ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN

This is a beautifully written manuscript of sixty-two folios, small quarto, by Andrew Lumisden, private secretary to Prince Charles when in Scotland. Certain documents bound up with the manuscript give its history. It was originally written for the information of John Home, author of the tragedy of Douglas, when engaged in writing his history of the Rebellion. After Home’s death, it was presented by his nephew, John Home, W.S., to Macvey Napier, Librarian of the Signet Library. In 1840 Napier presented it to Mr. James Gibson Craig, W.S., because, as he says in a letter, he ‘has a just taste and value for such documents.’ On Mr. Gibson Craig’s death in 1886, it passed into the collection of his partner Sir Thomas Dawson Brodie, Bart. On his death, it came into my possession by purchase.

Andrew Lumisden was a grandson of Andrew Lumisden, episcopal minister of Duddingston, who was ‘outed’ at the Revolution. In 1727 the latter was consecrated bishop of Edinburgh, and died six years later. The bishop’s third son, William, was educated for the bar, but he ‘went out’ in 1715, and, refusing to take the oaths to Government after that Rising, he was unable to follow his profession, but practised in Edinburgh as a Writer or law agent. He married Mary Bruce, a granddaughter of Robert Bruce, third of Kennet. To them were born two children, (1) Isabella born in 1719, who, in 1747, was married to the young artist Robert Strange, whom she had induced to join Prince Charles’s Life Guards, and who afterwards became the most famous British engraver of his time, and was knighted by George III.; and (2) Andrew, born in 1720, the author of this ‘Account.’

Andrew followed his father’s profession of Writer, and when Prince Charles came to Edinburgh in 1745 he was, on the recommendation of his cousin Sir Alex. Dick of Prestonfield, appointed private secretary to the Prince, and accompanied him throughout the campaign. After Culloden he was attainted. He concealed himself for some weeks in Edinburgh, escaped to London, and thence to Rouen. Here at first he suffered great privation, but succeeded in obtaining a French pension of 600 livres, which relieved his immediate wants. In 1749 he went to Rome, and in the following year he was appointed Assistant Secretary to the Old Chevalier. On the death of James Edgar, in 1762, he succeeded him as Jacobite Secretary of State. The Old Chevalier died in 1766, and Lumisden was for a time continued in his office by Charles. The great object of Charles’s policy was to be acknowledged by the Pope as King of Great Britain, a title which Clement XIII. refused him in spite of a powerful appeal by Cardinal Henry, Duke of York, to his Holiness.[105] Charles, smarting under the indignity, became intensely irritable, and gave himself up more and more to self-indulgence. In December 1768 Lumisden, along with two other Scottish officials, was summarily dismissed for refusing to accompany his royal master to an oratorio when that master was intoxicated.[106] Leaving Rome, he settled in Paris, where he moved in the highest literary and artistic circles. In 1773 he was allowed to return to Great Britain, and five years later he received a full pardon.

Lumisden, who was never married, continued to spend much of his time in Paris, accounted ‘a man of the finest taste and learning,’ living the life of a dilettante, and paying frequent visits to London and Edinburgh.

There is a pleasant anecdote told of him at this time, which reflects the kindly feeling borne by King George III. to irreconcilable Jacobites. It is very similar to the well-known story of King George’s message to Laurence Oliphant of Gask, told by Sir Walter Scott in the Introduction to Redgauntlet. It must be remembered that to their dying day both the laird of Gask and Andrew Lumisden never referred to King George except as the Elector of Hanover. The story of Lumisden is told in a family paper[107] by his great-niece Mrs. Mure (née Louisa Strange), and may be given in that lady’s own words.

A valuable library was about to be dispersed in Paris, which contained a rare copy or edition of the Bible, and George III. commissioned his bookseller, Mr. Nichol, to procure it for him at a certain limit as to price. Mr. Nichol, intimate with Mr. Lumisden, whose literary character qualified him to pronounce as to the authenticity and value of this work, employed him to examine, and, on approval, to make this purchase, which he did, obtaining it at a far lower price than had been mentioned. The king, delighted with his acquisition, asked Mr. Nichol how he had managed to get it. Mr. Nichol replied he had ‘applied to a friend of his much connected with literature, whom he could trust,’ etc., etc. ‘Well, but who is your friend,’ said the king, ‘I suppose he has a name?’ ‘A gentleman named Lumisden, your Majesty,’ said Mr. Nichol. ‘Oh!’ replied the king, ‘the Prince’s secretary.’ The king, with true courtesy, never called Charles Edward aught but ‘the Prince.’ ‘Yes, your Majesty,’ said Mr. Nichol shyly, ‘the same.’ ‘Well, Nichol,’ said the king, ‘I am much obliged by the trouble Mr. Lumisden has taken; pray, make him my compliments, and tell him so; and I should like to send him some little token of this. What shall it be?’ Nichol suggested ‘a book, perhaps,’ and it is said the king laughed and said, ‘Oh, yes! a book, a book! that would suit you!’ However, the message was sent, and Mr. Lumisden’s reply was, that he should be gratified by the possession of a copy of Captain Cook’s Voyages, then just published, in which he took a deep interest, and considered they owed their success to the individual patronage given them by the king himself.

A very handsome copy of Anson’s and Cook’s Voyages, in nine quarto volumes, was sent to Mr. Lumisden by the king. They were left by Mr. Lumisden to my father [Sir Thomas Strange], and he bequeathed them to his son James, now Admiral Strange, in whose possession they are. [Written in 1883.]

In 1797 Lumisden published a volume at London entitled Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome and its Environs ... with Engravings, his only literary legacy excepting this account of the battles in Scotland. I have failed to discover at what period of his life this manuscript was written.

Lumisden died in Edinburgh in 1801. His usual lodging had been in the Luckenbooths, the very heart of the old town, but he had recently changed his quarters to the then new Princes Street, and to the very newest part of that street, the section west of Castle Street. To the imagination it seems strangely incongruous, yet as a link between the past and the present not entirely unfitting, that this aged partisan of the House of Stuart, probably the last Scottish gentleman who personally served that dynasty whose capital was the ancient city, should meet his death in the newest part of that modern street which is the glory of the Edinburgh that the Stuarts never knew.

ORIGINS OF THE ’FORTY-FIVE
PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON

A COPY OF ORIGINAL PAPERS written by John Murray, Esq., Secretary to the Young Pretender, containing a History of the first Rise and Progress of the Late Rebellion from the End of the year 1742 to 1744.

N.B.—The original is written by Mr. Murray’s own hand and was found after the Battle of Culloden, and seems to have been originally design’d as Memoirs, etc.

Copy of a shattered Leaf belonging to the original Manuscript

Edgar to Murray

During all this winter[108] my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r,[109] as I observed before, was at London with Lord Semple[110] and Mr. Drummond,[111] and the gentlemen in the Highlands immediately concerned in his Majesties affairs were employed in cultivating his interest amongst their vassals and neighbours, which was the more easily done as the most part of that country are naturally Loyal and at the same time ... run so high against the Government, that any scheme proposed ... was most acceptable. It seems after his Lordship had been there sometime, he wrote a letter to his Majestie, in answer to which I received one enclosed to me from Mr. Edgar,[112] dated the 5th of July 1742, which was this.... It is a long time since I had the pleasure of writting to you which has been occasioned by my knowing you was informed of everything by Bahady, and that being the case I did not care to ... venture all ... time when I shall ... to say to you as I ha ... view of recommending them ... for Lord [Tra]q[uai]r to your care ... of it with much satisfaction ... to assure you of my best respect and of the longing I have to tell you by word of mouth how much I am yours. As Lord T[ra]q[uai]r has been lately at London and knew there how things were going it is useless for me to enter here ... matters and as the King has particular directions to give you ... sent I shall add nothing ... but by his Majesties Com ... kind compliments ... that the family a ... I am with all my h....

After his Lordships return ... taken to inform the Highlands of the favourable situation there seemed to ... from the information he had got from Lord Semple and Drummond ...

The rest of this page torn away.

Copy of another shattered Leaf

Which message tho’ they began to languish a little, yet kept up their spirits. As nothing is more common than for people to believe what they wish and hope for, however specious the encouragement may be. Upon Mr. Drummond parting with His Lordship at London, he assured him he would write particularly whatever Resolutions the Cardinal[113] should come to after his arrival, imagining, as he said, that the promises they had gott in England from the King’s friends there would suffice to determine the old man to act strenuously in his Majesty’s favours; upon which we waited impatiently to hear from him. In the beginning of Winter Locheal came to town with whom I had occasion often to converse on these subjects, and always found him the man the most ready, and willing chearfully to enter into any scheme that would conduce to His Majesty’s interest: and must here declare that I really believe he is the most sincere honest man the Country produces, without the least shew of self interest. After several months had passed without my hearing from Rome, or any letters coming from My L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r received one from Mr. Drummond about the beginning of December and dated ... of ... which alarmed us very much, as it gave us ground to believe that things were much nearer Action, than we had any notion of, and indeed it seemed to us only fitt to be written a few weeks before a descent; but to make the reader Judge, I shall here insert a letter itself.

Copy Mr. Drummond’s letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r dated the 1742.

The rest awanting.

Copy of another torn Leaf in Manuscripts

As there was nothing in this letter but a general assurance of the French Design without either specyfying the number of the Troops, Arms, Money, Ammunition or even the fixed time, My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and the Laird of Lochiel[114] considering how unprepared the Country was to join in any such attack attempt, and that from the contents of the letter it was impossible to give any positive directions to the Gentlemen of the Highlands, together with the near prospect they had of a landing, which must of necessity have proved abortive had it really happened. They thought it absolutely necessary they should be presently informed of everything, but the difficulty was how to accomplish it. There was no opportunity to write, the time of an answer uncertain, and from the indistinct letter already received they had no great reason to expect anything in writing very satisfactory ... upon which I offered to go ... and then learn distinctly ... the Resolutions of the ... fully informed ... but as this was not to ... having the opinion of ... who were the most ... in his Majesties Interest ... a letter wrote by ... which went to him by ... likewise one to S[ir] J[ames] C[ampbell][115] their advice and opinion, and during the intervall we had severall conversations all tending to acquaint us particularly of what had been carried on for sometime before by Lord Semple, Mr. Drummond and then received by me as one of these who had been the first in the Country to form a Concert, binding themselves by oath not to discover their schemes to any but one of themselves, or the persons agreed upon to be received amongst them by the Consent of the whole.

I had for a long time before been pretty well acquainted with who were the principle people concerned in all the present transactions, without knowing there had ever been any such formal Combination. I gave my word of honour faithfully to keep these secrets, and then they told me the rise of the Story what assurances they had given the French by the hands of Drummond and Lord Semple after making terms with the King himself, that nobody should be acquented with their procedure without their consent. I was like wise informed

The rest of this Page not legible.

The weather at this time happening to be very stormy, the express did not return for two weeks longer than we expected; but upon receiving his Lordships answer which he approved of the proposal, I sett about making ready to sett off, and accordingly took journey about the 10 or 12 of Jany. 1743, upon the pretence of talking with the Duke of Queensberry[116] then at London concerning a process I had with the Earl of March,[117] to whom his Grace had been Tutor-in-law.

