A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN; BY ANDREW LUMISDEN, THEN PRIVATE SECRETARY TO PRINCE CHARLES; BY A GENTLEMAN WHO WAS IN THESE ACTIONS
OF THE BATTLE OF PRESTON, OR GLADESMUIR,
fought September 21st, 1745
Intelligence having been brought to the Prince, that Lieutenant General Cope, commander in chief of the government forces in Scotland, was landed at Dunbar, with the troops he embarked at Aberdeen, and was joined by Hamilton and Gardiner’s dragoons, he resolved to march directly and attack him.
Accordingly on the 20th September, in the morning, the Prince put himself at the head of the army at Dudingston, and presenting his sword said—‘My friends I have flung away the scabbard.’ This was answered by a chearful huzza.
The army marched till they gained the top of Carberryhill, from whence we observed the enemy drawn up on the plain below, in order of battle. We continued the march along the brow of the hill, till we were opposite to the front of, and at half a miles distance from the enemy. Here the Highlanders gave a shout, by way of defiance, and nothing less than authority could restrain them from coming immediately to action.
Several officers were sent, particularly Colonel Ker of Gradane, to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp. They reported that General Cope had got into a fastness, where it was impossible to attack him, without risking the loss of the whole army: That his right was drawn up to the high walls of the gardens of Preston, where he had made several breaches to retire into, if needful: The house of Seton and a small morass on the left: An inclosure not half a gun shot over, surrounded with a ditch three or four feet deep, and five or six broad, covered his front; which made two ditches of that breadth and depth to pass: And the sea was in his rear, at no great distance from him: His canons and coehorns were planted on a high way that led to Tranent, between the above inclosure and morass. Thus his front was to the south, his rear to the north, his right to the west, and his left to the east.
In this situation what was to be done? It was about two o’clock in the after-noon. The Prince made several movements to amuse the enemy, and placed guards on the several roads that led to their camp. In the mean time General Cope discharged several canon at us, but without effect.
At twilight the Prince drew off his men, and marched to Tranent. From hence he detached Lord Nairne, with 500 men, to guard the road that led from Preston to Edinburgh, to prevent Cope from marching thither. On the other hand General Cope, afraid that the Prince should have directed his march eastwards, altered his disposition, and faced east, having now the morass in front; and his troops were thus disposed. General Hamilton’s dragoons were on his right, and Colonel Gardiners on his left. The regiment of Lascelle’s and Murray, with five companies of Lees and four of Guises formed the center. And his second line consisted of three companies of the Earl of Loudun’s regiment, two of Lord John Murray’s, a body of Monros, and a great number of recruits for regiments abroad. Amounting in all to about 2000 foot, and 700 dragoons.
As it was now dark, the Prince ordered the army to march and to take possession of the ground on the south east of the morass which they did, at about half canon shot of the enemy. We continued under arms in the order of march, observing the greatest silence, so that Cope did not perceive where we were.
About three o’clock of the morning of the 21st, orders were sent to Lord Nairne to draw off his guards and join the Prince, which he immediately did. The disposition of the attack being made, the Prince addressed his army in these words—‘Follow me, gentlemen, by the assistance of God, I will this day make you a free and happy people.’ The right wing was commanded by the Duke of Perth, Lieutenant General, and consisted of the Macdonalds of Clanranald, Glengary, Keppoch and Glenco, and Grants of Glenmoriston. The left wing was commanded by Lord George Murray, Lieutenant-General, and consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, and two companies of Macgregors. The second line was commanded by Lord Nairne, Major-General, and consisted of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans, and the Duke of Perth’s men. About 25 gentlemen, and their servants, a horse-back, formed a sort of corps de reserve. The whole army consisted of about 2200 men.
We marched chearfully on. The Duke of Perth was conducted by a gentleman, of the name of Anderson, by a ford through the above morass; where 100 men could have prevented our passage: it was so difficult that every step the men made they sunk to the knee in mud. This made them pass in some disorder, but not being observed, by means of the darkness, they formed again as they passed the morass. But the Duke of Perth, in place of inclining to the enemy’s left, to avoid being seen by them before all our men were passed, marched towards the sea: so when our left gained the plain, Lord George Murray found that he was nearer the enemy than the Duke of Perth was. However, day beginning to break the attack was ordered.
The highlanders, pulling off their bonnets and looking up to heaven, made a short prayer, and ran forward. In advancing Lord George Murray observed, that by the turn of the morass, there was a great interval between his left and the ditch of the before mentioned inclosure: he therefore ordered the Camerons to incline that way, in order to take it up, to prevent being flanked by the enemy’s dragoons. By this movement there became a considerable interval in the center, which the 2d line was ordered to fill up. We were now discovered by the enemy, who played their artillery furiously upon our left; yet only one private man was killed, and one officer wounded. The highlanders ran on with such eagerness that they immediately seized the canon. The dragoons on right and left made a very regular fire, which was followed by close platoons of all their infantry, which our men received with great intrepidity. But what by the huzzas of the highlanders, and their fire which was very brisk, the dragoons were immediately thrown into disorder, which occasioned some confusion among their foot. The highlanders threw down their muskets, drew their swords, and carried all before them like a torrent: so that in seven or eight minutes both horse and foot were totally routed, and drove from the field of battle.
The Prince during the action was on foot in the 2d line. He was with great difficulty prevailed on not to attack with the first line in so much that the officers refused to march if he insisted on it. As soon as the victory declared for him, he mounted his horse and put a stop to the slaughter, calling out,—‘make prisoners: spare them, spare them, they are my father’s subjects.’
