ANCIENT STATE OF BRITAIN.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
1. The shore of Gaul would be the boundary of the world, did not the island[353] of Britain claim from its magnitude almost the appellation of another world; for if measured to the Caledonian promontory[354] it extends more than eight hundred miles in length.[355]
2. Britain was first called by the ancients Albion,[356] from its white cliffs; and afterwards in the language of the natives, Britain. Hence all the islands hereafter described were denominated British.[357]
3. Britain is situated between the north and west,[358] opposite to, though at some distance from, Germany, Gaul, and Spain, the most considerable parts of Europe, and is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean.
4. On the south of Britain lies Belgic Gaul, from which coast passengers usually sail to the Rhutupian port.[359] This place is distant from Gessoriacum,[360] a town of the Morini, the port most frequented by the Britons, fifty miles, or according to others, four hundred and fifty stadia. From thence may be seen the country of the Britons whom Virgil in his Eclogues describes as separated from the whole world,—
"—penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos."
5. By Agrippa, an ancient geographer, its breadth is estimated at three hundred miles; but with more truth by Bede at two hundred, exclusive of the promontories.[361] If their sinuosities be taken into the computation, its circuit will be three thousand six hundred miles. Marcian, a Greek author, agrees with me in stating it at MDIƆƆLXXV.[362]
FOOTNOTES:
[353] The early Greeks and Romans doubted whether Britain was an island, or part of the continent. This uncertainty gave rise to a controversy which was not settled till the time of the proprætor Julius Agricola.—Tac. Vit. Agric. c. 38. Dio. Cass. Hist. Rom. lib. 39.
[354] Dunnet Head.
[355] Richard gives too great an extent to our island, which, according to the most accurate observations, stretches only from lat. 49° 48', the most southern point, to Dunnet Head, which is in lat. 58° 40' or scarcely 540 geographical miles.
[356] Various explanations have been given of the names of Albion and Britain, applied to our island. Some derive Albion from the white rocks which bound the coast; some from Albion, a son of Neptune, who is represented as its first discoverer and cultivator; others have likewise derived the name Britain from the Phœnician or Hebrew Baratanac, signifying the land of tin. It was also called by the natives, Hyperborea, Atlantica, Cassiteris, Romana, and Thule.
According to the British Triads, "the three names given to the isle of Britain, from the beginning, were: before it was inhabited, the name of Clas Merddyn (or the green spot defended by water); after it was inhabited, Y Vêl Ynys (the honey island); and, after it was brought under one government by Prydain, son of Aedd, it was called Ynys Prydain (or the isle of Britain)."
In some old writings it is also termed, Yr Ynys Wen, (or the white island.)
[357] This part is taken from Pliny, who enumerates the British isles in the following order:—Orcades, 40; Acmodæ, 7; Hæbudes, 30. Between Britain and Ireland, Mona, Menapia, Ricnea, Vectis, Silimnus, Andros; beneath, Siambis and Axuntos: on the opposite side, towards the German Sea, the Glessariæ, called Electrides by the later Greek writers, from the amber found there: and last of all, Thule.
He refers to others mentioned by different authors, viz., Mictis, Scandia, Dumnia, Bergos, and Nerigos.
[358] That is, from Rome. Richard, in copying the Roman writers, adopted their expressions in regard to the relative positions of places.
[359] Richborough, Kent.
[360] Boulogne.
[361] Richard errs in supposing the estimation of Bede more accurate than that of Agrippa.
[362] The numerals are here so incorrect that it is difficult to discover what number was meant by Richard. Marcian observes that the circuit of our island is not more than 28,604 stadia, or 3575 miles, nor less than 20,526, or 2576 miles. Hence Bertram is led to prefer the greater number.
CHAP. II.
1. Albion, called by Chrysostom Great Britain, is, according to Cæsar, of a triangular shape, resembling Sicily. One of the sides lies opposite to Celtic Gaul. One angle of this side, which is the Cantian promontory,[363] is situated to the east; the other, the Ocrinian promontory,[364] in the country of the Damnonii, faces the south and the province of Tarraconensis in Spain. This side is about five hundred miles in length.
2. Another side stretches towards Ireland and the west, the length of which, according to the opinion of the ancients, is seven hundred miles.
3. The third side is situated to the north, and is opposite to no land except a few islands;[365] but the angle of this side chiefly trends towards Germania Magna.[366] The length from the Novantian Chersonesus,[367] through the country of the Taixali, to the Cantian promontory,[368] is estimated at eight hundred miles. Thus all erroneously compute the circuit of the island to be two thousand miles; for from the Cantian promontory to Ocrinum,[369] the distance is four hundred miles; from thence to Novantum, a thousand; and from thence to the Cantian promontory, two thousand two hundred. The circumference of the whole island is therefore three thousand six hundred miles.[370]
4. Livy and Fabius Rusticus compare the form of Britain to an oblong shield or battle-axe; and as, according to Tacitus, it bears that figure on the side of Caledonia, the comparison was extended to the whole island, though the bold promontories at its further extremity give it the shape of a wedge. But Cæsar and Pomponius Mela assert that its form is triangular.
5. If credit may be given to the celebrated geographer Ptolemy and his contemporary writers, the island resembles an inverted Z,[371] but according to the maps the comparison is not exact. The triangular shape, however, seems to belong to England alone.[372]
FOOTNOTES:
[363] North Foreland.
[364] Lizard Point.
[365] The Orkney and Shetland isles.
[366] Under this name the ancients comprised not only Germany proper but Denmark, Norway, &c.
[367] Rens of Galloway.
[368] North Foreland.
[369] Lizard Point.
[370] Bertram has endeavoured to reconcile the various and discordant calculations given by different ancient authors of the circuit of our island. On such vague principles as these estimations are made, it would be almost impossible, even now, for two persons to produce the same result.
[371] Ptolemy's expression is obscure; but he was evidently led to this supposition by the notion that Caledonia or Scotland trended to the east, as appears from his latitudes and longitudes. This form, therefore, he not unaptly compares to the inverted Z. It would be a trespass on the patience of the reader to attempt to reconcile what is irreconcilable.
[372] These words are chiefly taken from Tacitus. The obscurity of the expression and the absurdity of the comparison, will sufficiently show the ignorance of those ancients whose works have reached the present time, in regard to our island.—Tacit. Vit. Agricolæ, sec. 10.
CHAP. III.
1. The original inhabitants of Britain, whether indigenous or foreign, are, like those of most other countries, unknown. The Jews alone, and by their means the contiguous nations, have the happiness of tracing their descent since the creation of the world from undoubted documents.
2. From the difference of personal appearance different conjectures have been drawn. The red hair and large limbs of the Caledonians proclaim their German origin; the painted faces and curled locks of the Silures, and their situation opposite to Spain, corroborate the assertion of Tacitus, that the ancient Iberians passed over and occupied this country and Ireland. Those who live nearest the Gauls resemble them, either from the strength of the original stock, or from the effects which the same positions of the heavens produce on the human body.
3. If I were inclined to indulge a conjecture, I might here mention that the Veneti[373] in their commercial expeditions first introduced inhabitants and religion into this country. Writers are not wanting, who assert that Hercules came hither and established a sovereignty. But it is needless to dwell on such remote antiquities and idle tales.[374]
4. On the whole, however, it is probable that the Gauls occupied the contiguous regions. According to Tacitus, their sacred rites and superstitions may be traced; nor is the language very different; and lastly, the tradition of the druids, with the names of the states which still retain the same appellations as the people sprung from the cities of Gaul, who came hither and began to cultivate the country.[375]
5. According to Cæsar, the country was extremely populous, and contained numerous buildings, not dissimilar to those of the Gauls. It was rich in cattle.
6. The inhabitants of the southern part were the most civilized, and in their customs differed little from the Gauls. Those of the more distant parts did not raise corn; but lived on fruits and flesh. They were ignorant of the use of wool and garments, although in severe weather they covered themselves with the skins of sheep or deer. They were accustomed to bathe in the rivers.
7. All the Britons formerly stained their bodies of a blue colour, which according to Cæsar gave them a more terrible appearance in battle. They wore their hair long, and shaved all parts of the body except the head and the upper lip.
8. Ten or twelve Britons had their wives in common; and this custom particularly prevailed among brethren, and between fathers and sons; but the children were considered as belonging to him who had first taken the virgin to wife. The mothers suckled their own children, and did not employ maids and nurses.
9. According to Cæsar also they used brass money, and iron rings of a certain weight instead of coin.[376]
10. The Britons deemed it unlawful to eat hares,[377] fowls, or geese; but they kept those animals for pleasure.
11. They had pearls, bits made of ivory, bracelets, vessels of amber and glass, agates, and, what surpasses all, great abundance of tin.
12. They navigated in barks, the keels and ribs of which were formed of light materials; the other parts were made of wicker and covered with the hides of oxen.[378] During their voyages, as Solinus asserts, they abstain from food.[379]
13. Britain produces people and kings of people, as Pomponius Mela writes in his third book; but they are all uncivilized, and in proportion as they are more distant from the continent, are more ignorant of riches; their wealth consisting chiefly in cattle and land. They are addicted to litigation and war, and frequently attack each other, from a desire of command, and of enlarging their possessions. It is customary indeed for the Britons to wage war under the guidance of women, and not to regard the difference of sex in the distribution of power.
14. The Britons not only fought on foot and on horseback, but in chariots drawn by two horses, and armed in the Gallic manner. Those chariots, to the axle-trees of which scythes were fixed, were called covini, or wains.
15. Cæsar relates that they employed cavalry in their wars, which before the coming of the Romans were almost perpetual. All were skilled in war; each in proportion to his family and wealth supported a number of retainers, and this was the only species of honour with which they were acquainted.[380]
16. The principal strength of the Britons was in their infantry, who fought with darts, large swords, and short targets. According to Tacitus, their swords were blunt at the point.
17. Cæsar in his fourth book thus describes their mode of fighting in that species of chariots called essedæ.[381] At first they drove through the army in all directions, hurling their darts; and by the terror of the horses, and the noise of the wheels, generally threw the ranks of the enemy into disorder. When they had penetrated between the troops of cavalry, they leaped from their chariots and waged unequal war on foot. Meanwhile the chariots were drawn up at a distance from the battle, and placed in such a position, that if pressed by the enemy, the warriors could effect a retreat to their own army. They thus displayed the rapid evolutions of cavalry, and the firmness of infantry, and were so expert by exercise, as to hold up the horses in steep descents, to check and turn them suddenly at full speed, to run along the pole, stand on the yoke, and then spring into the chariot.
18. The mode of fighting on horseback threatened equal danger to those who gave way, or those who pursued. They never engaged in close lines, but in scattered bodies, and with great intervals; they had their appointed stations, and relieved each other by turns; and fresh combatants succeeded those who were fatigued. The cavalry also used darts.
19. It is not easy to determine the form of government in Britain previous to the coming of the Romans. It is however certain that before their times there was no vestige of a monarchy, but rather of a democracy, unless perhaps it may seem to have resembled an aristocracy.[382] The authority of the Druids in affairs of the greatest moment was considerable. Some chiefs are commemorated in their ancient records, yet these appear to have possessed no permanent power; but to have been created, like the Roman dictators, in times of imminent danger. Nor are instances wanting among them, as among other brave nations, when they chose even the leader of their adversaries to conduct their armies. He, therefore, who before was their enemy, afterwards fought on their side.
20. The Britons exceeded in stature both the Gauls and the Romans. Strabo affirms that he saw at Rome some British youths, who were considerably taller than the Romans.
21. The more wealthy inhabitants of South Britain were accustomed to ornament the middle finger of the left hand with a gold ring; but a gold collar[383] round the neck was the distinguishing mark of eminence. Those of the northern regions, who were the indigenous inhabitants of the island from time immemorial, were almost wholly ignorant of the use of clothes, and surrounded their waists and necks, as Herodian reports, with iron rings, which they considered as ornaments and proofs of wealth. They carried a narrow shield, fitter for use than ornament, and a lance, with a sword pendant from their naked and painted bodies. They rejected or despised the breast-plate and helmet, because such armour impeded their passage through the marshes.
22. Among other particulars, this custom prevailed in Britain. They stopped travellers and merchants, and compelled them to relate what they had heard, or knew, worthy of notice. The common people usually surrounded foreign merchants in the towns, and obliged them to tell from whence they came, and what curious things they had observed. On such vague reports they often rashly acted, and thus were generally deceived; for many answered them agreeably to their desires with fictitious stories.[384]
23. Their interments were magnificent; and all things which they prized during life, even arms and animals, were thrown into the funeral pile. A heap of earth and turf formed the sepulchre.[385]
FOOTNOTES:
[373] The Veneti, a tribe seated on the coast of Armorica or Bretagne, distinguished for their maritime power, and with whom Cæsar waged war. Their territory according to his description, was part of Celtic Gaul, and the present Vannes was their capital.
[374] To these conjectures relative to the original inhabitants, and subsequent colonists of Britain, it may not be uninteresting to add the accounts preserved in the Welsh Triads.
The historical Triads record that the first colonists of Britain were Cymry, who originally came from Defrobani Gwlad Yr Hav, the summer land, or Tauric Chersonesus. There they have left many traces of their name preserved by ancient authors, among which we may instance the Cimmerian Bosphorus.
Subsequent colonists arrived from the neighbouring continent at various times. The Loegrwys (Loegrians) from Gascogne; the Brython from Lydaw (Britanny), who were descendants from the original stock of the Cymry. Two descents are also mentioned in Albin, or North Britain; one called the tribe of Celyddon, the other the primitive Gwyddelians. Another descent is said to have been made in the south, in Ynys-Wyth, or the Isle of Wight, by the men of Galedin (the Belgæ), when their native country was inundated. Another colony called the Corani came from the country of the Pwyl (Poland), and settled on the sea coast, about the river Humber. A descent in Albin, or North Britain, of a colony of Gwyddelian Ficti [Irish Picts], who are described as coming from the sea of Loclyn (the Baltic); and a partial settlement of the men of Loclyn (Scandinavians), who were expelled after remaining for three generations. The arrival of the Romans and Saxons is also mentioned, as well as some partial settlements of Gwyddelians from Ireland.
[375] We discover a few cities in Gaul, bearing nearly the same appellations as those of Britain; and in both countries we find the Atrebates, the Morini, the Ædui, the Senones, the Menapii, and the Rhemi.
[376] The natives of China and Japan follow a similar custom in regard to gold and silver, which are not coined, but pass according to weight.
[377] It seems that they considered the appearance of a hare a fortunate omen; for the Roman historians observe that Boadicea, after haranguing her troops, let loose a hare which she had concealed in her garments.
[378] This species of boat is still used on the Welsh rivers, and is called a coricle in English, and cwch in Welsh. It is so light that a man may carry one on his back.
[379] Richard has mistaken the sense of Solinus, who, in describing the passage from Great Britain to Ireland, observes that from its shortness they abstained from food. "Navigantes escis abstinent, pro freti latitudine." C. 25.
[380] In all periods the Britons seem to have been divided into numerous petty communities or states, headed by chiefs, who are here dignified with the title of kings. From the jealousies and weakness attending such a state of society, the island first became a prey to the Romans, and afterwards to the Saxons; and when the Britons were confined to the mountains of Wales, the same causes hastened the annexation of their country to England.
[381] In the early ages chariots were universally used in war. In the Scriptures they are frequently mentioned as forming the principal strength of an army; and the mode of fighting in chariots among the Greeks and Trojans, according to the description of Homer, was exactly similar to that of the Britons. The steeds of his heroes were
"Practised alike to stop, to turn, to chase,
To dare the shock, or urge the rapid race."
His warriors sometimes drive through the ranks of the enemy, sometimes fight from their chariots, and sometimes alight and maintain the combat on foot, while their chariots retire to the rear.
"This counsel pleased, the godlike Hector sprung
Swift from his seat; his clanging armour rung.
The chief's example follow'd by his train,
Each quits his car and issues on the plain;
By orders strict the charioteers enjoin'd
Compel the coursers to their ranks behind."
The Britons, however, appear to have devised an improvement in this mode of warfare, which was unknown to the Greeks. Their chariots seem to have been of two kinds, the covini or wains, heavy and armed with scythes, to break the thickest order of the enemy; and the essedæ, a lighter kind, adapted probably to situations and circumstances in which the covini could not act, and occasionally performing the duties of cavalry. The essedæ, with the cavalry, were pushed forward to oppose the first landing of Cæsar; and Cassivellaunus afterwards left 4000 essedæ as a corps of observation to watch his movements.—Cæsar. Comment. lib. 5, sec. 15.
[382] The government of the ancient Britons may be denominated patriarchal. Each community was governed by its elders; and every individual who could not prove his kindred to some community, through nine descents, and the same number of collateral affinities, was not considered as a freeman. Beyond this degree of kindred, they were formed into new communities. The elders of the different communities were subordinate to the elders of the tribes. But in times of public danger, as is recorded in the Triads, some chief of distinguished abilities was entrusted with the supreme authority over the tribes or communities, who united in common defence—Such were Caswallon (Cassivellaunus), Caradwg (Caractacus), and Owain, son of Macsen.
[383] This torques, chain, or rather wreath, is frequently alluded to by the early British bards.
"Yet in the battle of Arderydd I wore the golden torques"
Merddin Avellanaw.
"Four and twenty sons I have had
Wearing the golden wreath, leaders of armies."
Llywarch Hên.
"Of all who went to Cattraeth, wearing the golden torc or wreath."
Aneurin.
The same bard states that in the battle of Cattraeth were three hundred and sixty who wore the golden torques.
We give a description of one of these ornaments found near the castle of Harlech, in Merionethshire, in 1692. "It is a wreathed bar of gold, or perhaps three or four rods jointly twisted, about four feet long, but naturally bending only one way, in the form of a hatband. It is hooked at both ends. It is of a round form, about an inch in circumference, and weighs eight ounces."—Gibson's Camden, p. 658.
Another mark of dignity was a string of amber beads worn round the head. To this Aneurin alludes—
"With wreaths of amber twined round his temples."
These beads have been frequently found in tumuli, particularly in those on Salisbury Plain.—See Turner's Vindication of the Welsh Bards.—Owen's Elegies of Llywarch Hên.
[384] This is Cæsar's account of a Gallic custom; but it is applied, not without reason, to the Britons, and indeed is equally applicable to all uncivilized people.
[385] As the classic authors have left us no description of the modes of interment among the Britons, Richard was induced, by the conformity of their manners and customs to those of the Gauls, to adopt the words used by Cæsar in his account of the Gallic funerals. Unfortunately the remains of the British bards afford little assistance in supplying this deficiency. It appears, however, that the Britons raised tumuli over their dead, and continued the practice till after the introduction of Christianity; and that their other modes of interment were the carned, or heap of stones; the cistvaen, or stone chest; and perhaps the cromlec, or hanging stone. From a curious fragment commemorating the graves of the British warriors, which is printed in the first volume of the Welch Archæology, we learn further, that they buried their dead on the top of hills and lofty cliffs, on declivities, in heaths and secluded valleys, on the banks and near the fords of rivers, and on the sea-shore "where the ninth wave breaks." Allusions are also made to corresponding stones raised on these graves; and it is said, "the long graves in Gwanas, no one knows to whom they belong nor what is their history."
As the modes of interment among all early nations were in many respects similar, there is perhaps no part of our national antiquities which has given scope to so much conjecture as this. The reader who is desirous of more particular information relative to this subject, may at least find amusement in consulting the works of Stukeley, Douglas's Nenia Britannica, the Archæologia, and various accounts scattered in different periodical publications.
CHAP. IV.
1. All the Britons, like the Gauls, were much addicted to superstitious ceremonies; and those who laboured under severe disorders, or were exposed to the dangers of war, either offered human victims, or made a vow to perform such a sacrifice.
2. The druids were employed in the performance of these cruel rites; and they believed that the gods could not be appeased unless the life of a man was ransomed with human blood. Hence arose the public institution of such sacrifices; and those who had been surprised in theft, robbery, or any other delinquency, were considered as the most acceptable victims. But when criminals could not be obtained, even the innocent were put to death, that the gods might be appeased.
3. The sacred ceremonies could not be performed except in the presence of the druids; and on them devolved the office of providing for the public as well as private rites. They were the guardians of religion and the interpreters of mysteries; and being skilled in medicine, were consulted for the preservation or restoration of health.
4. Among their gods, the principal object of their worship was Mercury.[386] Next to him they adored justice (under the name of Astarte), then Apollo, and Mars (who was called Vitucadrus), Jupiter, Minerva, Hercules, Victory (called Andate), Diana, Cybele, and Pluto. Of these deities they held the same opinions as other nations.
5. The Britons, like the Gauls, endeavoured to derive their origin from Dis or Pluto, boasting of this ancient tradition of the druids. For this reason they divided time, not by the number of days, but of nights, and thus distinguished the commencement of the month, and the time of their birth. This custom agrees with the ancient mode of computation adopted in Genesis, chapter i.[387]
6. The druids, being held in high veneration, were greatly followed by the young men for the sake of their instructions. They decided almost all public and private controversies, and determined disputes relative to inheritance or the boundaries of lands. They decreed rewards and punishments, and enforced their decisions by an exclusion from the sacrifices. This exclusion was deemed the severest punishment; because the interdicted, being deemed impious and wicked, were shunned as if contagious; justice was refused to their supplications, and they were allowed no marks of honour.[388]
7. Over the druids presided a chief, vested with supreme authority. At his death he was succeeded by the next in dignity; but if there were several of equal rank, the contest was decided by the suffrages of their body; and sometimes they even contended in arms for this honour.[389]
8. The druids went not to war, paid no tribute like the rest of the people, were exempted from military duties, and enjoyed immunities in all things. From these high privileges many either voluntarily entered into their order, or were placed in it by friends or parents.
9. They learned a number of verses, which were the only kind of memorials or annals in use among them.[390] Some persons accordingly remained twenty years under their instruction, which they did not deem it lawful to commit to writing, though on other subjects they employed the Greek alphabet. "This custom," to use the words of Julius Cæsar, "seems to have been adopted for two reasons: first, not to expose their doctrines to the common people; and, secondly, lest their scholars, trusting to letters, should be less anxious to remember their precepts; for such assistance commonly diminishes application, and weakens the memory."