On the Friday I left Edinburgh and went to Traquair and so through Tweeddale to York, where I stop’d to talk to the D[uke] of P[erth] one of the Concert, and acquaint him with my journey and received his commands. The principal part of my transactions was to make myself fully acquainted with the French Resolutions, to give them all encouragement possible, and to write to his Majesty acquainting him that the Gentleman in the Highlands being informed that my L[ord] M[arischal],[118] whom his Majesty had honoured with the Command, was a man of a very high and forbidding manner, and exceedingly positive in his way, they were afraid least such procedure might create differences and heart burnings amongst them; wherefore he prayed his Majesty would send over General Keith,[119] who they understood was of a very mild and humane temper and in whose abilitys they had great confidence. When I came to York his Grace the D[uke] of P[erth] approved highly of my going over and gave me a great many injunctions[120] how to write to the King, which is needless here to put down as they all tended to prevent differences in case matters came to be put in execution. I then went to London, where I only stayed some few days, and sett out of on Munday about 12 o’clock to Dover where I arrived the same night about 9 o’clock, and found a Packet ready to sail. As the wind was then pretty fair, I was in hopes of getting next morning pretty early to Calais, but it changed a little after we was at sea, so were oblidged to make for Boulogne, this made me exceedingly uneasy as I was instructed to go privately to Paris without the knowledge of any of the people who were at Boulogne, and now in all probability we were to land in broad daylight where I must infallibly have been known; but luckily we were becalmed all that day, and did not arrive till about three in the morning. I stayed there till about five, when I got a chaise and set out for Paris, where I came on Friday morning and went to McDonald’s the Banquier,[121] and enquired for Mr. Maxwell, which was the name Drummond then went by. I immediately went to him this same day before dinner, and found him greatly surprised at my Coming, but said it was very lucky as it might be a mean to quicken the French in proceeding; when they saw how forward and anxious the Country was to come to action. Upon my arrival at London I heard of Cardinal Fleury’s death, which was a very unlucky incident; for these two Gentlemen had it left in their power to assert, that had not that happened, every thing would certainly have been performed, and not then in my power to advance anything positively to the contrary. I went with Mr. Drummond in the evening to Lord Semple who I had never seen before: he received me very civily and enquired about the situation of the Country which I told him was very favourable; but as the letter Mr. Drummond had wrote, gave us to understand that the Cardinal had determined to put things in execution sooner than we had any cause to expect, never having had anything encouraging before, and that by that letter, we was told of no particulars, it was judged necessary I should come over to know how things were to be executed: and particularly, what assurances of every kind we might depend upon; so as the Gentlemen of the concert might be able upon my return to sett immediately about preparing the Country for their reception. He then agreed with Mr. Drummond that my coming over was well timed, but that he was afraid it might require some time before the French could be brought into it, as in all probability their schemes would be entirely altered by the Cardinal’s death; that all his views consisted in keeping peace, but that there was a party of younger people about court, who had gained a good deal upon the King, which together with his own natural disposition and heat of youth inclined him to war. At the same time he said it was lucky that he had observed the Cardinal’s Decline, and had persuaded him to impart all the affairs that concerned this Country to Mr. Amalot,[122] by which means they would be but little stop as to the King or Ministery being acquainted with whatever related to us, as Mr. Amalot was continued as Minister of Forreign Affairs. A great deal more of this kind passed, and upon my not being able to tell them minutly what every individual of the Concert had done in the particular District alotted them, Mr. Drummond complained that I had not been fully informed of all their Scheme. I in the meanwhile did not reflect upon the Cause of his making such reflections against Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, who was the person that informed me of their Concert; but it has often occurred to me since, that they laid great stress on all the little pieces of information they gott of the Gentlemen’s procedure in Scotland, and everything they gott took care to make a mighty matter of it to the King: and Mr. Drummond did not fail as he has often told me himself, to write in the strongest terms to his Majesty, of their great success, which he knew must always redound so far to his advantage, as he had taken care to make the King believe he was the person who had sett all in motion, and that it was upon his plan that they acted, and their success mostly owing to following the Scheme he had laid down to them. I then told them it would be necessary as the Cardinal was now dead that I saw Mr. Amalot, and heard what Resolutions they had taken, to be able to inform the King’s friends of what was to be expected. Lord Semple told me that Mr. Amalot was then at Versailes, but would be in town on Sunday when he would talk to him, and inform him of my being sent over, and gett him to fix a time when I might have an audience, he accordingly was with him on the Sunday and, as he told me the same evening, could not see him for ... and when he did tell him, he took it very ill that he had been made wait so long in his Out-chamber; that although his Master was not upon the Throne and so did not keep his Ministers publickly at Court, yet he thought using these he employed in his service in that shape was treating him ill and not like a Prince as he really was. That Mr. Amalot made excuses from his being so little in Paris all week, and consequently hurryed all the while he was there; but fixed no time when to see me, so his Lordship went by himself to Versailes that week, where he stayed a night or two and returned to town. I went out some days after along with him and Mr. Drumond to see Mr. Amalot who was first to talk to with the King and then return me his Majesty’s answer, but was told from day to day, that he could not have an opportunity of talking with the King. So was oblidged to return to Paris without seeing him.

I wrote a pretty long letter to the King acquainting him with the reasons of my coming over and hoping his Majesty would pardon my leaving the Country without his Permission, but not to be too tedious by mentioning all the different conversations I had with his Lordship and Mr. Drummond during my stay which were all to the same purpose, together with the most severe Reflections and Invectives against the Dutches of Buckingham[123] and Lord Marshal with Coll Cecel,[124] Coll Brette[125] and Ch. Smith[126] and all those who were of a contrary party from them, alledging it was entirely owing to their having given in Ridiculous Schemes to the Cardinal demanding vast numbers of men, money, cannon, etc., sufficient to conquer the Country, which made the Old man have a mean opinion of the power of the King’s party and put a stop to his realy putting in execution ... required of him; and at the same time assuring me that these people were most unjust to the Cardinal in alledging that he was not hearty and sincere in the King’s interest, for that he had often professed that he would willingly lose his own life in the cause, that there was nothing he had so much at heart next to the Interest of his own Master, and that he had even cryed[127] with concern in speaking of the misfortunes of the King’s family, and notwithstanding he had a very mean opinion of the other party, yet the Memorials they had given instruct him so much that it cost Lord Semple the utmost[128] pains and trouble to perswade him of the contrary, but they had after some time succeeded so effectually that he was determined to send over a body of troops to England and designed Mr. Mailebois[129] should return to Flanders for that purpose; but that the party at Court which opposed him had influenced the King to make him march his Army into Westphalia which occasioned the Neutrality for Hannover; that this was so opposite to his Schemes, and he was sensible that a general war must ensue, and France thereby brought into great difficulties, that together with the King’s loose way of living, having at that time taken the third sister for his mistress, had certainly broke his heart, for he had been observed from that moment to decline, and dyed soon after.[130]

Having spent some days at Paris in hearing such like storys, I went again to Versailes where we were still put off till the night I left it. When we had an audience of Mr. Amalot I told him that the Gentlemen in the Concert in Scotland,[131] having from time to time received assurances from the late Cardinal of Troops, Arms and Money, had been continualy expecting to hear that a final Resolution was taken but upon being informed of the bad state of health the Cardinal was in,[132] they had done me the honour to send me over instructed to represent the situation of their affairs to the Ministry and to acquaint them they had wrought so effectualy with the Country in general and their Vassals in particular that they could raise near thirty thousand men and were able to make themselves masters of the Country in six weeks or two months. Upon which he interrupted me and said that they were satisfied the Scots were able to do a great deal but that they must have assurances from England, but at the same time he said he did not well understand the possibility of engaging so many people without letting them into the secret. Upon which Lord Semple explained the matter to him, I then mentioned to him the number of men, arms, etc., we expected in Scotland together with the place of their landing and method proposed for their acting he said if things were gone into there would be no difficulty of arms, money, etc., but seemed to be ignorant as to the place of landing or indeed the particulars of the scheme and which confirmed me in this; some things that L[ord] Semple mentioned to him he knew nothing about and he owned he had not read the memorials but promised to do it and gave us to understand that nothing could be undertaken without encouragement from the English and assurances of the troops upon their landing having provisions of victuals and carriages which we took pains to show him that from the frequency of the touns upon the coast and the trade there continually carried on they could not fail of, and then told me he had not gott time to talk seriously and fully with the King, but that his Majesty desired him to assure me he had the King my master’s interest very much at heart and so soon as he could do it safely and with his Honour, he would; and told us to believe it that he could easily loss 10,000 men, but that he would not undertake it rashly as his being foiled in a thing of this kind would not be consistant with the Honour of his Crown and desired we might think very seriously of what we was about and take care not to bring ruin upon ourselves and the Country by a rash attempt,[133] and so we parted and so we came that same night to Paris.

Next day I again wrote to the King a few lines wherein I told him I thought Mr. Amalot had done as much as he could at the present juncture and that I thought the information I had gott was well worth my while of coming over and sure enough it merited the journey, for by this I had it in my power to assure our friends in Scotland there was no determinate Resolution taken; and at the same time the manner in which Mr. Drummond told me he had taken to engage the Highland Gentlemen seemed to me very good and practicable. As I was then but little acquainted with business imagined it might have the same effect upon these in the Low Country and indeed was so much prevented with the good character of L[ord] Semple and Mr. Drummond had amongst those concerned in his Majesty’s affairs in Scotland that it never came into my head to doubt of anything they advanced; in which opinion I partly remained till my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s return to Scotland in Octr. 1743 that same year.[134]

From what Mr. Amelot had told us the next thing to be done was endeavouring to form a Concert in England, by which they might be able to give such encouragement to the French and such assurance of joining upon their landing together with victuals and carriages as might then oblidge the King to declare one way or other. To execute this Mr. Drummond and I sett out from Paris the end of Febuary and gott to London by the way of Dover in four days and a half. The method he proposed was to bring my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to London and to work the point by him as he was acquainted with all the principal Torries and desired I would go to York and gett the D[uke] of P[erth] to send express for him and that I would return with a Resolution to stay there for some time to be an assistant to his L[ordship] and him; but this I refused to go into as the reason I had given out for my journey would not suffice to detain me any time, so rather chuse to go to Scotland myself and shew my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r the necessity there was for his coming up. In the meanwhile I was employed in endeavouring to learn from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith the objections the Dutches of Buckingham and her party had to L[ord] Semple, and as I was pretty well acquainted with them both I easily made myself master of all they had to say against him, which I then thought quite frivolous from the favourable notion I had of L[ord] Semple. As to the particular accusations laid against him I shall say nothing of them here as I shall put down the Copy of a letter I had the Honour to write to the King some litle time after my arrival in Scotland wherein I mentioned them all.

I sett out from London[135] the 18th of March, came in by York, where I saw the D[uke] of P[erth] who was much disappointed upon what I told him, stayed 24 hours there and came to Edinburgh the 21st. I immediately inquired for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and finding he was in Perthshire with his brother-in-law L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummon]d I sent an Express to him, in the meantime I mett with L[ochie]l and acquainted him of all that had passed and particularly of the Scheme he proposed to raise money whereby to pay his father-in-law’s pension; he was far from being pleased with the French delays and not satisfied with the Cardinal’s sincerity and likewise heartyly vexed there was no money for Sir J[ames] who then stood in great need of it. However the only thing to be done was for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to go to London and endeavour to bring in the English which would in a little time satisfie us whether the French really intended us their assistance or not. On the 16th of the month L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r came to toun, to whom I told all that had passed and his Lordship agreed to go to London. Upon conversing with his Lordship[136] I told him that he ought to push Mr. Drummond’s getting that money, for if he did not make his word good in that trifle it would be a means to make folk doubt all the other things he had advanced. His Lordship sett out from his own house on the Sixth of Aprile and I sent the bond Mr. Drummond desired signed by L[ochie]l and I to the D[uke] of Perth who signed it likewise and sent it to L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r[137] at London, which is still in Mr. D[rummon]d’s Custody, but no money raised during my being at London after my return from Paris, Mr. C. Smith delivered me a packet from Rome, but as its contents could not be obeyed till I came home, thought it more proper to insert it here tho’ posterior to the Receit of it.