When General Cope saw how things were going, and that he could not rally his forces, he, with about 350 dragoons, and some volunteer officers, gained Carberryhill, by a road that led to it from Preston, and, as we had not time, nor horse to pursue, got away undisturbed to Lauder, and from thence to Berwick.
As our 2d line had no occasion to engage, it may with justice be said, that 1400 highlanders, unsupported by horse or canon, routed a regular army of 2000 foot and 700 dragoons, defended by a fine train of artillery, and obtained a most compleat victory. Such is the impetuosity of a highland attack!
We took all the enemys canon, coehorns, small arms, colours, standards, drums, tents, baggage and military chest, in which was about 3000l. 11s.
Of the enemy were killed about 500, wounded 400, and taken prisoners 1400. Among the prisoners were about 80 officers.
Our loss was very inconsiderable, viz. killed 2 captains, 1 Lieutenant, 1 ensign, and about 30 private men; and wounded 6 officers, and 70 private men.
All care immaginable was taken of the wounded, plenty of able surgeons having been provided for that purpose.
The Prince lay this night at Pinkie, and next day the 22d returned to the palace of Holyroodhouse, and the army encamped again at Duddingston.
OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK,
fought January 17th, 1746
Lieutenant General Hawley, having been declared commander in chief in place of Sir John Cope, marched from Edinburgh to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, with about 10000 foot and 3 regiments of dragoons, and encamped a little to the westward of Falkirk.
On the 16th the Prince drew up his army in line of battle, on a muir or plain, a mile south east of the house of Bannockburn, then his head quarters, and made all the necessary dispositions, in case the enemy should have advanced to attack him. But Hawley continued all day in his camp, and in the evening the Prince ordered his men to their quarters.
Early next morning, the 17th, the Prince ordered his men to draw up on the same plain. The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald, Glengary, and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left, commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of Cluny, Frazers of Lovat, and Macleods of Raza and Bernera. The 2d line, commanded by Brigadier-General Stappleton, consisted of the regiments of the Duke of Athole, Earl of Cromarty, Lord Lewis Gordon, and Lord Ogilvy. Lords Elcho and Balmerino with the Prince’s horse-guards, consisting of about 80 gentlemen and their servants, were placed on the right wing, between the first and second lines. Lords Pitsligo and Strathallan with the Aberdeen and Perth-shire squadrons of horse, and a few hussars, making about the same number, were placed in like manner on the left. The Irish pickets were placed immediately behind the 2d line as a corps de reserve. The whole making about 7000 foot, and 160 horse.
The regiments of the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Gordon of Glenbucket, and John Roy Stuart were left at Stirling to guard the trenches and push on the siege, being about 1000 men. The Duke of Perth, who commanded the siege, and John Roy Stuart were allowed to join the army to assist in the action: and the care of the siege was left to Major-General Gordon of Glenbucket.
About midday the Prince, finding that Hawley did not advance, resolved in a council of war to march and attack him. The army therefore marched in order of battle, in two columns, keeping always an equal distance of about 200 yards. This saved a great deal of time, and prevented confusion, when we came within sight of the enemy. Lord George Murray took the road to the south of the Torwood, as the highway leading from Stirling to Falkirk was too narrow. At the same time Lord John Drummond went with most of the horse to reconnoitre the enemy; and made a movement as intending to march the highway through the Torwood.
The army crossed the water of Carron at Dunipace. By this time the enemy were perceived to be in motion. We therefore quickened our march to gain the top of the hill, about a mile south of the town of Falkirk, and a little more from Hawley’s camp.
General Hawley’s disposition seems to have been thus. On his right were the Argyleshire militia, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, the regiments of foot of Ligonier, Price and Sinclair: on his left Ligonier, Cobham and Hamilton’s dragoons; the regiments of foot of Wolfe, Cholmondly and Pulteney. The 2d line was made up of the regiments of foot of Blackney, Monro, Flemming, Barret and Battereau. The Glasgow and some other militia, and Howard’s regiment of foot formed a corps de reserve.
Mr. Hawley, afraid lest the Prince intended to march south, and not come to an action, ordered the dragoons to advance with all expedition, to take possession of the hill, and to keep us in play till the infantry should come up. When they came within canon shot, they made a motion to attack our right in flank, which Lord George Murray perceiving he, with the assistance of Colonel John Roy Stuart, made a very quick motion till he gained a morass, by which he saved being flanked. So our right was to the east, our left west, and front north. The dragoons seeing their scheme thus disappointed, advanced on a full trot, in order to break us; but the Macgregors and Macdonalds, keeping up their fire till they were within pistol shot, received them so briskly, that they were immediately broken, and thrown into the utmost confusion. As the enemy’s foot were now very near, the dragoons could not easily retreat back, without breaking their own line: they therefore gallopped along our line, whereby a vast number of them were killed. This beginning greatly inspirited our men, as it had a contrary effect on the enemy.
Scarcely had the dragoons got off when their infantry advanced to make the attack. They greatly out-lined us on the left, as we out-lined them on the right. Our left extended little farther than to their center. But from the unequality of the ground, being interspersed with risings and hollows, whereby there was no seeing from right to left what was doing, neither of the parties reaped advantage from that circumstance. The enemy’s right therefore attacked our left with a very close fire, which the Camerons and Stuarts received with great fortitude, drew their swords, broke and pursued them out of the field. Then our left made a halt in order to be joined by the right; but were again attacked by other two regiments in flank, whom they also immediately broke. Our right, marching down the hill, fell in with the Glasgow militia, whom they severely chastised.
