FOOTNOTES:
[1103] The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character was Gleeman (see below, note [I], sect. 1), so that wherever the term minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must be understood to be only by anticipation. Another early name for this profession in English was jogeler, or jocular, Lat. joculator. (See p. [353], as also note [V2] and note [Q].) To prevent confusion, we have chiefly used the more general word minstrel, which (as the author of the Observ. on the Statutes hath suggested to the editor) might have been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. minister, scil. ministerellus, ministrellus.]
[1104] Ministers seems to be used for minstrels in the account of the Inthronization of Abp. Neville (An. 6, Edw. IV.). "Then all the Chaplyns must say grace, and the ministers do sing." Vid. Lelandi Collectanea, by Hearne, vol. vi. p. 13.
[1105] It has, however, been suggested to the editor by the learned and ingenious author of Irish Antiquities, 4to. that the ancient mimi among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown by Salmasius in Notis ad Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris, 1622, fol. p. 385. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it afterwards might make the minstrels sometimes pass for ecclesiastics, as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that histriones and mimi abounded in France in the time of Charlemagne (ii. 221), so that their profession was handed down in regular succession from the time of the Romans, and therewith some leading distinctions of their habit or appearance; yet with a change in their arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and music.
[1106] Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Mynstrylls;" having its capital decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an instrument resembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins' Hist. ii. 298.
[1110] The minstrels in France were received with great magnificence in the fourteenth century. Froissart describing a Christmas entertainment given by the Comte de Foix, tells us, that "there were many mynstrels, as well of hys own, as of straungers, and eache of them dyd their devoyre in their faculties. The same day the Erle of Foix gave to haraulds and minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes: and gave to the Duke of Tourayns mynstreles gownes of clothe of gold, furred with ermyne, valued at two hundred frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans. Lond. 1525. (Mr. C.)
[1111] Et vid. Policraticon, cap. 8, &c.
[1112] Vid. Nicolson's Eng. Hist. Lib. &c.
[1113] Gleeman continued to be the name given to a minstrel both in England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued.
In De Brunne's metrical version of Bishop Grosthead's Manuel de Peche, A.D. 1303 (see Warton, i. 61), we have this,
"——Gode men, ye shall lere
When ye any gleman here."
Fabyan (in his Chronicle, 1533, f. 32.) translating the passage from Geoffrey of Monmouth, quoted below in p. [397] note [K] renders Deus Joculatorum, by God of Gleemen. (Warton's Hist. Eng. Poet., Diss. i.) Fabyan died in 1592.
Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describing in one of his poems, intitled, The Daunce what passed in the infernal regions "amangis the Feyndis," says:
"Na menstralls playit to thame, but dowt,
For gle-men thaire wer haldin out,
Be day and eke by nycht."
See Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. p. 30. Maitland's MS. at Cambridge reads here glewe-men.
[1114] To gleek is used in Shakespeare for "to make sport, to jest," &c.
[1115] The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon words, so full and copious beyond any thing that ever yet appeared in print on this subject, was extracted from Mr. Lye's curious Anglo-Saxon Lexicon, in MS. but the arrangement here is the Editor's own. It had however received the sanction of Mr. Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been received into his printed copy, had he lived to publish it himself.
It should also be observed, for the sake of future researches, that without the assistance of the old English interpretations given by Somner, in his Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, the Editor of the book never could have discovered that glee signified minstrelsy, or gligman a minstrel.
[1116] Neven, i.e. name.
[1117] Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the appearance of the joculatores or minstrels, as it was in his own time. For they apparently derived this part of their dress, &c. from the mimi of the ancient Romans, who had their heads and beards shaven (see above p. [383] note [1105]), as they likewise did the mimickry, and other arts of diverting, which they superadded to the composing and singing to the harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their own progenitors the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic and Gothic nations. The Longobardi had, like other northern people, brought these with them into Italy. For "in the year 774, when Charlemagne entered Italy and found his passage impeded, he was met by a minstrel of Lombardy, whose song promised him success and victory. Contigit joculatorem ex Longobardorum gente ad Carolum venire, et cantiunculam a se compositam, rotando in conspectu suorum, cantare." Tom. ii. p. 2. Chron. Monast. Noval. lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. (T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Emend. of vol. i. p. 113.)
[1118] Natus, 1030; scripsit, 1091; obit, 1109. Tanner.
[1119] Obit, Anno 1142. Tanner.
[1120] See above, p. [394]. Both Ingulph. and Will. of Malmesb. had been very conversant among the Normans; who appear not to have had such prejudices against the minstrels as the Anglo-Saxons had.
[1121] Thus Leoꝺ, the Saxon word for a poem, is properly a song, and its derivative lied signifies a ballad to this day in the German tongue. And cantare we have seen above is by Alfred himself rendered, Be heaꞃpan ꞅιnᵹan.