10. In the first place they circulated the doctrine that souls do not die, but migrate into other bodies.[391] By this principle they hoped men would be more powerfully actuated to virtue, and delivered from the fear of death. They likewise instructed students in the knowledge of the heavenly bodies, in geography, the nature of things, and the power of the gods.[392]
11. Their admiration of the mistletoe must not be omitted. The druids esteemed nothing more sacred than the mistletoe, and the tree on which it grew, if an oak. They particularly delighted in groves of oaks,[393] and performed no sacred rite without branches of that tree, and hence seems to be derived their name of druids, Δρυιδες. Whatever grew on an oak was considered as sent from heaven, and as a sign that the tree was chosen by God himself. The mistletoe was difficult to be found, and when discovered was gathered with religious ceremonies, particularly at the sixth day of the moon (from which period they dated their months and years, and their cycle of thirty years,) because the moon was supposed to possess extraordinary powers when she had not completed her second quarter. The mistletoe was called in their language all heal.[394] The sacrifice and the feast being duly prepared under the tree, they led thither two white bulls, whose horns were then bound for the first time.[395] The priest, clothed in a white vestment, ascending the tree, cut off the mistletoe with a golden bill, and received it in a white cloth. They then slew the victims, invoking the favour of the Deity on their offering. They conceived that the mistletoe cured sterility in animals; and considered it as a specific against all poisons. So great was the superstition generally prevailing among nations with respect to frivolous objects.
13. At a certain time of the year the druids retired to a consecrated grove in the island of Mona, whither all persons among whom controversies had arisen, repaired for the decision of their disputes.
14. Besides the druids, there were among the Gauls and Britons poets, called bards,[396] who sang in heroic measures the deeds of the gods and heroes, accompanied with the sweet notes of the lyre.
15. Concerning the druids and bards, I shall conclude this chapter in the words of Lucan:—
"You too, ye bards! whom sacred raptures fire.
To chant your heroes to your country's lyre;
Who consecrate, in your immortal strain,
Brave patriot souls, in righteous battle slain,
Securely now the tuneful task renew,
And noblest themes in deathless songs pursue.
The druids now, while arms are heard no more,
Old mysteries and barbarous rites restore,
A tribe who singular religion love,
And haunt the lonely coverts of the grove.
To these, and these of all mankind alone,
The gods are sure revealed or sure unknown.
If dying mortals' doom they sing aright,
No ghosts descend to dwell in dreadful night;
No parting souls to grisly Pluto go,
Nor seek the dreary silent shades below;
But forth they fly immortal in their kind,
And other bodies in new worlds they find;
Thus life for ever runs its endless race,
And like a line death but divides the space,
A stop which can but for a moment last,
A point between the future and the past.
Thrice happy they beneath their northern skies,
Who that worst fear—the fear of death—despise
Hence they no cares for this frail being feel,
But rush undaunted on the pointed steel;
Provoke approaching fate, and bravely scorn
To spare that life which must so soon return."
Rowe's Lucan, book i.
FOOTNOTES:
[386] This passage has puzzled the British antiquaries, because it militates against the grand principle of the druidic theology, and because, as they assert, no traces of the Greek or Roman deities are found among the early Britons. Possibly some of the British tribes might have brought this mode of worship from Gaul; but more probably the assertion was derived from the misconception of the ancient authors themselves, who gave the names of their own deities to the objects of adoration distinguished by similar attributes in other countries. The account is borrowed from Cæsar's description of the Gauls, lib. vi. § 15.
[387] "And the evening and the morning were the first day," &c. ver. 5. We also still say a se'nnight, a fortnight.
[388] Like the excommunication of the catholic church.
[389] Such a custom would contravene the principles of the druidic or bardic system, which prohibited them from using arms. The remark seems to have been extended to a general application by Richard, from a single instance recorded by Cæsar, of a druidic election in Gaul thus decided.
[390] According to the opinion of the Welsh antiquaries, the system of druidical knowledge forms the basis of the Triads. If this be the case, it must be confessed that the bards possessed a profound knowledge of human nature, uncommon critical sagacity, and a perfect acquaintance with the harmony of language and the properties of metre. For example, the subjects of the poetical Triads are,
The Welsh language.
Fancy and invention.
The design of poetry.
Nature of just thinking.
Rules of arrangement.
Rules of description.
Variety of matter and invention.
Rules of composition; comprising the laws of
verse, rhyme, stanzas, consonancy or alliteration,
and accent.
We quote a few of these Triads to show their nature and structure.
The three qualifications of poetry;—endowment of genius, judgment from experience, and happiness of mind.
The three foundations of judgment;—bold design, frequent practice, and frequent mistakes.
The three foundations of learning;—seeing much, suffering much, and studying much.
The three foundations of happiness;—a suffering with contentment, a hope that it will come, and a belief that it will be.
The three foundations of thought;—perspicuity, amplitude, and justness.
The three canons of perspicuity;—the word that is necessary, the quantity that is necessary, and the manner that is necessary.
The three canons of amplitude;—appropriate thought, variety of thought, and requisite thought.
[391] According to the Triads, the theology of the bards was pure monotheism. They taught also the transmigration of souls; believing that the soul passed by death through all the gradations of animal life, from Anoom, the bottomless abyss, or lowest degree of animation, up to the highest degree of spiritual existence next to the Supreme Being. Human nature was considered as the middle point of this scale. As this was a state of liberty, in which the soul could attach itself to either good or evil; if evil predominated, it was after death obliged to retrace its former transmigrations from a point in the animal creation equal to its turpitude, and it again and again became man till it was attached to good. Above humanity, though it might again animate the body of man, it was incapable of relapse; but continued progressively rising to a degree of goodness and happiness, inferior only to the Deity.
It is remarkable that many singular points of coincidence have been discovered in comparing the religious system of the Hindoos with that of the ancient Britons; and in the languages of these two people some striking similarities occur in those proverbs and forms of expression which are derived from national customs and religious ceremonies.
[392] This account of the druids, like some of the preceding paragraphs, is borrowed from Cæsar's description of the Gauls.
[393] Gen. xxi. 33.
[394] The worship and religious ceremonies of the druids have formed the subject of many and voluminous dissertations; and the mistletoe, from its connection with their sacred rites, is a plant that has always been interesting to antiquaries. In a letter recently received by the editor from the learned and scientific Professor of Botany, Dr. Daubeny, of Magdalen College, Oxford, that gentleman observes, that though the mistletoe is occasionally found on the oak in Britain, yet this occurs so rarely that it is difficult to suppose the druids could have got a supply for their purposes from such a source.
"There is a plant nearly allied to the mistletoe, the Loranthus Europæus, which grows freely on the oak, when it occurs; but unfortunately the most western locality known is the garden of Schoenbrunn near Vienna, but out of the limits, I believe, within which the druidical worship existed: it is very uncommon in Hungary.
"This circumstance has given rise to an hypothesis, which I may repeat without attaching to it any very great importance, namely, that the Loranthus is the mistletoe of the druids, and that when the druidical worship was exterminated, this plant, as being introduced into their rites, was extirpated from all those parts of Europe, where the druids were known."
The oak among the ancient Britons was peculiarly sacred as the place of worship, and consequently branches of this tree were used to adorn the altar, and garlands of its leaves to decorate the priest or druid; and the mistletoe, being so seldom found on the oak, was considered so great and desirable an appendage, that no solemn festival was held without it. It has been observed by naturalists that the blossom of the mistletoe falls within a few days of the summer solstice, and the berry within a few days of the winter solstice. These incidents therefore marked the return of two of the usual seasons for holding the bardic conventions and festivals. When the sacrifice was over, the berries of this plant were taken by the ovate, the physician of the tribe, and converted to medical purposes. That these berries possessed medicinal virtues can hardly be doubted. The following passage respecting this sacred plant occurs in Bacon:—"Mistletoe groweth chiefly upon crab trees, apple trees, sometimes upon hazels, and rarely upon oaks; the mistletoe whereof is counted very medicinal. It is ever green, winter and summer, and beareth a white glistening berry: and it is a plant utterly differing from the plant on which it groweth."
Sir John Colbach published a Dissertation on the efficacy of the mistletoe in 1720; but in medicine, as in fashion, what is deemed of high value in one age is discontinued in the next, and thought nothing of. Such is the fate of the mistletoe in the present day as to any medicinal use that is made of it.
[395] As the plough was fastened to the horns of the beasts, this expression signifies that the animal had never been employed in labour.
The doctrine of the druids is said to have been first invented in Britain, and from thence carried into Gaul; on which account Pliny says (in his thirtieth book), "But why should I commemorate these things with regard to an art which has passed over the sea, and reached the bounds of nature? Britain even at this time celebrates it with so many wonderful ceremonies, that she seems to have taught it to the Persians." Julius Cæsar affirms the same in his Commentaries: "And now those persons who wish to acquire a more extensive knowledge of such things, repair to Britain for information."
It is a singular coincidence of circumstances that bulls perfectly white were sacrificed by the Egyptians to Apis. When such an animal was found unblemished, and without a single black hair, the priest tied a fillet about his horns, and sealed it with the signet of his ring; it being a capital crime to sacrifice one of these animals except it was thus marked.—Herodotus.
[396] According to the Welsh antiquaries, these distinctions are erroneous. The druidical, or rather bardic, system consisted of three classes: the bard proper, whose province was philosophy and poetry; the druid, or minister of religion; and the ovate, or mechanic and artist. For a curious account of the bardic system and institutions the reader is referred to the Introduction to Owen's Translations of the Elegies of Llywarch Hên.
CHAP. V.
1. This island is rich in corn and wood, is well adapted for the maintenance of flocks and cattle, and in some places produces vines. It also abounds with marine and land birds, and contains copious springs, and numerous rivers, stored with fish, and plentifully supplied with salmon and eels.
2. Sea-cows or seals,[397] and dolphins are caught, and whales, of which mention is made by the satirist:
"Quanto delphinis balæna Britannica major."
3. There are besides several sorts of shell-fish, among which are muscles, containing pearls often of the best kind, and of every colour: that is, red, purple, violet, green (prasini), but principally white, as we find in the venerable Bede's Ecclesiastical History.
4. Shells[398] are still more abundant, from which is prepared a scarlet dye of the most beautiful hue, which never fades from the effect of the sun or rain, but becomes finer as it grows older.
5. In Britain are salt and warm springs, from which are formed hot baths, suited to all ages, with distinct places for the two sexes.[399]
6. White lead is found in the midland regions, and iron in the maritime, but in small quantities gold and silver are also produced, but brass is imported. Jet of the purest quality abounds; it is of a shining black, and highly inflammable.[400] When burned, it drives away serpents, and when warmed by friction attracts bodies, like amber.
7. Britain being situated almost under the north pole, the nights are so light in summer, that it is often doubtful whether the evening or morning twilight prevails; because the sun, in returning to the east, does not long remain below the horizon. Hence, also, according to Cleomenes, the longest day in summer, and the longest night in winter, when the sun declines towards the south, is eighteen hours; and the shortest night in summer, and day in winter, is six hours. In the same manner as in Armenia, Macedon, Italy, and the regions under the same parallel, the longest day is fifteen, and the shortest nine hours.
8. But I have given a sufficient account of Britain and the Britons in general. I shall now descend to particulars; and in the succeeding pages, shall describe the state and revolutions of the different nations who inhabited this island, the cities which ennobled it, with other particulars, and their condition under the Roman dominion.
FOOTNOTES:
[397] We do not find that Pennant mentions, among the amphibious animals, the Vituli Marini, by which Richard probably meant seals.
[398] Richard calls these shells Cochleæ, or snails, though he probably alludes to the species styled by naturalists Murea, which contained the famous Tyrian purple, so much valued by the ancients. Yet, whatever our island may have formerly produced, we discern no traces in later ages, of any testaceous animal yielding a purple or scarlet dye.
[399] Richard here doubtless principally alludes to Bath, the Aquæ Solis of the ancients.
[400] This substance appears to have been wrought into ornaments for the person. In the barrows, jet beads of a long elliptical form were found, together with others of amber, and a coarse blue glass.
CHAP. VI.
1. Britain, according to the most accurate and authentic accounts of the ancients, was divided into seven parts, six of which were at different times subjected to the Roman empire, and the seventh held by the uncivilized Caledonians.
2. These divisions were called Britannia Prima, Secunda, Flavia, Maxima, Valentia, and Vespasiana, which last did not long remain under the power of the Romans. Britannia Prima is separated by the river Thamesis from Flavia, and by the sea[401] from Britannia Secunda. Flavia begins from the German Ocean, is bounded by the Thamesis,[402] by the Sabrina,[403] on the side of the Silures and Ordovices, and trends towards the north and the region of the Brigantes.[404] Maxima, beginning at the extreme boundary of Flavia, reaches to the wall,[405] which traverses the whole island, and faces the north. Valentia occupies the whole space between this wall and that built by the emperor Antoninus Pius, from the estuary of the Bdora[406] to that of the Clydda.[407] Vespasiana stretches from the estuary of the Bdora to the city of Alcluith,[408] from whence a line drawn to the mouth of the Varar[409] shows the boundary. Britannia Secunda faces the Irish Sea to the north and west. But sufficient notice has now been taken of the provinces.
3. Before we proceed to a more minute description, let us touch upon the form of government. In remote times all Britain was divided among petty princes and states, some of whom are said to have existed after the country was occupied by the Romans; though, under the Roman domination, they retained scarcely the shadow of regal authority. A legate being appointed by the emperor over the conquered countries, Britain became a proconsular province. This form of government continued several ages, although in the meantime the island underwent many divisions, first into the Upper and Lower districts, and then, as we have before shown, into seven parts. It afterwards became the imperial residence of Carausius and those whom he admitted to a share of his power. Constantine the Great, the glory and defence of Christianity, is supposed to have raised Maxima and Valentia to consular provinces, and Prima, Secunda, and Flavia, to præsidials. But over the whole island was appointed a deputy-governor, under the authority of the prætorian prefect of Gaul. Besides whom, an ancient volume, written about that period, mentions a person of great dignity, by the title of comes, or count of the Britons, another as count of the Saxon coast, and a third as leader or duke of Britain; with many others, who, although possessed of great offices, must be passed over in silence, for want of certain information.[410]
4. I now commence my long journey, to examine minutely the whole island and its particular parts, and shall follow the footsteps of the best authors. I begin with the extreme part of the first province, whose coasts are opposite Gaul. This province contains three celebrated and powerful states, namely, Cantium, Belgium, and Damnonium, each of which in particular I shall carefully examine.
First of Cantium.
5. Cantium,[411] situated at the extremity of Britannia Prima, was inhabited by the Cantii, and contains the cities of Durobrobis[412] and Cantiopolis,[413] which was the metropolis, and the burial-place of St. Augustine, the apostle of the English; Dubræ,[414] Lemanus,[415] and Regulbium[416] garrisoned by the Romans; also their primary station Rhutupis,[417] which was colonized and became the metropolis, and where a haven was formed capable of containing the Roman fleet which commanded the North Sea. This city was of such celebrity that it gave the name of Rhutupine to the neighbouring shores; which Lucan,
"Aut vaga quum Thetis Rhutupinaque littora fervent."
From hence oysters of a large size and superior flavour were sent to Rome, as Juvenal observes,
"Circæis nata forent, an
Lucrinum ad saxum, Rhutupinove edita fundo
Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsu."
It was the station of the second Augustan legion, under the count of the Saxon coast, a person of high distinction.
6. The kingdom of Cantium is watered by many rivers. The principal are Madus[418], Sturius,[419] Dubris,[420] and Lemanus,[421] which last separates the Cantii from the Bibroci.
7. Among the three principal promontories of Britain, that which derives its name from Cantium[422] is most distinguished. There the ocean, being confined in an angle, according to the tradition of the ancients, gradually forced its way, and formed the strait which renders Britain an island.
8. The vast forest called by some the Anderidan, and by others the Caledonian, stretches from Cantium a hundred and fifty miles, through the countries of the Bibroci and the Segontiaci, to the confines of the Hedui. It is thus mentioned by the poet Lucan:—
"Unde Caledoniis fallit turbata Britannos."
9. The Bibroci[423] were situated next to the Cantii, and, as some imagine, were subject to them. They were also called Rhemi, and are not unknown in record. They inhabited Bibrocum,[424] Regentium,[425] and Noviomagus,[426] which was their metropolis. The Romans held Anderida.[427]
10. On their confines, and bordering on the Thames, dwelt the Atrebates,[428] whose primary city was Calleba.[429]
11. Below them, nearer the river Kunetius,[430] lived the Segontiaci,[431] whose chief city was Vindonum.[432]
12. Below, towards the ocean, and bordering on the Bibroci, lived the Belgæ,[433] whose chief cities were Clausentum,[434] now called Southampton; Portus Magnus;[435] Venta,[436] a noble city situated upon the river Antona. Sorbiodunum[437] was garrisoned by the Romans. All the Belgæ are Allobroges, or foreigners, and derived their origin from the Belgæ and Celts. The latter, not many ages before the arrival of Cæsar, quitted their native country, Gaul, which was conquered by the Romans and Germans, and passed over to this island: the former, after crossing the Rhine, and occupying the conquered country, likewise sent out colonies, of which Cæsar has spoken more at large.[438]
13. All the regions south of the Thamesis[439] were, according to ancient records, occupied by the warlike nations of the Senones. These people, under the guidance of their renowned king Brennus, penetrated through Gaul, forced a passage over the Alps, hitherto deemed impracticable, and would have razed proud Rome, had not the fates, which seemed like to carry the republic in their bosom, till it reached its destined height of glory, averted the threatened calamity. By the cackle of a goose Manlius was warned of the danger, and hurled the barbarians from the capitol, in their midnight attack. The same protecting influence afterwards sent Camillus to his assistance, who, by assailing them in the rear, quenched the conflagration which they had kindled, in Senonic blood, and preserved the city from impending destruction. In consequence of this vast expedition, the land of the Senones,[440] being left without inhabitants, and full of spoils, was occupied by the above-mentioned Belgæ.
14. Near the Sabrina and below the Thamesis lived the Hedui,[441] whose principal cities were Ischalis[442] and Avalonia.[443] The baths,[444] which were also called Aquæ Solis, were made the seat of a colony, and became the perpetual residence of the Romans who possessed this part of Britain. This was a celebrated city, situated upon the river Abona, remarkable for its hot springs, which were formed into baths at a great expense. Apollo and Minerva[445] were the tutelary deities, in whose temples the perpetual fire never fell into ashes, but as it wasted away turned into globes of stone.
15. Below the Hedui are situated the Durotriges, who are sometimes called Morini. Their metropolis was Durinum,[446] and their territory extended to the promontory Vindelia.[447] In their country the land is gradually contracted, and seems to form an immense arm which repels the waves of the ocean.
16. In this arm was the region of the Cimbri,[448] whose country was divided from that of the Hedui by the river Uxella.[449] It is not ascertained whether the Cimbri gave to Wales its modern name, or whether their origin is more remote. Their chief cities were Termolus[450] and Artavia.[451] From hence, according to the ancients, are seen the pillars of Hercules, and the island Herculea[452] not far distant. From the Uxella a chain of mountains called Ocrinum extends to the promontory known by the same name.
17. Beyond the Cimbri the Carnabii inhabited the extreme angle of the island,[453] from whom this district probably obtained its present name of Carnubia (Cornwall). Their chief cities were Musidum[454] and Halangium.[455] But as the Romans never frequented these almost desert and uncultivated parts of Britain, their cities seem to have been of little consequence, and were therefore neglected by historians; though geographers mention the promontories Bolerium and Antivestæum.[456]
18. Near the above-mentioned people on the sea-coast towards the south, and bordering on the Belgæ Allobroges, lived the Damnonii, the most powerful people of those parts; on which account Ptolemy assigns to them all the country extending into the sea like an arm.[457] Their cities were Uxella,[458] Tamara,[459] Voluba,[460] Cenia,[461] and Isca,[462] the mother of all, situated upon the Isca. Their chief rivers were the Isca,[463] Durius,[464] Tamarus,[465] and Cenius.[466] Their coasts are distinguished by three promontories, which will be hereafter mentioned. This region was much frequented by the Phœnician, Grecian, and Gallic merchants, for the metals with which it abounded, particularly for its tin. Proofs of this may be drawn from the names of the above-mentioned promontories, namely Hellenis,[467] Ocrinum,[468] and Κριου μετωπον[469] as well as the numerous appellations of cities, which show a Grecian or Phœnician derivation.
19. Beyond this arm are the isles called Sygdiles,[470] which are also denominated Œstromenides and Cassiterides.
20. It is affirmed that the emperor Vespasian fought thirty battles with the united forces of the Damnonii and Belgæ. The ten different tribes who inhabited the south banks of the Thames and Severn being gradually subdued, their country was formed into the province of Britannia Prima, so called because it was the first fruit of victory obtained by the Romans.
21. Next in order is Britannia Secunda, which is divided from Britannia Prima by the countries already mentioned, and from the Flavian province by the Sabrina[471] and the Deva;[472] and the remaining parts are bounded by the internal sea. This was the renowned region of the Silures,[473] inhabited by three powerful tribes. Among these were particularly distinguished the Silures Proper, whom the turbid estuary of the Severn divides from the country we have just described. These people, according to Solinus, still retain their ancient manners, have neither markets nor money, but barter their commodities, regarding rather utility than price. They worship the gods, and both men and women are supposed to foretell future events. 22. The chief cities of the Silures were, Sariconium,[474] Magna,[475] Gobanium,[476] and Venta[477] their capital. A Roman colony possessed the city built on the Isca,[478] and called after that name, for many years the station of the second or Augustan legion, until it was transferred to the Valentian province, and Rhutupis.[479] This was the primary station of the Romans in Britannia Secunda.
23. The country of the Silures was long powerful, particularly under Caractacus, who during nine years withstood the Roman arms, and frequently triumphed over them, until he was defeated by Ostorius, as he was preparing to attack the Romans. Caractacus, however, escaped from the battle, and in applying for assistance to the neighbouring chieftains was delivered up to the Romans, by the artifices of a Roman matron, Cartismandua, who had married Venutius, chief of Brigantia. After this defeat the Silures bravely defended their country till it was overrun by Veranius, and being finally conquered by Frontinus, it was reduced into a Roman province under the name of Britannia Secunda.
24. Two other tribes were subject to the Silures. First the Ordovices, who inhabited the north towards the isle of Mona;[480] and secondly the Dimetiæ, who occupied the west, where the promontory Octorupium[481] is situated, and from whence is a passage of thirty miles[482] to Ireland. The cities of the Dimetiæ were Menapia[483] and Maridunum[484] the metropolis. The Romans seized upon Lovantium[485] as their station. Beyond these, and the borders of the Silures, were the Ordovices, whose cities were Mediolanum[486] and Brannogenium.[487] The Sabrina, which rises in their mountains, is justly reckoned one of the three largest rivers of Britain, the Thamesis (Thames) and the Tavus (Tay) being the other two. The name of the Ordovices is first distinguished in history on account of the revenge which they took for the captivity of their renowned chief. Hence they continually harassed the Roman army, and would have succeeded in annihilating their power, had not Agricola turned hither his victorious arms, subdued the whole nation, and put the greater part to the sword.