Copy of a letter from Mr. Edgar of ... mber the 22nd, 1742.

Edgar to Murray

Sir,—Upon what Mr. Charles Smith has told me from you on the subject of the Bishops[138] upon what he says himself and as the opinion also of other friends the King has thought seriously on the matter and is pleased to settle it as you proposed, as you will see by the enclosed paper signed by him under another name and a letter from me to Bishop Ratrae;[139] yours covering it both are write in closs Cypher, but as I am unwilling that the Cyphers we use together should be put into any third hand whatsoever, I have wrote the enclosed packet by the Cypher Coll. Urquhart[140] informed me he had recovered from amongst the late Earl of Dundonald[141] papers before his death. I really look upon this Cypher to be a safe one and that there is no Copy of it but what you and I have, it was originally sent to Mr. Robert Freebairn[142] and he gave to the Earl of Dundonald and I am perswaded neither the one nor t’other made a Copy of it which would not be an easie task nor allowed any to be made by any other body, I remmember Coll. Urquhart after he had recovered that Cypher asked me if he should send it to me, or what he should do with it, and in return I desired him to keep it by him and give to the King’s friends who had a mind to write to his Majesty and wanted a Cypher to do it by, by which means the new one I sent him (now used by you and me) would be a Virgin One unseen and untouched by anybody, I thought it was necessary to say thus much to you on the Cypher in Question. The Packet I now send you is open, therefore may if you please look into it yourself, but as I reckon you wont care to be at the trouble to decypher it I wish you would seal the packet and deliver it with ... of the Cypher into Mr. Rattrae’s own hands. I shall only add on this subject that I know I need not recommend to you to take care of your own safety in this matter and that as few as possible and these only of whom you are sure know anything that we have the least dealing in it, for tho’ our Clergy be well meaning honest men, yett many of them have not the gift of Secrecy and holding their tongue, which is a mischief I am sure you will guard against. I don’t know indeed what to say to you on certain affairs, I live in good hopes they will still go well, when anything favourable is certain you will hear of it much sooner from Bahady and L[ord] Semple than you could from me; which is the reason I write so seldome to you, I am unwilling to venture a letter in this critical juncture unless when necessary as it happens in the present case. I should be glad you informed me of what you heard or know of Drumelzier’s[143] brother he has not write to me since he mett with his brother and I have heard nothing about him since he went home. Drumelzier, I fancy, may have told him the substance of what you communicated to him of my letter to you concerning him, which he may have taken very ill of me and which has made him write no more to anybody in this place. The family is well and the King charges me with many kind compliments to you. Longing to have you in my Arms. I am well all with my heart.—Sir, etc.

It was not long after his Lordship’s departure that I had an occasion to send a letter to Rome when I wrote as below.[144]

Mr. Narsom’s letter to Mr. Edgar dated the Day of 1743.[145]

Murray to Edgar

This is the first opportunity I had to write since I left Paris otherwise you may beleive I would not have failed to lett you hear from me long e’er now. I received yours of the 22nd of Novr. from Mr. Smith at London but as Mr. Rattrae has not been in town not finding any sure hand the two enclosed papers are still in my Custody, but I am informed he intends soon in this place, when I shall take care to deliver them with the Cypher; I am very hopefull his Majesty’s making choise of him will prove a means of uniting them together as they have for some time ago addressed him as the eldest of the Colledge to take inspection of the Diocess during the Vacancy; I return you my most sincere acknowledgements for your good advice as to my Behaviour with them which you may depend upon I’ll strickly follow and by what I wrote you of Mr. Keith’s[146] procedure you will be still more convinced of the Necessity I am under to act cautiously with them. I understand my Lady Clanronald lately received a letter from L[ord] J[ohn] D[rummon]d with the contents of your last to me which was immediately told Keith so that Mr. Rattrae’s Election was known before my Arrival here. I am sorry L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r should keep such correspondence but there are some people continue long young and consequently ought to be looked upon as Children.

Upon my return to London having the fortune to be entirely trusted by Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith, I made it my business to inform myself as particularly as possible of their grounds of Quarrel with L[ord] Semple, when I found they both agreed in the following Accusations, 1mo. That he had been employed by means of the Dutchess of Buccingham and Coll. Cicel to transack some little affairs and from that time had assumed to himself the Character of Minister for the King’s friends in England. 2d. That by his Behaviour to Or[mon]d and L[ord] Marshall he had entirely disobliged them whose friendship he ought by any means to have Cultivate. 3tio. He had been grossly deceived by the Cardinal who had made him believe twenty things he had no intention of Performing. 4to. He was so credulous in beleiving the Cardinal’s assertions as to write from time to time in terms only fitt some weeks before an invasion. 5to. He seemed to ack the part rather of a French than Brittish minister. 6to. He seemed to turn his politicks into a kind of Mechanicks and made a trade of them. 7to. He contradicted himself not only in a different but even in the same letter, by saying that the Cardinal was so well satisfied with the offers made him and the information he had gott that he desired no further and in the same letter advises Coll. Cicel still to inform him further so that he might determine the Cardinal more and more to act in his Majesty’s favours. 8to. He acted imprudently by transmitting to Coll. Cicel the Commissions sent him by the King to dispose of in so large a Packet that Mr. Smith could not conceal them in the Ship and at the same time wrote a long letter with a great many trifles of what had passed betwixt him and the Cardinal in Closs Cypher who, he insinuate, he entirely managed and all relating to the Commissions in plain English. 9to. His coming over was not only without the knowledge of but disagreeable to the King’s friends in England, that my L[ord] Barramore[147] and he were vastly uneasy about it and gave him all the Civil usage and fair Words they could in Prudence so as to make him leave the place least he should be taken up. 10to. He is not trusted by the King’s friends in England. 11to. He was not even trusted by the Cardinal notwithstanding he pretended he had so much to say with him and given this instance that he, the Cardinal, sent a proposal to the King’s friends by Mr. Bussie[148] at London of landing a body of Swedes[149] in the Country which he seemed greatly surprised at when told by L[ord] Barrimore and that he should afterwards have greatly repented telling him, imagining when he went over he would make a handle of this information to show how he was trusted by the English. 12to. That Coll. Cicel told him at parting that provided the Cardinal was explicite he would inform him of everything that was necessary but as he saw that was not like to be the case he never had wrote him anything which was sufficient to show him he was not trusted and that he and L[ord] Barrimore particularly complained of L[ord] Semple’s intruding himself into the management of their affairs, and Lastly that he was quite drunk with his ministerial office and acted so high and mightily a part as even to intermiddle betwixt the King and Dutchess of Buckingham. These so far as I can remember are the sum of their Accusations, which I could have reduced into the compass of a few lines were it not I thought it my duty to write in as plain and minute a manner as possible whatever I have learnt having an Eye to nothing but truth and to give the King all the information in my power so that if I have acted out of my sphere I hope you will interceed for my forgiveness. I only beg leave to say that from the little knowledge I have of L[ord] Semple I take him to be a man of great honour and possessed of much greater abilities than any of his Accusors.[150]

I parted with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r about a fortnight ago when he sett out for London with a view to bring the English to Concert matters so as to be able to act this summer. The Gentlemen of the Concert are highly dissatisfied with their behaviour they say they have been ready to act for some years past, putt to a great expense in Cultivating a friendship and intimacy with their Vassals, keeping a great many otherwise useless fellows in their Grounds and often obliged to give very advantagious [terms] to their tennants for fear of disobliging them, whereas on the other hand they, the English, do nothing but make a noise and complain of their Oppression.

The situation of things are such at present that had they any Resolution att all they would almost without stroke of sword putt an end to the cause but in place of that they draw a cross one another and run into little political partys so that if they are not brought to engage heartyly so as to be able to act this summer we give up all hopes of ever bringing them to act in Concert with us. Had the King’s friends in a body used means to favour the Restoration they could not have done it to better purpose than the present Government. There are now 16,000 men out of the Country, 6 Regiments more partly gone, the rest going, only about twenty thousand in England[151] nine parts of ten of which are as raw and undisciplined as those to come against them, The Duke of Hannover[152] going over and in short every soul—Whigg and Torry, Republican, etc.,—disobliged and irritated to the last degree, so that we to be sure are able to do more of ourselves at this juncture then we could do with the assistance of 10000 men were these Troops returned.

L[ochie]l with whom I have Occasion often to talk on this subject gives it as his Opinion that the Highlanders have now for so long time been in hopes of something being done and now seeing so fair an Opportunity, will probably unless brought into Action once this Summer or harvest give up all thought of ever seeing a Restoration and he is afraid every one will do the best they can by endeavouring to catch at part of his Country before she sink entirely and I am really affraid it will be the case with some of the least steady amongst them. He is thoroughly convinced that with 20,000 Stand of arms his Majesty or the Prince with a good General and some Officers att our head, Scotland is well able to do the whole affair, and indeed it is not only his, but the opinion of several others I talk to in this place upon that subject, as in this case none would be exempt from carrying arms and things are now quite changed from what they were formerly when a simelar proposal[153] was made. This I could not fail acquainting you with least L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s journey don’t take effect and this irrecoverable opportunity lost by the further delay of the English, and indeed any delay may prove of the worst consequence as the death of either L[ord] L[ova]t or Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] who are both old men will greatly weaken if not entirely ruin the Concert as there are few to be found who can fill their places. L[ochie]l desires me to mention the great use General Keith would be off. The Highlanders having got the same notion of him they formerly had of Lord Dundee. Drumelzier and his Brother have been all this winter at Tangiers and propose to pass all the Watters where General Keith and Lord Crawford[154] were tho’ some people imagine D[rumelzier] will come home upon account of his Lady’s death,[155] they give it out here that Mr. Hay is very well. I wrote a letter two weeks ago to L[ord] Marshall a Copy of which with the Motives that induced me to write you shall have first occasion but the bearer being ready to sett out putts a stop to my doing of it at present.—I am, Yours, etc.

The ship not sailing as soon as I was made believe I took the opportunity of writing Mr. Edgar the reason of my writting to L[ord] Marshall I shall here subjoin with a Copy of the Letter I wrote his Lordship.

Murray to Edgar

Sir,—When Mr. Smith and I happened to be frequently together at London he took reason to complain of the letter my L[ord] Semple had wrote to L[ord] Marshall and particularly of that paragraph where my L[ord] hints that possibly the Scots folks were offended with my L[ord] Marshall not taking sufficient notice of them in proportion to the regard they had shown him he insisted greatly an invincible attachment his Lordship had for the King....

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Upon this I thought I should be greatly to blame if I lost any opportunity that occurred to better his Majesty’s affairs by endeavouring to reconceal and unite his friends so that as I imagine his Lordship authorised Mr. Smith to talk upon a suspicion that there might be some grounds for what L[ord] Semple advanced and thereby to reconceal himself to his countrymen I was resolved as we say to putt a Thorne in his foot as he knows I am instituted by the King’s friends here and would not advance anything contrary to their Sentiments. You will be surprised I should write this to you in so closs a Cypher....