[1122] The tabour or tabourin was a common instrument with the French minstrels, as it had also been with the Anglo-Saxon (vid. p. 393): thus in an ancient Fr. MS. in the Harl. collection (2253, 75), a minstrel is described as riding on horseback, and bearing his tabour.
"Entour son col porta son tabour,
Depeynt de Or, e riche Açour."
See also a passage in Menage's Diction. Etym. (v. menestriers,) where tabours is used as synonymous to menestriers.
Another frequent instrument with them was the viele. This, I am told, is the name of an instrument at this day, which differs from a guitar, in that the player turns round a handle at the top of the instrument, and with his other hand, plays on some keys, that touch the chords, and produce the sound.
See Dr. Burney's account of the vielle, vol. ii. p. 263, who thinks it the same with the rote or wheel. See p. [270] in the note.
"Il ot un Jougleor a Sens,
Qui navoit pas sovent robe entiere;
Sovent estoit sans sa viele."—Fabliaux & Cont. ii. 184, 5.
[1123] "Romanset Jutglar canta alt veux ... devant lo senyor Rey."—Chron. d'Aragon, apud Du Cange, iv. 771.
[1124] It ought to have been observed in its proper place in No. 31, vol. iii. appendix, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers" than as being fast friends: as was suggested by the learned Dr. Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favour the essayist formerly with a curious transcript of this poem accompanied with valuable illustrations, &c: and that it was his opinion that both the fragment of the Lady Bellesent mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the mutilated tale No. 37, were only imperfect copies of the above romance of Amys and Amylion, which contains the two lines quoted in No. 37.
[1125] Whenever the word Romance occurs in these metrical narratives, it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of a translation from the Romance, or French language. Accordingly it is so urged by T. Warton (i. 146, note), from two passages in the pr. copy of Sir Eglamour, viz., Sign. E. i.
"In Romaunce as we rede."
Again in fol. ult.
"In Romaunce this cronycle is."
But in the Cotton MS. of the original the first passage is:
"As I herd a Clerke rede."
And the other thus:
"In Rome this Gest cronycled ys."
So that I believe references to "the Romaunce," or the like, were often meer expletive phrases inserted by the oral reciters; one of whom, I conceive, had altered or corrupted the old Syr Eglamour in the manner that the copy was printed.
[1126] The harp (Lat. cithara) differed from the sautry, or psaltry (Lat. psalterium) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and the latter was mounted with wire: there was also some difference in the construction of the bellies, &c. See Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum, as Englished by Trevisa and Batman, ed. 1584, in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. vol ii. p. 285.
[1127] Jogeler (Lat. joculator) was a very ancient name for a minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the joculator was, we may learn from the register of St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester (T. Warton, i. 69): "Et cantabat Joculator quidam nomine Herebertus Canticum Colbrondi, necnon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberate, in aula Prioris." His instrument was sometimes the fythele, or fiddle, Lat. fidicula: which occurs in the Anglo-Saxon lexicon. On this subject we have a curious passage from a MS. of the Lives of the Saints in metre, supposed to be earlier than the year 1200 (T. Warton's Hist. i. p. 17), viz.:
"Christofre him served longe
The kynge loved melodye much of fithele and of songe:
So that his Jogeler on a day beforen him gon to pleye faste,
And in a tyme he nemped in his song the devil at laste."
[1128] Le Compte.
[1129] fait.
[1130] Sornette, a gibe, a jest, or flouting
[1131] Janglerie, babillage, raillerie.
[1132] Of the 24 songs in what is now called Robin Hood's Garland, many are so modern as not to be found in Pepys's collection completed only in 1700. In the folio MS. are ancient fragments of the following, viz.: Robin Hood and the Beggar, Robin Hood and the Butcher, Robin Hood and Fryer Tucke, Robin Hood and the Pindar, Robin Hood and Queen Catharine, in two parts, Little John and the four Beggars, and Robine Hoode his Death. This last, which is very curious, has no resemblance to any that have been published; and the others are extremely different from the printed copies; but they unfortunately are in the beginning of the MS. where half of every leaf hath been torn away.
[1133] That the French minstrel was a singer and composer; &c. appears from many passages translated by M. Le Grand, in Fabliaux ou Contes, &c. see tom. i. p. 37, 47, ii. 306, 313, & seqq. iii. 266, &c. Yet this writer, like other French critics, endeavours to reduce to distinct and separate classes the men of this profession under the precise names of fablier, conteur, menetrier, menestrel, and jongleur (tom. i. pref. p. xcviii.) whereas his own tales confute all these nice distinctions, or prove at least that the title of menetrier or minstrel was applied to them all.