25. The territory situated north of the Ordovices, and washed by the ocean, was formerly under their dominion. These parts were certainly inhabited by the Cangiani, whose chief city was Segontium,[488] near the Cangian promontory,[489] on the Minevian shore, opposite Mona,[490] an island long distinguished as the residence of the druids. This island contained many towns, though it was scarcely sixty miles in circuit; and, as Pliny asserts, is distant from the colony of Camalodunum two hundred miles. The rivers of the Cangiani were Tosibus,[491] called also Canovius, and the Deva,[492] which was their boundary. In this region is the stupendous mountain Eriri.[493] Ordovicia, together with the regions of the Cangiani and Carnabii, unless report deceives me, constituted a province called Genania, under the reign of the emperors subsequent to Trajan.
26. I now proceed to the Flavian province; but for want of authentic documents, am unable to ascertain whether it derived its name from Flavia Julia Helena, mother of Constantine the Great, who was born in these parts, or from the Flavian family.
27. Towards the river Deva were situated, in the first place, the Carnabii.[494] Their principal places were Benonæ,[495] Etocetum,[496] and Banchorium,[497] the last the most celebrated monastery in the whole island, which being overthrown in the dispute with Augustine was never afterwards restored; and the mother of the rest, Uriconium,[498] esteemed one of the largest cities in Britain. In the extreme angle of this country, near the Deva, was the Roman colony Deva,[499] the work of the twentieth legion, which was called Victrix, and was formerly the defence of the region. This place is supposed to be what is now termed West Chester.
28. Below these people stretched the kingdom, or rather the republic, of the Cassii, called by Ptolemy Catieuchlani, which arose from the union of two nations. Those nearest the Sabrina were called the Dobuni, or, according to the annals of Dio, the Boduni.[500] In their country the Thames rises, and, proceeding through the territories of the Hedui, Atrebates, Cassii, Bibroci, Trinobantes, and Cantii, after a long course flows into the German Ocean. The cities of the Dobuni were Salinæ,[501] Branogena,[502] on the left of the Sabrina [Severn], Alauna,[503] and the most venerable of all, Corinium,[504] a famous city supposed to have been built by Vespasian. But Glevum,[505] situated in the extreme part of the kingdom, towards the territory of the Silures, was occupied by a Roman colony, which, according to the writers of those times, was introduced by Claudius Cæsar. Adjoining to these were the Cassii, whose chief cities were Forum Dianæ[506] and Verulamium.[507] But when the last was raised by the Romans to the municipal rank, it obtained the pre-eminence over the other cities. St. Alban the martyr was here born. This city was involved in the ruin of Camalodunum[508] and Londinium,[509] in the insurrection of Bonduica, which is related by Tacitus. The Cassii were conspicuous above the other nations of the island; and Cæsar in his second invasion had the severest conflicts with their renowned chief Cassibellinus, to whom many people were tributary; and was repulsed by the Cassii in league with the Silures; to which Lucan alludes:—"Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis." But on the coming of Claudius, they, with the neighbouring people, were subdued, and their country reduced to a Roman province, first called Cæsariensis, and afterwards Flavia.
29. Near the Cassii, where the river Thamesis approaches the ocean, was the region of the Trinobantes,[510] who not only entered into alliance with the Romans, but resigned to them Londinium their metropolis, and Camalodunum situated near the sea, for the purpose of establishing colonies. In this city was supposed to be born Flavia Julia Helena, the pious wife of Constantine Chlorus and mother of Constantine the Great, who was descended from the blood of the British kings. It was the chief colony of the Romans in Britain, and distinguished by a temple of Claudius, an image of Victory, with many ornaments.[511] But Londinium was and ever will be a city of great eminence. It was first named Trinovantum, then Londinium, afterwards Augusta, and now again Londona. According to the chronicles it is more ancient than Rome. It is situated upon the banks of the Thamesis, and is the great emporium of many nations trading by land or sea. This city was surrounded with a wall by the empress Helena, the discoverer of the Holy Cross; and, if reliance may be placed on tradition, which is not always erroneous, was called Augusta, as Britain was distinguished by the name of the Roman Island.
30. The boundary of this people towards the north was the river Surius,[512] beyond which lived the Iceni, a famous people divided into two tribes. The first of these, the Cenomanni, dwelt to the north towards the Trinobantes and Cassii, and bordered on the ocean towards the east. Their cities were Durnomagus,[513] and their metropolis Venta.[514] Camboricum[515] was a Roman colony. A tongue of land stretching into the sea towards the east was called Flavia Extrema.[516] Their most remarkable rivers are the Garion,[517] the Surius,[518] and the Aufona[519] which falls into the bay of Metaris.[520] Beyond the Aufona, bordering on the Carnabii, Brigantes, and the ocean, lived the Coitani,[521] in a tract of country overspread with woods, which, like all the woods of Britain, was called Caledonia.[522] This is mentioned by the historian Florus.[523] The chief city of the Coitani was Ragæ.[524] Besides this was Lindum,[525] a Roman colony, on the eastern extremity of the province. The river Trivona[526] divides the whole country into two parts. The nation of the Iceni, being of a warlike character, neglected husbandry as well as the civil arts; they voluntarily joined the Romans; but, revolting, and exciting others to follow their example, were first subdued by Ostorius. A few years afterwards, Præsutagus their king, at his decease, made Cæsar and his descendants his heirs. But the Romans, abusing the friendship of these people and giving themselves up to every species of debauchery, excited their resentment, and the Iceni with their allies, under the warlike Bonduica, widow of Præsutagus, destroyed their colonies, and massacred eighty thousand Roman citizens. They were afterwards reduced by the legate Suetonius, a man highly esteemed for prudence.
31. On the northern part of this region is the river Abus,[527] which falls into the ocean, and was one of the boundaries of the province Maxima, as Seteja[528] was the other. This province was also called the kingdom of Brigantia, because it comprehended the region of that name inhabited by three nations. At the eastern point,[529] where the promontories of Oxellum[530] and of the Brigantes[531] stretch into the sea, lived the Parisii, whose cities were Petuaria[532] and Portus Felix.[533]
32. Above, but on the side of the Parisii, are the proper Brigantes,[534] a numerous people who once gave law to the whole province. Their towns were Epiacum,[535] Vinovium,[536] Cambodunum,[537] Cataracton,[538] Galacum,[539] Olicana,[540] and the chief city Isurium.[541] Eboracum,[542] on the Urus,[543] was the metropolis, first a colony of the Romans, called Sexta, from being the station of the sixth legion, termed the Victorious, and afterwards distinguished by the presence of many emperors, and raised to the privileges of a municipal city.
33. This province is divided into two equal parts by a chain of mountains called the Pennine Alps, which rising on the confines of the Iceni and Carnabii, near the river Trivona,[544] extend towards the north in a continued series of fifty miles.
34. The people to the west of this chain[545] are the Voluntii and Sistuntii, who are united in a close confederacy.[546] Their cities are Rerigonium,[547] Coccium,[548] and Lugubalium.[549] The two last were occupied by Roman garrisons.
35. The northern frontier of this province was protected by a wall[550] of stupendous magnitude built by the Romans across the Isthmus, eighty miles in length, twelve feet high and (nine) thick, strengthened with towers.
36. We collect from history, that these people were first attacked by the emperor Claudius, then overrun by the legate Ostorius, and finally defeated by Cerealis. By their voluntary submission to Agricola they obtained peace. The actions and unheard-of perfidy of their queen have disgraced their name in history. These people were descended from those powerful nations, who in search of new habitations quitted their country, which was situated between the Danube, the Alps, and the Rhone.[551] Some of them afterwards emigrated into Ireland, as appears from authentic documents.
37. Further north were situated those powerful nations, who in former times were known under the name of Mæatæ, and from whom that fratricide Bassianus,[552] after the death of his father, basely purchased peace. They possessed Ottadinia towards the east, Gadenia, Selgovia, Novantia, and further north Damnia.
38. Nearest the wall dwelt the Gadeni,[553] whose metropolis was Curia.[554] The Ottadini[555] were situated nearer the sea. Their chief city was Bremenium,[556] and their rivers Tueda,[557] Alauna,[558] and the two Tinas,[559] which ran within the wall.
39. The Selgovæ[560] inhabited the country to the west. Their cities were Corbantorigum,[561] Uxellum,[562] and Trimontium,[563] which, according to ancient documents, was a long time occupied by a Roman garrison. The principal rivers of this region were Novius,[564] Deva,[565] and partly the Ituna.[566]
40. The Novantes[567] dwell beyond the Deva, in the extreme part of the island, near the sea, and opposite Ireland. In their country was the famous Novantum Chersonesus,[568] distant twenty-eight miles from Ireland, and esteemed by the ancients the most northern promontory of Britain,[569] though without sufficient reason. Their metropolis was Lucophibia, or Casæ Candidæ;[570] their rivers Abrasuanus,[571] Jena,[572] and Deva,[573] which was the boundary towards the east.
41. The Damnii[574] dwelt to the north of the Novantes, the Selgovæ, and the Gadeni, and were separated from them by the chain of the Uxellan mountains.[575] They were a very powerful people, but lost a considerable portion of their territory when the wall was built, being subdued and spoiled by the Caledonians. Besides which, a Roman garrison occupied Vanduarium[576] to defend the wall.
42. In this part, Britain, as if again delighted with the embraces of the sea, becomes narrower than elsewhere, in consequence of the rapid influx of the two estuaries, Bodotria and Clotta.[577] Agricola first secured this isthmus with fortifications, and the emperor Antoninus[578] erected another wall celebrated in history, which extended nearly five and thirty miles, in order to check the incursions of the barbarians. It was repaired, and strengthened with eleven towers, by the general Ætius. These regions probably constituted that province, which, being recovered by the victorious arms of the Romans under Theodosius, was supposed to have been named Valentia, in honour of the family from whom the reigning emperor was descended.
43. Beyond the wall lay the province Vespasiana. This is the Caledonian region so much coveted by the Romans, and so bravely defended by the natives, facts which the Roman historians, generally too silent in regard to such things, have amply detailed. In these districts may be seen the river Tavus,[579] which appears to separate the country into two parts. There are also found the steep and horrid Grampian hills, which divide the province. In this region was fought that famous battle between Agricola and Galgacus, which was so decisive in favour of the Romans.[580] The magnitude of the works at this day displays the power of the Romans, and the ancient mode of castrametation; for, in the place where the battle was fought, certain persons of our order, who passed that way, affirmed that they saw immense camps, and other proofs which corroborated the relation of Tacitus.
44. The nations which were subject to the Romans shall now follow in their order. Beyond the Isthmus, as far as the Tavus, lived the Horestii.[581] Their cities, which before the building of the wall belonged to the Damnii, were Alauna,[582] Lindum,[583] and Victoria,[584] the last not less glorious in reality than in name. It was built by Agricola on the Tavus, twenty miles above its mouth.
45. Above these, beyond the Tavus, which formed the boundary, lived the Vecturones or Venricones,[585] whose chief city was Orrea,[586] and their rivers Æsica[587] and Tina.[588]
46. The Taixali[589] inhabited the coast beyond the boundaries of the Vecturones. Their principal city was Devana,[590] and their rivers the Deva[591] and Ituna.[592] A part of the Grampian hills, which extends like a promontory into the sea, as it were to meet Germany, borrows its name from them.[593]
47. To the west of these, beyond the Grampian hills, lived the Vacomagi,[594] who possessed an extensive tract of country. Their cities were Tuessis,[595] Tamea,[596] and Banatia.[597] Ptoroton,[598] situated at the mouth of the Varar,[599] on the coast, was at the same time a Roman station, and the chief city of the province. The most remarkable rivers of this region, after the Varar, which formed the boundary, were the Tuessis[600] and Celnius.[601]
48. Within the Vacomagi, and the Tavus, lived the Damnii Albani,[602] a people little known, being wholly secluded among lakes and mountains.
49. Lower down, to the banks of the Clotta, inhabited the Attacotti,[603] a people once formidable to all Britain. In this part is situated the great lake formerly called Lyncalidor,[604] at the mouth of which the city of Alcluith[605] was built by the Romans, and not long afterwards received its name from Theodosius, who recovered that province from the barbarians. These people deserved high praise for having sustained the attacks of the enemy after the subjugation of the neighbouring provinces.
50. This province was named Vespasiana, in honour of the Flavian family, to which the emperor Domitian owed his origin, and under whom it was conquered. If I am not mistaken, it was called under the later emperors Thule, which Claudian mentions in these lines:
"Incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule,
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hierne."
But this country was so short a time under the power of the Romans, that posterity cannot ascertain its appellations or subjugation. We have now examined in a cursory manner the state of Britain under the Romans; we shall next as briefly treat of the country of the Caledonians.
CONCERNING CALEDONIA.
51. Although all the parts of Britain lying beyond the Isthmus may be termed Caledonia, yet the proper Caledonians dwelt beyond the Varar, from which a line drawn accurately points out the boundary of the Roman empire in Britain. The hithermost part of the island was at different times in their possession, and the remainder, as we have related, was occupied by barbarous Britons. The ancient documents of history afford some information thus far; but beyond the Varar the light is extinct, and we are enveloped in darkness.[606] Although we know that the Romans erected altars there to mark the limits of their empire, and that Ulysses, tossed by a violent tempest, here fulfilled his vows; yet the thick woods and a continued chain of rugged mountains forbid all further research. We must therefore be satisfied with the following information, gleaned from the wandering merchants of the Britons, which we leave for the use of posterity.
52. The Caledonians,[607] properly so called, inhabited the country to the westward of the Varar, and part of their territory was covered by the extensive forest called the Caledonian wood.
53. Less considerable people dwelt near the coast. Of these the Cantæ[608] were situated beyond the Varar, and the above-mentioned altars, to the river Loxa,[609] and in their territory was the promontory Penoxullum.[610]
54. Next in order is the river Abona,[611] and the inhabitants near it, the Logi.[612] Then the river Ila,[613] near which lived the Carnabii,[614] the most remote of the Britons. These people being subdued by the proprætor Ostorius, and impatiently bearing the Roman yoke, joined the Cantæ, as tradition relates, and, crossing the sea, here fixed their residence. Britain in these parts branches out into many promontories, the chief of which, the extremity of Caledonia, was called by the ancients Vinvedrum, and afterwards Verubium.[615]
55. After these people were placed the Catini,[616] and the Mertæ[617] further inland near the Logi. In these regions was the promontory of the Orcades,[618] contiguous to which are the islands of that name. Beyond this part flowed the Nabæus,[619] which bounded the territory of the Carnabii.
56. In the lower part of this region were situated the Carnonacæ,[620] in whose territories was the promontory Ebudum,[621] beyond which the ocean forms a large bay, formerly called Volsas.[622] The lower coast of this bay was inhabited by the Cerones;[623] and beyond the Itys,[624] the territory of the Creones extended as far as the Longus.[625] The promontory stretching from thence, and washed by the ocean and the bay Lelanus,[626] is named after the inhabitants the Epidii.[627]
57. I cannot repass the Varar without expressing my wonder that the Romans, in other respects so much distinguished for judgment and investigation, should have entertained the absurd notion, that the remainder of Britain exceeded in length and breadth the regions which they had subdued and occupied. There is, however, sufficient evidence that such was their opinion; for whoever attentively considers their insatiable desire of rule, and reflects on the labour employed in the erection of those stupendous works which excite the wonder of the world, in order to exclude an enemy scarcely worthy of their notice or resentment, must in this respect, as in all others, adore the providence of the Divine Being, to whom all kingdoms are subject, and perpetual glory is due, now and for ever. Amen!
FOOTNOTES:
[401] Rather by the estuary of the Severn.
[402] Thames.
[403] Severn.
[404] Here some word is evidently omitted in the original. We would supply it by comparing this description with that of Britannia Secunda in the second section, and read "Sabrina et Deva," &c., by the Severn and the Dee from the Silures and Ordovices.
[405] The wall or vallum erected by Severus between the Solway Frith and the mouth of the Tyne.
[406] Bodora and Bodotria, Frith of Forth.
[407] Clotta. Clyde.
[408] Dumbarton.
[409] Murray Frith.
[410] These remarks seem to have been drawn from the Notitia Imperii, and consequently refer to a late period of the empire.
[411] Cantium contained the present county of Kent, as far as the Rother, except a small district in which Holwood Hill is situated, and which belonged to the Rhemi.
[412] Rochester.
[413] Canterbury.
[414] Dover.
[415] Situated on the Lymne.
[416] Reculver.
[417] Richborough.
[418] The Medway.
[419] The Stour.
[420] A rivulet at Dover.
[421] The Rother.
[422] The North Foreland.
[423] The Bibroci, Rhemi, or Regni, inhabited part of Hants, and of Berks, Sussex, Surrey, and a small portion of Kent.
[424] Uncertain. Stukeley calls it Bibrox, Bibrax, or the Bibracte of the Itinerary.
[425] Chichester.
[426] Holwood Hill.
[427] Pevensey.
[428] Part of Hants, and Berks.
[429] Silchester. For the proofs that this place was the site of Calleva see the Commentary on the Itinerary.
[430] Kennet.
[431] Part of Hants, and Berks.
[432] Probably Egbury Camp.
[433] The Belgæ occupied those parts of Hants and Wilts not held by the Segontiaci.
[434] This is an error: the ancient Clausentum was at Bittern, on the Itchin, opposite Northam.
[435] Portchester.
[436] Winchester.
[437] Old Sarum.
[438] This passage as printed in the original is very obscure; but the meaning is supplied by Cæsar, from whom it is taken, and a subsequent page where Richard mentions the same fact.—Vide the Chronology in b. ii. c. i. sect. 9.
[439] Thames.
[440] There was a tribe of Celts called Senones seated on the banks of the Seine as late as the time of Cæsar, and this was one of the tribes who marched with Brennus against Rome. But we cannot discover from whence Richard drew his information that these Senones originally emigrated from Britain, leaving their country to be occupied by the Belgæ.
[441] Nearly all Somersetshire.
[442] Ilchester.
[443] Glastonbury.
[444] Bath.
[445] This is drawn from Solinus, who speaks of Britain in general. We know not on what authority it was applied by Richard to Bath.
[446] Maiden Castle, near Dorchester.
[447] Isle of Portland.
[448] Part of Somerset and Devon.
[449] The Parret.
[450] Uncertain,—probably in Devonshire.
[451] Ibid.
[452] Lundy Island.
[453] Part of Cornwall.
[454] Near Stratton.
[455] Carnbre.
[456] Land's End, and Lizard Point.
[457] Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and part of Somerset.
[458] Probably near Bridgewater.
[459] On the Tamar.
[460] On the Fowey.
[461] On the Fal.
[462] Exeter.
[463] Ex.
[464] The Dart.
[465] Tamar.
[466] The Fal.
[467] Probably Berry Head.
[468] Lizard Point.
[469] Ram Head.
[470] Scilly Isles.
[471] Severn.
[472] Dee.
[473] The Silures, with their two dependent tribes, the Dimetiæ and the Ordovices, possessed all the country to the west of the Severn and the Dee, together with the island of Anglesey.
"Of these territories the Dimetiæ had the counties of Pembroke, Cardigan, and Caermarthen; while the Silures possessed all the rest of South Wales, as well as such parts of England as lay to the west of the Severn and to the South of the Teme: while the Ordovices occupied all North Wales, as well as all the country to the North of the Teme, and to the West of the Severn and the Dee, except a small tract to the West of Bangor and Penmorvay, which together with the isle of Anglesey belonged to their subordinate clan the Cangani."
[474] Rose or Berry Hill, in Weston.
[475] Kentchester.
[476] Abergavenny.
[477] Caerwent.
[478] Caerleon on Usk.
[479] Richborough in Kent.
[480] Anglesey.
[481] St. David's Head.
[482] XXX milliarium.
[483] St. David's.
[484] Caermarthen.
[485] Llanio Issau on the Teivi.
[486] On the bank of the Tanat.
[487] Near Lentwardine.
[488] Caer Segont.
[489] Brach y Pwyl Point.
[490] Anglesey.
[491] The Conway.
[492] Dee.
[493] Snowdon.
[494] The territory of the Carnabii was bounded on the north by the Mersey, west by the Severn, east by part of the Watling Street, and to the south by Staffordshire.
[495] Benonis; High Cross.
[496] Wall.
[497] Banchor.
[498] Wroxeter.
[499] Chester.
[500] The Dobuni were bounded on the west by the Severn, on the south by the Thames, on the east by the Charwell, and on the north by the Carnabii.
The Cassii, bounded on the south by the Thames, on the west by the Dobuni, on the east by the Trent, and on the north by the Iceni.
[501] Droitwich.
[502] Near Lentwardine.
[503] Alcester.
[504] Cirencester in Gloucestershire.
[505] Gloucester.
[506] Dunstable.
[507] Old St. Albans.
[508] Colchester.
[509] London.
[510] It stretched from the Thames to the Stour on the north, and on the west to the Brent and the Ouse.
[511] This temple with its ornaments is mentioned in Tacitus.
[512] Sturius, the Stour.
[513] Castor near Chesterton.
[514] Castor near Norwich.
[515] Cambridge.
[516] Part of the Suffolk Coast.
[517] The Yar.
[518] The Stour.
[519] The Nen.
[520] Boston Deep.
[521] In the map given by Bertram these people are called the Coritani. They seem to have inhabited Lincoln, Leicester, and Nottingham.
[522] Calyddon means coverts or thickets.
[523] B. iii. ch. 10, where, speaking of Cæsar, he says, "Caledonias sequutus in sylvas."
[524] Leicester.
[525] Lincoln.
[526] Trent.
[527] The Humber.
[528] The Mersey.
[529] Part of the East Riding of York.
[530] Spurn Head.
[531] Flamborough Head.
[532] Broughton on Humber.
[533] Near Bridlington Bay.
[534] Their territory stretched from the bounds of the Parisii northward to the Tine, and from the Humber and Don to the mountains of Lancashire, Westmoreland and Cumberland.
[535] Lanchester.
[536] Binchester.
[537] Slack.
[538] Catteric.
[539] Galgacum, uncertain.
[540] Ilkley.
[541] Aldborough.
[542] York.
[543] Probably from the Ure, which receives the name of Ouse above York, on its junction with the Nid.
[544] Trent.
[545] To the Voluntii belonged the western part of Lancashire; and to the Sistuntii, the west of Westmoreland and Cumberland as far as the wall.
[546] Hence, in § 31, they are called one people.
[547] Ribchester.
[548] Blackrode.
[549] Carlisle.
[550] The wall of Severus. The exact site of the barrier erected by Severus against the northern tribes, has furnished matter of dispute to many of our antiquaries. The researches of others, particularly Horsley, have, however, set this question at rest. From their information, joined to the scanty evidence of history, it has been proved that three walls or ramparts were erected by the Romans at different times, to secure the northern frontier of their dominions in Britain.
The first was a rampart of earth, from the Solway Frith to the Tine, raised by Hadrian about the year 120; but its form and construction have not been satisfactorily ascertained. It was, however, evidently nothing more than a line intended to obstruct the passage of an enemy between the stations which constituted the real defences of the frontier.
The second was raised by Lollius Urbicus under the reign of Antoninus Pius, about 140, between the Friths of Forth and Clyde. This was likewise of earth, though perhaps faced with stone, and, like that of Hadrian, seems to have been intended as a line connecting the chain of stations, which formed a new barrier on the advance of the Roman arms. In the course of both these was a military road communicating from station to station.
The last and most important is that begun by Severus, after his expedition against the Caledonians, about 208. It runs nearly over the same ground as that of Hadrian; but is a complete and well combined system of fortification. From an examination of its remains it appears to have been built of stone, fifteen feet high and nine thick. It had parapet and ditch, a military road, and was defended by eighteen greater stations placed at intervals of three to six miles; eighty-three castles at intervals of six to eight furlongs, and, as it is imagined, a considerable number of turrets placed at shorter distances.
Either from superior sagacity or superior information, Richard clearly distinguishes these three walls, which so much puzzled later writers, though it must be confessed that in other places he has suffered himself to be led into some errors in regard to their situation, and the persons by whom they were erected.—See b. ii. ch. 1, sect. 22, 27, 36, 37; ch. 2, sect. 17, 23. For a detailed account of these works the reader is referred to Horsley's Britannia Romana; Warburton's Account of the Roman Wall; Hutchinson's Northumberland; Roy's Military Antiquities; Hutton's Account of the Roman Wall.
[551] These were the Helvetii, whose emigration is mentioned in Cæs. Comm. de Bell. Gal. lib. i. We have not discovered from what authority Richard draws his account of their emigration to Ireland.
[552] Caracalla.
[553] The Gadeni appear to have occupied the midland parts from the wall probably as far as the Forth.
[554] Uncertain.
[555] The Ottadini stretched along the eastern coast, from the wall as far as the Frith of Forth, and were bounded on the west by the Gadeni.
[556] Ribchester.
[557] Tweed.
[558] The Coquet.
[559] The North and South Tine.
[560] The Selgovæ appear to have occupied all the shire of Dumfries, and part of Kirkudbright.
[561] Drumlanrig, or Kirkudbright.
[562] Uncertain.
[563] Birrenswork Hill.
[564] Nith.
[565] The Dee.
[566] The Eden.
[567] The Novantes held the south-western district of Scotland, from the Dee to the Mull of Galloway; that is, the west of Kirkudbright and Wigtown, and part of the Carrick division of Ayr.
[568] Rens of Galloway. It is not, however, more than eighteen miles from the nearest part of Ireland.
[569] By an error in the geographical or astronomical observations preserved by Ptolemy, the latitudes north of this point appear to have been mistaken for the longitudes, and consequently this part of Britain is thrown to the east.
[570] Wigtown, Horsley. Whithern, Stukeley, Roy.
[571] The Luce.
[572] Cree, Roy.
[573] Dee.
[574] The Lothers.
[575] Paisley, or Renfrew, Roy.
[576] Friths of Forth and Clyde.
[577] These people inhabited the principal part of what are called the Lowlands. Their territories beyond the Isthmus evidently stretched as far as the Grampians, consisting of great part of Ayr, all Renfrew and Lanark, a considerable part of Stirling, and perhaps Linlithgow.
[579] Tay.
[580] It may perhaps appear superfluous to refer the antiquary to Roy's masterly Commentary on the campaigns of Agricola in this part of Britain; but it will scarcely be deemed so to observe, that we see few instances in which military and local knowledge are so well applied to the elucidation of antiquities.
[581] The Horestii occupied Clackmannan and Kinross, and part of Perth as far as the Tay. To them belonged likewise all the country stretching from the Grampians to Loch Lomond.
[582] Uncertain.
[583] Ardoch.
[584] Dealgin Ross.
[585] The Vecturones occupied the eastern part of Perth, Forfar, Kincardin, and part of Aberdeen.
[586] Bertha, or Old Perth.
[587] South Esk.
[588] Tine.
[589] The Taixali held the eastern coast of Aberdeen, apparently as far as Kinnaird Head.
[590] Probably Old Aberdeen.
[591] Dee.
[592] Ithan.
[593] Kinnaird Head.
[594] The Vacomagi were spread over an extensive region west of the Taixali and north of the Grampians, comprising a considerable part of Aberdeen, all Banff, Murray, Elgin, and Nairn, with the north-east of Inverness.
[595] On the Spey.
[596] Brae Mar Castle.
[597] Uncertain, but near the Ness; perhaps Inverness or Bonness.
[598] Burgh Head.
[599] Murray Frith.
[600] Spey.
[601] Dovern.
[602] The Damnii Albani may have been a remnant of the Damnii, who, after the erection of the wall, being cut off from the rest of their tribe, were gradually circumscribed by the neighbouring people, to Braidalbane, and a small part of the west of Perth and east of Argyle.
[603] The Attacotti occupied a considerable part of Argyle, as far as Lochfyn.
[604] Loch Lomond.
[605] Dumbarton. It was afterwards called Theodosia.
[606] It must be confessed that the information preserved by Richard, in regard to this remote part of our island, is extremely obscure, and that his descriptions will only assist us in guessing at the situation of the different tribes. Perhaps this can scarcely be deemed extraordinary, when we consider how imperfectly the interior of this country is known even at present.
[607] The country of the proper Caledonians was the central part of Inverness and Ross.
[608] The Cantæ seem to have held Cromarty and East Ross.
[609] Frith of Cromartie, Stukeley. Loth R. Roy.
[610] Tarbet Ness, Stukeley. Ord Head, Caithness, Roy.
[611] Frith of Dornoch, Stukeley.
[612] The Logi seem to have held the south-east of Strathnavern, and north-east of Sutherland.
[613] All, Stukeley. Shiel, Roy.
[614] The Carnabii inhabited part of Caithness, the north of Ross, and central part of Sutherland.
[615] Ness or Noss Head, Stukeley.
[616] The Catini held part of Caithness and the east of Sutherland.
[617] The Mertæ held the country comprised between the Catini and Carnabii.
[618] Dunnet Head, Stukeley. Duncansby Head, Roy.
[619] Navern.
[620] The Carnonacæ seem to have held the detached portion of Cromarty, situated near Loch Broom, and a small part on the border of Sutherland.
[621] Cape Wrath.
[622] Loch Broom.
[623] The Cerones held the north-west part of Ross;—the Creones south-west of Ross and Inverness, and a part of Argyle.
[624] Shiel, Roy.
[625] Loch Loch, Stukeley. Linnhe Loch, Roy.
[626] Lochfyn.
[627] The Epidii probably occupied the Western part of Argyle, as far as the Mull of Cantyr, and were bounded on one side by the sea and on the other by Lochfyn.
[CHAP. VII.]
The different parts of Britain having been cursorily examined according to my original design, it seems necessary, before I proceed to a description of the islands, to attend to a doubt suggested by a certain person.[628] "Where," asks he, "are the vestiges of those cities and names which you commemorate? There are none." This question may be answered by another: Where are now the Assyrians, Parthians, Sarmatians, Celtiberians? None will be bold enough to deny the existence of those nations. Are there not also at this time many countries and cities bearing the same names as they did two or three thousand years ago? Judea, Italy, Gaul, Britain, are as clearly known now as in former times; Londinium is still styled in the common language, with a slight change of sound, London. The negligence and inattention of our ancestors in omitting to collect and preserve such documents as might have been serviceable in this particular, are not deserving of heavy censure, for scarcely any but those in holy orders employed themselves in writing books, and such even esteemed it inconsistent with their sacred office to engage in such profane labours. I rather think I may without danger, and without offence, transmit to posterity that information which I have drawn from a careful examination and accurate scrutiny of ancient records concerning the state of this kingdom in former periods. The good abbat, indeed, had nearly inspired me with other sentiments, by thus seeming to address me: Are you ignorant how short a time is allotted us in this world; that the greatest exertions cannot exempt us from the appellation of unprofitable servants; and that all our studies should be directed to the purpose of being useful to others? Of what service are these things, but to delude the world with unmeaning trifles? To these remarks I answer with propriety. Is then every honest gratification forbidden? Do not such narratives exhibit proofs of Divine Providence? Does it not hence appear, that an evangelical sermon concerning the death and merits of Christ enlightened and subdued a world overrun with Gentile superstitions? To the reply, that such things are properly treated of in systems of chronology, I rejoin: Nor is it too much to know that our ancestors were not, as some assert, Autochthones, sprung from the earth; but that God opened the book of nature to display his omnipotence, such as it is described in the writings of Moses. When the abbat answered, that works which were intended merely to acquire reputation for their authors from posterity, should be committed to the flames, I confess with gratitude that I repented of this undertaking. The remainder of the work is therefore only a chronological abridgment, which I present to the reader, whom I commend to the goodness and protection of God; and at the same time request, that he will pray for me to our holy Father, who is merciful and inclined to forgiveness.
The following Itinerary is collected from certain fragments left by a Roman general. The order is changed in some instances, according to Ptolemy and others, and it is hoped, with improvement.
Among the Britons were formerly ninety-two cities, of which thirty-three were more celebrated and conspicuous. Two municipal,[629] Verolamium;[630] and Eboracum.[631] Nine colonial;[632] namely, Londinium[633] Augusta, Camalodunum[634] Geminæ Martiæ, Rhutupis,[635] ***** Thermæ[636] Aquæ Solis, Isca[637] Secunda, Deva[638] Getica, Glevum[639] Claudia, Lindum,[640] **** Camboricum[641]. **** Ten cities under the Latian law:[642] namely, Durnomagus,[643] Cataracton,[644] Cambodunum,[645] Coccium,[646] Lugubalia,[647] Ptoroton,[648] Victoria,[649] Theodosia,[650] Corinum,[651] Sorbiodunum.[652] Twelve stipendiary[653] and of lesser consequence; Venta Silurum,[654] Venta Belgarum,[655] Venta Icenorum,[656] Segontium,[657] Maridunum,[658] Ragæ,[659] Cantiopolis,[660] Durinum,[661] Isca,[662] Bremenium,[663] Vindonum,[664] and Durobrivæ.[665] But let no one lightly imagine that the Romans had not many others besides those above-mentioned. I have only commemorated the more celebrated. For who can doubt that they who, as conquerors of the world, were at liberty to choose, did not select places fitted for their purposes? They for the most part took up their abode in fortresses which they constructed for themselves.
(The Itinerary, which follows here in the original Latin, being a dry list of names, is omitted. See the Appendix, [No. I.])
FOOTNOTES:
[628] These remarks prove how much Richard rose superior to the prejudices of his age and his profession. From the tone which he assumes, it is however, evident that he found it advisable to yield to the remonstrances of his superior.
[629] Municipia were towns whose inhabitants possessed in general all the rights of Roman citizens, except those which could not be enjoyed without an actual residence at Rome. They followed their own laws and customs, and had the option of adopting or rejecting those of Rome.—Rosini Antiq. Rom. b. x. c. 23.
[630] St. Alban's.
[631] York.
[632] There were different kinds of colonies, each entitled to different rights and privileges; but we have no criterion to ascertain the rank occupied by those in Britain.
[633] London.
[634] Colchester.
[635] Richborough in Kent.
[636] Bath.
[637] Caerleon.
[638] Chester.
[639] Gloucester.
[640] Lincoln.
[641] Cambridge.
[642] The Latian law consisted of the privileges granted to the ancient inhabitants of Latium. These are not distinctly known; but appear principally to have been the right of following their own laws, an exemption from the edicts of the Roman prætor, and the option of adopting the laws and customs of Rome.—Rosini.
[643] Castor on Nen.
[644] Catteric.
[645] Slack.
[646] Blackrode.
[647] Carlisle.
[648] Burgh Head, Elgin, Scotland.
[649] Dealgin Ross.
[650] Dumbarton.
[651] Cirencester, Gloc.
[652] Old Sarum.
[653] The stipendiary were those who paid their taxes in money, in contradistinction from those who gave a certain portion of the produce of the soil, and were called Vectigales.—Rosini.
[654] Caerwent, Monmouth.
[655] Winchester.
[656] Castor, near Norwich.
[657] Caer Segont.
[658] Caermarthen.
[659] Leicester.
[660] Canterbury.
[661] Dorchester.
[662] Exeter.
[663] Riechester, Northumberland.
[664] Possibly Egbury camp, Hants.
[665] Rochester.
CHAP. VIII.
1. Having now finished our survey of Albion, we shall describe the neighbouring country, Hibernia or Ireland, with the same brevity.
2. Hibernia is situated more westerly than any other country except England; but as it does not extend so far north, so it stretches further than England towards the south, and the Spanish province of Tarraconensis, from which it is separated by the ocean.[666]
3. The sea which flows between Britain and Hibernia is subject to storms, and according to Solinus, is navigable only during a few days in summer. Midway between the two countries is the island called Monœda,[667] but now Manavia.
4. According to Bede, Hibernia is preferable to Britain, on account of its situation, salubrity, and serene air, insomuch that snow seldom remains more than three days, nor is it usual to make hay for the winter, or build stalls for cattle.
5. No reptile is found there, nor does it maintain a viper or serpent; for serpents frequently carried from England have died on approaching the shore. Indeed almost all things in the island are antidotes to poison. We have seen an infusion of scraped pieces of bark brought from Hibernia, given to persons bitten by serpents, which immediately deprived the poison of its force, and abated the swelling.
6. This island, according to the venerable Bede, is rich in milk and honey; nor is it without vines. It abounds with fish and birds, and affords deer and goats for the chase.
7. The inhabitants, says Mela, are more than other nations uncivilized and without virtue, and those who have a little knowledge are wholly destitute of piety. Solinus calls them an inhospitable and warlike people. The conquerors, after drinking the blood of the slain, daub their faces with the remainder. They know no distinction between right and wrong. When a woman brings forth a son, she places its first food on the point of her husband's sword, and, introducing it into the mouth of the infant, wishes according to the custom of the country, that he may die amidst arms and in battle. Those who are fond of ornaments adorn the hilts of their swords with the teeth of marine animals, which they polish to a degree of whiteness equal to ivory; for the principal glory of a man consists in the splendour of his arms.
8. Agrippa states the length of Hibernia to be six hundred miles, and the breadth three hundred. It was formerly inhabited by twenty tribes, of whom (fourteen[668]) lived on the coast.
9. This is the true country of the Scots, who emigrating from hence added a third nation to the Britons and Picts in Albion. But I cannot agree with Bede, who affirms that the Scots were foreigners. For, according to the testimony of other authors, I conceive they derived their origin from Britain, situated at no considerable distance, passed over from thence, and obtained a settlement in this island. It is certain that the Damnii, Voluntii, Brigantes, Cangi, and other nations, were descended from the Britons, and passed over thither after Divitiacus, or Claudius, or Ostorius, or other victorious generals had invaded their original countries. Lastly, the ancient language which resembles the old British and Gallic tongues, affords another argument, as is well known to persons skilled in both languages.[669]
10. The Deucaledonian Ocean washes the northern side of Hibernia; the Vergivian and Internal the eastern, the Cantabric the south, as the great British or Atlantic Ocean does the western. According to this order, we shall give a description of the island and the most remarkable places.
11. The Rhobogdii occupied the coast of the island next to the Deucaledonian Sea. Their metropolis was Rhobogdium. In the eastern part of their territories was situated the promontory of the same name; in the Western the Promontorium Boreum, or Northern Promontory. Their rivers were the Banna, Darabouna, Argitta, and Vidua; and towards the south, mountains separated them from the Scotti.
12. On the coast between the northern and Venicnian Promontory, and as far as the mouth of the Rhebeus, dwelt the Venicnii. To them the contiguous islands owe their name. Their capital was Rheba. The Nagnatæ dwelt below the Rhebeus as far as the Libnius, and their celebrated metropolis was called after them. The Auterii lived in a recess of the bay of Ausoba, towards the south, and their chief city was named after them. The Concangii occupied the lower part of the same region, near the southern confines of which flowed the river Senus, a noble river, on which was situated their chief city Macobicum. Hibernia in this part being contracted, terminates in a narrow point. The Velatorii inhabited the country near the southern promontory by the river Senus; their metropolis was Regia, and their river Durius. The Lucani were situated where the river Ibernus flows into the ocean.
13. The southern side of the island stretched from the Promontorium Austriacum, or Southern Promontory, to the Sacred Promontory. Here lived the Ibernii, whose metropolis was Rhufina. Next was the river Dobona, and the people called Vodiæ, whose promontory of the same name lies opposite to the Promontorium Antivestæum in England, at about the distance of one hundred and forty-five miles. Not far from thence is the river Dabrona, the boundary of the Brigantes, who have also the river Briga for their limit, and whose chief city is called Brigantia.
14. The part of this island which reaches from the Sacred Promontory as far as Rhobogdium is called the Eastern. The Menapii, inhabiting the Sacred Promontory, had their chief city upon the river Modona called by the same name. From this part to Menapia[670] in Dimetia, the distance, according to Pliny, is thirty miles. One of these countries, but which is uncertain, gave birth to Carausius. Beyond these people the Cauci had their metropolis Dunum [Down]; and the river Oboca washed their boundaries. Both these nations were undoubtedly of Teutonic origin; but it is not known at what precise time their ancestors first passed over, though most probably a little while before Cæsar's arrival in Britain.
15. Beyond these were the Eblanæ, whose chief city was Mediolanum, upon the river Lœbius. More to the north was Lebarum, the city of the Voluntii, whose rivers were Vinderus and Buvinda. The Damnii occupied the part of the island lying above these people, and contiguous to the Rhobogdii. Their chief city was Dunum [Down], where St. Patrick, St. Columba, and St. Bridget are supposed to be buried in one tomb.
16. It remains now to give some account of those people who lived in the interior parts. The Coriondii bordered upon the Cauci and Menapii, above the Brigantes; the Scotti possessed the remaining part of the island, which from them took the name of Scotia. Among many of their cities, the remembrance of two only has reached our times: the one Rheba, on the lake and river Rhebeus; the other Ibernia, situated at the east side of the river Senus.
17. I cannot omit mentioning in this place that the Damnii, Voluntii, Brigantes, and Cangiani were all nations of British origin, who being either molested by neighbouring enemies, or unable to pay the heavy tribute exacted of them, gradually passed over into this country in search of new settlements. With respect to the Menapii, Cauci, and some other people, it has been before remarked that many things occur which cannot safely be relied upon. Tacitus relates that Hibernia was more frequented by foreigners than Albion. But in that case, the ancients would undoubtedly have left us a more ample and credible account of this island. While I am writing a description of Hibernia, it seems right to add, that it was reduced under the Roman power, not by arms, but by fear: and moreover, that Ptolemy, in his second map of Europe, and other celebrated geographers, have erred in placing it at too great a distance from Britain, and from the northern part of the province Secunda, as appears from their books and maps.
18. North of Hibernia are the Hebudes, five[671] in number, the inhabitants of which know not the use of corn, but live on fish and milk. They are all, according to Solinus, subject to one chief, for they are only divided from each other by narrow straits. The chief possessed no peculiar property but was maintained by general contribution: he was bound by certain laws; and lest avarice should seduce him from equity, he learned justice from poverty, having no house nor property, and being maintained at the public expense. He had no wife; but took by turns any woman for whom he felt an inclination, and hence had neither a wish nor hope for children. Some persons have written concerning these Hebudes, that during winter darkness continues for the space of thirty days? but Cæsar upon diligent inquiry found this assertion untrue, and only discovered by certain water-measures of time that the nights were shorter here than in Gaul.
19. The Orcades, according to some accounts, are distant from the Hebudes seven days and nights' sail; but this is erroneous. They are thirty in number, and contiguous to each other. They were uninhabited, without wood, and abounded with reeds: several were formed only of sand and rocks, as may be collected from Solinus and others.
20. Thule, the last of the British isles, is placed by Mela opposite to[672] the coast of the Belgæ. It has been celebrated in Greek and Roman verse. Thus the Mantuan Homer says,—
"Et tibi serviat ultima Thule."
Here are no nights during the solstice when the sun passes the sign of Cancer; and on the other hand, in the winter there are no days, as Pliny asserts. These circumstances are supposed to happen for six whole months. The inhabitants, as Solinus affirms, in the beginning of the spring live among their cattle upon herbs, then upon milk, and lay up fruits against the winter. They have their women in common without marriages. Thule, according to the same author, abounds in fruits. At the distance of a day's sail from Thule the sea is difficult to pass through, and frozen; it is by some called Cronium. From Thule to Caledonia is two days' sail.
21. The isle of Thanatos[673] is bounded by a narrow channel, and separated from the continent of Britain by a small estuary called the Wantsum.[674] It is rich in pasture and corn. According to Isiodorus, its soil is not only salubrious to itself, but to others, for no snakes live in it, and the earth being carried to a distance destroys them. It is not far distant from Rhutupis.[675]
22. The isle of Vecta,[676] conquered by Vespasian, is thirty miles in length, on the side next to the Belgæ, from east to west, and twelve from north to south. In the eastern part it is six miles, in the western three, from the above-mentioned southern shore of Britain.
23. Besides the isles just specified, there were VII Acmodæ,[677] Ricnea,[677A] Silimnus,[677B] Andros,[677C] Sigdiles,[677D] XL Vindilios,[677E] Sarna,[678] Cæsarea,[679] and Cassiterides. [680]
24. The island Sena, opposite the Ossismican[681] coast, is according to Mela famous for the oracle of the Gallic deity, of whom the priestesses, sanctified by perpetual virginity, are said to have been nine in number. The Gauls call them Senæ, and suppose them gifted with singular powers; that they raise the winds and the seas with incantations, change themselves into what animals they please, and cure disorders which in other places yield to no remedy; that they have the knowledge of future events, and prophesy. They are not favourable except to mariners, and only to such as go thither for the purpose of consulting them.