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After reflecting upon what you had been so good as to inform me off I could not fail to write the enclosed as I have all the reason in the World to believe you my friend, so I take the liberty to beg that after perusal in case you find it not too assuming and in a stile sufficiently respectly you will be so good as take the trouble to deliver it with an appology.... [Not legible.]

(Signed) J. Broun.[156]

Murray to Earl Marischal[157]

My Lord,—I heartyly regreted it was not in my power when so near as London to do myself the honour of waiting upon your Lordship for Reasons I beg Mr. Smith to give and at the same time assure your Lordship that without the honour of being known to you there was none who had a more hearty and sincere Regard for your Lordship’s property.... [Not legible.] my Lord, abstracting from your many private Virtues makes you dear to every true Scotsman and from what I could easily learn gives your Lordship great weight with the English. This, my Lord, encourages me to suggest of what use you may be att this juncture to his Majesty’s affairs by uniting those people together who to my great concern I found (so far as I could judge) quite inactive, diffident of one another and distrustfull of those they employ. Your Lordship’s being so near them will I hope make the work short as well as Effectual, and in my poor Judgement were there any unanimity, any harmony and concord amongst them it would easily be in our power to shake off the yoke of Bondage and Slavery we now groan under; this, my Lord, I propose with great submission to your Lordship’s serious reflection and experience, I shall only add that as I have no other in any thing I do but to promote the real Interest of my King and Country so I have all the reason in the world to believe that healing the wounds and cementing the differences now subsisting amongst our Neighbours is the greatest ambition of our countrymen and must render their gratitude to your Lordship for so great a work unalterable. I begg your Lordship will pardon my presumption in writing without being asked and believe I am with the most sincere regard and esteem, My Lord, etc.[158]

These two preceding letters I gave to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r on the 5th of Aprile 1743, the day before his Lordship sett out from his own house to London which he was to show Mr. McGregar who told my Lord that this was not a time to send such letters and besides that the letter to Lord Marshall was not such an one he proposed, by which means they never went. I shall here mention what occurred to me what was the reason for Mr. McGregars stoping them never having any further reason given than the above and not knowing even that till L[ord T]raq[uai]r’s return to Scotland, during the short stay I made att London after my return from Paris in company with Mr. McGregar as I said before I made it my business to learn of Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith all the Complaints they had against Lord Semple and Mr. McGregar which I generally communicated to him being then fully perswaded of their Honesty and Abilitys. Upon telling him what Mr. Smith had said in relation to Lord Marshall he purposed I should write to his Lordship a Letter in the same Stile Lord Semple had done, purposely to let him know how little he was in favour with his Countrymen and show him how much their liking depended upon his being well with them two, and att the same time to acquaint him that his Countrymen’s regard went no further than so far as he should act entirely conformable to the King’s will, he saying that Lord Marshall pretended to stand entirely upon his own legs from the great Number of Admirers he had in Scotland, and imagined that unless he was the sole manager of the King’s affairs his Majesty’s subjects would not be brought to act for him, in short that he looked upon the King’s interest to depend upon [him] alone. I suppose he thought by my writing in this stile to draw something from Lord Marshall undervalueing of his Countrymen whereby to hurt him with the generality but particularly with those of the Concert who had first employed and still supported him, whereby he might verify to them what he had so long advance against his Lordship, but this was a thing I refused for many reasons; first that it must hurt the King’s affairs to create differences amongst his friends of which their then subsisted too many; secondly it was running myself headlong into a party quarrel, a thing I ever had the worst oppinion off; and thirdly, not to be too tedious in giving many more, it was a thing I had not the smallest tittle to do. But on the contrary I thought it was a fair opportunity of uniting people together and commencing a Correspondence with Lord Marshall whereby if I gain his friendship and confidence I [should] thereby be enabled to inform the King of the pleas of both partys without letting either of them know of it, which is acting a part some people may think odd as it is seemingly playing with both hands, but in my Eyes not only honourable but my duty, when for the King’s interest, I receive from time to time letters from L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r when att London informing me in his way of his success with the English; but as there was nothing material in them and that they were signed by himself I did not care to keep them in case of accidents. Some time in the month of June I received the following letter from Mr. Edgar with two enclosed from the King himself in answer to two I had wrote when at Paris.

Copy Mr. Edgar’s letter, dated March 14th, 1743.

Edgar to Murray

Sir,—You will see by the enclosed I send you from our friend Mr. Edwards (he means the King) that he leaves me nothing to say in return to your two letters of the 18th and 25th of february. This Packet is sent open to Lord Semple to forward to you, you will see it is write in his Cypher, a Copy of which I know Mr. McGregor left with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r so I reckon you may easily gett this read, for suppose you may have that Cypher in your own Custody. You will be glad to know that the family is well, I heartyly wish you all health and happiness and longing to have the pleasure of Embracing you, I am with great Esteem, etc.

Letter from the Chevalier to John Murray.

The Chevalier de St. George to Murray

I received a few days ago yours of the 18th of February and am far from disaproving your comming into France att this Time.[159] The Settling of a Correspondence betwixt us on this Side of the Sea and our friends in Scotland may be of consequence in this juncture I hope you will have concerted some safe method for this effect with Lord Semple before you leave him and that once determined you will I think have done very well to return home where you may be of more use than abroad. I shall say nothing here of what’s passing in France of which you will have been informed by Lord Semple, and you may be well assured that depends upon me to induce the French to assist us as is reasonable to hope they will if their be a general war. But if they ever undertake anything in my favour, I shall to be sure have little warning of it before and by consequence I fear it will be impossible that General Keith can come in time into Scotland how much soever both I, and I am perswaded himself also, desires it because you will easily see that one of his rank and distinction cannot well quite the Service he is in either abruptly or upon an uncertainty. I remark all you say to me on that subject and when the time comes it shall be my care to dispose all such matters in as much as in me lys for what I may then think for the real good of my Service and for my friends Satisfaction also for in such sort of particulars it is scarce possible to take proper Resolutions before the time of Execution. I had some time ago a proposal made me in Relation to the Seizing of Stirling Castle[160] what I then heard and what you now say on that subject is so general, that I think it is not impossible but that the two proposals may be found originally one and the same project; I wish therefore you would enter a little more into particulars that I may be the better able to determine what directions to send. As to what is represented about the Vassals I suppose what you mean is the same with what I have inserted in a draught of a Declaration for Scotland I have long had by me, viz., That the Vassals of those who should appear against my forces on a landing should be freed of their Vassalidge and hold immediately of the Crown provided such Vassals should declare for me and join heartyly in my Cause. As this is my intention I allow my friends to make such prudent use of it as they may think fitt. Before you gett this you will probably have received what was wrote to you from hence about the Scotts Episcopal Clergy so that I need say nothing on that subject here more than that I hope the steps taken by me will give satisfaction and promote union in that Body.

It is a great comfort to me to see the Gentlemen of the Concert so zealous so united and so frank in all that relates to my service and I desire you will say all that is kind to them in my name, I remark you have advanced one hundred pounds of your own money[161] for Sir J[ames] C[ampbe]ll which I take very well of you but I desire you would not give me any more proofs of that kind of your goodwill towards me and as for what is past I look upon it as a personal Debt and shall take care that it be repayed, I remark what you say about the difficulty their is of raising money I foresaw that would be no easy matter and think it should not be insisted upon, I think I have now taken notice of all that required any answer in what you wrote to me and Edgar and shall add nothing further here but to assure you of the continuance of any good opinion of you and that your prudent and zealous indeavours toward my service shall never be forgott by me.

(Signed) J. Edwards.[162]
Dated March 11th, 1743.

At the same time came the following:—

The Chevalier to Murray

Since I wrote to you on 11th I have seen what you wrote to Edgar of the same date; I remark what you say on extending a Concert in the Low Country and the Method[163] it has been done in the Highlands such a measure may be a great advantage to the cause and therefore I cannot but much approve of it, provided it be gone about with great prudence and Caution, which I earnestly recommend to you not only on your own account but mine also, for we must in this juncture carefully avoid anything that may give the Government any jealousie or pretence to molest our friends. I am well pleased to observe what you say of L[ochie]l and if you have occasion make him a kind Compliment from me and the Prince, this is all I have to add or present in this paper.

Signed as befor and dated 14th, 1743.

In the first letter I wrote to Mr. Edgar after my return home I told him that the Packet for Bishop Rattrae was still in my Custody being informed that he intended to be soon in town so thought it fitt to delay doing any thing in it till he should come, accordingly whenever I heard of his arrival I went immediately to the Country where the Cypher Mr. Edgar mentioned there was, and brought it to town with me but to my Surprise found it did not answer. Yett I nevertheless resolved to deliver the Packet to him att the same time reading the paragraph in mine concerning it so sent for Mr. Rae[164] one of the Presbyters in Edinburgh and told him I wished to see Mr. Rattrae and desired he would go to him and acquaint him with my intention and make an appointment for me which he agreed to do next mourning. He came to me on the morrow and told me had missed him but would indeavour to find him sometime that day upon which he left me and found him dinning with his daughter Mrs. —— so delayed it till next morning, but when he went was informed by his daughter Mrs. Clark in whose house he lived that he had been taken ill the night before of an Epidimical Distemper that at that time raged almost all of over Europe of which he died in three or four days illness, by which means that Packet still remains in my Custody, never since having gott any directions about it. From that time I have keept my Resolution of never having any more to do with the Clergy, for when I was asked some few days after by Mr. Rae what I thought they should do in their present situation, I told him I thought they should draw up a full and distinct state of their [affairs] without neglecting the least thing and send it to the King leaving him to determine without any further representations, but shunned writting or taking any Commissions about it, nor do I since know any of their procedure none of them having ever spoke to me on the subject.