[1136] See p. [359], note [1051].
[1137] The fondness of the English (even the most illiterate) to hear tales and rimes, is much dwelt on by Rob. de Brunne, in 1330 (Warton, i. p. 59, 65, 75). All rimes were then sung to the harp: even Troilus and Cresseide, though almost as long as the Æneid, was to be "redde ... or else songe." l. ult. (Warton, i. 388).
[1138] Gests at length came to signify adventures or incidents in general. So in a narrative of the journey into Scotland of Queen Margaret and her attendants, on her marriage with K. James IV. in 1503 (in appendix to Leland. Collect. iv. p. 265), we are promised an account "of their gestys and manners during the said voyage."
[1139] The romance of Richard Cœur de Lion (No. 25) I should judge to be of English origin, from the names Wardrewe and Eldrede, &c. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). As is also Eger and Grim (No. 12), wherein a knight is named Sir Gray Steel, and a lady who excells in surgery is called Loosepaine or Losepain; these surely are not derived from France.
[1140] See the romance of Sir Isenbras (No. 14) sign. a.
"Harpers loved him in Hall
With other Minstrels all."
[1141] T. Warton, ii. 258, note (a) from Leland's Collect. vol. iv. append. edit. 1774, p. 267.
[1142] The curious author of the Tour in Wales, 1773, 4to. p. 435, I find to have read these words, "in toune and contrey;" which I can scarce imagine to have been applicable to Wales at that time. Nor can I agree with him in the representation he has given (p. 367) concerning the Cymmorth or meeting, wherein the bards exerted their powers to excite their countrymen to war; as if it were by a deduction of the particulars he enumerates, and, as it should seem, in the way of harangue, &c. After which, "the band of minstrels ... struck up; the harp, the crwth, and the pipe filled the measures of enthusiasm, which the others had begun to inspire." Whereas it is well known that the bard chanted his enthusiastic effusions to the harp; and as for the term minstrel, it was not, I conceive, at all used by the Welsh; and in English it comprehended both the bard and the musician.
[1143] "Your ordinarie rimers use very much their measures in the odde, as nine and eleven, and the sharpe accent upon the last sillable, which therefore makes him go ill favouredly and like a minstrels musicke." (Puttenham's Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 59.) This must mean his vocal music, otherwise it appears not applicable to the subject.
[1144] By this phrase I understand new tales or narrative rymes composed by the minstrels on the subject of true and faithful lovers, &c.
[APPENDIX II.]
[ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, &c.]
I.
It is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those religious shows which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more solemn festivals. At those times they were wont to represent in the churches the lives and miracles of the saints, or some of the more important stories of scripture. And as the most mysterious subjects were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, &c., these exhibitions acquired the general name of mysteries. At first they were probably a kind of dumb shews, intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew into a regular series of connected dialogues, formally divided into acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's Old Plays and in Osborne's Harleyan Miscel. How they were exhibited in their most simple form we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted by our old dramatic poets[1145] intitled ... "a merye jest of a man that was called Howleglas"[1146], &c., being a translation from the Dutch language, in which he is named Ulenspiegle. Howleglass, whose waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish clerk. This priest is described as keeping a leman or concubine, who had but one eye, to whom Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing his rogueries to his master. The story thus proceeds: ... "And than in the meane season, while Howleglas was parysh clarke, at Easter they should play the Resurrection of our Lorde: and for because than the men wer not learned, nor could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in the grave for an Aungell: and this seing Howleglas, toke to hym iij of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the iij Maries; and the Person [i.e. Parson or Rector] played Christe, with a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons. Whan the Aungel asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons leman with one iye. Than it fortuned that the tyme was come that they must playe, and the Aungel asked them whom they sought, and than sayd they, as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answered they, We seke the priests leman with one iye. And than the prieste might heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Howleglas upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another; and than toke she him by the heare [hair]; and that seing his wyfe, came running hastely to smite the priestes leaman; and than the priest seeing this, caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave the other sore strokes, and made great noyse in the churche. And than Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more there."[1147]
As the old mysteries frequently required the representation of some allegorical personage, such as Death, Sin, Charity, Faith, and the like, by degrees the rude poets of those unlettered ages began to form compleat dramatic pieces consisting entirely of such personifications. These they intitled moral plays, or moralities. The mysteries were very inartificial, representing the scripture stories simply according to the letter. But the moralities are not devoid of invention: they exhibit outlines of the dramatic art; they contain something of a fable or plot, and even attempt to delineate characters and manners. I have now before me two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII., in which, I think, one may plainly discover the seeds of tragedy and comedy, for which reason I shall give a short analysis of them both.