25. The rest of the isles of smaller size and consequence which lie round Albion will be better perceived and known by the inspection of the annexed map[682] than from any description. Here, therefore, we stop, and anxiously commend our labours to the favour and judgment of the benevolent reader.
The first book of the geographical Commentary on the situation of Britain, and those stations which the Romans erected in that island, is happily finished, through the assistance of God, by the hand of Richard, servant of Christ and monk of Westminster. Thanks be to God!
FOOTNOTES:
[666] As we have neither the assistance of an Itinerary to guide us in our researches, nor a local knowledge of Ireland, we have not attempted to specify the situation of the ancient states and cities in that island.
[667] Man.
[668] In the original is an error in the numerals, the number afterwards specified is fourteen.
[669] Nearly one-third of the words in the Irish tongue are the same as the modern Welsh, and many idioms and modes of speech are common to both languages.
[670] St. David's.
[671] The Hebudes amount to more than five. From hence it may perhaps be inferred that the Roman fleet in their voyage of discovery did not reach these seas, though they coasted the northern part of Scotland, for the Orcades are rightly numbered.
[672] Littori apposita, Richard. From the sense in which this phrase is generally used in geography, it might be rendered under the same meridian.
[673] Thanet.
[674] See Bede's Eccles. Hist. p. 37, note.
[675] Richborough.
[676] Wight.
[677] [677A] [677B] [677C] [677D] [677E] No geographer has hitherto attempted to ascertain the modern names of these islands.
[678] Guernsey.
[679] Jersey.
[680] Scilly Isles.
[681] From a tribe of the Veneti called Ossismii, who inhabited part of Bretagne.
[682] The map being no longer of any use, has been omitted in this edition.
BOOK II.
PREFACE.
We have thought proper to add as a supplement to the description of ancient Britain in the same summary manner—I. An epitome of chronology from the creation to the sack of Rome by the Goths: II. A short account of the Roman emperors, and governors, who presided over this country: III. Some persons will perhaps say that this kind of work is not absolutely necessary either for divine worship or greater things. But let them know that leisure hours may be dedicated to the study of the antiquities of our country without any derogation from the sacred character. Yet if censorious people envy us such pleasures at leisure hours, hastening to the end and almost arrived at the goal, we here check our steps.
CHAP. I.
IV. In the beginning, the Almighty Creator made this world, inhabited by us and other creatures, out of nothing, in the space of six days.
V. In the year of the world 1656, the Creator, to punish the increasing wickedness of mankind, sent a flood upon the earth, which, overwhelming the whole world, destroyed every living creature except those which had entered the ark, and whose progeny replenished the new world with colonies of living beings.
VI. 3000. About this time some persons affirm that Britain was cultivated and first inhabited, when it was visited by the Greek and Phœnician merchants. Nor are those wanting who believe that London was shortly after built by a king called Bryto.
VII. 3228. The brothers Romulus and Remus laid the foundation of Rome, which in time became the common terror of all nations.
VIII. 3600. The Senones, having emigrated from Britain, passed through Gaul, with the intent to invade Italy and attack Rome.
IX. 3650. The Belgæ entered this country, and the Celta occupied the region deserted by the Senones. Divitiacus king of the Ædui soon afterwards passed over with an army and subdued great part of this kingdom. About this time the Britons who were expelled by the Belgæ emigrated to Ireland, formed a settlement, and were thenceforward called Scoti.
X. 3943. Cassibelinus waged war with the maritime states.[683]
XI. 3946. Cæsar overcame the Germans, Gauls, and also the Britons, to whom, before this time, even the name of the Romans was unknown. The conqueror, having received hostages, rendered the people tributary.
XII. 3947. At length coming a second time into this country, upon the invitation, as he pretended, of the Trinobantes, he waged war with Cassibelinus king of the Cassii. Suetonius, however, asserts, with greater probability, that he was allured by the costly pearls of Britain.
XIII. 4044. The emperor Claudius passed over to Britain, and in the space of six months, almost without effusion of blood, reduced a great part of the island, which he ordered to be called Cæsariensis.
XIV. 4045. Vespasian, at that time in a private station, being sent by the emperor Claudius with the second legion into this country, attacked the Belgæ and Damnonii, and having fought thirty-two battles and taken twenty cities, reduced them under the Roman power, together with the Isle of Wight.
XV. 4047. The Romans occupied Thermæ and Glebon.
XVI. 4050. Ostorius the Roman general, after a war of nine years, overcame Caractacus king of the Silures, great part of Britain was reduced into a province, and the colony of Camalodunum founded.
XVII. 4052. Certain cities of the Belgæ were yielded by the Romans to Cogibundus, that he might form a kingdom. About this time the Cangi and Brigantes went over and settled in Ireland.
XVIII. 4061. The emperor Nero, having no courage for military enterprises, nearly lost Britain; for under him its two greatest cities were taken and destroyed. Bonduica, in order to revenge the injury offered to her by the Romans, rose in arms, burned the Roman colonies of London, Camalodunum, and the municipal town Verulamium, and slew more than eighty thousand Roman citizens. She was at length overcome by Suetonius, who amply avenged the loss, by slaughtering an equal number of her subjects.
XIX. 4073. Cerealis conquered the Brigantes.
XX. 4076. Frontinus punished the Ordovices.
XXI. 4080. Agricola after a severe engagement subdued Galgacus king of the Caledonians. He ordered all the island to be examined by a fleet, and having sailed round its coasts, added the Orcades to the Roman empire.
XXII. 4120. The emperor Hadrian himself came into the island, and separated one part of it from the other by an immense wall.
XXIII. 4140. Urbicus being sent hither by Antoninus Pius, distinguished himself by his victories.
XXIV. 4150. Aurelius Antoninus also obtained victories over some of the Britons.
XXV. 4160. Britain was enlightened by the introduction of Christianity, during the reign of Lucius, who first submitted himself to the cross of Christ.
XXVI. 4170. The Romans were driven from the Vespasian province. About this time it is supposed that king Reuda came with his people, the Picts, from the islands into Britain.
XXVII. 4207. The emperor Severus, passing over into Britain, repaired the wall built by the Romans, which had been ruined, and died not long after, by the visitation of God, at York.
XXVIII. 4211. Bassianus (Caracalla) obtained a venal peace from the Mæatæ.
XXIX. 4220. During these times the Roman armies confined themselves within the wall, and all the island enjoyed a profound peace.
XXX. 4290. Carausius, having assumed the purple, seized upon Britain; but ten years afterwards it was recovered by Asclepiodotus.
XXXI. 4304. A cruel and inveterate persecution, in which within the space of a month seventeen thousand martyrs suffered in the cause of Christ. This persecution spread over the sea, and the Britons, Alban, Aaron, and Julius, with great numbers of men and women, were condemned to a happy death.
XXXII. 4306. Constantius, a man of the greatest humanity, having conquered Allectus, died at Eboracum in the sixteenth year of his reign.
XXXIII. 4307. Constantine, afterwards called the Great, son of Constantius by Helena, a British woman, was created emperor in Britain; and Ireland voluntarily became tributary to him.
XXXIV. 4320. The Scoti entered Britain under the conduct of the king Fergusius, and here fixed their residence.
XXXV. Theodosius slew Maximus the tyrant three miles from Aquileia. Maximus having nearly drained Britain of all its warlike youth, who followed the footsteps of his tyranny over Gaul, the fierce transmarine nations of the Scots from the south, and the Picts from the north, perceiving the island without soldiers and defenceless, oppressed it and laid it waste during a long series of years.
XXXVI. 4396. The Britons indignantly submitting to the attacks of the Scots and Picts, sent to Rome, made an offer of submission, and requested assistance against their enemies. A legion being accordingly despatched to their assistance, slew a great multitude of the barbarians, and drove the remainder beyond the confines of Britain. The legion, upon its departure homewards, advised its allies to construct a wall between the two estuaries, to restrain the enemy. A wall was accordingly made in an unskilful manner, with a greater proportion of turf than stone, which was of no advantage; for on the departure of the Romans the former enemies returned in ships, slew, trampled on, and devoured all things before them like a ripened harvest.
XXXVII. 4400. Assistance being again entreated, the Romans came, and with the aid of the Britons drove the enemy beyond sea, and built a wall from sea to sea, not as before with earth, but with solid stone, between the fortresses erected in that part to curb the enemy. On the southern coast, where an invasion of the Saxons was apprehended, he erected watch towers. This was the work of Stilicho, as appears from Claudian.
XXXVIII. 4411. Rome, the seat of the fourth and greatest of the monarchies, was seized by the Goths, as Daniel prophesied, in the year one thousand one hundred and sixty-four after its foundation.
From this time ceased the Roman empire in Britain, four hundred and sixty-five years after the arrival of Julius Cæsar.
XXXIX. 4446. The Roman legion retiring from Britain, and refusing to return, the Scots and Picts ravaged all the island from the north as far as the wall, the guards of which being slain, taken prisoners, or driven away, and the wall itself broken through, the predatory enemy then poured into the country. An epistle was sent filled with tears and sorrows to Fl. Ætius, thrice consul, in the twenty-third year of Theodosius, begging the assistance of the Roman power, but without effect.
FOOTNOTES:
[683] Probably from Cæsar, though the precise date seems to be fixed without authority.—Cæs. de Bell. Gall. lib. v., § 9.
CHAP. II.
1. Having followed truth as far as possible, if any thing should occur not strictly consistent with it, I request it may not be imputed to me as a fault. Confining myself closely to the rules and laws of history, I have collected all the accounts of other persons which I found most accurate and deserving of credit. The reader must not expect any thing beyond an enumeration of those emperors and Roman governors who had authority over this island. With an account of these I shall close my book.
2. Julius Cæsar the dictator was the first of the Romans who invaded Britain with an army, during the reign of Cassibelinus; but, although he defeated the inhabitants in one battle, and occupied the coast, as Tacitus observes, he rather seems to have shown the way to his successors than to have given them possession.
3. In a short time the civil wars succeeding, the arms of the chiefs were turned against the republic. Britain was also long neglected by the advice of Augustus and the command of Tiberius. It is certain that Caligula intended to enter Britain; but his quick temper and proneness to change, or the unsuccessful attempts against the Germans, prevented him.
4. Claudius, however, carried war into Britain which no Roman emperor since Julius Cæsar had reached, and, having transported his legions and allies without danger or bloodshed, in a few days reduced a part of the island. He afterwards sent over Vespasian, at that time in a private station, who fought two and thirty battles with the enemy, and added to the Roman empire two very powerful nations, with their kings, twenty cities, and the isle of Vecta, contiguous to Britain. He overcame the remainder by means of Cneas Sentius and Aulus Plautius. For these exploits he obtained a great triumph.
5. To him succeeded Ostorius Scapula, a man famous in war, who reduced the nearest part of Britain into a province, and added the colony of the veterans, Camalodunum. Certain cities were delivered up to the chief Cogibundus, who, according to Tacitus, remained faithful till the accession of Trajan to the empire.
6. Avitus Didius Gallus kept possession of what his predecessors had acquired, a few posts only being removed further into the interior, in order to obtain the credit of extending his dominion.
7. Didius Verannius, who succeeded, died within a year.
8. Suetonius Paulinus continued prosperous for two years. The tribes being reduced and garrisons established, he attacked the isle of Mona, because it gave succour to the rebellious and afforded opportunities for invasion. For the absence of the governor removing all fear, the Britons began to recover courage, and rose in arms under the conduct of Bonduica, a woman of royal descent. Having reduced the troops scattered in the garrisons, they attacked the colony[684] itself, as the seat of slavery, and in the height of rage and victory, exercised every species of savage barbarity. Had not Paulinus, on receiving the intelligence, luckily hastened to crush the revolt, Britain must have been lost. But the fortune of one battle restored it to its former submission. Many of the natives, from the consciousness of their defection, and fear of the governor, continued under arms.
9. Suetonius, in other respects an illustrious man, but arrogant to the vanquished and prompt to avenge his own injuries, being likely to exercise severity, he was replaced by Petronius Turpilianus, who was more merciful, a stranger to the offences of the enemy, and therefore more likely to be softened by their repentance. Having settled the disturbances, he gave up the province to Trebellius Maximus.
10. Trebellius, being of a slothful disposition and unused to war, retained the province by gentleness. The barbarous Britons ceasing to be ignorant of luxury, and the termination of civil wars, gave him an excuse for inactivity. But discord called forth his exertions; for the soldiery, when released from military labours, grew wanton from too much rest. Trebellius, having evaded the rage of the army by flight, was shortly allowed to resume the command, the licentiousness of the soldiery becoming as it were a composition for the safety of the general. This sedition ended without bloodshed.
11. Nor did Vectius Bolanus, although the civil wars still continued, harass Britain by restoring discipline. There was the same inactivity towards the enemy, and the same insubordination in the garrisons; but Bolanus, being a good man and not disliked, acquired affection instead of authority.
12. But when, with the rest of the world, Vespasian had recovered Britain, we see distinguished generals, famous armies, and the enemy dispirited: Petilius Cerealis immediately excited terror by attacking the state of the Brigantes, which was esteemed the most populous of the province. Many battles were fought, some of which were bloody, and a great part of the Brigantian territory was either conquered or invaded.
13. But although Cerealis had diminished the care and fame of his successor, the burden was sustained by Julius Frontinus, a man of high courage. Overcoming at once the spirit of the enemy and the difficulties of the country, he subjugated the warlike and powerful nation of the Silures.
14. To him succeeded Agricola, who not only maintained the peace of the province; but for seven years carried on war against the Caledonians and their warlike king Galgacus. He thus added to the Roman empire nations hitherto unknown.
15. But Domitian, envying the superior glory of Agricola, recalled him, and sent his lieutenant Lucullus into Britain, because he had suffered lances of a new form to be named Luculleas after him.
16. His successor was Trebellius, under whom the two provinces, namely, Vespasiana and Mæata, were wrested from the Roman government; for the Romans gave themselves up to luxury.
17. About this time the emperor Hadrian visiting this island, erected a wall justly wonderful, and left Julius Severus his deputy in Britain.
18. From this time nothing worthy of attention is related, until Antoninus Pius carried on so many wars by his generals. He conquered the Britons by means of Lollius Urbicus, the proprætor, and Saturninus, prefect of the fleet, and, the barbarians being driven back, another wall was built. He recovered the province afterwards called Valentia.
19. Pius dying, Aurelius Antoninus gained many victories over the Britons and Germans.
20. On the death of Antoninus, when the Romans deemed their acquisitions insufficient, they suffered a great defeat under Marcellus.
21. To him succeeded Pertinax, who conducted himself as an able general.
22. The next was Clodius Albinus, who contended with Severus for the sceptre and purple.
23. After these, the first who enjoyed the title of lieutenant was Virius Lupus: he did not perform many splendid actions; for his glory was intercepted by the unconquerable Severus, who, having rapidly put the enemy to flight, repaired the wall of Hadrian, now become ruinous, and restored it to its former perfection. Had he lived, he intended to extirpate the very name of the barbarians; but he died by the visitation of God, among the Brigantes, in the city of Eboracum.
24. Alexander succeeded, who gained some victories in the East, and died at Edessa.
25. His successors were the lieutenants Lucilianus, M. Furius, N. Philippus *********, who, if we except the preservation of the boundaries, performed hardly any thing worthy of notice.
26. Afterwards
FOOTNOTES:
[684] Camalodunum.
[APPENDIX.—No. I.]
COMMENTARY ON THE ITINERARY.
No people are so barbarous as to be totally destitute of the means of internal communication; and in proportion as they become more civilized and have more intercourse with other nations, these means are augmented and facilitated. By the early accounts of the Britons it appears that they maintained a considerable foreign commerce, that they had formed towns or large communities, and used chariots for warlike, and undoubtedly for civil purposes. Hence it is evident that their internal communications must have been free and numerous. We need not therefore be surprised, if, after the lapse of so many centuries, marks of such British roads appear even at present to a careful observer, differing in many respects from the roads subsequently made by the Romans, and traversing the island in every direction.
These ancient ways may be distinguished from those made by the Romans by unequivocal marks.
I. They are not raised nor paved, nor always straight; but often wind along the tops or sides of the chains of hills which lie in their course.
II. They do not lead to Roman towns, or notice such towns, except when placed on the sites of British fortresses.
III. They are attended by tumuli like those of the Romans; but usually throw out branches, which, after running parallel for some miles, are reunited to the original stem.
When the Romans obtained a footing in this island, they directed all their operations, according to their practice, by military principles. They civilized indeed as they conquered, but conquest was their principal object. Hence, as each tribe was successively subdued, they fortified such primary posts as were best adapted to support their future operations, established secondary posts to secure their communications, and connected the whole by military ways. From local circumstances, and the principles of war, their primary posts were either at or near the sites of the British towns, or on the principal rivers. If therefore the British towns and trackways were suited to their purposes, they adopted them; if not, they constructed others. But both their towns and roads differed materially from those of the original inhabitants. The Romans in their towns or fortresses followed the system of their own castrametation, in like manner as in modern warfare the construction of permanent and temporary works is guided by the same general principles. These towns are of a regular figure, bounded by lines as straight as the shape of the ground will permit, generally square or oblong, and consisting commonly in a single wall and ditch, unless in positions peculiarly dangerous, or where local circumstances rendered additional defences necessary. On the contrary the British towns, which were occupied by the Romans, although irregularly shaped, still partake of their original figure.
Specimens of the first kind, or perfect Roman towns, may be seen in Colchester, Winchester, Caerleon, Caerwent, Castor near Norwich, and all the military stations bordering on the wall of Severus. Of the latter, in Bath, Silchester, Kentchester, Canterbury, and other places.
Similar marks of difference between the original British trackways and the Roman roads appear in the Foss, and the Iknield Street;—the latter, during the greater part of its course, keeping along the chain of hills which lay in its way, not leading decidedly to Roman towns, throwing out parallel branches, attended always with tumuli, still bearing its British name, and appearing from its direction to have been made for commercial purposes.
On the other hand the adopted roads, but more especially those made by the Romans themselves, are distinguished by peculiar marks. Posts or towns are placed on them at nearly regular distances, seldom exceeding twenty miles, the length of a single march, and also at the point where two roads intersect each other, or where several roads diverge. These roads are elevated with surprising labour to the height of ten feet, and sometimes even more, instances of which may be seen on the heath near Woodyates Inn in Dorsetshire, near Old Sarum on the side of Ford, in Chute Park, Wilts, between Ancaster and Lincoln, and still more remarkably on Bramham Moor, near Tadcaster in Yorkshire. They were formed of materials often brought from a considerable distance, such as chalk, pebbles, or gravel; and the most considerable are paved with stones, which are visible to this day. Tumuli also, which seem to have been the direction-posts of antiquity, attended their course, and occur in almost every instance where a road descends a hill, approaches a station, or throws off a branch. Another peculiarity of the Roman ways is their straight direction, from which they seldom deviate, except to avoid a rapid ascent or descent, to throw off another road, or to approach a station, which, from the circumstances before mentioned, had been fixed out of the general line. Of this there is a curious instance where the Foss, in approaching Cirencester from the north, meets the Akeman Street, bearing to the same point from the north-east, and evidently bends out of its course to join and enter the station with it.
Of many of the Roman roads, not only in England, but in the greater part of the Roman empire, an account has been preserved under the name of the Itinerary of Antoninus, which specifies the towns or stations on each road, and shows the distances between them. This record was long supposed to be a public directory or guide for the march of soldiers; but if this were the case, it is extremely confused and imperfect. It often omits in one Iter or journey towns which are directly in its course, and yet specifies them in another, as may be seen in the first, second, sixth, and eighth Iters. It traces the same road more than once, and passes unnoticed some of the most remarkable roads in the island, namely a great part of the Foss, and the whole of the Via Devana (a road from Colchester to Chester.) Hence this Itinerary has been more justly considered as the heads of a journal formed by some traveller or officer, who visited the different parts of the empire from business or duty; and, as Mr. Reynolds conjectures with great appearance of probability, in the suite of the emperor Adrian. In this light it may be considered as copious, and the advantages which it has afforded to the antiquary will be gratefully and universally acknowledged. Still, however, from the incoherence which appears in that part relating to our island, and from the mutilated copies which have been found, there is reason to imagine that the whole of this interesting record has not escaped the ravages of time.
Such an itinerary, but varying in many respects from that of Antonine, is one of the most important parts of the work now presented to the reader.
In fixing the sites of the towns specified in these Itineraries, our antiquaries have assumed the most unjustifiable latitude. The mere resemblance of a name was considered as a reason sufficient to outweigh all others; even the great Camden suffered himself to be misled by this resemblance, in fixing Ariconium at Kentchester, Camalodunum at Maldon, Bennavenna at Bensford, Pons Ælii at Pont Eland, and Ad-Pontem at Paunton. The explanation of the names to suit the supposed situation has been another fruitful source of error; not only British and Latin, but Saxon, Greek, and even Hebrew, have been exhausted to discover significant appellations; and where one language was not sufficient, half a word has been borrowed from one language and half from another to support a favourite hypothesis.[685] The commentary now presented to the reader is founded on the following principles.
I. The vestiges of roads actually existing are taken as much as possible for guides; and the extremes or direction of each Iter, ascertained from two or more undoubted stations, or other unequivocal proofs.
II. In general, no place is regarded as the site of a Roman station, unless fixed Roman remains, such as buildings, baths, &c. are found at or near it; and unless it is situated on or near the line of a Roman road.
III. An exception has, however, been sometimes unavoidably made to this rule. After the Romans had established their power, and completed their system of internal communication, they undoubtedly lessened the number of their garrisons, to avoid either too great a division of their force, or to reduce that part of it which was necessarily stationary. Hence we have sometimes considered the direction of the road, and the general distance, as sufficient data for determining a station or stations, either when they were situated between two considerable fortified points, or when covered by others on every side; because it is probable such posts were merely temporary, and were dilapidated or demolished, even before the decline of the Roman power.
IV. In assigning a specific Roman name to a place, it has not been deemed sufficient that fixed antiquities or other equivalent evidence prove a town to have existed on the spot, unless the order of the names, and the distances marked in the Itinerary, justify the appellation.
V. Where the line of the Roman road is tolerably perfect, no station is sought far from it, except where the excess of the Itinerary over the real distance, or accurate measurement, affords sufficient authority for the deviation.
VI. The numbers which determine the distances being written in Roman numerals, which gave great latitude for error[686] and substitutions, recourse has been had to this rule.