About this Time the Duke of P[erth] came from England and as L[ochie]l and [I] had often Schemed together what we ourselves were able to do in the present posture of affairs and seemed to agree in Opinion that should the french disapoint us we were more able to restore the King by our own strength during the absence of the Army than with the Assistance of 10,000 men were our Troops once returned, for which reason did the English fail to give the assurances to the french they required, but we should gett the people at home to take it in hand by themselves. With this View I had already wrote Mr. Edgar on that Strain and now we agreed to sound the Duke of P[erth] on the same Subject which we did and found him abundantly forward. He was then going to the Country and Sir A[lexander] Mc[Donal]d[165] was with his brother-in-law A[irl]y so desired the Duke would try him and some days after had a letter from hime wherein he said that he had spoke to him as was agreed and found him very keen that he said the sooner it was done the better and in place of 700 men which his Uncle carried with him in the year 1715 he would now bring 1200. At the same time when his Grace was talking to us in Edinburgh on this subject he said the people in that part of the Country where he had come from very honest and that the Mayer and Aldermen had spoke to him in the strongest terms, which he then told us, and desired I might acquaint the King of it, so I desired his Grace would putt it in writting and that I should not fail to transmit it to his Majesty; upon which he went to another room and brought me a sheet of paper mostly write which I did not care to transmitt in his own words but abridged it; however shall say no more of it here as I will putt down the letter I wrote the King and another to Mr. Edgar. I must only observe that I read the Duke’s memorial to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r att his own house upon giving him some paper he had putt in my custody att his leaving Scotland, at which time his Lordship and I agreed to put it in the fire as the letter I had wrote and which I att the same time read to my Lord contained the substance of it, this I have frequently repented since, as his Grace’s memory did not seem to serve him exactly to what he had wrote. In answer to his Majesty’s I wrote the following, Dated July 5th, 1743:—

Murray to the Chevalier

Sir,—I had the honour of your Majesty’s commands some weeks ago of the 11th of March. I communicated the paragraph of your Majesty’s relating to the certainty of General Keith’s coming to Scotland to the Duke of P[erth] and L[ochie]l who are equally well satisfied with what your Majesty is pleased to say on that subject. Your Majesty’s Declaration with regard to the Scotts Vassals and the Liberty you are most graciously pleased to grant of insinuating so much to them give L[ochie]l extream pleasure being convinced it will tend greatly to promote your Majesty’s interest. The Duke of P[erth] desired me to acquaint your Majesty that the Mayer and Aldermen of York had freely opened their minds to him on the Subject of the Restoration and gave him a Commission humble to Represent their Loyalty and firm attachment to your Majesty’s cause. They engage that upon hearing of your Majesty’s aproach with a Sufficient Body to support them they will raise 10,000 men in that County and have no doubt of an equal Number from the Countys Adjacent. There are two gentlemen one of them a present member the other was last parliament but declined it these have the Sole management of the County and did they appear would certainly be followed by every one in it. His Grace had not the good fortune to see them they being at London but left them his Compliments by some of their friends who assured him they were ready upon your Majesty’s desire to enter into any Scheme to promote your Majesty’s interest. His Grace desired me likewise to inform your Majesty that he is fully convinced and may almost affirm that upon shewing an order from your Majesty to treat with them they will sign any declaration or assurance of whatever Nature shall be thought most for your Majesty’s interest and to have the Mayer and Aldermen, at least those of them upon whose Secrecy they can the most depend to do the like. In the Duke’s Memorandum to me he neglected the two Gentlemen’s names. As the Election of their Mayer goes by Rotation it falls next year upon a Whig which his grace thinks can be of no consequence as none of that Kidney have any Interest, in the town, but he was told that notwithstanding the custom, if your Majesty desired it they would indeavour to have another chosen. I shall incroatch no further upon your Majesty’s time having wrote to Mr. Edgar but beg leave to subscribe myself with the greatest Veneration and Duty your Majesty’s, etc.

Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated July 5th, 1743.

Murray to Edgar

Since I had the pleasure of receiving your last letter the Duke of P[erth] returned from York after having gott a very possitive and harsh Refusall from the Lady to whom he was making his addresses, during his stay there he had some commissions from the Mayer and Aldermen to the King with which I had the honour to acquaint the King by the enclosed amongst others they begged he might offer their humble Duty and assure him of their unalterable Regard to his Interest. They intended to send his Highness the Duke[166] the freedom of their toun in a Gold Box as the highest mark of their regard for his Highness who does them the honour to bear the Name of their Town but being afraid least a discovery should be made by Workmen or others who would render them the less usefull to his Majesty they must humbly beg his Highness would look upon the Compliment as real and Honour them with his Acceptance.

L[ochie]l and I spoke to the Duke upon the supposition we should obtain no assistance from France how far he thought it would be prudent at this juncture to undertake the King’s Restoration ourselves. Upon his Grace’s approving of the scheme, I proposed when he went to the Country he should talk to Sir A[lexander] M[acdonal]d upon the same, which he accordingly did, and sent an answer to L[ochie]l wherin he says that found him entirely of the same Opinion, that he seemed to think there was a necessity for it, and that it ought to be done as soon as possible and that in place of 700 men his Uncle brought with him in the year 1715 he would engage to bring 1200. I could not fail to acquaint you with his Opinion, he being the most reserved cautious man I ever knew, and the least apt to say or do anything rashly, everybody is of Opinion the Government designs by all methods to Ruin the Highlands which to be sure makes the Gentlemen fond to have something done before it be out of their power to be of service, especially as there are some of them whose Estates are so low such as G[lengar]ry C[lanranal]d A[p]pn C[ap]p[oc]h that they will be obliged either to sell their lands or conform to the Government through necessity; and am very credibly[167] informed that Ca[p]p[oc]h was this Winter at London on a Scheme of raising an independent Company. Since Mr. Smith came to this place he has insisted with Lo[chie]l to go over to see Lord Marshall who he tells him has had several different accounts of the State of the Highlands so that he is very anxious to talk to him upon that head. L[ochie]l excuses himself from going but told me Mr. Smith supposed his Lordship was informed of everything by the King and that the State given in by Mr. Drummond was just he is certain; but now things are much better and that Mr. Drummond rather erred in making the number too small[168] being determined to advance nothing but what he could answer for. I had a letter lately from my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r wherein he seems to hint that his Majesty’s friends in England are in a way of acting with more vigour and unanimity than they have hitherto done. I hope they are now become sensible of their weak and groundless prejudices against Lord Semple (a Catalogue of which I sent you in my last) as well as of the necessity there is to act Vigorously and Resolutely for his Majesty’s Restoration. It would seem L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and Mr. Drummond have not judged it fitt to send my letter to L[ord] Marshall (a Copy of which I sent you in my last) for I have never had the smallest hint of it from Mr. Smith neither has L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r taken occasion to mention it in any of his Letters to me. Upon Bishop Rattrae’s coming to town I went immediately to the Country for the Cypher when I found it did not in the least correspond to that Coll. Urquhart must certainly have been mistaken. I nevertheless resolved to deliver the letters att the same time showing him the paragraph in mine relative to him and to tell him the cause of the mistake, but this day I sent one of his Brethern to acquaint him that I would wait on him in the afternoon, he was abroad and the next day when I sent again found he was taken ill of a Pluirisy of which he died two days after[169] which to be sure is a very great misfortune and not the less so that Mr. Keith is now Senior Bishop, what they are now doing or intend to do I don’t know I have sent you the Cypher inclosed but retained the Letter till further Orders.

We had great rejoicings some days ago on account of a Battle said to be gained by the Allies in Germany,[170] but by latter Accounts, the Case seems to have been that the Army of the Allies had gott too far into the Country and finding a Scarcity of provisions (especially amongst the English) they resolved to return from whence they came when they were attacked by a body of French to the number of 25,000 or thereabouts, some write they intended to attack their rear and harrass them on their march, others they proposed intercepting 12,000 Hannoverians and Hessians that were on their march to join the Army, but whatever was their Intention they attacked our foot. Whereupon a very smart engagement ensued, wherein both partys seem to have suffered severely. The French repassed the river and we continued our march and are now gott near to frankfort where its said the Emperor is and talks of a Suspension of Arms I wish too good a peace may not ensue. You certainly cant help laughing when you consider with what Vigour and Success we carry on our war with Spain. Never was a poor Country in so miserable a Condition as we are in att present, neither Money nor Trade nor Credit, nay nor so much as the smallest degree of honour or Character left us. The Duke of P[erth]’s Stay here was so short that I could not gett him to explain his Scheme of Seizing Stirlling Castle, but I wont neglect the first opportunity to have it from him. I am Still obliged to continue the old Cannal of Correspondence not being able while att London to find any Safe Conveyance from thence, but I hope Lord T[ra]q[uai]r will have effectuated that before his return; I have now write everything that occurrs to me I wish may not already have tired you.—So with hearty prayers for the familys wellfare and all friends with you and that we may soon meet on a Solid and happy footing, I beg that you would believe that I ever am, etc.

Dated July 5th, 1743.

P.S.—I had almost neglected to tell you that while I was att London I ordered a Countryman of ours to work Six pair of the finest Silk-Stockens he could possibly make, which as they are home manufactory and finest I believe were mad in the Island I have ventured to send them by Mr. Smith to Rome hoping the Prince will do his Country and me the honour to accept of them.

My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r having now been three months att London and we all that time receiving no Material accounts of Success things looked as if this Summer would be Spent as well as the former without any Resolution taken of coming to Blows in the Autumn or Winter which made all those of the concert very uneasy but particularly my Lord L[ova]t, so that he seemed to give up all hopes of the Schemes ever succeeding and wrote to L[ochie]l several Letters wherein he resolved to settle his affairs and go to London where, after he had sollicited an appeal he intended to lodge against Chisholm, he would then go over to France with his son. L[ochie]l was so good as show me the most of his Letters and from some things he said, but particularly a paragraph in one of them we had reason to conjecture he proposed to end his days in a Religious house; this we were the more easily induced to believe as his Lordship had now lived to a great age during the most of which he had acted a part in the world not looked upon by the Generality of Mankind in a favourable light. We therefore agreed that L[ochie]l Should write him dissuading him from his design but at the same time he seemed so positive that it was thought Necessary to acquaint the King of it as his Majesty’s orders appeared to us the only mean whereby to prevent his journey, knowing that his leaving the Country would be of the worst Consequence as there was not a man in that part of the Country capable to manage it but himself and in general that his appearing publickly in Arms for the King must be of great Service, for which Reasons the first Occasion that occurred I wrote to the King dated September 5th 1743:

Murray to the Chevalier

Sir,—I had the honour to write to your majesty the 5th of July last which I hope is come Safe. I have of late seen several Letters from Lord L[ovat] to L[ochie]l wherein he Express great Anxiety and impatience that things are not like to come to a conclusion. I take it to be upon that account that he has settled his affairs att home and is now taking leave of his friends with a Resolution of going this Winter to London there to solicite an appeal and from thence to France with his Son. Your Majesty will see at first View all the inconveniencys that may attend such a procedure more readily than I can express, he being the only man in the Country capable to manage that part of the Country alloted him, and indeed I am afraid from a paragraph in one of his Letters that he has some thoughts of Ending his days in a monastry Since he thinks he cannot do it in your Majestys Service. Affairs abroad seem now to tend more and more to a War with france which Should it happen will I hope putt a Stop to his journey, but failing that I am apt to believe nothing will do save your Majestys orders, etc.

To Mr. Edgar.

September 5, 1743.

Murray to Edgar

Sir,—I gave you the trouble of a pretty long Letter the fifth of July last, since which I have not had the pleasure of hearing from you. Lord T[ra]q[uai]r is still att London but proposes to be soon down here, which I heartily wish, some folks being vastly anxious for his return expecting upon that Event to be intirely satisfied as to what may be hoped for from the Kings friends in England. Upon the Highland deserters being shott att London,[171] which has greatly disobliged their Countrymen, I took it upon me to acquaint some of the Gentlemen that it was his Majestys pleasure they should endeavour to prevent as much as possible any of their followers from inlisting in the Service of the present Government. This I thought the more necessary as a great many of them have been carried out of the Country for some years past, the Dutch having gott several hundreds upon their last Augmentation.[172] My Lord K[e]n[mur]e is returned from Portugall perfectly recovered. I said some obliging things to him in his Majestys Name of gaining the Cameronians (amongst whom he lived) to his Majestys Interest. I am very sensible what a fickle Sett of people they are and how difficult an undertaking of this kind may prove. Yett as Sir Th[oma]s G[ord][o]n of E[arls]t[o]n,[173] a leading man amongst them two years ago, spoke to the late Lord of the precarious Situation of the present Government, and in case of a Restoration begged his protection, this Lord seemed the fitter person to learn his present Sentiments. Your Friend Sir J[ames] S[tewar]t[174] who deservedly well liked by all his acquaintances is to be married to Lord W[emy]ss eldest daughter, a Match made by Lord E[lcho][175] who left this the beginning of Summer and I understand, is now at Boulogne, so that I had no opportunity to deliver the Compliments his Majesty and the Prince honour him with. I beg you will believe me, etc.