One of them is intitled Every Man.[1148] The subject of this piece is the summoning of man out of the world by death; and its moral, that nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors to the prologue on their rude stage); then God[1149] is represented, who, after some general complaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls for Deth, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every-man, for so is called the personage who represents the human race. Every-man appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion and terror. When Death is withdrawn Every-man applies for relief in this distress to Fellowship, Kindred, Goods, or Riches, but they successively renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he betakes himself to Good-dedes, who, after upbraiding him with his long neglect of her,[1150] introduces him to her sister Knowledge, and she leads him to the "holy man Confession," who appoints him penance; this he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and after Strength, Beauty, Discretion, and Five Wits[1151] have all taken their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage, Good-dedes still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing his requiem, and the epilogue is spoken by a person called Doctour, who recapitulates the whole and delivers the moral:—
"C. This memoriall men may have in mynde,
Ye herers, take it of worth old and yonge,
And forsake Pryde, for he disceyveth you in thende,
And remembre Beautè, Five Witts, Strength and Discretion,
They all at last do Every-man forsake;
Save his Good Dedes there dothe he take;
But beware, for and they be small,
Before God he hath no helpe at all," &c.
From this short analysis it may be observed that Every Man is a grave, solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of tragedy. It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is simply one, the time of action is that of the performance, the scene is never changed, nor the stage ever empty. Every-man, the hero of the piece, after his first appearance never withdraws, except when he goes out to receive the sacraments, which could not well be exhibited in public, and during his absence Knowledge descants on the excellence and power of the priesthood, somewhat after the manner of the Greek chorus. And, indeed, except in the circumstance of Every-man's expiring on the stage, the Sampson Agonistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer plan.[1152]
The other play is intitled Hick Scorner,[1153] and bears no distant resemblance to comedy; its chief aim seems to be to exhibit characters and manners, its plot being much less regular than the foregoing. The prologue is spoken by Pity, represented under the character of an aged pilgrim; he is joined by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two holy men, who, after lamenting the degeneracy of the age, declare their resolution of stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon the stage, and presently found by Frewyll, representing a lewd debauchee, who, with his dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their manner of life, and not without humour describe the stews and other places of base resort. They are presently joined by Hick-Scorner, who is drawn as a libertine returned from travel, and, agreeably to his name, scoffs at religion. These three are described as extremely vicious, who glory in every act of wickedness; at length two of them quarrel, and Pity endeavours to part the fray; on this they fall upon him, put him in the stocks, and there leave him. Pity, thus imprisoned, descants in a kind of lyric measure on the profligacy of the age, and in this situation is found by Perseverance and Contemplacion, who set him at liberty, and advise him to go in search of the delinquents. As soon as he is gone Frewill appears again, and, after relating in a very comic manner some of his rogueries and escapes from justice, is rebuked by the two holy men, who, after a long altercation, at length convert him and his libertine companion Imaginacioun from their vicious course of life, and then the play ends with a few verses from Perseverance by way of epilogue. This and every morality I have seen conclude with a solemn prayer. They are all of them in rhyme, in a kind of loose stanza, intermixed with distichs.
It would be needless to point out the absurdities in the plan and conduct of the foregoing play; they are evidently great. It is sufficient to observe that bating the moral and religious reflection of Pity, etc., the piece is of a comic cast, and contains a humorous display of some of the vices of the age. Indeed, the author has generally been so little attentive to the allegory, that we need only substitute other names to his personages, and we have real characters and living manners.
We see then that the writers of these moralities were upon the very threshold of real tragedy and comedy, and therefore we are not to wonder that tragedies and comedies in form soon after took place, especially as the revival of learning about this time brought them acquainted with the Roman and Grecian models.
II. At what period of time the moralities had their rise here it is difficult to discover, but plays of miracles appear to have been exhibited in England soon after the Conquest. Matthew Paris tells us that Geoffrey, afterwards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who had been sent for over by Abbot Richard to take upon him the direction of the school of that monastery, coming too late, went to Dunstable and taught in the Abby there, where he caused to be acted (probably by his scholars) a miracle-play of St. Catharine, composed by himself.[1154] This was long before the year 1119, and probably within the eleventh century. The above play of St. Catharine was, for aught that appears, the first spectacle of this sort that was exhibited in these kingdoms, and an eminent French writer thinks it was even the first attempt towards the revival of dramatic entertainments in all Europe, being long before the representations of mysteries in France, for these did not begin till the year 1398.[1155]
But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not, it is certain that holy plays, representing the miracles and sufferings of the saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II., and a lighter sort of interludes appear not to have been then unknown.[1156] In the subsequent age of Chaucer, "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the common resort of idle gossips.[1157]
They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the Continent, for the learned historian of the Council of Constance[1158] ascribes to the English the introduction of plays into Germany. He tells us that the Emperor, having been absent from the Council for some time, was at his return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in particular did upon that occasion cause a sacred comedy to be acted before him on Sunday, Jan. 31, 1417, the subjects of which were:—"The Nativity of our Saviour;" "The Arrival of the Eastern Magi;" and "The Massacre by Herod." Thence it appears, says this writer, that the Germans are obliged to the English for the invention of this sort of spectacles, unknown to them before that period.
The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic exhibitions of this kind, and some curious particulars relating to this subject, will appear from the Houshold Book of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, A.D. 1512,[1159] whence I shall select a few extracts which show that the exhibiting Scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the regular establishment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of our ancient nobility, and, what is more remarkable, that it was as much the business of the chaplain in those days to compose plays for the family as it is now for him to make sermons.
"My Lordes Chapleyns in Household vj. viz. The Almonar, and if he be a maker of Interludys, than he to have a servaunt to the intent for writynge of the parts; and ells to have non. The maister of gramer, &c."
Sect. v. p. 44.
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely if his lordship kepe a chapell and be at home, them of his lordschipes chapell, if they doo play the Play of the Nativite uppon cristynmes day in the mornnynge in my lords chapell befor his lordship—xxs."
Sect. xliv. p. 343.
"Item, ... to them of his lordship chappell and other his lordshipis servaunts that doith play the Play befor his lordship uppon Shrof-Tewsday at night yerely in reward—xs."
Ibid. p. [345].
"Item, ... to them ... that playth the Play of Resurrection upon estur day in the mornnynge in my lordis 'chapell' befor his lordshipe—xxs."
Ibid.
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth yerly to gyf hym which is ordynede to be the Master of the Revells yerly in my lordis hous in cristmas for the overseyinge and orderinge of his lordschips Playes, Interludes and Dresinge that is plaid befor his lordship in his hous in the xijth dayes of Cristenmas and they to have in rewarde for that caus yerly—xxs."
Ibid. p. [346].
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth to gyf every of the iiij Parsones that his lordschip admyted as his Players to com to his lordship yerly at Cristynmes ande at all other such tymes as his lordship shall comande them for playing of Playe and Interludes affor his lordship in his lordshipis hous for every of their fees for an hole yere...."
Ibid. p. [351].
"Item, to be payd ... for rewards to Players for Playes playd in Christynmas by Stranegeres in my house after xxd.[1160] every play, by estimacion somme-xxxiijs. iiij.[1161]."
Sect. i. p. 22.
"Item, My Lorde usith, and accustometh to gif yerely when his Lordshipp is at home, to every erlis Players that comes to his Lordshipe betwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmas, if he be his special Lorde & Frende & Kynsman—xxs."
Sect. xliiii. p. 340.
"Item, My Lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely, when his Lordship is at home to every Lordis Players, that comyth to his Lordshipe betwixt Crystynmas and Candilmas—xs."
Ibid.
The reader will observe the great difference in the rewards here given to such players as were retainers of noble personages and such as are stiled strangers, or, as we may suppose, only strolers.
The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in low estimation. In an old satire intitled Cock Lorreles Bote[1162] the author, enumerating the most common trades or callings, as "carpenters, coopers, joyners," &c., mentions—
"Players, purse-cutters, money-batterers,
Golde-washers, tomblers, jogelers,
Pardoners, &c."
Sign. B. vj.
III. It hath been observed already that plays of miracles, or mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of moral plays, or moralities, which prevailed so early and became so common that towards the latter end of K. Henry VII.'s reign John Rastel, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, conceived a design of making them the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he published. A new interlude and a mery of the nature of the iiii. elements declarynge many proper points of philosophy naturall, and of dyvers straunge landys[1163], &c. It is observable that the poet speaks of the discovery of America as then recent:
----"Within this xx yere
Westwarde be founde new landes
That we never harde tell of before this," &c.
The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492, which fixes the writing of this play to about 1510 (two years before the date of the above Houshold Book). The play of Hick-Scorner was probably somewhat more ancient, as he still more imperfectly alludes to the American discoveries, under the name of "the Newe founde Ilonde." [Sign. A. vij.]
It is observable that in the older moralities, as in that last mentioned, Every-man, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for the exits and entrances of the personages, no division of acts and scenes. But in the moral interlude of Lusty Juventus,[1164] written under Edward VI. the exits and entrances begin to be noted in the margin.[1165] At length in Q. Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared formally divided into acts and scenes with a regular prologue, &c. One of these is reprinted by Dodsley.
Before we quit this subject of the very early printed plays, it may just be observed that although so few are now extant it should seem many were printed before the reign of Q. Elizabeth, as at the beginning of her reign her injunctions in 1559 are particularly directed to the suppressing of "many Pamphlets, Playes, and Ballads; that no manner of person shall enterprize to print any such, &c." but under certain restrictions. Vid. Sect. V.
In the time of Hen. VIII. one or two dramatic pieces had been published under the classical names of comedy and tragedy,[1166] but they appear not to have been intended for popular use. It was not till the religious ferments had subsided that the public had leisure to attend to dramatic poetry. In the reign of Elizabeth tragedies and comedies began to appear in form, and could the poets have persevered the first models were good. Gorboduc, a regular tragedy, was acted in 1561;[1167] and Gascoigne, in 1566, exhibited Jocasta, a translation from Euripides, as also The Supposes, a regular comedy from Ariosto, near thirty years before any of Shakespeare's were printed.
The people, however, still retained a relish for their old mysteries and moralities,[1168] and the popular dramatic poets seem to have made them their models. From the graver sort of moralities our modern tragedy appears to have derived its origin, as our comedy evidently took its rise from the lighter interludes of that kind. And as most of these pieces contain an absurd mixture of religion and buffoonery, an eminent critic[1169] has well deduced from thence the origin of our unnatural tragi-comedies. Even after the people had been accustomed to tragedies and comedies moralities still kept their ground. One of them, intitled The New Custom,[1170] was printed so late as 1573. At length they assumed the name of masques,[1171] and with some classical improvements, became in the two following reigns the favourite entertainments of the Court.
IV. The old mysteries, which ceased to be acted after the Reformation, appear to have given birth to a third species of stage exhibition, which, though now confounded with tragedy and comedy, were by our first dramatic writers considered as quite distinct from them both. These were historical plays or histories, a species of dramatic writing which resembled the old mysteries in representing a series of historical events simply in the order of time in which they happened, without any regard to the three great unities. These pieces seem to differ from tragedies just as much as historical poems do from epic: as the Pharsalia does from the Æneid.
What might contribute to make dramatic poetry take this form was, that soon after the mysteries ceased to be exhibited, was published a large collection of poetical narratives, called The Mirrour for Magistrates,[1172] wherein a great number of the most eminent characters in English history are drawn relating their own misfortunes. This book was popular, and of a dramatic cast; and therefore, as an elegant writer[1173] has well observed, might have its influence in producing historical plays. These narratives probably furnished the subjects, and the ancient mysteries suggested the plan.
There appears indeed to have been one instance of an attempt at an historical play itself, which was perhaps as early as any mystery on a religious subject, for such, I think, we may pronounce the representation of a memorable event in English history, that was expressed in actions and rhimes. This was the old Coventry play of Hock-Tuesday,[1174] founded on the story of the massacre of the Danes, as it happened on St. Brice's night, November 13, 1002.[1175] The play in question was performed by certain men of Coventry, among the other shews and entertainments at Kenelworth Castle, in July, 1575, prepared for Queen Elizabeth, and this the rather "because the matter mentioneth how valiantly our English women, for the love of their country, behaved themselves."
The writer, whose words are here quoted,[1176] hath given a short description of the performance, which seems on that occasion to have been without recitation or rhimes, and reduced to meer dumb-show; consisting of violent skirmishes and encounters, first between Danish and English "lance-knights on horseback," armed with spear and shield, and afterwards between "hosts" of footmen, which at length ended in the Danes being "beaten down, overcome, and many led captive by our English women."[1177]
This play, it seems, which was wont to be exhibited in their city yearly, and which had been of great antiquity and long continuance there,[1178] had of late been suppressed at the instance of some well-meaning but precise preachers, of whose "sourness" herein the townsmen complain, urging that their play was "without example of ill-manners, papistry, or any superstition;"[1179] which shews it to have been entirely distinct from a religious mystery.[1180] But having been discontinued, and, as appears from the narrative, taken up of a sudden after the sports were begun, the players apparently had not been able to recover the old rhimes, or to procure new ones to accompany the action: which, if it originally represented "the outrage and importable insolency of the Danes, the grievous complaint of Huna, king Ethelred's chieftain in wars,"[1181] his counselling and contriving the plot to dispatch them, concluding with the conflicts above mentioned, and their final suppression—"expressed in actions and rhimes after their manner,"[1182] one can hardly conceive a more regular model of a compleat drama; and, if taken up soon after the event, it must have been the earliest of the kind in Europe.[1183]
Whatever this old play, or "storial show,"[1184] was at the time it was exhibited to Q. Elizabeth, it had probably our young Shakespeare for a spectator, who was then in his twelfth year, and doubtless attended with all the inhabitants of the surrounding country at these "princely pleasures of Kenelworth,"[1185] whence Stratford is only a few miles distant. And as the Queen was much diverted with the Coventry play, "whereat her Majestic laught well," and rewarded the performers with two bucks, and five marks in money, who, "what rejoicing upon their ample reward, and what triumphing upon the good acceptance, vaunted their play was never so dignified, nor ever any players before so beatified;" but especially if our young bard afterwards gained admittance into the castle to see a play, which the same evening, after supper, was there "presented of a very good theme, but so set forth by the actors' well handling, that pleasure and mirth made it seem very short, though it lasted two good hours and more,"[1186] we may imagine what an impression was made on his infant mind. Indeed the dramatic cast of many parts of that superb entertainment which continued nineteen days, and was the most splendid of the kind ever attempted in this kingdom; the addresses to the Queen in the personated characters of a sybille, a savage man, and Sylvanus, as she approached or departed from the castle, and on the water by Arion, a Triton, or the Lady of the Lake, must have had a very great effect on a young imagination whose dramatic powers were hereafter to astonish the world.
But that the historical play was considered by our old writers, and by Shakespeare himself, as distinct from tragedy and comedy, will sufficiently appear from various passages in their works. "Of late days," says Stow, "in place of those stage-playes[1187] hath been used comedies, tragedies, enterludes, and histories both true and fayned."[1188] Beaumont and Fletcher, in the prologue to The Captain, say:
"This is nor Comedy, nor Tragedy,
Nor History."——
Polonius in Hamlet commends the actors as the best in the world, "either for tragedie, comedie, historie, pastorall," &c. And Shakespeare's friends, Heminge and Condell, in the first folio edit. of his plays, in 1623,[1189] have not only intitled their book "Mr. William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies," but in their table of contents have arranged them under those three several heads; placing in the class of histories "K. John, Richard II. Henry IV. 2 pts. Henry V. Henry VI. 3 pts. Rich. III. and Henry VIII.", to which they might have added such of his other plays as have their subjects taken from the old chronicles, or Plutarch's Lives.
Although Shakespeare is found not to have been the first who invented this species of drama,[1190] yet he cultivated it with such superior success, and threw upon this simple inartificial tissue of scenes such a blaze of genius, that his histories maintain their ground in defiance of Aristotle and all the critics of the classic school, and will ever continue to interest and instruct an English audience. Before Shakespeare wrote, historical plays do not appear to have attained this distinction, being not mentioned in Q. Elizabeth's licence in 1574[1191] to James Burbage and others, who are only impowered "to use, exercyse, and occupie the arte and facultye of playenge Commedies, Tragedies, Enterludes, Stage-Playes, and such other like." But when Shakespeare's histories had become the ornaments of the stage, they were considered by the publick, and by himself, as a formal and necessary species, and are thenceforth so distinguished in public instruments. They are particularly inserted in the licence granted by K. James I. in 1603,[1192] to W. Shakespeare himself, and the players his fellows; who are authorized "to use and exercise the arte and faculty of playing Comedies, Tragedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."
The same merited distinction they continued to maintain after his death, till the theatre itself was extinguished: for they are expressly mentioned in a warrant in 1622, for licensing certain "late Comedians of Q. Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise of playing Comedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."[1193] The same appears in an admonition issued in 1637[1194] by Philip, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then Lord Chamberlain, to the master and wardens of the Company of Printers and Stationers, wherein is set forth the complaint of his Majesty's servants the players, that "diverse of their books of Comedyes and Tragedyes, Chronicle-Historyes, and the like," had been printed and published to their prejudice, &c.
This distinction, we see, prevailed for near half a century; but after the Restoration, when the stage revived for the entertainment of a new race of auditors, many of whom had been exiled in France, and formed their taste from the French theatre, Shakespeare's histories appear to have been no longer relished; at least the distinction respecting them is dropt in the patents that were immediately granted after the king's return. This appears not only from the allowance to Mr. William Beeston in June, 1660,[1195] to use the house in Salisbury-court "for a Play-house, wherein Comedies, Tragedies, Tragi-comedies, Pastoralls, and Interludes, may be acted," but also from the fuller grant (dated August 21, 1760),[1196] to Thomas Killigrew, Esq., and Sir William Davenant, Knt., by which they have authority to erect two companies of players, and to fit up two theatres "for the representation of Tragydies, Comedyes, Playes, Operas, and all other entertainments of that nature."
But while Shakespeare was the favourite dramatic poet, his histories had such superior merit that he might well claim to be the chief, if not the only historic dramatist that kept possession of the English stage; which gives a strong support to the tradition mentioned by Gildon,[1197] that, in a conversation with Ben Jonson, our bard vindicated his historical plays by urging, that as he had found "the nation in general very ignorant of history, he wrote them in order to instruct the people in this particular." This is assigning not only a good motive, but a very probable reason for his preference of this species of composition; since we cannot doubt but his illiterate countrymen would not only want such instruction when he first began to write, notwithstanding the obscure dramatic chroniclers who preceded him, but also that they would highly profit by his admirable lectures on English history so long as he continued to deliver them to his audience. And as it implies no claim to his being the first who introduced our chronicles on the stage, I see not why the tradition should be rejected.
Upon the whole we have had abundant proof that both Shakespeare and his contemporaries considered his histories, or historical plays, as of a legitimate distinct species, sufficiently separate from tragedy and comedy, a distinction which deserves the particular attention of his critics and commentators; who, by not adverting to it, deprive him of his proper defence and best vindication for his neglect of the unities, and departure from the classical dramatic forms. For, if it be the first canon of sound criticism to examine any work by whatever rule the author prescribed for his own observance, then we ought not to try Shakespeare's histories by the general laws of tragedy or comedy. Whether the rule itself be vicious or not is another inquiry: but certainly we ought to examine a work only by those principles according to which it was composed. This would save a deal of impertinent criticism.
V. We have now brought the inquiry as low as was intended, but cannot quit it without entering into a short description of what may be called the œconomy of the ancient English stage.
Such was the fondness of our forefathers for dramatic entertainments, that not fewer than nineteen playhouses had been opened before the year 1633, when Prynne published his Histriomastix.[1198] From this writer it should seem that "tobacco, wine, and beer,"[1199] were in those days the usual accommodations in the theatre, as within our memory at Sadler's Wells.
With regard to the players themselves, the several companies were (as hath been already shewn),[1200] retainers or menial servants to particular noblemen,[1201] who protected them in the exercise of their profession: and many of them were occasionally strollers, that travelled from one gentleman's house to another. Yet so much were they encouraged, that, notwithstanding their multitude, some of them acquired large fortunes. Edward Allen, who founded Dulwich College, is a known instance. And an old writer speaks of the very inferior actors, whom he calls the hirelings, as living in a degree of splendour which was thought enormous in that frugal age.[1202]
At the same time the ancient prices of admission were often very low. Some houses had penny benches.[1203] The "two-penny gallery" is mentioned in the prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman Hater;[1204] and seats of three-pence and a groat seem to be intended in the passage of Prynne above referred to. Yet different houses varied in their prices: that playhouse called the "Hope" had seats of five several rates, from sixpence to half-a-crown.[1205] But a shilling seems to have been the usual price[1206] of what is now called the pit, which probably had its name from one of the playhouses having been a cock-pit.[1207]
The day originally set apart for theatrical exhibition appears to have been Sunday, probably because the first dramatic pieces were of a religious cast. During a great part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the playhouses were only licensed to be opened on that day:[1208] but before the end of her reign, or soon after, this abuse was probably removed.
The usual time of acting was early in the afternoon,[1209] plays being generally performed by day-light.[1210] All female parts were performed by men, no English actress being ever seen on the public stage[1211] before the civil wars.
Lastly, with regard to the playhouse furniture and ornaments, a writer of King Charles II.'s time,[1212] who well remembered the preceding age, assures us that in general "they had no other scenes nor decorations of the stage, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed with rushes, with habits accordingly."[1213]
Yet Coryate thought our theatrical exhibitions, &c., splendid when compared with what he saw abroad. Speaking of the Theatre for Comedies at Venice, he says: "The house is very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately playhouses in England, neyther can their actors compare with ours for apparrell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before: For I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been sometimes used in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor."[1214]
It ought, however, to be observed, that amid such a multitude of playhouses as subsisted in the metropolis before the Civil Wars, there must have been a great difference between their several accommodations, ornaments, and prices; and that some would be much more shewy than others, though probably all were much inferior in splendor to the two great theatres after the Restoration.
☞ The preceding Essay, although some of the materials are new arranged, hath received no alteration deserving notice, from what it was in the second edition, 1767, except in section IV, which in the present impression hath been much enlarged.
This is mentioned, because, since it was first published, the history of the English stage hath been copiously handled by Mr. Tho. Warton in his History of English Poetry, 1774, &c., 3 vols. 4to. (wherein is inserted whatever in these volumes fell in with his subject); and by Edmond Malone, Esq., who, in his Historical Account of the English Stage (Shakesp. vol. i. part ii. 1790), hath added greatly to our knowledge of the œconomy and usages of our ancient theatres.
[This Essay is now entirely out of date, on account of the mass of new material for a complete history of the English stage, which has been printed since it was written. Information on the subject must be sought in the prefaces of the various editions of the dramatists and of the collections of mysteries and miracle plays, or in Collier's History of English Dramatic Poetry, and Halliwell's New Materials for the Life of Shakespeare.]