Where the road still exists, the whole intermediate space between two stations already determined, has been examined to discover what places, from their relative distance, from their site, or the antiquities found in them, have the fairest claim to be considered as Roman posts; and to such places the names have been affixed according to the evidence afforded in the Itinerary.
After this development of the principles on which we have proceeded in our examination, it is necessary to add a few observations on the Roman mile, the standard of measurement used in compiling the Itineraries; because many difficulties in determining the stations arise from our uncertainty respecting its real length. It may indeed appear easy to ascertain this point, by a careful measurement of the space between two military columns, still existing on any known Roman road. But in Britain such an experiment has been hitherto impracticable; for the columns in our island have been so universally defaced or removed, that, far from two existing on the same road, only one has been found[687] whose original station is known with any degree of certainty. In France and Italy many of these columns still exist, and Danville has adduced three instances in Languedoc, in which the distances between them accurately measured amounted in one to 756, in another to 753, and in a third to 752 toises and two feet. The average 754 toises and two feet, seems to determine the length of the Roman mile with sufficient precision; and the result is confirmed by a comparison with the Roman foot, still preserved in the capitol; for the exact length of the miles between the military columns on the Appian way, in the neighbourhood of Rome, as measured by Bianchini, was 5010 of these Roman feet, which reduced to toises is 756 toises four feet and a half. From these results Danville estimates the Roman mile at 755 toises, or 1593 yards[688] English measure.
Unfortunately this mensuration does not lessen the difficulties of the English antiquary; for the distance between any two of our known stations, if measured by this standard, disagrees in almost every instance with the numbers of the Itineraries. Different conjectures have been advanced to solve this difficulty. One, supported by the respectable authority of Horsley, is, that the Romans measured only the horizontal distance, without regarding the inequalities of the surface; or that the space between station and station was ascertained from maps accurately constructed. This idea receives some support from a fact acknowledged by every British antiquary, namely, that the Itinerary miles bear a regular proportion to the English miles on plains, but fall short of them in hilly grounds. Another opinion is, that the Itinerary miles were not measured by an invariable standard, but in the distant provinces were derived from the common measures of the country. In support of this conjecture a supposed coincidence between the computed and measured miles, noticed by Horsley and others, has been adduced; but if this were the case, there would not be so exact a conformity between the miles of France and Italy as appears in the instance before mentioned.
To remove, however, as many causes of error as possible, considerable pains have been taken to correct the numbers, by a comparison of all the earliest and most authentic copies of the Itinerary. These are: The Itinerary of Talbot, published in Leland's works. That of Camden. Two copies by Harrison, published first in Hollingshed, and republished by Burton. That of Gale. That of Surita, who collated five copies, four of which he thus designates:—1. Bibliothecæ Regiæ ad D. Laurent. vetustisa. Codex Ovetensis Æra IƆƆCCCCXX descriptus. 2. Bibliothecæ Blandiniæ pervetustus codex a CCCC. circiter annis transcriptus. 3. Bibliothecæ Neapolitanorum Regum qui post cardinalis de Ursinis fuit anno M.CCCCXXVII. exscriptus. 4. Christophori Longolii exemplar ab H. Stephano. Parisiis editum, anno M.IƆXII.
As the Roman posts and roads were in a great degree connected with, or derived from, the British towns and trackways, we proceed to trace first the course of the British roads which still exist, and to specify the towns whose sites are known, premising that of the ninety-two capital towns of the Britons commemorated by historians, the names of only eighty-eight have been preserved.
The British ways were,—
1. The Watling Street, or Irish road, in two branches, northern and southern.
2. The Iknield Street, or road of the Iceni, the inhabitants of the eastern coast.
3. The Ryknield Street, leading through the country of the Upper Iceni or Coritani.
4. The Ermyn Street, leading from the coast of Sussex to the south-east part of Scotland.
5. The Akeman Street, or intermediate road between the Iknield and Ryknield Street.
6. The Upper Salt-way, leading from the salt-mines at Droitwich to the coast of Lincolnshire.
7. The Lower Salt-way, leading from the same mines to the south eastern coast.
8. A road which appears to have skirted the western coast, as the Ermyn Street did the eastern.
Besides these, there is reason to conjecture from several detached pieces, that another road followed the shores round the island.
WATLING STREET.
The south-eastern branch of the Watling Street proceeded from Richborough on the coast of Kent, to Canterbury; and from thence, nearly in the line of the present turnpike, towards Rochester. It left that city to the right, passed the Medway by a ford, and ran almost straight, through lord Darnley's park, to Southfleet. It bent to the left to avoid the marshes near London, continued along a road now lost to Holwood Hill, the capital of the Rhemi, and then followed the course of the present road to London.—Having crossed the Thames, it ran by Edgeware to Verulam; and from thence, with the present great Irish road, through Dunstable and Towcester to Weedon. Hence, instead of bending to the left, with the present turnpike, it proceeded straight by Dovebridge, High Cross, Fazeley, Wall, and Wellington, to Wroxeter. It then passed the Severn, and continued by Rowton, Pen y Pont, and Bala, to Tommen y Mawr, where it divided into two branches. One ran by Beth Gellert to Caernarvon and Anglesea, the other by Dolwyddelan, through the mountains to the banks of the Menai, where it joined the north-eastern branch (which will be presently described), and ended at Holy Head, the great port of the Irish.
In its course are the British towns Rhutupis, Richborough, Durovernum, Canterbury, Durobrivæ, Rochester, Noviomagus, Holwood Hill, Trinobantum, London, Verolamium, St. Alban's, Durocobrivæ, Dunstable, Uriconium, Wroxeter, Mediolanum on the banks of the Tanad, Segontium, Caer Segont, and possibly a town, of which the name is lost, at Holy Head.
The north-western branch of the Watling Street, coming from the interior of Scotland by Cramond and Jedburgh, enters England at Chew Green, and continues by Riechester to Corbridge. There, crossing the Tyne, it ran through Ebchester, Lanchester, and Binchester, and passed the Tees by a ford near Pierce Bridge. Hence it went by Catteric, Newton, Masham, and Kirby Malside to Ilkley, and near Halifax to Manchester. Over the moors between these two last places it is called the Devil's Causeway. From Manchester, where it passed the Mersey, it proceeded by Street, Northwich, Chester, Caerhun, and over the mountains to Aber, where it fell into the south-western branch, in its course to Holy Head.
On it were the British towns, Bremenium, Riechester, Epiacum, Lanchester, Vinovium, Binchester, Cutaractonis, Catterick, Olicana, Ilkley, and Deva, Chester.
THE IKNIELD STREET,
Or road of the Iceni, proceeds from the coast near Great Yarmouth. Passing through Taesborough, it runs by Icklingham and Newmarket, and, skirting the chain of hills which stretches through Cambridgeshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Oxfordshire, continues by Bournbridge to Icoldon and Royston (where it intersects the Ermyn Street). Thence it proceeds by Baldock, over Wilbury Hill, to Dunstable (where it crosses the Watling Street), Tring, Wendover, Elsborough, near Risborough Chinor, Watlington, Woodcote, and Goring, and, passing the Thames at Streetly, throws off a collateral branch, which will be noticed under the name of the Ridgeway. From hence it proceeded, as Stukeley imagined, by Aldworth, Newbury Street, Ashmansworth, Tangley, and Tidworth, to Old Sarum. Thence by the two Stratfords, across Vernditch Chase, Woodyates Inn, the Gussages, Badbury, Shapwick, Shitterton, Maiden Castle, Eggardon, Bridport, Axminster, Honiton, Exeter, Totness, &c., to the Land's End.
The collateral branch called the Ridgeway, ran from Streetly along the hills, by Cuckhamsley Hill, Whitehorse Hill, and Ashbury, towards Abury, from whence its course is unknown. Possibly it ran towards Glastonbury. From Elworthy barrows, above Taunton, it passes south-westerley into Devonshire, and from Stretton in Cornwall, it kept along the ridge of hills to Redruth and the Land's End.
The British towns on this way were Ad Taum, Taesborough, the ancient capital of the Iceni Magni, Durocobrivæ, Dunstable, Sorbiodunum, Old Sarum, Durinum, probably Maiden Castle, Isca, Exeter, Tamara, a post on the Tamar, Voluba on the Fowey, and Cenia on the Fal.
On the Ridgeway, possibly Avalonia, Glastonbury, Termolus, by some supposed to be Molland in Devon, Artavia, ... Musidum, near Stratton, and Halangium, Carnbre.
RYKNIELD STREET,
Or street of the upper Iceni, said to begin at the mouth of the Tyne, ran by Chester le Street to Binchester, where it joined the Watling Street, and continued with it to Catterick. Then, bearing more easterly, it ran with the present great northern road to within two miles of Borough Bridge, where it left the turnpike to the right, and crossed the Eure to Aldborough. From thence it went by Coptgrave, Ribston, Spofforth, through Stokeld Park, to Thorner, Medley, Foleby, Bolton, Graesborough, Holme, Great Brook near Tretown, Chesterfield, Alfreton, Little Chester, Egginton, to Burton, and Wall (where it crossed the Watling Street). Thence through Sutton Colefield, to Birmingham, King's Norton, Alchester, Bitford, Sedgebarrow, Tewkesbury, Glocester, Lidney, Chepstow, and probably by Abergavenny, Brecon, Landilo, and Caermarthen to St. David's.
It passed the British towns of Vinovium, Binchester, Cataracton, Catterick, Isurium, Aldborough, Etocetum, Wall, Alauna, Alcester, Glevum, Glocester, Maridunum, Caermarthen, and Menapia, St. David's.
THE ERMYN STREET
Came from the eastern side of Scotland, and, crossing the Tweed west of Berwick, ran near Wooler, Hedgely, Brumpton, Brinkburn, Netherwittern, Hartburn, and Rial, to Corbridge, where it joined the North Watling Street. Passing with that Way the two great rivers the Tyne and the Tees, it continued to Catterick, where it divided into two branches.
The western branch went with the Ryknield Street as far as Aldborough, and then, leaving that way to the right, proceeded by Little Ousebourn, to Helensford, over Bramham Heath, to Aberford, Castleford, Houghton, Stapleton, Adwick, Doncaster, Bawtry, and probably by Tuxford, Southwell, and over the Trent to Thorp (where it passed the Foss), Staunton, and Stainby, where it joined the
Eastern branch. This branch ran from Catterick by North Allerton, Thirsk, Easingwold, Stamford Bridge, Market Weighton, and South Cave, and, crossing the Humber, continued by Wintringham, Lincoln, and Ancaster, to near Witham, when it was reunited with the western branch above-mentioned. Both continued to Brig Casterton, near Stamford, Chesterton, Stilton, Godmanchester, Royston (where it crossed the Icknield Street), Buntingford, Puckeridge, Ware Park, west of Roxbourn, Cheshunt, Enfield, Wood Green, and London. Here it again divided into two branches. The more westerly went by Dorking, Coldharbour, Stone Street, and Pulborough to Chichester; while the easterly was continued by Bromley, Holwood Hill, Tunbridge Wells, Wadhurst, Mayfield, and Eastbourn, to Pevensey.
On it were the British towns Vinovium, Binchester, Cataractonis, Catterick, Isurium, Aldborough, Lindum, Lincoln, Durnomagus, Castor near Peterborough, Trinovantum, London, Regentium or Regnum, Chichester, Noviomagus, Holwood Hill, and Anderida Portus, Pevensey.
AKEMAN STREET
Appears to have passed from the eastern side of the island, probably by Bedford, Newport Pagnel, Stony Stratford, and Buckingham (or as others think by Fenny Stratford and Winsborough), to Alcester. It then ran by Kirklington, Woodstock, Stonefield Astall and Coln St. Alwin's, to Cirencester, Rodmarton, Cherrington, Bagspath, and Symonds' Hall. From thence it is said to be continued by Cromehall to Aust, where, passing the Severn, it probably ran through Caerwent, Caerleon, and along the coast by Caerdiff, Neath, Lwghor, to Caermarthen, and the Irish port at St. David's.
The British towns were Corinum, Cirencester, Venta Silurum, Caerwent, Isca, Caerleon, Maridunum, Caermarthen, and Menapia, St. David's.
THE UPPER SALT-WAY,
Which appears to have been the communication between the sea coast of Lincolnshire and the Salt-mines at Droitwich. It is first known as leading from the neighbourhood of Stainsfield, towards Paunton and Denton, and then running not far from Saltby and Croxton, is continued straight by Warmby and Grimston, to Sedgehill on the Foss. Here it appears to bear towards Barrow on the Soar, and crossing Charnwood Forest, is again seen at Stretton on the borders of Warwickshire, from whence it is easily traced to Birmingham and over the Lickey to Droitwich.
British town Salinæ, Droitwich.
The Second Salt-way is little known, although the parts here described have been actually traced. It came from Droitwich, crossed Worcestershire under the name of the Salt-way, appears to have passed the Avon, somewhere below Evesham, tended towards the chain of hills above Sudeley Castle, where it is still visible, attended by tumuli as it runs by Hawling. Thence it proceeds to Northleach, where it crossed the Foss, in its way to Coln St. Aldwin's, on the Akeman Street, and led to the sea coast of Hampshire.
Venta Belgarum, Winchester, and Portus Magnus, Porchester, or Clausentum, Bittern near Southampton—were probably situated in its course.
In many places are vestiges of a continued road skirting the western side of the island, in the same manner as the Ermyn Street did the eastern, of which parts were never adopted by the Romans. There is great reason to suppose it British, because it connects many of the British towns. It appears to have commenced on the coast of Devon, perhaps not far from the mouth of the Ex, and to have gone by Exeter, Taunton, Bridgewater, Bristol, Glocester, Kidderminster, Claverley, Weston, High Offley, Betley, Middlewich, Northwich, Warrington, Preston, Lancaster. Here probably dividing into two branches, one ran by Kendal, Penrith, and Carlisle, to the extreme parts of the island, while the other passed, by Kirby Lonsdale and Orton, to Kirby Thure, from whence it continued under the name of the Maiden-way, by the Wall and Bewcastle into the interior parts of Scotland. On this Street were Isca, Exeter, Uxella, possibly near Bridgewater, Glevum, Gloucester, Brannogenium, Worcester, Salinæ, Droitwich, Coccium, Blackrode, and Luguballium, Carlisle.
Besides these, and the separate communications between the different towns, there is reason to imagine that a general road ran round the whole coast of the island, parts of which have been observed near the southern coast of Dorsetshire, particularly from Abbotsbury to the isle of Purbeck; likewise in Hampshire, along Portsdown Hill; and from Old Winchester through Sussex, on the tops of the hills between Midhurst and Chichester, to Arundel and Brighthelmstone. Also in Essex from Maldon to Colchester, and in Suffolk by Stretford, Ipswich, Stretford, and Blythburgh, to the banks of the Yar. In Lincolnshire are two branches, one running clearly from Tattersal, by Horncastle, Ludford, Strinton, Caistor, and Somerby, and a second nearer to the coast from Lowth towards Brocklesby, and both tending to the passage of the Humber, not far from Barton. Also along the principal part of the coast through Yorkshire, Durham, and Northumberland. On the western side of the island it appears to have passed on the hills which skirt the northern coast of Devonshire and Somersetshire, and possibly might be traced through Wales and towards Scotland.
As the original text of so important a document as Richard's Itinerary is essential to the thorough comprehension of its meaning, it is here subjoined: it follows after the end of [Chapter VII].
DIAPHRAGMATA.
Iter I. Rhutupia is prima in Britannia insula civitas versus Galliam apud Cantios sita a Gessoriago Bonnoniæ portu, unde commodissimus in supradictam insulam transitus obtingit, CCCCL. stadia, vel ut alii volunt XLVI. mille passuum remota: ab eadem civitate ducta est via Guethelinga dicta, usque in Segontium per m.p. CCCXXIIII. plus minus sic:—Cantiopoli, quæ et Duroverno, m.p. X. Durosevo XII. Duroprovis XXV. deinde m.p. XXVII. transis Thamesin intrasque provinciam Flaviam et civitatem Londinium (Augustam), Sulo Mago m.p. VIIII. Verolamio municipio XII. unde fuit Amphibalus et Albanus Martyres. Foro Dianæ XII. Magio Vinio XII. Lactorodo XII. Isanta Varia XII. Tripontio XII. Benonis VIIII. Hic bisecatur via, alterutrumque ejus brachium Lindum usque, alterum versus Viriconium protenditur, sic: Manduessuedo m.p. XII. Etoceto XIII. Pennocrucio XII. Uxaconia XII. Virioconio XI. Banchorio XXVI. Deva Colonia X. Fines Flaviæ et Secundæ, Varis m.p. XXX. Conovio XX. Seguntio XXIIII.
Iter II. A Seguntio Virioconium usque, m.p. LXXIII. sic:—Heriri monte m.p. XXV. Mediolano XXV. Rutunio XII. Virioconio XI.
Iter III. A Londinio Lindum coloniam usque, sic: Durosito m.p. XII. Cæsaro Mago XVI. Canonio XV. Camaloduno colonia VIIII. ibi erat templum Claudii, arx triumphalis, et imago Victoriæ deæ. Ad Sturium amnem m.p. VI. et finibus Trinobantum Cenimannos advenis, Cambretonio m.p. XV. Sito Mago XXII. Venta Cenom. XXIII.... Camborico colonia XX. Durali ponte XX. Durno Mago XX. Isinnis XX. Lindo XX.
Iter IV. A Lindo ad Vallum usque, sic:—Argolico m.p. XIIII. Dano XX. Ibi intras Maximam Cæsariensem, Legotio m.p. XVI. Eboraco municip. olim colonia sexta m.p. XXI. Isurio XVI. Cattaractoni XXIIII. ad Tisam X. Vinovio XII. Epiaco XVIIII. ad Murum VIIII. trans Murum intras Valentiam. Alauna amne m.p. XXV. Tueda flumine XXX. ad Vallum....
Iter V. A limite Præturiam usque, sic:—Curia m.p.... ad Fines m.p.... Bremenio m.p.... Corstoplio XX. Vindomora VIIII. Vindovio XVIIII. Cattaractoni XXII. Eboraco XL. Derventione VII. Delgovicia XIII. Præturio XXV.
Iter VI. Ab Eboraco Devam usque, sic:—Calcaria m.p. VIIII. Camboduno XXII. Mancunio XVIII. Finibus Maximæ et Flaviæ m.p. XVIII. Condate XVIII. Deva XVIII.
Iter VII. A Portu Sistuntiorum Eboracum usque, sic:—Rerigonio m.p. XXIII. ad Alpes Peninos VIII. Alicana X. Isurio XVIII. Eboraco XVI.
Iter VIII. Ab Eboraco Luguvalium usque, sic:—Cattaractoni m.p. XL. Lataris XVI. Vataris XVI. Brocavonacis XVIII. Vorreda XVIII. Luguballia XVIII.
Iter VIIII. A Luguballio Ptorotonim usque, sic:—Trimontio m.p.... Gadanica m.p.... Corio m.p.... ad Vallum m.p.... Incipit Vespasiana. Alauna m.p. XII. Lindo VIIII. Victoria VIIII. ad Hiernam VIIII. Orrea XIIII. ad Tavum XVIIII. ad Æsicam XXIII. ad Tinam VIII. Devana XXIII. ad Itunam XXIIII. ad Montem Grampium m.p.... ad Selinam m.p.... Tuessis XVIIII. Ptorotone m.p....
Iter X. Ab ultima Ptorotone per medium insulæ Isca Damnonorum usque, sic:—Varis m.p. VIII. ad Tuessim XVIII. Tamea XXVIIII.... m.p. XXI. in Medio VIIII. Orrea VIIII. Victoria XVIII. ad Vallum XXXII. Luguballia LXXX. Brocavonacis XXII. ad Alaunam m.p.... Coccio m.p.... Mancunio XVIII. Condate XXIII. Mediolano XVIII. Etoceto m.p.... Salinis m.p.... Glebon colonia m.p.... Corino XIIII. Aquas Solis m.p.... ad Aquas XVIII. ad Uxellam amnem m.p.... Isca m.p....
Iter XI. Ab Aquis per Viam Juliam Menapiam usque, sic:—ad Abonam m.p. VI. ad Sabrinam VI. unde trajectu intras in Britanniam Secundam et stationem Trajectum m.p. III. Venta Silurum VIII. Isca colonia VIIII. unde fuit Aaron Martyr. Tibia amne m.p. VIII. Bovio XX. Nido XV. Leucaro XV. ad Vigesimum XX. ad Menapiam XVIIII. Ab hac urbe per XXX. m.p. navigas in Hyberniam.
Iter XII. Ab Aquis Londinium usque, sic:—Verlucione m.p. XV. Cunetione XX. Spinis XV. Calleba Attrebatum XV. Bibracte XX. Londinio XX.
Iter XIII. Ab Isca Uriconium usque, sic:—Bultro m.p. VIII. Gobannio XII. Magna XXIII. Branogenio XXIII. Urioconio XXVII.
Iter XIIII. Ab Isca per Glebon Lindum usque, sic:—Ballio m.p. VIII. Blestio XII. Sariconio XI. Glebon colonia XV. ad Antonam XV. Alauna XV.... Vennonis XII. Ratiscorion XII. Venromento XII. Margiduno XII. ad Pontem XII. Croco colana Lindum XII.
Iter XV. A Londinio per Clausentum in Londinium, sic:—Caleba m.p. XLIIII. Vindomi XV. Venta Belgarum XXI. ad Lapidem VI. Clausento IIII. Portu Magno X. Regno X. ad Decimum X. Anderida portu m.p.... ad Lemanum m.p. XXV. Lemaniano portu X. Dubris X. Rhutupis colonia X. Regulbio X. Contiopoli X. Durelevo XVIII. Mado XII. Vagnaca XVIII. Novio Mago XVIII. Londinio XV.
Iter XVI. A Londinio Ceniam usque, sic:—Venta Belgarum m.p. XC. Brige XI. Sorbioduno VIII. Ventageladia XII. Durnovaria VIIII. Moriduno XXXIII. Isca Damnon. XV.... Durio amne m.p.... Tamara m.p.... Voluba m.p.... Cenia m.p....
Iter XVII. Ab Anderida [Eboracum] usque, sic:—Sylva Anderida m.p.... Noviomago m.p.... Londinio m.p. XV. ad Fines m.p.... Durolisponte m.p.... Durnomago m.p. XXX. Corisennis XXX. Lindo XXX. in Medio XV. ad Abum XV. unde transis in Maximam, ad Petuariam m.p. VI. dein le Eboraco, ut supra, m.p. XLVI.