The Prince, who was mostly in the center, and whose attention was turned to all parts, observing some regiments of the enemys foot, and the remainder of the dragoons, marching up the hill, put himself at the head of the Irish pickets, and such of the scattered highlanders as were nearest to him, with a few gentlemen a horse-back, and advanced to attack them. But seeing the order of the pickets, and having a great storm of wind and rain in their faces, they fled precipitantly to their camp, as did all the rest of their troops.
As the action began late in the afternoon, it was now dark, the storm still continuing. However, the Prince made all the dispatch immaginable to put his troops in order, as he intended to beat the enemy from their camp. But hardly were the half of our men drawn together, when we observed many fires in Hawley’s camp, and his men at the same time marching, with great hurry, between the camp and town of Falkirk. We immediately conjectured that they were burning their camp (which they indeed endeavoured, but were prevented by the rain) and were to take possession of the town of Falkirk. Had they taken this course, a few men properly posted could have hindered the highlanders from entering that night, and obliged us either to have abandoned the field of battle, or to have stood all night under arms, wet and fatigued as we were, and exposed to the inclemency of the weather, a thing impossible.
Mr. Drummond, now Lord Strathallan, and Mr. Oliphant younger of Gask, disguised in peasants dress, went into the town to reconnoitre, and to get intelligence of the enemy. They soon returned with information, that they were flying in confusion to Linlithgow. The Prince immediately ordered his men to march, and attack them in the rear. As we marched we fell on the enemy’s canon, which they had left between the field of battle and the town: they could not draw them up the hill, on account of the badness of the roads; so they were of no use to them in the action.
The enemy’s rear were just got to the east end of the town, when Lord John Drummond entered it on that side: he was shot throw the arm by a soldier, whom he was taking prisoner. Lord George Murray entered at the middle, and Lochiel at the west end of the town.
Our men had no sooner entered the town than they disappeared on all sides; every one putting himself under cover to dry his cloaths; and refresh himself after the fatigue of the day: and altho a detachment of 1000 men were ordered to pursue the enemy, yet, such is the misfortune of an irregular army! not 50 could be brought together, besides those absolutely necessary to mount the guards for the Prince and their own safeties. So the enemy never stopped till they got to Linlithgow, and some of their volunteers and dragoons to Edinburgh.
The Prince’s first care next morning was to send to reconnoitre the field of battle, and cause bury the dead, as well those of the enemy as his own men. Some of their officers that could be distinguished, of whom were Sir Robert Monroe and Colonel Whitney, were brought down to the town, and interred in the same manner as our own officers were.
It now appeared that about 600 of the enemy were killed on the field of battle, and that we had made about 700 prisoners.
We got all their artillery consisting of 7 large pieces of brass canon, and 3 iron ones, several mortars and coehorns, with a great many shells, all their ammunition, waggons, tents, 3 standards, 2 stand of colours, a kettle drum, many small arms, baggage, and generally every thing that the rain prevented them from burning.
On our side were killed 3 captains, 4 subaltern officers, and about 40 private men: and we had wounded near double that number.
OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN,
fought April 16TH, 1746
As soon as certain intelligence was brought that the Duke of Cumberland had begun his march from Aberdeen northwards, the Prince sent orders to Ross, Sutherland, Lochaber, and Badenoch, that all the detachments of his army, in these places, should join him immediately at Inverness.
The Duke of Cumberland passed the Spey on the 13th, and on the 14th encamped at Nairn, about 10 miles from Culloden. On this the Prince assembled his men in and about Inverness, and marched at their head to Culloden-house, where he lay that night, and the troops encamped in the Parks.
Early next morning, the Prince drew up his army in line of battle, upon Drummossie muir, south of the house and parks of Culloden, as he expected that the Duke of Cumberland would have attacked him that day, being his birth-day.
About noon, when we were informed that he had not moved, it was proposed to the Prince to make a night attack upon him, in his camp at Nairn. Various were the reasons for and against this proposal. And after considering them fully, the Prince approved of the project, as the most probable chance he had of beating the enemy; provided they could be surprised by one o’clock of the morning.
We must here observe, that the Duke of Cumberland’s army was double the number of ours, plentifully provided with money and provisions of all kinds; having a squadron of ships, loaded with stores, that coasted along, from Aberdeen to Inverness, in sight of his army, to supply him with whatever was necessary. Whereas our military chest was spent; the men had not received pay for some time, had got no provisions this day but a single bisket each, and were much fatigued by severe duty.
In this situation the Prince could not propose to keep his army together. He was obliged either to fight or starve. And altho above 3000 men, under the command of the Earl of Cromarty, Macdonald of Barisdale, Macgregor of Glengyle, Cluny Macpherson, and others, who were expected every hour, had not yet joined, he resolved to risk the event of an engagement.
The night attack being therefore agreed to, was to have been executed thus. One third of the army, commanded by Lord George Murray, were to have passed the water of Nairn, two miles below Culraick, and two from Nairn, to have attacked the enemy on the south east near to the sea; whilst the other two thirds, under the command of the Duke of Perth and his brother Lord John Drummond, were to have attacked them on the plain, from the north east and all the way to the sea, so as to have joined those who were to have attacked on the other side.