Some time in the month of August the Laird of Mc[Leo]d[176] came to Edinburgh and told L[ochie]l on his way here, who desired he might see him, and that he had several Commissions to us, so desired he would make an appointment with me. When L[ochie]l spoke to me of it I agreed to ride out with him on the Saturday to Peggie Vints where he proposed to dine and see a son of Lord L[ovat]s who was then at the School of Preston,[177] but we were both afraid from his saying that he had several Commissions that his Lordship had been too open with him, contrary to the engagement all these of the Concert had come under to one another; for which reason we resolved to be very cautious and determined, in case we found it as we suspected, to say nothing of it to him. We according mett, dined in the Country and adjurned to the Tavern in Edinburgh where we resolved to give him leave to say or ask as few questions as possible and took occasion to speak a good deal on the present miserable Situation of the Country, and tell him that we thought him one of the fittest Persons we knew to instigate the English to join heartily for promoting the Kings interest, being both a highland man and one of power in the Country; and at the same time told him it was his Majestys pleasure that the Chiefs of the Clans should allow none of their men to leave the Country. To which he answered that he and Sir A[lexander] Mc[Donal]d had taken care to let none of theirs inlist, and said a good deal of his readiness to serve the King so soon as an occasion should offer, and that he had already during his being att London made it his business to incite and encourage the English to every thing that cou’d conduce to his Majestys interest; and as to Lord L[ova]ts commissions, they turned out only to inquiring about Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and what news or good hopes he had. From this time nothing passed worthy the noticeing, I had some compliments from Lord L[ova]t in his letters to L[ochie]l wherein he acquainted him with the success he had in a Circuit he made over the Country and then gott a Letter or two from himself on these subjects and desiring his Majesty might be acquainted with it and at the same time saying he was resolved to continue at Home in expectation of something satisfactory upon my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r’s return. Upon this I wrote the following Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated October 28th, 1743.

Murray to Edgar

Sir,[178]—I has the pleasure of writing to you the fifth of last moneth with one inclosed to his Majesty, which makes me give you the trouble of this to acquaint you that upon L[ochie]ls repeated Letters to Lord L[ovat] together with Copys of my Lord T[ra]q[uai]rs from London which I sent him, he is determined not to stir from home this Winter. I should be greatly to blame did I neglect to inform you that his Lordship has been most assiduous this Summer to promote his Majestys Interest in his district so that I have great reason to believe that he is sure of all those he engaged for. He seems to be in great spirits upon account of his success in his Circuit he lately made over the Country when he gained most of the Monroes,[179] a people as little to have been expected as any in the Highlands. He keeps an open table by which means he is become very popular, and I believe, generally speaking, has more to say than any in that Country. L[ochie]l is still here expecting every day Lord T[ra]q[uai]rs arrival etc. His Lordship, to the best of my Remmembrance, came to Scotland sometime in the moneth when L[ochie]l and I immediately mett with him. He acquainted us that Mr. Drummond had left London a great while before him and promised so soon as he gott to Paris that the King of France and his ministers should be acquainted with the favourable accounts he had to give of his Success and that he would forthwith inform Lord T[ra]q[uai]r of every Resolution that was taken. His Lordship likewise told us what had passed during his Stay at London, which I shall not pretend to give a particular detail of, having no authority to intermeddle with, nor ever had, any particular concern in what regarded the English; so shall leave it to his Lordship to give a particular account of his Negotiations in that Country, if he shall think it necessary. I shall only mention here that his Lordship informed us that he had talk’d with the principal people of the Tory party some of which were very timerous, others such as Lord Bar[rymo]re very ready to join in any thing that could conduce to forward the Restoration, and that he had frankly offered, when they proposed a sum of Money to be ready to the Value of £12,000 which was scrupled at by some, to provide it himself. That Lord O[rre]ry[180] I had made two several apointments with him and Mr. Drummond, neither of which he keept, but Stept out of Town without Seeing of them. But I must observe that from all I can Remmember of the Story no particular Concert was formed nor was their any appearance given the french of meeting with provisions, Carriages and horses att their landing, as Mr. Amalet proposed at Versails; for to the contrary when was spoke to who lived in the neighbourhood of where they proposed to land, concerning the providing of these several Necessary he said he had no Idea that any thing had been so suddenly designed for the King, so could make no promises. Mr. Butler, the Gentleman sent over by the King of France to enquire into the Situation of the Country, was introduced by his Lordship to the most of the people. He knew and was sent to the Country to a meeting at Litchfield Races there to meet with Lord B[arrymor]e, Sir W[atkin Williams] W[ynn][181] where he was with about 80 or more gentlemen all of them but one reckoned honest people, which to be sure gave a good aspect to the party in general; but nevertheless I don’t see he went away with such a satisfactory account as Mr. Amalet seemed to require. He assured my Lord he had several Instructions from the King himself, but I wish his principall Errand may not have been to purchase horses with a View to the Kings equipage for the insuing Campaign, he having bought to the value of 3 or 4000£. This reflection may seem harsh but I cannot reconcile their bestowing that sum upon horses for which he said they had no Occasion only by a way of blind and not allowing the prince not above one half of it for a whole years expences, and I don’t think it would be just to argue in opposition to it that they then knew nothing of the Campaign his Majesty intended to make. The french are rather too far sighted not to allow them to design so short a while as some moneths before hand. In short from his Lordships return till the moneth of february we had no Letters from france. In the interim L[ochie]l went to the Highlands when he acquainted Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] and Lord L[ova]t with all yt had passed and that we soon expected the french would come to a final determination one or tother. We spent the time greatly shagerin’d, vex’d to have no Accounts of any kind considering that Mr. Drummond promised at his leaving London in Company with Mr. Butler to write over immediately. Att last we received two letters, one inclosing another Copy, of which I shall insert Copy of Mr. Drummonds Letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r, dated ...

** ** *

After I had made this answer with the Consent and advice of the Duke of P[erth] and was signed by them, the nixt day being Ash Wedensday[182] his Grace resolved to leave the place being apprehensive that as the newspapers were there very full of the french preparations he might be suspected and seized and so not in his power to appear when any thing came to be done. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, att whose Lodgings I had the Honour to meet his Grace that mourning, was very much against his leaving the place in such a hurry, and on that day especially. I likewise took the Liberty to remonstrate to him a little against it but all to no purpose and he accordingly sett out about Eleven O Clock and went that night the Length of Dumblain. This was immediately looked upon by the people of the Government with a very jealous Eye and the more so that his Brother Lord J[oh]n had come to Scotland some little time before upon a Scheme of raising a Scots Regiment for the french Service, stayed only ten days or little more at Edinburgh and went from that to the Highlands to solicite the Gentlemen there to be assisting to him in making his Levies. It unluckily hapened for the Duke that upon the back of Lord J[oh]ns going to the Country the Government began to be alarmed with the Accounts of the Princes being come to france and the intended invasion in his Majestys interest which made our little Ministers conjecture that Lord J[oh]n had been sent over with the accounts of it to the Highlands and consequently that the Duke had left the town with an intention to foment an insurrection in the Country. This was made no secret of, being publickly talked of immediately upon the Duke disappearing two days, so after his leaving the town a servant of his was dispatched to London with the Letter I had wrote to Mr. Drummond their being no other means of conveiying one to him but by express, we not having any settled Cannal of Correspondence from hence there. This I think was about the 8th or 10th of february [1744]. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r stayed some days in town after, designedly to create no suspicion.

In about a week or so after I went on a Sunday Evening to see Mr. H[a]y[183][184] who, when I was talking in a ludicrous way of the paragraph in the papers about the manner in which his Highness had left Italy, he told me in a very serious way that it was no Joke and said that the sooner I went to the Country the better as my living quietly at home would give no suspicion to the Government, but if I stayed any time in town he did not know what might happen, that upon his honour he had not heard me mentioned, which perhaps was owing to my near Relation with him, but that att that same time I was suspected to correspond with Rome. I told him I intended to stay some days longer in Town and would so soon as I had formerly proposed, that I had no cause of fear and so would not run away, and as to their suspecting my corresponding with Rome, that I laughed at but thanked him for his kind concern. I was not at all sorry to find they were so alarmed and afraid, which to me appeared a sure sign of their weakness, and indeed their fear for some days after increased to the most abject pusilanimity. His saying that he had not heard me mentioned was telling plainly that they had been consulting of who were the persons first to be laid hands; and I am apt to believe had the management of affairs been left to Lord Arniston,[185] Sir John Inglis,[186] Commissioner Arthburthnet[187] and the rest of the present Ministry there would have been little lenity shown any Body they had the least reason to suspect. But affairs were afterwards taken out of their hands and putt into these of Justice Clerks,[188] who tho’ as Violent a Whig yet not so hott and Violent a Man. I went next day, being Munday, in the morning to wait of General Guest, who then Commanded in Chief in Scotland[189] with a View to hear what a Notion or Idea he had of matters. He told me that the Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act was expected that night by the Post, but added that, was it come, upon his honour he did not know a man he suspected enough to lay up, which I was exceedingly well pleased with. Also att the same time I could have marked out a great many and the general seemed not in the least to be affraid and laughed att the hurry and confusion the other folks were. I was taken very ill that day after dinner and gave up thoughts of going to Mr. Hunters of Poolmood’s Burrial[190] which was to be on the Thursday, and I was desired out by the Widow on the tuesday, which evening about six O Clock Mr. Mc[Douga]ll[191] brought me a Letter directed to the Countess of T[ra]q[uai]r. As I was then expecting one every day from Mr. Drummond, as he had promised in his last, I began to suspect a little notwithstanding it had come by the Common Post, a very odd method of Conveyance. In such a critical juncture I opened it when I found a blank Cover and Still directed as before. This confirmed me in my suspicion and under that I found a Letter for my Lord which I immediately opened and tho’ partly in Cypher, could easily understand that things were directly to be putt in execution. This struck me a good deal as I said I would not go to the Country. However, I sent Mr. Mc[Douga]ll with directions immediately to sent the Letter off to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and to desire D. C[ ]n[192] to come down as of no design and tell me I might go to the Country next day if I pleased, which he accordingly did and hyrred a Chaise, not being able to ride. In the mean while Sir J. S[tewar]t came to see me, who I acquainted of it and att the same time wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re who I had spoke to the Munday before, desiring him to meet me at T[ra]q[uai]r the thursday night as likewise one to Mr. J[oh]n Mc[leo]d[193] telling him I thought it would be fitt to send Sir J[ames] C[ampbe]lls son to the Highlands, who his father designed should serve him therein being assistant to raise the Country. I accordingly sett out next mourning for the Country and the day following Lord T[ra]q[uai]r mett me at Polmood and shewed me the Letter when decyphered which I shall here give a Copy off, and att the same time a Letter he had received the night before by express from Edinburgh telling him that their was a Warrant out to apprehend him which determined his Lordship to go immediately to the D[uke] of P[erth]. Upon which so soon as the Burrial was over we came to my house, where I wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re desiring he would follow us next mourning to Hartrie[194] where we intended to sleep that night and sent it Express to T[ra]q[uai]r with other Letters of my Lords, expecting Lord K[enmo]re would be there that night, but he nevertheless continued the whole time in Edinburgh. We set out next day from Hartrie which was the fryday, that the french fleet was dispersed and the Transports run a Shore,[195] and the night after gott to Drummond Castle, from whence his Grace sent immediately an express with the Copy of the last Letter we received to L[ochie]l. We continued som weeks there always in Expectation to hear of a landing and in the mean time heard that several informations was given in against the Duke of Perth as having numbers of armed men about his house which was absolutely false. At last a party of 150 foot and 30 Horse were sent from Stirling to make him Prisoner, but he had intelligence of it and went out of the way.[196] All this time Lord T[ra]q[uai]r was sculking about the Country having returned from the jaunt he had made over the Highlands.

After staying in that Country till the beginning of Aprile, without receiving any Accounts from abroad and giving up all hopes of a Landing, I left my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r there and came to Stirlingshire where I stayed about three weeks and so came to Edinburgh, and from that went to the Country the 11th of May. In the beginning of June, when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r returned, I went to wait of him, and being very uneasy to think we had received no accounts from Abroad, I said if I could afford the expence I would go over on pretence of seeing the Army in flanders and so see the Prince myself and learn distinctly what situation things were in. This his Lordship was well pleased with but I did not say anything positively, but upon Reflexion by the Road, I thought it was hard that people who had been for so long concerned in the Kings affairs and putt to so great Charge about it with the hazard of their Lives and fortunes should now be left in the dark as to every thing. Wherefore I resolved to do it, and next day wrote a Letter to my Lord telling him that if the Duke of P[erth] would give me a 100£ I would be att the rest of the expence myself and go over and in case his Lordship approved of it, he would be so good as meet me at Peebles on Saturday, which he did, and after talking with him I came home and sett out the same night about O Clock and gott to Drummond [Castle] next afternoon. The Duke immediately agreed to the thing and gave me an order for the money. About this time came a letter from Lord Semple to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r by way of an account of their precedure in the Spring, which I went to T[ra]q[uai]r and assisted his Lordship to decypher, but was so little to our satisfaction that my Lord still thought my going over more necessary than before. About this time I received a letter from St[uar]t of Ard[shie]ll,[197] telling me that he would have come to the Country to wait of me but his dress made him remarkable, being in Highland Cloaths, but as he had comed to Town purposely to meet with me, he hoped I would give him a meeting, and yt he had seen L[ochie]l lately. I went to town in a day or two after and dined with him. His Errand was to know of me if I had gott any Accounts lately, and what hopes I had. I did not think it att all proper to let him know any thing of my having seen such a letter as Lord Semple had wrote, nor indeed that any Accounts had come; for in that case he would have expected something positive. But I put him off by telling him I imagined the french were resolved to renew the Expedition soon and so friends did not care to write least any discovery should ensue, but could easily see that the Answer was not att all satisfactory. I returned that same night to the Country, and during a few days that I stayed, prepared for my journey.

N.B.—This is a fragment of a letter written by Mr. Murray to the Pretender soon after the miscarriage of the French Expedition.

Murray to the Chevalier

It was looked upon by some as certain, and thought necessary by all, that Mr. Watson[198] should come over, as he was the person who had gone through the whole Highlands and gott the engagements of the Several Gentlemen at his first leaving Scotland, and surely had any of them been so little as to flinch from what they engaged to him, he was the natural and indeed the only person that could have upbraided them into their Duty. My Lord says he could trust to no conveyance, and so could not soonner give us any information your Majestys friend is here, upon Mr. D[rummond] not coming, expected immediately after the Embargo was taken of in france that some one or other would have been dispatched to our Coasts with an account of what had passed, and what was to be hoped for, that so we might have regulate our fortunes Conduct accordingly. The neglect of this, Sir, greatly surprises your Majestys friends in generall, and gives the Gentlemen in the concert a good deal of Umbrage, as they thereby think themselves slighted and neglected, whereas, they being the first promoters of the whole scheme, they humbly think entitled them to have the most expidetious information. His Lordship next supposes that we are fully satisfied of the french sincerity, which indeed is entirely otherwise, especially from the Reasons he assigns that it was owing to the commandants neglect or disobedience to his Instructions. We never can bring ourselves to believe that any man (especially a french subject) grown old with an untainted and great Reputation, durst have disobeyed what seems to have been the only Material part of his Instructions to block up Portsmouth, and surely, if not for this one Errand his Voyage to the Chunnel must rather do harm than good, which was evidently seen by the Government being put timeously upon their Guard. As to his next paragraph relating to the frenches cautious delay purposely to see what Influence the powers of the Court would have upon your Majestys friends here, and that the above cautious delay was grating to the Prince; no wonder indeed his Royal Highness had too penetrating an Eye not to see that it would be impossible to recover this Time and opportunity he was losing. But what really quite astonishes us is his Lordships saying that from the light it was represented in, their caution seemed to be well grounded. We cant pretend to take their Reasons to [heart] as they are not told us, but we are affraid they consist more in plausible pretences, dressed up with a little french Rhetorick, than in strong and solid Arguments. We are in this Climate generally accustomed to the plainer sort of speach, and we cannot help thinking ourselves judges of it. Did not the french Court know of Comns.?[199] Did they not know that that Majority would pass all Bills that might seem their Master? Did they not know that the repeal of the Habeas Corpus act would naturally be the first step and that by that Repeal they were enabled to take up every person they suspected? Did they not know that the principal men in England, of your Majestys friends, were in the house and that not one of them durst object to any method that was proposed as their offering. Such would have been an open declaration of their principles, and must consequently have caused their confinement. Did they not know that the English are a fickle sort of people, and that they had a natural abhorence of the french nation, and thay could not be ignorant that this was giving them time to frighten them by the fear of a french Influence that State pretence and thereby to make friends in the City of London. If they were Ignorant of all these they ought surely to have been told, and we must be of opinion that these as such Indisputable Reasons that no Sound Arguments could be adduced to confute them, which, when rightly observed, makes their Schemes of delaying it for a little time appear vain and frivolous pretences and absolutely contradictory to all Right Reason. We are convinced that his Royal Highness, keeping so quiet has effectually deceived the Government, that it is entirely owing to his own matchless address, and indeed upon decyphering the Letter My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and I thought that we was in the next line to have had orders to keep in readyness to favour a discent to be made, upon the D[uke] of H[amilton] and the Dutch troops going over; but to our unexpressible Surprise he proposes new assurances to be given both from Scotland and England. In the name of Wonder what can all this mean? Where are the Grounds? Where the Reasons, where the necessity leading to such a demand? The assurances from Scotland were thought sufficient by the K[ing], by C[ardinal] F[leury] and by Mr. Amalot. From the first moment the assurances carried over by Mr. Butler last year from England were thought sufficient, otherwise the french would not have carried the Expidition so far. If this is the case (which we have all along been made believe) what is the necessity for any Renewal of them? What a horrid and Gloomy prospect must such a Scheme carry along with it, things have been carried on for some years with great Secrecy and caution, tho’ with danger of Life and fortune to those concerned, and must they now recommence such another tedious and dangerous Negotiation? I am afraid, Sir, if your Majesty should find it necessary it will be next to impossible, at lest my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r never can take a hand doing any thing in England, he is already strongly suspected and it wanted but little he was not taken up some moneths ago. The express he sent to London with a Letter to Watson[200] was seized, which was occasioned by one from him which left us quite in the dark as to what assistance we were to have, and that within 3 weeks of the Expidition, but not till he had delivered his Packet; and had he not luckyly said he believed it Related to a marriage which was then the talk of the town, his Lordship had surely been arested. But if the English are so well satisfied with the procedure of the french, and the open discovery of any plot, why cant they find one amongst themselves to do the Business? I shall be sorry to think they have only a view to gain time till they see whither they are able to carry on the War in spite of Brittain, and then tell us that the Zeal shown for the present Government in the time of the Expidition contradicts all the assurances we advanced to the contrary, which will be the Result of their Cautious and well delay for a little time. This is harsh, but other people have seen, and I have read of france doing the like in other cases. As to the troops to be landed in Scotland, suppose it to be impossible to converse with all the concert on it att any time in two moneths, and all present not to be done at all, yett I can take upon me to affirm that they still continue in the same mind as to every Article. 3000 men landed, one half near Sir J[ames] Cam[pbe]ll to command Argyle Shire, the other half near Inverness, a L[ochie]l may join them to command the north, or if the one half can’t reach near to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell], lett them be all landed together with 4 feild pieces, 15 or 20,000 Stand of Arms, Gones, Pistoles and broad Swords, yett from the inquiry I have made I am satisfied 10,000 Guns or less, 10,000 Broad Swords and as many Pistoles will sufficiently do the Business, as all the Isles are lately Armed with Guns and most of them Swords, Likewise, as for the Inland Country, they want Swords and Pistoles very much. It gives us great uneasiness that my Lord M[arischal] should be so unhappy as to fly in the face of every Scheme, if he himself does not project. Sed quos Deus vult perdere dementit prius, but we cannot help thinking oddnt, when the money was had to pay Sir J[ames] Mr. Watson did not care to remit it. This to be sure required no Conveyance, a Bill was sufficient. He knows the miserable Situation he is in, and tho’ the rest of the Concert are in no such Indigent Situation, yett their Circumstances are not so opulent as to assist him. The Gentlemen in the Highlands were so desirous to know if any accounts were come that Locheal gave a Commission to St[ewart] of A[rdshiel] who came expressly to meet with me and indeed I was so Anxious for the Situation of your Majestys friends, that I resolved upon a journey abroad to inform myself of every thing, upon the pretence of going to see the Army to some who had a title to be a little more Curious upon pretence of making more interest for a Company in the Dutch in case of any new levies, so that it was an accident I either mett with that Gentleman or saw my Lord S[emple] letter. He complained heavily that we had no Accounts from abroad, and indeed I never had more difficulty to excuse our friends. However, I told that our having none looked well as it portended that the expidition had surely suffered some short delay from the bad weather that had happened at the time, and as it was soon to be resumed, they thought it needless to send us any information in case of discoveries, which nevertheless cou’d observe did not entirely Satisfie him. My Lord T[raquair] desired me to assure your Majesty that there is nothing he would not undertake which might further your Majestys interest but that he cannot come from his own house to Edinburgh without being suspected, which renders it impossible for him to negotiate any thing in England, and at the same time desires me to observe that he cannot reconceal that part of my Lord S[emple’s] Letter, where he tells him that nothing will be fixed with relation to the expidition till he hear from him with his proposals of fresh assurances from your Majestys friends here. In short, Sir, I must say that this letter is of such a nature that I do not take it upon me to intimate it to the Gentlemen in the Concert as in the present Situation Your Majestys Wisdom, the inexpressible Character the Prince has acquired as being of so brave and enterprising a Spirit, together with their own Suspence and hopes are what keep up their Spirits, but was I to make it knowen to them I am afraid it would throw them into a fatal Despondency, so till I have your Majestys orders am resolved to keep it private. Never was there a people more anxiously concerned about a princes happiness and welfare than this nation when she heard of Highness imbarkation, nor do I believe Scotland ever made a more unanimous Appearance than they would have done then, provided the Conditions promised them had been performed, but we have been told here, how justly I won’t say, that there was only 3000 Muskets designed for us without any troops, indeed, we are able, at any time, to command our own Country with Arms and officers, especially now when there is only four Regiments of foot and two of Dragoons, and each of these 100 Men draughted to flanders. I am sorry to be obliged to trouble your Majesty with so long a paper, but I am hopefull your Majesty will be of opinion our present Situation required it especially after receiving the inclosed, nor do I fear your Majestys being angry upon that account as I most humbly beg leave to say that an honest and loyal Subject can never explain himself too fully and Clearly to a wise Prince, and since the Receipt of Lord S[emple] letter I am more fully resolved to make my journey abroad as I think there is more Reason for full and pointed explications on every Article, and if I don’t thereby hurt your Majestys affairs of what at present I have no idea I shall be quite indifferent as what may be the consequence with regard to myself, being Void of all other Views but that of promoting your Majestys Interest, which I shall ever endeavour to do att all hazard. I most humbly beg this letter may not be made known to my Lord S[emple] and Mr. W[atson][201] least it unreasonably make differences amongst those concerned in your Majestys affairs, but if sending them a Copy will in your Majestys opinion be of any Service, I can with great Satisfaction sacrifice the private Regard of any man to the trueth and to my King and Country.