Iter XVIII. Ab Eboraco, per medium insulæ Clausentum usque, sic:—Legiolio m.p. XXI. ad Fines XVIII.... m.p. XVI.... m.p. XVI. ... Derventione m.p. XVI. ad Trivonam XII. Etoceto XII. Manduessuedo XVI. Benonnis XII. Tripontio XI. Isannavaria XII. Brinavis XII. Ælia castra XVI. Dorocina XV. Tamesi VI. Vindomi XV. Clausento XLVI.
Plurima insuper habebant Romani in Britanniis castella, suis quæque muris, turribus, portis, et repagulis munita.
Finis Itinerariorum.
Quod hactenus auribus, in hoc capite percipitur pene oculis intuentibus: nam huic adjuncta est mappa Britanniæ artificialiter depicta, quæ omnia loca cet. evidenter exprimit, ut ex ea cunctarum regionum incolas dignoscere detur.
ANCIENT AND MODERN NAMES OF THE STATIONS IN RICHARD OF CIRENCESTER'S ITINERARY.
[From the London Edition, 8vo. 1809.]
The first Iter having run uniformly on the traces of the British road called Watling Street (except the small distance from Southfleet to London), and the road remaining tolerably perfect, there can be little difficulty in fixing the several stations, or indeed in correcting the sometimes corrupted numbers of the Itinerary. It begins at Richborough, and, although at present obscure from the improved cultivation of the country, may be easily traced to Canterbury, from whence it went in the direction of the present turnpike to Rochester, leaving the intermediate station at Stone Chaple, in Ospringe, a little to the left hand. At Rochester it passed the Medway, considerably above the present bridge, and instead of running to the right with the modern turnpike, it went as straight as the nature of the ground would permit, by Cobham Park, and Shinglewell, to Barkfields, in Southfleet (the station Vagniacis in Antonine,) then to Swanscombe Parkwood, through which it passed, and rejoined the Dover road between the fifteenth and sixteenth milestone, near Dartford Brent. Hence it went by Shooter's Hill over the Thames to London; and then as before mentioned, by the site of Mr. Napier's house at Brockley Hill, Verulam, Dunstable, Fenny Stratford, Towcester, Burnt Walls,[689] near Lilbourne, High Cross, Manceter, Wall, Okenyate, to Wroxeter. Here, quitting the south-west branch of the Watling Street, it bore to the right by Uffington, Broughton, Overley, Hammer, and Sarn Bridge to Banchor; and from thence ran clearly by Stockach and Aldford, over the Dee to Chester.
The Roman road here joining the North-east Watling Street, before mentioned, continued with it to Bodfari, and crossing Denbighshire, went over the Conway to Caer Hûn; and is supposed to have run as straight as the country would permit, to Caer Segont, about half a mile south of Caernarvon.
| Iter II. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (23) A Segontio Virioconium usque, m.p. LXXIII. sic:— | From Caer Segont to Wroxeter. | ||
| Corrected numbers. | |||
| (24) Heriri Monte | XXV | XXV | Tommen y Mur, in Maentrwg. |
| (25) Mediolano | XXV | XVII | On the bank of the Tanad. |
| (26) Rutunio | XII | XVI | Rowton. |
| (18) Virioconio | XI | XI | Wroxeter. |
This Iter runs on a branch of the South-east Watling Street, from Caer Segont, nearly in the direction of the present road to Tommen y Mur, an undoubted station in the parish of Maentrwg, by the common name of Sarn Helen, or the "paved way of the Legion." From hence it is continued to Bala; and on the banks of the Tanad, not far from the point where it is intersected by the Roman road from Caersws to Chester, was probably the lost town of Mediolanum. From Mediolanum the road runs under the north end of the Brythen, straight, although obscurely, to Rowton, and from thence over the Severn to Wroxeter.
| Iter III. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (5) A Londinio Lindum coloniam usque, sic:— | From London to Lincoln. | ||
| Corrected numbers. | |||
| (27) Durosito | XII | XII | Near Rumford. |
| (28) Cæsaro Mago | XVI | XVI | Near Chelmsford. |
| (29) Canonio | XV | XV | On the east of Kelvedon. |
| (30) Camaloduno Colonia Ibi erat templum Claudii, arx triumphalis, et imago Victoriæ deæ. | VIIII | VIIII | Colchester. |
| (31) Ad Sturium amnem Et finibus Trinobantum Cenimannos advenis | VI | VI | Banks of the Stour. |
| (32) Cambretonio | XV | ||
| (33) Sito Mago | XXII | ||
| .......[690]...... | |||
| (35) Camborico Colonia | XX | North side of the Cam, Cambridge. | |
| (36) Duraliponte[691] | XX | XV | Godmanchester. |
| (37) Durno Mago[692] | XX | XX | Castor. Durobrivis was Chesterton on the Nen, near it. |
| (38) Isinis[693] | XX | XXV | Ancaster. |
| (39) Lindo[694] | XX | XXI | Lincoln. |
As it is fifty-one measured miles from London to Colchester, and as it is probable that the stone from whence the Roman miles were measured was at least one mile west of Whitechapel church, we cannot allow any material deviation from the course of the present road, except in the neighbourhood of the capital, where the Roman road, instead of passing through Mile End, went much straighter over the Lee at Old Ford, and fell again into the course of the present turnpike at Stratford. The Itinerary allowing only fifty-two miles between London and Colchester, and the fifth Iter of Antonine agreeing with this of Richard, by stating twenty-eight as the distance between London and Cæsaromagus, we may implicitly adopt the distances here given, and fix the intermediate stations near Rumford, Chelmsford, and Kelvedon. From Colchester the road ran to the Stour, where probably stood the Mansio ad Ansam. From hence to Castor, near Norwich, (the Venta Icenorum,) the stations and course of the road are unknown. Some commentators have supposed it ran westerly, by Brettenham and Thetford; others by Ipswich, Stowmarket, and Scole Inn; and others have carried it more easterly, by Ipswich and Blythburgh, or Dunwich, to the capital of the Iceni. In favour of the first, there is merely the supposed resemblance of the name of Brettenham to Cambretonium; of the second, traces of a Roman way, called the Pye Road; and of the third, a British track-way, and another Roman road, called the Stone Street. But the distances suit none of these sites, and no Roman remains have any where been found, between the Stour and Castor, sufficient to justify an alteration of the numerals.
Icianis may have been Icklingham; and Camboricum was most probably at Cambridge, from whence there is a Roman road discoverable to Lincoln. To the first station, Godmanchester, this Iter goes on the great communication between Colchester and Chester, which for the sake of distinction may be called the Via Devana; and from Godmanchester to Lincoln, on the eastern branch of the Ermyn Street, which was adopted by the Romans. Twenty miles from Godmanchester, we find the great station of Chesterton, on one side of the Nen, and Castor on the other; which probably gave rise to the two names of Durobrivæ, and Durnomagus, the Roman and British towns severally noticed by Antonine and Richard. About twenty-five miles further, in the course of the road which cannot be mistaken, we find Ancaster, the Isinnis, Corisennis, or Causennis of the Itineraries, from whence twenty-one additional miles bring us to Lincoln.
| Iter IV. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (39) A Lindo ad Vallum usque, sic: | From Lincoln to the Wall. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (40) Argolico | XIIII | XIIII | Littleborough. |
| (41) Dano Ibi intras Maximam Cæsariensem | XX | XXI | Doncaster. |
| (42) Legotio[695] m.p. | XVI | XVI | Castleford. |
| (43) Eburaco Municip. olim Colonia Sexta[696] | XXI | XXI | York. |
| (44) Isurio | XVI | XVII | Aldborough. |
| (45) Cattaractoni[697] | XXIIII | XXIIII | Catterick. |
| (46) Ad Tisam | X | XII | Pierce Bridge. |
| (47) Vinovio | XII | X | Binchester. |
| (48) Epiaco | XVIII} | XIIII | Lanchester. |
| (49) Ad Muram trans Murum intras Valentiam | VIIII} | VIIII | Halton Chester on the Wall. |
| (50) Alauna amne | XXV | XXV | Banks of the Coquet. |
| (51) Tueda flumine | XXX | XXXV | Banks of the Tweed. |
| (52) Ad Vallum | The Wall. | ||
The fourth Iter left Lincoln with the Eastern Ermyn Street, which ran to the Humber; and, after continuing on it about five miles, turned suddenly to the left, pursuing its course in a straight line to the Trent, which it passed immediately opposite to the station of Littleborough. The Roman road may be traced from hence to Austerfield and Doncaster, where it fell in with the Western Ermyn Street, and is visible all the way by Castleford, Aberford, and Tadcaster, to York. In this Iter, the station of Tadcaster is passed unnoticed, as in the former the station of Brig Casterton, near Stamford.
From York the Iter is continued along the left bank of the Ouse, till it crossed the river to Aldborough. From hence rejoining the Western Ermyn Street, it passed the Eure, and ran straight through Catterick to the Tees, which it crossed at Piercebridge. It continued by the Royal Oak, St. Andrew Aukland, and the Bishop's Park, to Binchester, where, after fording the Were, it went with the North Watling Street to Lanchester; and, without noticing either Ebchester or Corbridge, over the Tyne to Halton Chester on the Wall. Here separating from the North Watling Street, it ran with the Ermyn Street, now known in Northumberland by the name of the Devil's Causeway, to the bank of the Coquet and the Tweed, and entering Scotland on the East, was continued to the wall of Antonine.
| Iter V. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (52) A limite Præturiam usque, sic:— | To Flamborough Head. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (53) Curia[698] | |||
| (54) Ad fines | Chew Green. | ||
| (55) Bremenio | VII | Riechester. | |
| (56) Corstoplio | XX | XXV | Corbridge. |
| (57) Vindomora | VIIII | VIIII | Corbridge. |
| (47) Vindovio[699] | XVIIII | XVIIII | Binchester. |
| (45) Cattaractoni | XXII | XXII | Catterick. |
| (43) Eboraco | XL | XL | York. |
| (58) Derventione | VII | VII | On the Derwent, near Stamford Bridge. |
| (59) Delgovicia [700] | XIII | * * * * * * * * * | |
| (60) Præturio[701] | XXV | XXXVIII | Near Flamborough Head. |
In regard to the part of the country traversed by this Iter, there appears to have been so little connection between the work of our author and the map which accompanies it, that we can rely little on the latter either to assist or correct us. This Iter is made to begin from Curia, a town probably on the confines of some petty kingdom, and to pass to the first certain post of Bremenium, or Riechester. Now, on referring to the map, Curia, the principal town of the Gadeni, so far from lying on the road which leads to Bremenium, the capital of the Ottadini, is considerably to the westward of its course. From this disagreement, commentators have suspected a mistake of the transcriber, and imagine that Curia is intended for Corium. It is certain, at least, that this Iter, running on the east side of the island, on the track of the Northern Watling Street, enters Northumberland at Chew Green, goes from thence to Riechester (leaving unnoticed the station at Risingham), and runs with it to Corbridge, Ebchester, Binchester, Catterick, and York.
From York to Flamborough Head, a Roman road may still be traced; and as the distance agrees with the Itinerary, and there must have been a Roman post on or near that headland, we should think it more probable that this was the site of Præturium,[D] although we have not yet discovered the remains of any post on the Derwent, or the intermediate station of Delgovicia. So many Roman roads from different quarters point towards Stamford bridge, that there is no doubt the station of Derventio was near it.
| Iter VI. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (43) Ab Eboraco Devam usque, sic:— | From York to Chester. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (61) Calcaria m.p. | VIIII | VIIII | Tadcaster. |
| (62) Camboduno | XXII | XXXII | Slack. |
| (63) Mancunio[702] | XVIII | XXIII | Manchester. |
| (64) Finibus Maximæ et Flaviæ | XVIII | VI | Stretford on Mersey. |
| (65) Condate[702A] | XVIII | XXIII | Kinderton. |
| (20) Deva | XVIII | XVIII | Chester. |
Such appears to be the incorrectness of the numerals attached to this Iter, as well as to the corresponding Iter of Antonine, that, although four of the six stations are well known, and a fifth can scarcely be mistaken, yet, we can in no other way obviate the difficulty than by supposing a station omitted, or by altering the numerals, none of which, except the first, agree with the distances between the vestiges of the different stations and their supposed sites; for example, in the first part between York and Manchester, where the Itinerary gives only 49 miles, the nearest road through Heathersfield amounts to 65.
As the only great and undoubted Roman station between Tadcaster and Manchester is at Slack (for the camps at Kirklees, and Castleshaw, are only temporary posts), it will perhaps be justifiable to fix this point as the site of Cambodunum; to suppose ten miles omitted in this stage; and in the next to conjecture that, by a common error in copying the Roman numerals, XVIII. has been substituted for XXIII. the exact distance from Slack to Manchester.
As the Mersey was undoubtedly the boundary on the West between the Roman provinces of Maxima and Flavia, and as the Roman road still existing crossed it at Stretford, we fix the next point there, and change the number XVII. to VI. The two next stations of Condate and Deva, the numerals (with a slight alteration) permit us to fix at Kinderton and Chester. It is worthy of remark, that with these alterations the sum total of the numerals remains nearly the same.
| Iter VII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (66) A Portu Sistuntiorum Eboracum usque, sic:— | From Freckleton to York. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (67) Rerigonio | XXIII | XIII | Ribchester. |
| (68) Ad Alpes Peninos | VIII | XXIII | Burrens in Broughton. |
| (69) Alicana | X | X | Ilkley. |
| (44) Isurio[703] | XVIII | XVIII | Aldborough. |
| (43) Eboraco | XVI | XVII | York. |
This Iter runs from Freckleton on the Ribble to Ribchester, and then over the mountains to Broughton, Ilkley, Aldborough and York. As the Roman road is tolerably perfect all the way to Aldborough, and the vestiges of the stations are undoubted, we are justified in the alteration of the first two numbers, as by this alteration they will correspond with the present distances and the situations of the posts.
| Iter VIII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (43) Ab Eboraco Luguvalium usque, sic:— | From York to Carlisle. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (45) Cattaractoni | XL | XL | Catterick. |
| (70) Lataris[704] | XVI | XVIII | Bowes. |
| (71) Vataris[705] | XVI | XIIII | Brough. |
| (72) Brocavonacis[706] (Brovonacis) | XVIII | XIII | Kirby Thur. |
| (73) Vorreda | XVIII | XIIII | Plumpton Wall. |
| (74) Lugubalia[707] | XVIII | XIII | Carlisle. |
The road from York to Catterick has been traced before, and the Roman way from thence to Carlisle ran nearly in the direction of the present turnpike. The only doubt which occurs, therefore, in this Iter, is whether, from a similarity of sound, the transcriber of Richard has not erroneously written Brocavonacis for Brovonacis, which are two neighbouring posts in this direction, the first Brougham, and the second Kirby Thur. As the conjecture is not improbable, the corrected distance is given from the latter.
It is worthy of observation that in this Iter four successive V's have been added by mistake of the transcriber, as is the case in regard to the X's omitted in the third Iter.
| Iter IX. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (74) A Luguballio Ptorotonim usque, sic:— | From Carlisle to Burgh Head. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (75) Trimontio m.p. | Birrenswork Hill. | ||
| (76) Gadanica | |||
| (77) Corio | |||
| (52) Ad Vallum Incipit Vespasiana | Camelon. | ||
| (78) Alauna | XII | XIII | Kier |
| (79) Lindo | VIIII | VIIII | Ardoch. |
| (80) Victoria | VIIII | VIIII | Dealgin Ross. |
| (81) Ad Hiernam | VIIII | VIIII | Strageth. |
| (82) Orrea | XIIII | XIIII | On the Tay above Perth. |
| (83) Ad Tavum | XVIIII | XVIIII | Near Invergowrie. |
| (84) Ad Æsicam | XXIII | XXIII | Brechin on South Esk. |
| (85) Ad Tinam | VIII | VIII | Fordun. |
| (86) Devana | XXIII | XXIII | Norman Dikes near Pete Culter. |
| (87) Ad Itunam | XXIIII | XXVI | Glenmailin on the Ithan. |
| (88) Ad Montem Grampium | XIII | Near Knock Hill. | |
| (89) Ad Selinam | X | On the Cullen near Deskford. | |
| (90) Tuessis | XVIIII | XVII | On the Spey near Bellie. |
| (91) Ptorotone | XVII | Burgh Head. | |
Innumerable difficulties occur on every side in endeavouring to explain this Iter. There is great reason to believe that the Trimontium of this Iter was Birrenswork Hill, and that the road ran from thence along the western side of the island as it is traced in the map of Richard. Camelon is allowed by all antiquaries to be the Ad Vallum: but it is impossible to draw the line between these two points; for although General Roy has mentioned a road from Carlisle on the eastern side of the Eildon Hills, and another on the western beyond Cleghorn to Castle Cary, there is little authority for the existence of either. Lynekirk has every appearance of a station, lay within the territories of the Gadeni, and would suit the situation assigned to Gadanica, but no road has hitherto been discovered leading to or from it. If the western trended at Biggar as much to the east, as that part which remains in the direction of Glasgow does to the west, it would have passed Borthwich Castle or the Gore, which Roy supposes was the Corium. Admitting the identity of this station would clear up the whole of this Iter to the Wall. There is no doubt that the sites of Lindum, Victoria, and Ad Hiernam were at Ardoch, Dealgin Ross, and Strageth.
Notwithstanding the difficulties which occur in tracing this Iter from Carlisle to the Wall, yet from thence to the Tay the direction of the road, and the situation of the stations as fixed by General Roy agree so perfectly with the Itinerary, as to leave no doubt that he has ascertained their real position. But although he discovered a road north of the Tay, yet, as he found no vestiges of stations, Mr. Chalmers seems to have been more successful in fixing the posts between that river and Ptoroton.
It does not appear that the road was ever completed: however, from Orrea on the Tay, a little above Perth, he observes, that the communication ran through the passage of the Sidlaw Hills, and along the Carse of Gowrie to the north end of the estuary of the Tay near Dundee; two miles west of which place, and half a mile north of Invergowrie, are the remains of a Roman camp about two hundred yards square, fortified with a high rampart and spacious ditch. Here he places Ad Tavum. Proceeding hence north-easterly through the natural opening of the country, and passing in the way the camp at Harefaulds, at the distance of twenty-three miles is Brechin on the South Esk, the station Ad Æsicam, exactly in the line laid down in Richard's map, and at the distance given in the Itinerary. Continuing from the South Esk in a north-north-easterly direction, at the distance of five miles and a half, we reach the North Esk, the supposed Ad Tinam. We pass that river at King's Ford, and proceeding up the valley of Lutherwater, at the distance of eight miles and a half find Fordun, where there are the remains of two Roman camps. From thence proceeding seventeen miles, to the well known camp at Raedikes, and continuing in a northerly direction six miles beyond, is the rectangular camp on the Dee at Peter Culter, called Norman Dikes, the Devana of the Iter. This point is exactly thirty-one miles from Brechin on the South Esk, agrees with the aggregate distances in the Itinerary Ad Tinam VIII, and Ad Devanam XXIII, and corresponds with the track delineated on Richard's map.
The obvious openings through this rugged country point out the way by which the Romans must have penetrated northerly by the right of Achlea Fiddy and Kinmundy, to Kintore on the Don. They followed the Strath to the ford where the high road has always passed to Inverurie, and proceeded north-north-west through the moorlands, to the sources of the Ithan, and the camp at Glenmailin, the Ituna of Richard, a distance of twenty-six miles. From thence proceeding northward, across the Doverna at Achengoul, where are still considerable remains of military works; and at the distance of thirteen miles, we reach the high ground north of Foggy lone, at the east side of Knock Hill, the Mons Grampius of the Iter.