That our design might not be discovered by the enemy, the march began about eight o’clock at night. Lord George Murray led the van. He had along with him, besides several gentlemen volunteers and officers, 30 men of the Mackintoshes, who lived in that very country, as guides. They conducted him the moor road, that he might not fall in with the enemy’s patrolls; and small parties were stationed at proper distances to prevent the enemy from receiving any intelligence.
As the highlanders had often marched more than two miles in an hour, it was hoped that they could have reached Nairn before two o’clock. But before Lord George had marched a mile, he received a message that the half of the line was at a considerable distance, and orders to halt, or march slower, till the line should join. He received many messages by aides-de-camps and other officers, sent for the same purpose, by the time he had reached six miles. Altho he did not halt, he marched always slower, hoping that would do: For he knew that a halt in the van occasions a greater one in the rear, when the march begins again; whereas by marching slow, the rear might have joined without that inconveniency.
It was already near two o’clock in the morning, and the van near four miles from the enemy. Most of the officers of distinction were now come up to the front; particularly the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Lochiel and his brother, and M. oSulivan. The Duke of Perth told Lord George Murray that unless he made a halt the center and rear columns could not join. We halted. Here the officers began to examine their present situation. They were of opinion, that by the time the line had joined, and the army advanced two miles farther, it would be day light, and consequently the enemy would have time to point their canon, draw up their men, and place their horse so as to act in the most advantagious manner. Besides, a great number of our men had left their ranks and lain down in the wood of Culraick, which must have proceeded from faintness for want of food, and not from the fatigue of a six miles march. In these circumstances the attack was judged impracticable. To get back to Culloden, so as the men could have some hours refreshment, in case they should be obliged to fight that day, was what they agreed to.
As the Prince was about a mile behind in the rear, and the road through the wood very difficult to pass, they thought it would consume too much time to send back for orders, Lord George Murray therefore ordered the retreat. The Duke of Perth went back to acquaint the Prince with this resolution. At first he seemed much surprised, on which the Duke offered to march back the men; but after some reflection, he saw it was then too late.
We marched back the shortest way, as we had not the same reason for shuning houses in returning as we had in advancing.
The van had only got to the Church of Cray, that is two miles from where the halt was made, when it was broad day light. This showed that the enemy could not have been surprised as was intended. However, had the center and rear marched as quick as the van, it might certainly have been done.
Between 5 and 6 o’clock, all the army reached Culloden: But many, as well officers as soldiers went to Inverness and places adjacent, in quest of provisions, which were difficult to find.
The Prince had scarcely reposed himself an hour, when accounts were brought, that the enemy was in full march to attack him. He immediately sent aid-de-camps to bring up the men, who were at Inverness. In the mean time he marched up the troops that were about Culloden to Drummossie muir; but half a mile nearer than where they were formed the preceeding day.
This was our order of battle. The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of his own regiment of Athol, Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, one battallion of the Frazers of Lovat, and the Mackintoshes. The left wing, commanded by the Duke of Perth, consisted of the Macdonalds of Glengary, Keppoch and Clanranald, two companies of Macleans, two companies of Macleods, and the Farquharsons. The 2d line, commanded by Lord John Drummond and Major General Stappleton, consisted of the Irish piquets, the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Lord Lewis Gordon, Duke of Perth, and Lord John Drummond. On the right wing, behind the 2d line, was a troop of Fitz-james’s horse; and on the left the horse guards, Perth-shire squadron and Hussards. The regiments of the Earl of Kilmarnock’s foot guards, and Colonel John Roy Stuart, with such of our men as had no guns formed a sort of reserve.
The whole did not exceed 6000 foot and 150 horse. We had six pieces of canon, two placed on the right, two on the left, and two in the center of the front line. Our front was to the east.
The Duke of Cumberland drew up his army in three lines. The first, commanded by Lieutenant-General the Earl of Albemarle, consisted of the regiments of Barrel, Monro, Scot’s Fusileers, Price, Cholmondley and Sinclair. The 2d, commanded by Major General Huske, consisted of the regiments of Wolfe, Ligonier, Sempil, Bligh, and Flemming. The 3d line, commanded by Brigadier Mordant, consisted of the regiments of Blackeney, Battereau, Pulteney and Howard. On the right wing were placed Cobham’s dragoons, and the half of Kingston’s horse, with the Campbells of Argyle.
Had these regiments been all compleat, they should have amounted to 15000 men, but as they were they surely amounted to near 12000 foot and 1200 horse. Ten pieces of canon were placed in the first line, two between each regiment; and six pieces in the 2d line.
The enemy formed at a considerable distance, and marched in order of battle. About two o’clock afternoon the canonading began.
The Prince, after riding along the lines to animate the men, placed himself about the center, that he might the more conveniently give his orders. The enemy’s canon galled us much. One of the Prince’s servants, who led a sumpter horse, was killed at his side.
We were greatly out-lined both on right and left. Some alterations were made in our disposition in order to remedy this. Our right was covered by some old park walls, that led towards the water of Nairn. The Campbells got behind these walls, pulled them down, and placed a battery of canon, which did great execution on our right.
The Prince ordered to begin the attack. Our men attacked with all the fury imaginable, and made several impressions on the enemys line; particularly the Athol-men broke entirely the regiments of Barret and Monro, and took possession of two pieces of canon. But the enemy keeping a close hedge fire, overpowering us with numbers, and attacking us on both flanks, threw our lines into great confusion, and at last obliged us to quit the field. The Duke of Cumberland was likewise assisted by a great storm of hail and rain that blew in our faces.
