; Sabin, xii. 49,693; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.29; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova (after 1700), p. 121.

[1575] Brinley, i. 221.

[1576] Rich, Bib. Am. Nov. (after 1700), p. 134.

[1577] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,351; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 891.

[1578] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova (after 1700), p. 144.

[1579] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,483. Cf. similar titles in Sabin, iv. 15,056-58, but given anonymously.

[1580] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680; Sabin, ix. p. 529; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova (after 1700), p. 168.

[1581] Rich, Bib. Am. Nov. (after 1770), p. 180.

[1582] Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1,003; Brinley, i. no. 241; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova (after 1770), p. 188; Sabin, xi. 44,396. It is worth about $75 or more.

[1583] Rich, Bib. Am. Nov. (after 1700), p. 146; Barlow’s Rough List, nos. 985, 986.

[1584] In the vol. for 1757 (xxvii. p. 74) there is a map of the seat of war.

[1585] Rich, Bib. Am. Nova (since 1700), p. 135.

[1586] Sabin, xv. 64,707.

[1587] Sabin, xv. 64,708. Part (57) of the edition (200) is in large quarto. Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,236.

[1588] On the publications and MS. collections of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, covering the period in question, see Revue Canadienne, vi. 402. The society was founded in 1834 by the Earl of Dalhousie.

[1589] Bib. Am. Nova (after 1700), p. 131.

[1590] Leclerc, Bibl. Americana, no. 771; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 1,122; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,221.

[1591] Transactions Lit. and Hist. Soc. Quebec, 1871-72, p. 117.

[1592] A letter from Mr. Parkman, cited in vol. ii. p. xv., explains the gaps which provokingly occur in the Poore collection. See ante, p. 165, and Vol. IV, p. 366.

[1593] Mr. J. M. Lemoine has a paper, “Les Archives du Canada,” in the Transactions of the Royal Soc. of Canada, vol. i. p. 107.

[1594] Various documents relating to the war, particularly letters received by the governor of Maryland, are in the cabinet of the Maryland Hist. Soc., an account of which is given in Lewis Meyer’s Description of the MSS. in that society’s possession (1884), pp. 8, 13, etc. The printed index to the MSS. in the British Museum yields a key to the progress of the war under such heads as Abercrombie, Amherst, Bouquet, etc.

[1595] Laws and Resolves, 1885, ch. 337.

[1596] Resolves, 1884, ch. 60. See ante, p. 165.

[1597] See ante, p. 166.

[1598] Rich, Bib. Amer. Nova (after 1700), pp. 108, 114.

[1599] See ante, p. 158.

[1600] London (1757, 1758, 1760, 1765, 1766, 1770, 1777, 1808, two), Dublin (1762, 1777), Boston (1835, 1851); beside making part of editions of Burke’s Works. Its authorship was for some time in doubt. (Sabin, iii. 9,282, 9,283, who also enumerates various translations, 9,284, etc.)

[1601] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,767; Rich, Bib. Am. Nova, after 1700, p. 178.

[1602] Rich, Bib. Am. Nov., after 1770, p. 192.

[1603] Rich, Bib. Am. Nov., after 1700, p. 262.

[1604] Rich (Bib. Am. Nov., after 1700, p. 118) describes it. There is a copy in Harvard College library.

[1605] Sabin, ix. 35,962-63.

[1606] See ante, p. 162.

[1607] London, 1757. Harv. Coll. library; Barlow’s Rough List, 939, etc. The Beckford copy on large paper, with the original view of Oswego, was priced by Quaritch in 1885 at £63. An octavo ed. was printed in 1776. A French version, Histoire de la Nouvelle-York, was published at London in 1767.

[1608] New York (1814), pp. xii., 135. Cf. Cadwallader Colden on Smith’s New York (N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 203, etc.).

[1609] Vol. IV. p. 367.

[1610] Vol. IV. pp. 157, 367.

[1611] Cf. a “Discours” at Garneau’s tomb by Chauveau, in the Revue Canadienne, 1867, p. 694; and an account of Garneau’s life in Ibid., new series, iv. 199. Cf. J. M. Lemoine (Maple Leaves, 2d ser., p. 175) on the “Grave of Garneau.” Cf. Lareau’s Littérature Canadienne, p. 157, and J. M. Lemoine’s “Nos quatre historiens modernes,—Bibaud, Garneau, Ferland, Faillon,” in Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, i. p. 1.

[1612] Lareau’s Littérature Canadienne, p. 230.

[1613] G. W. Greene, in Putnam’s Mag., 1870, p. 171.

[1614] United States, i. 263.

[1615] History of the Rise and Progress of the United States. Lond., 1827; N. Y., 1830; Boston, 1833. Sabin, vii. no. 28,244.

[1616] History of the United States to the Declaration of Independence. Lond., 1836; 2d ed., enlarged, Philad., 1845; but some copies have Boston, 1845; Philad., again in 1846 and 1852. Sabin, vii. 28,245.

[1617] Edmund Quincy’s Life of Josiah Quincy, p. 479. In the present History, Vol. III. p. 378.

[1618] Hist. of the United States of America.

[1619] Hist. of the United States of America.

[1620] Popular Hist. of the United States.

[1621] History of England.

[1622] History of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of Versailles, 1713-1783, by Lord Mahon, 5th ed., London, 1858.

[1623] In review of this book, Gen. J. Watts de Peyster gives a military critique on the campaigns of the war in the Hist. Mag., May, 1869 (vol. xv. p. 297).

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

—Obvious errors were corrected.

—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain.