❧ INDEX OF ARTISTS AND WORKS OF ART ❧

FOOTNOTES:

[1] ‘Reports from Her Majesty’s representatives abroad as to the statutory provisions existing in foreign countries for the preservation of historical buildings.’— Miscellaneous, No. 2 (1897).

[2] Messrs. Ballantyne, Hanson and Co.

[3] Appendix, Doc. I.

[4] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, p. 597, note 3.

[5] Vasari, ed. 1568, Vol. I, p. 381.

[6] Appendix, Doc. II.

[7] Appendix, Doc. IV.

[8] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, p. 601.

[9] Appendix, Doc. V.

[10] Appendix, Doc. VI.

[11] G. Richa, Chiese Fior. Vol. III, p. 122.

[12] l. c., p. 124.

[13] l. c., p. 125.

[14] Cod. Magliabechiano; XXVI, 23; fol. Sio recto to 811 recto.

[15] Appendix, Doc. VIII.

[16] Appendix, Doc. III.

[17] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, p. 595, note.

[18] Appendix, Doc. VIII.

[19] A. Cocchi, Le Chiese di Firenze, Firenze, 1903, Vol. I, p. 180.

[20] Appendix, Doc. IX.

[21] l. c., Lib. III, ed. 1790, p. 122.

[22] Firenze: Biblioteca Nazionale, Codice II, I, 129; Storia della Nobilita di Firenze: Scritta da Piero di Gio. Monaldi. [c. 1626.]

[23] Vasari, ed. 1568, Vol. I, p. 417.

[24] I have searched in vain for it, in the protocols of that notary, preserved in the Archivio di Stato at Florence.

[25] G. Richa, Chiese Fior. Vol. III, p.

[26] Appendix, Doc. VII

[27] C. Cennini, Il Libro del Arte, Firenze, 1859, cap. clxxi, p. 122.

[28] Appendix, Doc. IX.

[29] Ricordi di Alesso Baldovinetti, Lucca, 1868, pp. 14 and 16.

[30] Appendix, Doc. VII.

[31] Appendix, Doc. IX.

[32] ‘Tirthankara.’ from Tirt’ ha (Sanskrit—any Hindu shrine or holy place to which Hindus make pilgrimages). ‘Tirthankara’ is the generic title of the twenty-four deceased saints held sacred by the Jains. They are deified mortals.

[33] ‘Labarum’ was the name given before the time of Constantine, and apparently as far back as that of Hadrian, in the Roman army to the standard of the cavalry. Gradually this became the standard of the whole army, and in its later developments the banner became surmounted by the Eagle of Victory, but always with the cross beneath. Constantine replaced the eagle by the sacred monogram (the Greek letter P traversed by X); he further embroidered the Christian emblems on the purple of the banner in gold and jewels, and beneath these he placed medallions representing in portraiture himself and his children.

[34] Compare the inscription on a paten from Haraldsborg, Denmark, in the Copenhagen Museum:—HINC PANEM VITE MVNDATI SVMITE QVIQ[ue]. (J. J. A. Worsaae, ‘Nordiske Oldsager i det Kongelige Museum i Kjöbenhavn,’ 1859, p. 144.)

[35] F. Bock, ‘Les Trésors Sacrés de Cologne,’ 1862, pl. 28. H. Otte, ‘Handbuch der Kirchlichen Kunst-Archäologie.’ 5th ed. 1883, I. p. 223.

[36] It is distinctive of chalices of the twelfth century and earlier that the bowl either is separated from the knop by only a narrow interval or springs directly from it. Compare the examples of the eighth to twelfth century figured in Otte’s Handbuch, and the French examples of the Church of St. Gauzelin and of St. Rémy. (Exposition rétrospective, Paris, 1900. Catalogue illustré, pp. 65, 73.) It may be remarked that only one of these examples exhibits the slightly turned-out lip which characterizes English chalices of early date. (See Hope and Fallow, ‘English Medieval Chalices and Patens,’ Archaeological Journal, xliii, 142.)

[37] Burlington Fine Arts Club. Exhibition of Silversmiths’ Work, 1901. Illustrated Catalogue, Pl. II.

[38] C. Nyrop, ‘Meddelelser om Dansk Guldsmedekunst,’ 1885, fig. 3, p. 6. Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 330.

[39] J. J. A. Worsaae, ‘Nordiske Oldsager,’ p. 134. J. O. Westwood, Catalogue of Fictile Ivories in the South Kensington Museum, p. 152.

[40] A. Bertram. ‘Das eherne Taufbecken im Dome zu Hildesheim.’ In Zeitschrift fur Christliche Kunst, xiii, 129.

[41] See the casts of the doors of the churches of Sauland and Hallingdal in the South Kensington Museum.

[42] F. York Powell on Icelandic literature.

[43] See ‘Zorzon da Castelfranco. La sua origine, la sua morte e tomba.’ By Dr. Georg Gronau. Venice, 1894.

[44] Cf. Jacobsen. Rep. fur Kunstwiss. xxiv, 5, p. 368.

[45] P. 134: ‘No responsibility is accepted by the author for the attributions of pictures on this list,’ etc.

[46] Described and reproduced in Havard’s ‘Merveilles de l’Art Hollandais, exposées à Amsterdam en 1872.’

[47] Inter alia, those in the R. Kann, M. Kann, and Schloss collections (Paris); the Teixeira de Mattos collection (Holland), etc., etc.

[48] Rosini ‘Storia,’ III, p. 28. In 1828 it was owned by an Abate L. Celotti of Venice. Messrs. Crowe and Cavalcaselle suspect that it may be the panel described in 1742 in the catalogue of the collection of the Prince du Carignan as ‘Vierge et un petit S. Jean par André Solario, dans le gout de Léonard de Vincy’ (sold for 240 livres). See also Mündler, ‘Essai d’une Analyse Critique,’ etc., Paris, Firmin Didot, 1850.

[49] Published as Solario’s in my ‘Lorenzo Lotto,’ p. 95, note.

[50] Mr. Horne hopes before long to publish these works in The Burlington Magazine.

[51] Appendix, Doc. VIII,

[52] Appendix, Doc. VII.

[53] l. c., ed. 1568, Vol. I, p. 47.

[54] C. Cennini, ‘Il Libro dell’ Arte,’ Firenze, 1859, cap. 141, p. 94.

[55] The painter from whom Baldovinetti purchased this ‘biadetto’ was ‘Lorenzo dipiero randeglj dipintore in borgho so apostolo’; so named in an entry of the year 1472 in the ‘Libro Rosso’ of the Compagnia di San Luca, fol. 90 tergo. This Lorenzo was, no doubt, the ‘Lorenzo dipiero dip[a]pa, dipintore,’ of the popolo of ‘Santa Maria di Verzaia drento alle mura,’ who in 1498 returned his ‘Portata della Decima,’ in Gonfalone Drago, Quartiere di Santo Spirito. He was then living in a house which he had bought in 1483, situated in the Via San Gallo; and he still rented ‘vna botegha aduso didipintore, posta in firenze in borgho santo appostolo enelpopolo di santo stefano a ponte.’—Firenze: Archivio di Stato; l. c. Campione 2do, No verde 28, fol. 909.

[56] Cennini, ed. 1859, cap. 61, p. 37.

[57] This would appear to have been a very unusual method. The Giottesque painters commonly employed a ‘bed’ of a reddish colour.

[58] Cennini, ed. 1859, cap. 60, p. 36.

[59] Cennini, ed. 2859, cap. 52, p. 33. C. J. Herringham: ‘The Book of the Art of Cennino Cennini,’ London, 1899, p. 256.

[60] In an early manuscript cited by Mrs. Herringham, in her edition of Cennini, ‘azzurro della Magnia’ is said to have cost from 1 to 3 ducats the pound, whereas ultramarine cost 5 ducats the ounce. Cennini, English ed., 1899, p. 257.

[61] Cennini, ed. 1859, cap. 50, p. 32.

[62] Cennini, English ed., 1899, p. 255.

[63] ‘Cennini,’ ed. 1859, p. 66.