The Prince did all he could to rally his men, but to no purpose. He was therefore obliged to retire. He crossed the water of Nairn at the ford on the high way between Inverness and Corryburgh, and then went to Lord Lovats. The greatest part of the army went to Ruthven in Badennoch.
As we had not afterwards an opportunity of reviewing our men, we cannot exactly say what loss we sustained in the action. By the enemy’s account we lost 2000 men, and they 300. But there is reason to think, that on the one side they magnify, and on the other diminish the numbers.
‘Cum rectè factorum sibi quisque gratiam trahat, unius invidiâ ab omnibus peccatur.’ Tac. Ann. 1. 3 c. 53.
APPENDIX I
THE JACOBITE LORD SEMPILL
Mr. Fitzroy Bell, in a note to Murray’s Memorials (p. 42), relates that he had been unable to discover who this Jacobite Lord Sempill was. The researches of the Marquis de Ruvigny among the Stuart Papers, published in the Jacobite Peerage, make his identity quite clear. Francis Sempill was the son and heir of Robert Sempill, an officer in the French army. In 1712 this Robert Sempill received from the court of St. Germains a ‘Declaration of Noblesse,’ which stated that he ‘is grandson of the late Hugh, Lord Sempill, Peer of Scotland and sole heir-male of the property and the ancient title of the said lord, whose fourth son, Archibald, father of the said Robert, is the only one who left any living male child.’ On the 16th of July 1723 he appears as Mr. Robert Sempill, Captain of the Regiment of Dillon. He died at Paris intestate. In the documents of probate he is termed ‘Robert, Lord Sempill, alias Robert Sempill.’ On the strength of the title given to him in this reference, the Marquis de Ruvigny states that after 1723, when he was termed simply ‘Mr. Robert Sempill,’ he ‘seems after that date to have been created by James III. and VIII. a lord and peer of Parliament.’ This assumption has also been made by Mr. Fitzroy Bell, Mr. Andrew Lang, and other recent writers, but there is no evidence of any new creation, nor indeed was there any necessity for it. Robert Sempill the soldier had received in 1712 the declaration that he was entitled to the ancient title, but apparently had not used it. It seems natural to believe that his son Francis, who on the death of the father would prepare the probate papers, inserted in them the title of lord, to which the Declaration of 1712 said his father was entitled, and that on succeeding he assumed the title which his father had not used.
The following table shows the relationship of the Jacobite Lord Sempill with the nobleman who bore the same title in Scotland. He fought at Culloden and died the same year at Aberdeen (see p. 164).
APPENDIX II
MURRAY OF BROUGHTON AND THE BISHOPRIC OF EDINBURGH
At the Revolution there were eight hundred and seven parishes in Scotland filled by ministers of the Episcopal Church. On the accession of William and Mary and the Abolition of Episcopacy and the Establishment of the Presbyterian Church, all the bishops refused the Oath to the new Sovereigns, and a large number of the clergy left their parishes for the same reason.
At first there was much toleration, but as the bishops and the Episcopal clergy were all Non-jurors and maintained their allegiance to the exiled Stuart kings, they gradually became a Jacobite institution. Although very feeble, they were torn with internal dissension both doctrinal and ecclesiastical. As the pre-Revolution bishops died out, it was thought necessary in order to keep up the succession to consecrate new bishops, but this had to be done with utmost secrecy.
At first these bishops were appointed bishops at large without any diocese or territorial jurisdiction, and were known as the College of Bishops, but gradually the clergy demanded some sort of superintendence. Bishops were consecrated by one party and by others, but all on the understanding that they owed allegiance to the Stuart king. To avoid scandal the Jacobite managers and the Jacobite Court insisted that when bishops were elected the king should be informed so as to give congé d’élire before consecration. This power was afterwards compromised by the exiled king permitting the clergy to select all the bishops except the metropolitans of St. Andrews and Glasgow, and a Bishop of Edinburgh who might have to act as metropolitan under the title of Vicar-General of St. Andrews.
In the year 1741 John Murray, as Agent in Scotland for the Jacobite Court, sent up the name of William Harper, who was incumbent of St. Paul’s Non-juring Episcopal Church in Carrubber’s Close. He was well connected, being married to a daughter of Sir David Thriepland of Fingask, and he was also principal adviser to most of the prominent Jacobites of the time.
Some of the bishops did not want him, and Bishop Keith represented to the Chevalier through Murray that Harper was an objectionable person, and implored the king to withdraw his congé d’élire. Mr. Harper retired from the contest.
After much negotiation John Murray, apparently with the concurrence of the majority of the bishops, fixed upon Bishop Rattray as a man likely from his age and rank to put an end to the dissensions; and James sent from Rome a congé de lire to elect him Bishop of Edinburgh, apparently with certain metropolitan powers. Rattray, however, died a few days after this permission was received, and the see was not filled until 1776.
Bishop Rattray was a Perthshire laird, the head of the ancient family of Rattray of Craighall. His son John acted as surgeon to Prince Charles throughout the campaign of 1745-46. A volume recently published, A Jacobite Stronghold of the Church, by Mary E. Ingram (Edinburgh, 1907), gives much information about William Harper and the Episcopal Church in Jacobite times.
APPENDIX III
SIR JAMES STEUART
Sir James Steuart (afterwards Steuart Denham) of Goodtrees and Coltness, second baronet. His father had been Solicitor-General, and his grandfather Lord Advocate, and both belonged to the party of the Covenanters. Sir James was born in 1712, and in 1743 he married Lady Frances, daughter of the fourth Earl of Wemyss, and sister of Lord Elcho, one of the Jacobite leaders of the ’Forty-five. When Prince Charles came to Edinburgh, Sir James joined his Court, and he is the reputed author of some of the Prince’s manifestos. In the autumn of 1745 he was sent to France as the Prince’s agent.
In the Stuart Papers there is a document headed ‘A Copy of Sir James Stewart’s powers, Dec. 29, 1746.’
‘Nous Charles Prince de Galles Regent des Royaumes d’Angleterre, d’Ecosse, etc. jugeant qu’il est notre service dans la conjouncture presente de charger de nos affaires auprès de Sa Majesté très-chretienne une personne instruite de nos intentions nous avons choisi le Chevalier Baronet Stuart auquel nous avons donné et donnons pouvoir, commission, et mandement special de traitter et negotier avec les ministres de Sa Majesté [très-chrètienne] arrester, conclure et signer avec eux tous les articles ou conventions qu’il avisera bon être.... Fait a Paris ce 29 Decembre 1746.’
This seems to be a copy of the credential which he received in Edinburgh, and which, probably for precautionary reasons, he did not carry with him in case of being captured and searched. The whole commission is printed among the Stuart Papers in Browne’s History of the Highlands, vol. iii. p. 472.
Sir James was specially excepted from the Act of Indemnity of 1747. He wandered on the Continent until 1763, when he was permitted to return to Scotland. He received a pardon in 1771, and died in 1780. He was author of Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy (1767), and other works. There is information about his Jacobite career in the narratives of his brother-in-law, Lord Elcho, recently published, also a long biography in The Coltness Collections, in which every effort is made to ignore or minimise his Jacobitism.
There was something mysterious both about his joining the Jacobite Court and about his departure from Scotland. Robert Chambers, in his History of the Rebellion, chap. xxiv., relates, upon the authority of Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton, Sir James’s near relative, the story of his joining the Prince at Holyrood, which may be told in Chambers’s own words.
‘Descended of a whig family, Sir James had, nevertheless, allowed himself, in the course of his travels, to form an intimacy with the Stuart princes and some of their principal adherents. He had more lately been piqued at the treatment he had received at an election from one of the officers of the government. He was disposed to join the enterprise of the Prince, but wished that, in doing so, he should not appear quite a free agent. His sister’s husband, the Earl of Buchan, a good man, of moderate understanding, was brought by him to the same views, and they agreed with Lady Steuart’s brother, Lord Elcho, that they should be seized in a public place, and carried to Holyrood House, as if against their will. Walking next day at the cross of Edinburgh, Sir James and the earl were seized accordingly, and conducted to the palace. There a message was sent from an anteroom to the Chevalier, mentioning their presence. The Prince, who in the meanwhile had heard of the manner of their visit, returned for answer, that if the Earl of Buchan and Sir James Steuart came as willing partisans to befriend his cause, he should be proud and happy to see them, but not otherwise. This bluntness, though honourable to the Prince’s candour, displeased Buchan, whose resolution, perhaps, had already begun to give way. He therefore made a low bow to the officer, and said: “Please inform his royal highness that I have the honour to be his most obedient humble servant”; after which he instantly left the palace. Sir James, too much offended with the government to retrace his steps, remained to see the Prince upon the terms prescribed.’
There was something still more mysterious about his departure. The following depositions were found in the Records of the Sheriff Court of Kincardineshire by Dr. W. A. Macnaughton of Stonehaven,[639] who kindly sent them to me. The depositions were taken from witnesses in a civil action of false imprisonment by James Grant against Alexander Garioch of Mergie. Garioch acted as deputy governor of Stonehaven for Prince Charles. Apparently the authorities took the opportunity of interrogating the Jacobite witnesses about Sir James. The portions of the depositions that refer to Sir James Steuart only are here given.
1. Peter Barclay of Johnstoun[640] ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James Stewart Depones that some time about the middle of November or a little before it, the Deponent had occasion to be at Stonhyve in a Tavern with Mr. Garioch, that he saw a person who passed under the Name of Brown, and who was called by Mergie to the Deponent a Prisoner, but that there was no guard sett upon him and the Deponent saw him at liberty to go out and in under no confinement that the Deponent could observe, That the Deponent had had occasion about sixteen years before to be in company with Sir James Stewart That when the Deponent saw this person who was called Brown he thought he had seen him before, but could not then recollect who he was That the day after the Deponent had seen this person he was conversing with one Menzies in the French service was enquiring who this person might be and was positive he had seen him before, That Menzies said he did not know who he was, but that some days before Lord Lewis Gordon had been dining with him, and he observed that Lord Lewis was Drinking to this person his health That upon this the Deponent recollected and said he imagined him to be Sir James Stuart, Depones that when that person was ordered to be taken on board of a ffrench ship by Mergie’s command he took a formal protest in waiting against Mergie for forcing him out of the Kingdom against his will, Being interrogate if he thought it was a serious protest Depones that he did not know what to think of it but was very much surprised at the whole proceeding and that when the Deponent said to Mergie that he judged this person to be Sir James Stuart, Mergie absolutely refused that it was, that this person went down to the Boat in order to embark aboard of the ship which lay at anchor without any guard attending him, Mergie and the Deponent and several others went along with him to the Boat.