Hence the road runs to Ad Selinam, which is supposed to be on the Cullen, near the old Tower of Deskford, at the distance of ten miles. Following the course of the river, and the coast of the Murray Frith, seventeen miles, we arrive at the Roman post of Tuessis, on the high bank of the Spey, below the church of Bellie. Seventeen miles further is Burgh Head, the Ptorotone of Richard.
| Iter X. | Sites of the Stations. | |||
| (91) Ab ultima Ptorotone per mediaminsulæ Isca Damnonorum usque, sic:— | From Burgh Head through the middle of the island to Exeter. | |||
| Corrected Numbers. | ||||
| (92) Varis[708] m.p. | VIII | Name and Numerals from General Roy. | {Fores | VIIII |
| (93) Ad Tuessim | XVIII | {Cromdall on Spey | XX | |
| (94) Tamea | XXVIIII | {Braemar Castle | XXX | |
| (95) ———— | XXI | {Barra Castle on Ila | XXX | |
| (96) In Medio | VIIII | {Inchstuthill | XII | |
| (82) Orrea | VIIII | {Bertha on Tay | VIIII | |
| (80) Victoria | XVIII | {Dealgin Ross | XXIIII | |
| (52) Ad Vallum[709] | XXXII | {Camelon | XXXII | |
| (74) Luguballia | LXXX | {Carlisle | CXVIIII | |
| (97) Brocavonacis | XXII | XXII | Brougham. | |
| (98) Ad Alaunam | ... | XXXXVII | Lancaster. | |
| (99) Coccio | ... | XXXVI | Blackrode. | |
| (63) Mancunio | XVIII | XVIII | Manchester. | |
| (65) Condate | XXIII | XXIII | Kinderton. | |
| (100) Mediolano | XVIII | XVI | Chesterton. | |
| (15) Etoceto | ... | XXXV | Wall. | |
| ————— | ————— | |||
| (101) Salinis m.p. | ... | XXII | Droitwich. | |
| ————— | ————— | |||
| (102) Glebon Colon. m.p. | ... | XXXIIII | Gloucester. | |
| (103) Corino | XIIII | XVIII | Cirencester. | |
| (104) Aquas Solis m.p | ... | XXX | Bath. | |
| (105) Ad Aquas | XVIII | XX | Probably Wells. | |
| (106) Ad Uxellam amnem m.p. | ... | XXI | Probably Bridgewater. | |
| (107) Isca m.p. | ... | XXXXV | Exeter. | |
The first part of this Iter is taken from General Roy; and as we have none of the intermediate stations between Carlisle and the Wall, every commentator may choose what route he pleases, although none will coincide with the distances of the Itinerary. From Carlisle, if we place any reliance on the numbers, the next station, Brocavonavis, can only be fixed at Brougham. Thence the road to the banks of the Lune, as well as the station on it, is uncertain; for, whether we choose Overborough or Lancaster, we know of no road to direct us; and the only reason for preferring the latter is the supposed site of the next station, Coccium, at Blackrode, and the course of the road through Lancaster, tending more immediately to that point, than the road through Overborough. The two next stations, Mancunium and Condate, as well as the connecting line of road, are well known. From Kinderton, although there is a Roman way pointing to Chesterton in Staffordshire, the Mediolanum of this Iter, and the site of Etocetum is undoubtedly Wall, yet we speak with hesitation of the line of communication betwixt them; though we presume it ran through Newcastle, Stone, and Ridgeley. From Wall, which is on the Watling Street, the Iter continues along the Ryknield Street, through Sutton Colfield Park, to Birmingham. There falling in with the first Salt-Way, it proceeds to Droitwich, and is continued by the Western Road, through Worcester to Gloucester. Here, turning nearly at a right angle, it passes by the well known Roman road over Birdlip Hill to Cirencester; and trending to the right, proceeds by the Foss to Aquæ Solis or Bath. Quitting the Foss, and still bearing to the right, it continues along the lower road to Wells, and from thence to Uxella, which was probably at Bridgewater. From the banks of the Parret it ran in the track of the British Way, and the present turnpike by Taunton, Wellington, and Collumpton, to Exeter.
| Iter XI. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (104) Ab Aquis, per Viam Juliam, Menapiam usque, sic:— | From Bath by the Julian Way to St. David's. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (108) Ad Abonam m.p. | VI | VI} | Bitton |
| (109) Ad Sabrinam | VI | VIIII} | |
| Unde Trajectu[710] intras in Britanniam Secundam | Sea Mills. | ||
| (110) Et Stationem Trajectum[711] | III | III | Severn Side. |
| (111) Venta Siluru[712] | VIII | VIIII | Caerwent. |
| (112) Isca Colonia Unde fuit Aaron Martyr. | VIIII | VIIII | Caerleon. |
| (113) Tibia Amne[713] | VIII | XV | Banks of the Tanf, possibly Caireu or Caerdiff. |
| (114) Bovio | XX | XX | In Evenny Park. |
| (115) Nido | XV | XX | Near Neath. |
| (116) Leucaro | XV | X | Perhaps Lwghor. |
| (Muridunum omit. | XX) | XX | Caermarthen. |
| (117) Ad Vigesimum | XX | XX | Castel Flemish.[714] |
| (118) Ad Menapiam | XVIIII | XVIII | Near St. David's. |
| Ab hac urbe per m.p. | XXX | ||
| Navigas in Hyberniam. | |||
As the course of the Roman road connecting the stations of this Iter is still discernible, we do not hesitate in correcting the imperfections of Richard by the corresponding Iter of Antonine. At Bitton, six miles from Bath, we find marks of a post attended with tumuli, which whether called Abone or Trajectus[715] is of little importance, because, like the next, Sea Mills, it will suit either appellation, from its position on the Avon, and commanding a passage over that river. From Bitton the Roman way ran nearly in the direction of the present turnpike, north of the river as far as St. George's church; thence it proceeded straight near St. Paul's; ascended the Downs behind Mr. Daubeney's house to the direction-post, from whence it crossed Durdham Down, and skirted Mrs. Jackson's park wall to Sea Mills, a great maritime post at the confluence of the Trim and the Avon. It continued by Lord De Clifford's house straight to the Severn, crossed that river, and passed by Caldecot Castle through Caerwent and Caerleon to the bank of the Taaf and Evenny Park, which last place Roman remains lead us to conjecture was the site of Bovium. At Neath we have also little hesitation in fixing the site of Nidus, because a road from the Gaer near Brecon evidently leads to the same spot.
The remainder of this Iter is obscure. Leucaro has been fixed at Lwghor, principally from the resemblance of the name. From thence the road may have run to Caermarthen (Maridunum), which appears to have been omitted; and was probably continued as straight as the country would permit to Castel Flemish and St. David's, where we would place the stations Vigesimum and Menapia.[716]
| Iter XII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (104) Ab Aquis Londinium usque, sic:— | |||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (119) Verlucione m.p. | XV | XV | Highfield, near Sandy Lane. |
| (120) Cunetione | XX | XV | Folly farm, E. of Marlborough. |
| (121) Spinis | XV | XX | Spene. |
| (122) Calleva Atrebatum | XV | Silchester. | |
| (123) Bibracte | XX} | XXXXIIII | London. |
| (5) Londinio | XX} | ||
As the traces of a Roman road from Bath towards Marlborough are still visible, we have only to examine in what points of its course remains have been found sufficient to justify us in determining the sites of the different stations. Accordingly, at fifteen miles from Bath we have Highfield, in Sandy Lane, near Heddington; and at fifteen more Folly Farm, near Marlborough. From hence twenty miles bring us to Spene; and although at this place few remains have been discovered, yet the direction of another Roman road, from Cirencester to the same point, sufficiently proves the existence of a station. Of the site of Calleva at Silchester[717] there can be little doubt; although the course of the road from Spene is uncertain. The road from Silchester, still known by the name of the Devil's Causeway, as it runs over Bagshot Heath, as well as evident traces of it between Staines and London, still exist; but the intermediate station of Bibracte is doubtful. If the numbers in this Iter be correct, we cannot deviate from the straight line, and this post must be placed near the hill at Egham, or the head of the Virginia Water.
| Iter XIII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (112) Ab Isca Uriconium usque, sic:— | From Caerleon to Wroxeter. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (124) Bultro m.p. | VIII | VIII | Usk. |
| (125) Gobannio | XII | XII | Abergavenny. |
| (126) Magna | XXIII | XXIII | Kentchester. |
| (127) Branogeni | XXIII | XXIII | Lentwardine. |
| (18) Urioconio | XXVII | XXVII | Wroxeter. |
The beginning of this Iter cannot be traced, notwithstanding two out of the three stations are well known; and we have little doubt that Baltrum or Burrium was at Usk (though no Roman remains have been found there), because the distance given from Caerleon to Gobannium or Abergavenny will not admit of any deviation from the straight line. From Abergavenny, after passing the Munnow, the Roman road still exists, particularly near Madley, pointing to Kentchester, and from thence may be traced by the next post of Lentwardine on the Teme, to Wroxeter.
| Iter XIV. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (112) Ab Isca, per Glebon, Lindum, usque, sic:— | From Caerleon, by Gloucester, to Lincoln. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (124) Ballio[718] m.p. | VIII | Usk. | |
| (128) Blestio | XII | XIII | Monmouth. |
| (129) Sariconio | XI | XII | Rose or Berry Hill in Weston. |
| (102) Glebon Colonia | XV | XV | Gloucester. |
| (130) Ad Antonam | XV | XX | On the Avon. |
| (131) Alauna | XV | XV | Alcester on the Aln. |
| (121) ——— | ... | XVIIII | Camp at Chesterton on the Foss, near Harwood's house. |
| (13) Vennonis | XII | XXI | High Cross. |
| (133) Ratiscorion | XII | XII | Leicester. |
| (134) Venromento | XII | XII | Willoughby. |
| (135) Margiduno | XII | XII | East Bridgeford. |
| (136) Ad Pontem | XII | VII | Near Thorpe turnpike. |
| (137) Crococolana | VII | Brough. | |
| (39) Lindum | XII | XII | Lincoln. |
This Iter ran, like the former, from Caerleon to Usk, where bending to the right it traversed the country to Monmouth. From hence, although we cannot trace the exact line of the road, yet we have no doubt that it crossed the Wye to the next station at Berry Hill, in Weston, under Penyard; and continued nearly in a direct line to Gloucester. As the author has only left the name of a river for the next station, it must be placed in such a situation on the Avon as to admit the distance of fifteen miles from the next station of Alcester, which was the site of Alauna. This would carry it to the westward of Evesham. From Alcester, likewise, till we reach the Foss, we have neither a road nor distance, nor even the name of a station. For this reason we deem ourselves justified in considering the undoubted Roman camp at Chesterton on the Foss, as the post omitted by our author, and from thence we proceed on that known military way to the certain stations of High Cross, Leicester, Willoughby, Bridgeford, Brough, and Lincoln.
| Iter XV. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (5) A Londinio, per Clausentum, in Londinium usque, sic:— | From London through Bittern, again to London. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (122) Caleba m.p. | XLIIII | XLIIII | Silchester. |
| (138) Vindomi | XV | XV | Near St. Mary Bourne. |
| (139) Venta Belgarum | XXI | XXI | Winchester. |
| (140) Ad Lapidem | VI | VI | Stoneham. |
| (141) Clausento | IIII | IIII | Bittern, near Southampton. |
| (142) Portu Magno | X | XV | Portchester. |
| (143) Regno | X | XV | Chichester. |
| (144) Ad Decimum | X | X | On the Arun. |
| (145) Anderida Portu | ... | [719]XLV | Pevensey. |
| (146) Ad Lemanum | XXV | XXV | On the Rother. |
| (147) Lemaniano Portu | X | XX | Lymne. |
| (148) Dubris | X | X | Dover. |
| (1) Rhutupis Colonia | X | XV | Richborough. |
| (149) Regulbio | X | VIIII | Reculver. |
| (2) Contiopoli | X | X | Canterbury. |
| (3) Durelevo | XVIII | XII | Stone Chaple in Ospringe. |
| (150) Mado | XII | XVIII | On the bank of the Medway. |
| (151) Vagnaca | XVIII | VIIII | Barkfields in Southfleet. |
| (152) Novio Mago | XVIII | XV | Holwood Hill. |
| (5) Londinio | XV | XV | London. |
This Iter leads from London to the south-west part of Hampshire, and from thence, skirting the Sussex and Kentish coasts, back to the capital.
At the first step the author gives forty-four miles as the distance between London and Silchester, instead of forty, as in the twelfth Iter; hence we may deviate a little in settling the site of Bibracte or Ad Pontes. Of the next station we can merely offer a conjecture. As the country of the Atrebates and their capital, Calleva or Silchester, is by our author described as lying near the Thames, in distinction from that of the Segontiaci,[720] whose capital, Vindomis, was further distant from that river, and nearer the Kennet, one point only appears to suit the distances, which bears the proper relation to the neighbouring stations, and at the same time falls at the intersection of two known Roman roads. This is in the neighbourhood of St. Mary Bourne, and affords reason for considering Egbury Camp, or some spot near it, as the capital of the Segontiaci. For by following the Roman road called the Portway from Silchester, at the distance of fifteen miles is the rivulet near St. Mary Bourne, and not far from it, the point where the Portway is intersected by the Roman road from Winchester to Cirencester; and proceeding along this last we have another distance of twenty-one miles to Winchester. The road from Winchester by Otterbourne to Stoneham, and thence by the Green Lane to Bittern, is well known, and the distance sufficiently exact. But from thence, although traces of the road are occasionally discoverable on Ridgway, and to the north of Bursledon Hill, pointing towards Fareham and Portchester, yet the latter part is almost totally unknown or lost. From Portchester it ran in the track of the present turnpike to Chichester; and over the Arun not far from Arundel; and then along the coast to Pevensey, the banks of the Rother, Lymne, Dover, Richborough, Reculver, and Canterbury. There falling into the track of the first Iter, it went along the Watling Street to the bank of the Medway, and passing that river, proceeded by Barkfields in Southfleet, a station omitted before, across the country with the ancient Watling Street, (by a road now unknown[721]), to Holwood Hill, the capital of the Regni, and from thence to London.
| Iter XVI. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (5) A Londinio Ceniam usque, sic:— | From London to the Fal. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (139) Venta Belgarum m.p. | XC | LXXX | Winchester. |
| (153) Brige | XI | XI | Near Broughton. |
| (154) Sorbioduno | VIII | VIIII | Old Sarum. |
| (155) Ventageladia | XII | XV | Gussage Cow Down. |
| ————— | |||
| (156) Durnovaria | VIIII | XXX | Dorchester. |
| ————— | |||
| (157) Moriduno | XXXIII | XXX | Seaton. |
| ————— | |||
| (107) Isca Damnon | XV | XXVIII | Exeter. |
| ————— | |||
| (158) Durio Amno | ... | XXIII | On the Dart. |
| (159) Tamara | ... | XXVI | On the Tamar. |
| ————— | |||
| (160) Voluba | ... | XXVIII | On the Fowey. |
| ————— | |||
| (161) Ceni | ... | XX | On the Fal. |
The exact route from London to Winchester not being defined, we may suppose that it ran, as before, through Silchester, and from thence by St. Mary Bourne, as in the 15th Iter. From Winchester, as the road still exists leading to Old Sarum, the distance of eleven miles will probably give the site of Brige, although the station itself is not known; and the nine following will lead us to Old Sarum. Pursuing the course of the road, which may be still traced quite to Dorchester, remains found on Gussage Cow Down point out the site of Ventageladia; and the disagreement between the Itinerary and real distance from thence to Dorchester justifies us in supposing that some intermediate post has been omitted. The site of Moridunum is doubtful; some thinking it to be Eggerdon, or the Hill of the Morini, with which the distance of nine miles would not disagree; while others, with more reason, prefer Seaton, the great port of the West, because the Foss leads from Ilchester directly to it. Intermediate stations have evidently been lost between this place and Exeter, as has also been the case between that place and the Dart, the Tamar, the Fowey and the Fal. From Honiton the road is visible pointing to Exeter, as well as from Exeter to Totness, and according to the ingenious Borlase, even to Lostwithiel.
| Iter XVII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| Ab Anderida [Eboracum] usque, sic:— | From East bourne to York. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (162) Sylva Anderida m.p. | ... | East Bourne. | |
| (152) Novio Mago | XXXX | Holwood Hill. | |
| (5) Londinio | XV | XV | London. |
| (163) Ad Fines[722] | XXVIII | Brougham. | |
| (36) Durolisponte[723] | XXX | Godmanchester. | |
| (37) Durnomago | XXX | XX | Castor, on the left bank of the Nen. |
| (38) Corisennis | XXX | XXV | Ancaster. |
| (39) Lindo | XXX | XXI | Lincoln. |
| (164) In Medio | XV | XV | |
| (165) Ad Abum | XV | XV | Winterton. |
| Unde transis in Maximam | |||
| (166) Ad Petuariam | VI | VI | Brough. |
| (43) Deinde Eboraco, ut supra (It. 5) m.p. | XLVI | XXX | York. |
This Iter ran in the track of the British Ermyn Street, from Pevensey and East Bourne, which were perhaps the Anderida Portus and Anderida of the 15th Iter, along the ridge of hills to Holwood Hill (already mentioned as the capital of the Rhemi), and from thence to London, but its traces are now so obscure as to be almost forgotten. Some think that from London it proceeded along the British Street, by the Green Lanes, Cheshunt, and to the west of Broxbourne to Ware; while others suppose that this Roman road went much straighter, and nearly in the course of the present turnpike through Ware to Broughing, a post at the confluence of the Rib and the Quin, where was probably the station Ad Fines, the boundary between the countries of the Iceni, the Cassii, and the Trinobantes. From hence the Roman road is so perfect by Caxton quite to Lincoln, that we fix the station of Durnomagus at the great camp near Castor, and the three others at Godmanchester, Ancaster, and Lincoln. From Lincoln the Roman road proceeds directly to the banks of the Humber, having, at the distance assigned in the Iter, the Mansio in Medio, and the post at Winterton; from whence six miles carry us across the river to Brough, or Petuaria, a post often confounded with the Prætorium of the 6th Iter. As there is a Roman road still existing from Brough towards Weighton, and then over Barmby Moor to York, there can be little doubt in considering it as the course of this Iter. Should, however, the forty-six miles given in the Itinerary (which appears to have been an error arising from the mistake of the transcriber in confounding Petuaria and Prætorium) be considered as correct, the course of the Iter may be supposed to have run from Brough by Londesborough and Millington, to the great road from Flamborough, and then to have turned with it to York, making exactly the forty-six miles of the Itinerary.
| Iter XVIII. | Sites of the Stations. | ||
| (43) Ab Eboraco per medium insulæ Clausentum usque, sic:— | From York through the middle of the island to Bittern. | ||
| Corrected Numbers. | |||
| (42) Legiolio m.p. | XXI | XXI | Castleford. |
| (167) Ad Fines | XVIII | XXIII | Temple Brough, on the bank of the Don. |
| (168) ..... | XVI | XVI | Tapton Hill near Chesterfield. |
| (169) ..... | XVI | XII | Camp near Penkridge. |
| (170) Derventione[724] | XVI | XII | Little Chester. |
| (171) Ad Trivonam | XII | XII | Berry Farm, in Branston. |
| (15) Etoceto[725] | XII | XII | Wall. |
| (14) Manduessuedo | XVI | XVI | Manceter. |
| (13) Benonnis | XII | XII | High Cross. |
| (12) Tripontio | XI | XI | Near Dove Bridge. |
| (11) Isannavaria | XII | X | Burnt Walls. |
| (172) Brinavis | XII | XII | Black Ground, near Chipping Norton. |
| (173) Ælia Castra | XVI | XVI | Alcester, near Bicester. |
| (174) Dorocina | XV | XVI | Dorchester. |
| (175) Tamesi | VI | VI | On the Thames. |
| Vindomi} | XV | XX | Silchester. |
| (122) Calleva} | |||
| (141) Clausento | XXXXVI | XXXXV | Bittern, near Southampton. |
This Iter proceeds from York in the same direction as the fourth to Castleford, where, bearing to the right to join the Ryknield Street, it continues with it through the several stations of Temple Brough on the Don, Chesterfield, Penkridge, Little Chester, and Branston, to Wall. Here diverging to the left with the Watling Street, it passed through Manceter, High Cross, and Dove Bridge, to Burnt Walls. It there quitted the known road, and bore across the country, by an unknown route, to Alcester, on the Akeman street; but the considerable remains found at Black Ground, near Chippington Norton, would lead us to place the station of Brinavis there, if the Roman road did not make any material deviation between Burnt Walls and Alcester.
From Alcester the road runs plainly over Ottmoor, and indeed almost all the way to Dorchester. But from thence as we can discover no traces of a road, and as our next post appears to have been only six miles distant and on the Thames, if any reliance can be placed on the number, it may be the point where the Roman road from Wantage apparently passes that river opposite Mongewell. The next distance of fifteen miles, being insufficient to lead us by any road to Vindomis, if it were placed either at Silchester or near St. Mary Bourne, it is more than probable that there is some error in the name of the station; and as the following number of forty-six miles agrees with the distance in the 15th Iter of the road from Silchester passing near Egbury to Bittern, we cannot help supposing that the name of Vindomis has been inserted by mistake for that of Calleva.
FOOTNOTES:
[685] On this subject it may not be improper to observe, that the name of Castor, Cester, or Chester, generally points out a Roman station; and Sarn, Street, Stane and Stone, (Strat, and Stan, when compounded) as generally show the course of a British or Roman way.
[686] For example these marks [Illustration], being the mutilated parts of numerals, might have been easily transformed by the copyist into IIIII. XIII. VIII. XVI. XIX. or XXI. and single numerals might have been omitted, as XX. and XXIII. for XIX. and XXXIII.
[687] Near Leicester.
[688] Hist. de l'Académie, t. 88, p. 661.
[689] Burnt Walls was the Roman post of Isannavaria; Borough Hill, on the hill above it, was the great British fortification, Bennavenna.
[690] Icianis XXVIII. Stukeley.
[691] Durolisponte, Iter 17.
[692] Iter 17, XXX.
[693] Corisennis XXX. Iter 17.
[694] Iter 17, XXX.
[695] Legiolio, Iter 18.
[696] Iter 5 and 8, Eburaco.
[697] Cataractone XI.
[698] Probably Corium, Stukeley.
[699] Vinovio, Iter 4.
[700] XXXVIII.
[701] This Præturium and the Prætonum of Antonine must be carefully distinguished from the Petuaria, mentioned by our author in the 17th Iter, for Petuaria was certainly at Brough on the Humber.
[702] [702A] Iter 10, Mancunio—Condate XXIII.
[703] Stukeley, XVIIII
[704] Lataris, XVII. Stuk.
[705] XVI. Stuk.
[706] XX. Stuk.
[707] Iter 10 inverted, Brocavonacis—Luguvallia, XXII.
[708] VIIII. Stukeley.
[709] XXX Iter 9.
[710] Statio Trajectus. Comm.
[711] Ad Sabrinam. Comm.
[712] VIIII. Stukeley.
[713] Tibia VII. Stukeley.
[714] This station was discovered by Mr. Fenton during his researches for his History of Pembrokeshire. It lies in the parish of Ambleston.
[715] We prefer the name of Abone for Sea Mills, because it bears that name in old deeds; on the other hand, there appears to be no instance in which the name of Trajectus is applied to a town unless at the passage of a river.
[716] The bishops of St. David's being called in Latin Menapienses by the earliest of our ecclesiatical writers, is an argument that the station is near the present town. The site of the station itself was probably at a short distance from the modern city, at a place called the Burrows, and just above a fine harbour called the Porth Mawr.
[717] Few of the Roman stations have been fixed at so many different pieces as that of Calleva Atrebatum. It has been placed at Silchester, Henley, Wallingford, and Reading, by different antiquaries; yet in no doubtful case do more testimonies concur to ascertain the site. It was evidently a station of importance, because it appears as a central point, to which the roads traversed by three different Iters of Antonine (the 13th, 14th, and 15th,) converge. It was the capital of the Atrebates; situated at known distances from London, Winchester, Bath, Spene, and Caerleon; and at a doubtful one, though easily supplied, from Cirencester and Old Sarum. These circumstances cannot by any expedient be brought to coincide, either with Henley, Wallingford, or Reading; but all agree in regard to Silchester. Its distance nearly accords with the Itinerary distance of Calleva from London, Bath, Spene, Winchester, and Caerleon, and, if a station (which is evidently lost) in the Iter of Antonine be supplied, with that from Cirencester. The present remains are those of a great Roman town; it is situated in the district formerly inhabited by the Atrebates; and in every direction traces of Roman roads converging to this point still plainly exist, from London, Spene, Winchester, Old Sarum, Bath, and Cirencester.
[718] Bultro, Iter 13
[719] Stukeley, X.
[720] Richard, b. 1, c. 6, sect. 28, describing the several nations whose territories were watered by the Thames in its course to the German Ocean, places the Atrebates between the Hedui and the Cassii, without even mentioning the Segontiaci, a proof that their territories did not approach the river.
[721] In Hasted's History of Kent is a passage which countenances the idea of an ancient road having traversed the country in this line.
[722] Stuk. XXX.
[723] It. 3. Duraliponte—Durnomago XX.—Issinis XX.—Lindo XX.
[724] XVI.
[725] It. 2, inv. Etoceto.—Manduessuedo XIII.—Benonais XII.—Tripontio Isantia Varia XII.