This seems to be a Copy of a Letter which Mr. Murray wrote after his return from France and Flanders in the Moneths of September or October, 1744, To the young Pretender, then in France.[202]

Murray to Prince Charles

Sir,—It gives me the most Concern I should have been so long in this Country without having it in my power to acquaint your Royal Highness with what has passed since I left France, except in the short Letter I was necessitate to write from London under Cover to Mr. Lumly or Maxwell.[203] I dont now remember whilst being then able to find no other conveyance and since my Arrival here, there has been no Occasion till the present tho’ I have laid myself out to find one, as I might not so distinctly as I incline, acquaint your Royal Highness of every thing by way of letter. I have taken the Liberty to write in form of a journal with opinions of the several Persons I have had occasion to talk to.

I sett out from Senlis[204] on Wednesday morning and on Thursday night came to Brussels. From thence I went next day to Termonde, where I mett with 636, 616, 1614, 12, 30, 1392,[205] who I spoke to as ordered by Mr. Burnet.[206] He seemed a little Timerous at first, but nevertheless promised to do all in his power with his Brother Officers, and to write Mr. Fisher[206] under the name of Burnet subscribing himself Cuming. On the Saturday I went to 425, 1876, 1614,[207] in Company with Mr. 434, 1054, 1730,[208] to whom I spoke all night and found him so frank as to give me his word of honour that he would come over immediately upon my writing to him that he would use his Interest with the 1495 of his 598, 1614,[209] and go to Charleroy and talk with Some of Coaliers[210] and promised likewise to Send me over a list of the recruiting officers for this year, with a mark to those that might be spoke to. From that came to Rotterdam on Saturday where he informed me that there was nothing easier than to gett Arms of all kinds by applying to any Jew att Amsterdam who would oblige himself upon a penalty to give any number att whatever port in Holland we desired, and that as this was done dayly, it would create no Suspicion. There mett with 1389, 1051, C13,[211] to whom I repeated what had passed from the time I left him, and delivered him two letters from Mr. Burnet[206] with which he seemed exceedingly well pleased. I had many conversations with him on these Subjects, and upon the whole he was, and still is of Opinion that the English will not be brought to enter upon any Scheme without a foreign force, and that Mr. Burnet’s[212] coming to Scotland without their concurrence must be of the worse consequence, as from that quarter alone their did not appear the least probability of Success; for which reason, if the french do not putt in Execution the following Spring what they proposed the passed, he proposes as the dernier Resort to make an offer to the King of the Crown of Scotland upon the footing of the Antient Allience with France; but of this I shall say nothing, leaving to him to explain it himself, and as to raising a Sum of money is of Opinion it will be very difficult, if at all possible. On the friday Se-en night,[213] after leaving Senlis I arrived att London and nixt morning went to wait of Mr. Moore[214] but missed him, however in the evening I gott him at home but found him quite a different man from what I had left him, very reserved and did not offer to show me any letter he had received during my Absence tho’ Martin[215] informed me he had given him one the post before. I then talked to him a little different of the frenches intentions, at least for this Winter season, to which he answered he looked upon the King of France as a man of honour, and that to be sure he would not give Mr. Fisher[212] such promises if he did not seriously intend to serve him. I endeavoured to show him from the then Situation of the french officers that it was unreasonable to expect it, but all to no purpose. Then I told him that Mr. Fisher desired Letters so and so adressed should Morris,[216] this he said was not in his power for he did not know the person in the City forwarded them, but promised to speak with Martin, who was acquainted with, and usually carried his Letters, who was acquainted with him. I nixt spoke to him of raising a Sum of money to purchase Arms as likewise a few thousand pounds for Mr. Burnets[217] Own Use who was much pinched by the small allowance he had from Mr. Adams.[218] He told me that was what he could say nothing off, but that he knew their had been a Sum remitted to him last Spring by the way of Amsterdam. I then asked him to suppose the case that the french would do nothing, whether he imagined Saville[219] would join heartily with Sanderson[220] to bring about 407. Smith;[221] to which he answered as before, about the money that he knew nothing about it and so would not give his Opinion. Upon which I enjoined him upon Mr. Burnets[217] Name to mention that to none but whom Mr. Bright[222] and he should agree upon his Coming to Town, and desired to know how soon he thought that should be, which he still answered as before. From all which I could plainly see he had gott his Lesson from the other side. What made this the more obvious to me, in talking of raising money to purchase Arms, I told him it would be absolutely necessary, for tho’ in Diepe[223] we had men and them very willing to fight, yet we had no money, and Arms for not above 7000 if so many; A number far inferior to what I had before told him would appear. Upon which he immediately indeavoured to catch me by saying he hoped I had got no bad news from Doit[224] to Occasion my Diminishing the number of Loyalists which obliged me to explain the matter by telling him that in 1829, 1274, 1381, 1721,[225] a Gentleman [whose] following consisted perhaps of 800 had not arms for above one half and so of the rest, by which means they all in general when spoke to, declared they were not Armed. This, he no doubt did with Intent to find me out in a Contradiction which he could not have failed to represent to his friends on the other side by the first post, who would have made their own use of it with Mr. Burnet.[226] Two days after, I went again to wait of him and enquire if he had settled that Correspondence as Mr. Fisher[226] desired, when he told me with great indifference that he had never spoke of it, and that the packets were to be stoped going any Longer from Dover to Calais, so that their must be a new conveyance settled, but how that was to be done he did not know. I then left him, and wrote the Short Letter I before mentioned to Mr. Burnet.[226] Then sett out for Doit, and on tuesday the 2d of October met with 1443, 1721, 530, 1489, 699, 1051, 1798,[227] a young Gentleman of a very large fortune, who I acquainted in general with my having seen Mr. Fisher[226] and what he proposed, upon which he very frankly offered to raise a sum of Money provided the others who I told off were to be applyed he would agree to it and that he would stay some time longer than he proposed, having intended to go to London, and is now in this place but of Opinion that nothing can be done without either a foreign force or the concurrence of Sidley.[228] Upon tuesday the ninth of October, I sent an Express to Mr. Bright,[229] then at the Earl of Nidsdales, and upon thursday morning he came to my house where I acquainted him with everything I had done from my Arrival at London. He seemed very much concerned that so many years and so much money had been spent to no purpose, but as he was obliged to return early nixt morning would not give his Opinion of the present footing things were on till his return home. Upon the 16th, I went with an intention to see Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 1948, 1679, 1778,[230] and inform him fully of Mr. Burnets[226] resolutions, but found he was in fife, and his family uncertain of his Return, so proceeded to Edinburgh from whence I wrote the 18th of October to Mr. Fergus,[231] begging he would meet me at Mr. Brights[229] house about the 26th, and one inclosed to Mr. Dan,[232] desiring him to come immediately. I soon received a letter informing me that Mr. Dan was come, and desired to see me, but as at this time my wife was taken very ill, I sent a servant that same night to town desiring the favour of a visit from him in the Country, which he declined, thinking it would look too suspicious as I was so lately come home and he only two days in Town, so rather choose to delay it for som little time. I likewise received a letter from Mr. Fergus,[233] telling me he could not for some weeks see me. I was now become very uneasy to think I had been for above a moneth in the Country without being able to do any thing, when luckily, about the of the moneth Mr. Bright[234] called on me in his very home and promised to be in town 3 or 4 days after, which determined me to go nixt day, and that night I mett with Mr. Bright (who had been called by express) and Mr. Dan, when I read them a journal of what had passed from my leaving Diepe the 7th of July, and acquainted them with Mr. Burnets[235] Resolutions in case the french failed him. They were both well pleased with the proposal of Sidly and Sanderson[236] acting in conjuncion, but Equally against Mr. Fisher’s[235] relying upon Sanderson alone. I nixt day gave Mr. Dan the Letter designed for Nicolson,[237] which he delivered to him, and made an apointment to meet with me the same night which he accordingly did; but as he had drunk a little too much we differred having any positive answer from him. I told Mr. Dan there was a necessity for the other Letters being delivered immediately and that I depended upon him to do it. Found, as he was then about getting his Charter from the Duke of Argyle, and had given that for the reason of his coming up, it was impossible for him to Return without giving Suspicion. I for the second time had the misfortune to miss Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 948, 1679, 1778,[238] being gone to his house in the West, nor have I yett been able to see him, as I have almost ever since been obliged to Stay in this place. I left town munday 12 and returned thursday the 15th, where Mr. Dan came to me before dinner and told me that young Kinny[239] desired to speak with me, so I agreed to meet him that Evening Att 4 o’Clock, where he informed me that Lord Semple[240] and Mr. Drummond had refused to do Business any longer, that they had sent John Drummond[241] to him att Dunkirk to acquaint him that I had made Mr. Burnet[242] believe they were not trusted by his friends, and that they had then a prospect on the Tapis but had given it up, and told him that I had at the same time perswaded Mr. Fisher[243] to come ovir with the intent to make himself 1357[244] and leave his father att Harfleur,[245] which I take God to Witness I never since mentioned to him as indeed it is one of the things in the world most against my principles upon which alone I have always acted in Mr. Ellis’s[246] affairs. Kinnys opinion of them, together with what I told him, easily convinced him of the folly of their Story.

Some few days after this Mr. Fergus[247] came to town and stayed for near two weeks, he has procured the small Vessel by which this comes, and will order it to and again so often as Occasion shall offer. I had several conversations with him on the present State of affairs, but shall confine them all to his Answer, we shall he Subjoin with that of the rest, having gott them to putt their several Opinions in writing. I shall there putt down Mr. Fergus, Mr. Bright[248] and Mr. Dans[249] opinion with regard to some of the Articles I was charged with in the memorandum. Which notwithstanding they were (save Fergus) against Mr. Burnets[243] coming over, at any rate to Doit,[250] I nevertheless insisted upon it to show that I had not neglected any particular of my orders, and first as to Mr. Brights[248] going to London he proposes being there before the end of January, 2ndly The letters wrote to the several persons for money should be delivered with an Apology, that they could be wrote to in no other stile in case they had miscarried, 3rdly, The place Mr. Burnet[243] was to meet should be some small distance from Aberdeen, upon that part of the Coast lying towards Dundee, and that we should here be acquainted by one sent over a moneth before, of the day he determined to sail, providing the weather favoured him, and the moment he landed to send an express to Mr. Fergus,[249] and one to Mr. Dan[247] with instructions what day they were to ...

[Hiatus in MSS.]

4ly as to providing of Swords it is what they dayly do, but the number to be had so small as not to be regarded. 5tly The making of Hilts and Targets impossible to be done without a Discovery and that a few days only is required to make the Targets so that they can be provided without trouble. 6thly, As to a ship for Arms, Mr. Fergus engaged to provide it.