4. John Maule[641] Depones that some time in October 1745 a ffrench ship arrived in the Harbour of Stonhyve with some chests of Arms, six pieces of cannon, and other warlike stores, That Mergie received from the Hands of one Black, who called himself Supercargo of the said Ship all these Warlike Instruments, and called in the country to assist in carrying them southwards, Depones that the above mentioned Black went south along with the cargo of Arms etc. which were brought from on board the above mentioned vessel, and returned again in about 2 weeks after he arrived at the Publick House keeped by John Falconer and that there was in his company as the Deponent had occasion to see immediately after his arrival a Gentleman unknown to the Deponent, that when the Deponent enquired at Black who this Person was Black told him he had met with him at Montrose, and believed him to be one of the officers who had been taken Prisoner at the Battle of Prestonpans and had made his Escape That Black desired the Deponent to go to Mergie and inform him that there was such a Gentleman at Mr. Falconer’s house whom he suspected to be an officer of General Cope’s Army who had made his escape, That the deponent delivered this message to Mergie, upon which Mergie came directly up to the Mill of Stonhyve That the Deponent accompanied Mergie with a Guard, That Mergie and Black took the said Person unknown to the Deponent into an Apartment by themselves, and after staying about an Hour returned again and showed to the Deponent a Black Cockade and about sixty or seventy Pistoll shot, which he said he had found upon searching about this unknown Person, and ordered him to be keeped Prisoner, and accordingly a Guard was placed upon the House all that night That next day the Deponent was sent for by Mergie and received orders from him to Remove the Guard which was upon the said unknown person, and to take the Custody and care of him himself, and desired him to keep sight of him and not suffer him to make his Escape, That for two or three days the Deponent keept a pritty watchful eye over the said unknown Gentleman during the daytime and at night there was always a Guard of three or four men placed on the House But after that during his stay in Stonhyve the Deponent sometimes attended the said Gentleman when he walked for his Recreation any distance from the Town but he was left for most part without any guard or attendance That during the time of the said person’s stay at Stonhyve Mergie was frequently in company with him at Dinner and Supper and frequently they were alone together Depones that one day when the deponent was in the laigh Room of the Mill of Stonhyve he heard this unknown Gentleman and the first and second Master of the abovementioned French ship in company in the Room immediately above, That the Deponent heard them laughing and very merry together, that they were speaking ffrench and so loud that if the deponent had understood it, he might have heard what they said very well, That after the abovementioned Company above stairs had parted, the Deponent met with the second master of the French vessel and asked him how it came about that he was so very familiar and so free in the Company of that gentleman who was a Prisoner, Oh! said the master in English which he spoke very well, you are quite mistaken, this is one of our own friends, Depones that to the best of the Deponent’s remembrance this Person staid in town about eight or ten days, that when the Ship was ready to sail Mergie signed a formal Warrand for Transporting him in the said ship to France, and a Guard was placed in order to convey him to the Boat, That the said Person took a formal protest agt. Mergie for sending him out of the Kingdom against his Will, and being Interrogate if he understood the said Protest to be serious Depones that he did not know what to think of it and was very much surprised when he considered of all the proceedings in relation to this person from first to last, how he was upon his first arrival under a strick Guard afterwards very much at Liberty and last of all formally sent aboard of the ship to be transported seemingly against his will, That when this Person was going into the Boat and taking his leave of other people upon the shoar he came up to the deponent and embracing him very kindly, told him that he was very sensible of his civilities, and would represent his good Behaviour to people that he did not then think of, Depones that he remembers when this person was in Stonhyve, there was an attempt made by the Ludlow Castle, a Ship belonging to the King’s Navy, to force the harbour by her boat with about fifty men or thereby, That upon this Occasion the unknown person above mentioned was very active in assisting and directing the French crew about the manner of Planting their Battery and Defending the Harbour in which he seemed to have skill, Depones that Mergie at first when this person was committed to the Deponent’s custody charged him to be very strict in his Watch over him, but shortly after desired him to be easy with him and let him go about his business as he pleased Depones that he would know this person if he saw him again But that he knew nothing who he was during the Time of his stay at Stonhyve, that shortly after he heard from people that came from the south that it was Sir James Stewart That a few days after the said person came to Stonhyve Sir Alexander Bannerman came and waited upon him at the Mill of Stonhyve immediately after the Deponent received Orders from Mergie not to be strict in his guard over the said person Depones that when he saw the said Person so very active in giving directions about planting the Cannon against the King’s Boat which attempted the Harbour he did then and not till then suspect that his being a Prisoner was a Farce.
6. William Herdman ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James Stewart Depones that he had occasion to see and be in company sometimes with a Gentleman who was said to be a Prisoner, That for several days after his arrival he was strictly guarded, but after that was left at large to go where he pleased, That one Black who came over as Supercargo on board a French vessel and had gone to the south about three weeks before Returned again in company with this unknown gentleman, That he said he had met with this Gentleman upon the Road but did not know who he was, That the Deponent sincerely believed this gentleman by his behaviour and conversation to be a person well affected to the Government, till the Ludlow Castle, one of His Majesty’s Ships, appeared and attempted to make the Harbour with her long Boat and some men on board, upon which occasion the Deponent observed that this gentleman seemed to be in some hurry and concern and as the Deponent was passing near to the Harbour he saw this gentleman and Mr. Black standing together and heard the said gentleman calling out with an appearance of solicitude and Keenness to the people who were driving down Dung to the shore for Defence of the Harbour, to go faster, or saying something to that purpose which occasioned in the Deponent a strong suspicion that he was in reality in the interest of the Pretender’s Party But after that when he saw him carried down to the ship like a Criminal with a Guard about him, the Deponent was confounded and did not know what to think of it, That sometime thereafter the Deponent heard a Rumor in the Country that it was Sir James Stewart, after that Mergie told him that it was Sir James Stewart and Jocked at his ignorance in Imagining that he was really a Prisoner.
7. John Lawson, Doctor,[642] ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James Stewart Depones that sometime towards the end of 1745 there arrived a ffrench ship in the Harbour of Stonhyve That one Black who was said to be supercargo of the said ship came and Lodged in the Deponent’s House That shortly after his arrival he went south, and about a fortnight or three weeks thereafter the said Mr. Black returned and arrived at the Mill of Stonhyve and in his company there was an unknown Gentleman who was immediately taken as a Prisoner by Mergie, That the Deponent had occasion to see the said Gentleman about an Hour after his arrival and saw Weileyes (? valise) or a Bagg which the Deponent was told Mergie had searched, and in which nothing was remarkable but a small Duck Bagg with some Pistoll Ball in it and a Black Cockade, That the Deponent observed about three or four days after his arrival he was more at liberty only John Maule Writer in Stonhyve was said always to have him in custody, the Deponent has seen him alone without anybody looking after him, That some days after his arrival Sir Alexr. Bannerman came to Stonhyve Depones that he had a strong Impression from what he heard talked of frequently that this Person’s Confinement was only a Farce, That the Deponent heard some time after the said Gentleman was put on board the French ship that he was Sir James Stewart of Goodtrees.
8. John Falconer[643] ... Being Interrogate concerning Sir James Stewart Depones that a person unknown to him, said to be a Prisoner of Mergie’s and passed under the name of Brown lodged in his House, that after the first three or four days he was left at Liberty to go where he pleased either upon foot or Horseback upon Parole as the Deponent heard to Mergie, and the Deponent thinks he could have easily made his escape if he had a mind the Deponent has seen him frequently privately in company with Mergie.
APPENDIX IV
THE GUILDHALL RELIEF FUND
This fund, in the distribution of which Walter Grossett was concerned, and of which his brother’s widow and children were the largest beneficiaries, was probably the earliest example of systematic organisation for the supply of comforts to soldiers in the field, to the sick and wounded, and for provision for widows and orphans.
The fund was instituted at the Guildhall, London, on November 27th, 1745, by Sir Richard Hoare, then Lord Mayor. The minute of the first meeting aptly declares the intention of the founders:—
‘We whose names are underwritten, in Consideration of the particular Hardships and Inconveniencies which may be suffer’d by such Soldiers as now are, or shall hereafter be employ’d in his Majesty’s Service during the Winter Season, towards the Suppression of the present unnatural Rebellion, do hereby voluntarily Subscribe and pay the several Sums set by us against our respective Names to be applied towards their Relief, Support, and Encouragement, in such manner, and in such Proportion, as shall be deem’d to be most necessary and expedient by a Committee which shall hereafter be appointed for that Purpose by Us, or the Major Part who shall be present at any General Meeting, pursuant to an Advertisement in the London Gazette.’
The result of the efforts of the Lord Mayor and his associates is recorded in an admirable report printed in 1747.
The report gives a subscription list. There were exactly five hundred subscriptions, and the total amount subscribed was £18,910, 0s. 9d. The largest subscription was that of ‘the Rt. Hon. Lord Chief Justice, Master of the Rolls, Lord Chief Justice Willes, Lord Chief Baron Parker, and the Honourable Judges, whose gift was £1200; the smallest that of the parish of St. Thomas, Southwark, which gave 10s. 9d. In the List are found subscriptions from the Prince of Wales, £500; the Mayor, Commonalty, and Citizens of the City of London, £1000; Governor and Company of the Bank of England, £1000; John Rich from the Theatre Royal in Covent Garden, £602, 7s.; the Gentlemen Volunteers of the City of London, £523, 19s. The City Companies subscribe sums varying from £100 to £300, and it is interesting to find in the list the name of Isaac Watts, D.D., for a subscription of £5, 5s. The Report, which is an excellent business document, finishes with the following paragraph:—
‘In this Manner your Committee propose that the Conclusion of this Subscription should be agreeable to the Design of its original Institution; since every Calamity you can remove, or every Comfort you can bestow on Behalf of the private Soldier, will be giving them so much new Strength and Vigour to act in Defence of our Liberties, and Support of our Constitution; wherein both Interest and Duty, both publick Safety and publick Charity, may be jointly urged as Motives to your Benevolence. And as to what has already been expended, if Relief under Sickness, if Support under Fatigue, if Encouragement under Dangers, are to be esteemed Acts of Humanity or Beneficence, by how much stronger Ties were we called upon to return such Assistance to those who under the greatest Hazards and Difficulties were protecting us in the Enjoyment of every Thing that was dear and valuable: And your Committee flatter themselves that the Zeal which was exerted on this Occasion, by the Magistrates, Merchants, and other Inhabitants of this Metropolis, contributed no less to dispirit the Enemy, than it did to animate our own Forces, until they obtained that compleat Victory over the Rebels, which so happily preserved the Religion, Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, the inseparable Blessings of his Majesty’s Government.’
Details of the disbursements of the Fund are given in appendices which are printed below, and are interesting in the present time of war for the sake of comparison with similar modern activities. They are printed from an original copy of the Report in the editor’s possession.
[Appendix No. I. is the List of Subscriptions.]