[64] Vasari, ed. 1568, Vol. I, p. 380. The passage in the original runs thus: ‘Le quali Alesso abozzò à fresco, e poi fini a secco, temperando i colori con rosso d’ uouo mescolato con vernice liquida fatta à fuoco.’

[65] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, pp. 673 and 685.

[66] Appendix, Doc. IX.

[67] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, p. 599, note.

[68] G. Richa, ‘Chiese Fior.’, Vol. V, p. xxxv.

[69] Appendix, Doc. VI.

[70] Appendix, Doc. XI.

[71] Appendix, Doc. XII.

[72] Appendix, Doc. XIII. Compare, also, Doc. XIV.

[73] Vasari, ed. 1568, Vol. I. p. 380.

[74] l. c., p. 189.

[75] Vasari, ed. 1568, Vol. I, p. 380.

[76] G. Richa, ‘Chiese Fior.,’ Vol. III, p. 178.

[77] Vasari, ed. Sansoni, Vol. II, p. 592, note.

[78] G. Richa, ‘Chiese Fior.,’ Firenze, 1754, Vol. III, p. 177.

[79] F. Baldinucci, ‘Notizie de’ Professori del Disegno, da Cimabue in Qua,’ Firenze, 1767, Vol. III, p. 187, note.

[80] G. Frizzoni, ‘La Galleria Morelli in Bergamo,’ Bergamo, 1891, pp. 15–16.

[81] Translated by A. Teixeira de Mattos.

[82] The freedom of the gild was not granted to any one under the age of 30.

[83] Translated by A. Teixeira de Mattos.

[84] While, in accordance with the principles adopted from the first in this magazine, we give Mr. Cecil Smith perfect liberty to express his opinion on this piece—the opinion of one of the most accomplished experts—it is right to say that the opposite view of the matter will be stated in an early number of this magazine by another expert writer, Mr. John Marshall.—Ed.

[85] It would appear that neither Dr. Ricci, who ascribes this altar-piece to Pintoricchio, nor Dr. Steinmann, who gives it, correctly as we think, to Antonio da Viterbo, has noticed a Crucifixion and Saints clearly by the same painter and in the same phase, in the chapel of St. Anthony in the lower church of Assisi.

[86] A chapter extracted from Mr. Solon’s forthcoming book. ‘A Brief History of Old English Porcelain,’ by kind permission of Messrs. Bemrose & Sons, Limited, London and Derby.

[87] Translated from the original German by P. H. Oakley Williams.

[88] Cf. Aretino, ‘Letter’ (Paris, 1609), Vol. III, p. 36 verso.

[89] l. c., p. 76 verso.

[90] Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ‘Titian,’ Vol. II, Doc. LXVII.

[91] This letter, which is little known, is to be found in Charavay, ‘Inventaire des Autographes de B. Fillon’ (Paris, 1879), Vol. II, p. 300.

[92] Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Vol. I, Doc. XVII.

[93] Cf. Campori, ‘Raccolta di Cataloghi,’ p. 275. A plate of de Iode, mentioned by Crowe and Cavalcaselle, has also, it appears, been done from this picture.

[94] Not 1522, as has often been stated.

[95] Reproduced in Julius Meyer’s ‘Die Burggrafen von Nürnberg im Hohenzollern-Mausoleum zu Heilsbronn in Wort and Bild,’ Ansbach, 1897, p. 92.

[96] ‘Erinnerungen an die Hohenzollernherrschaft in Franken,’ Ansbach, 1890, p. 118.

[97] Behr’s ‘Genealogie der in Europa regierenden Fürstenhäuser,’ Tafel cxxviii.

[98] Plate 3, previously reproduced in Helbing’s ‘Monatsberichte über Kunst,’ Munich, 1903 pp. 68, 74.

[99] The collections of drawings recently secured by Birmingham and Adelaide were both made by artists.

[100] Only the other day I had the pleasure of seeing South Kensington purchase, for twenty-six guineas, two drawings by Millais, studies for or after his Dream of Fair Women in Moxon’s Tennyson. But with the exception of the bidding by South Kensington and myself, there was no competition for the drawings, though every dealer in London was struggling at the sale—the Gambart—for cheap and rubbishy, though popular, French and Spanish water-colours that brought far higher prices owing to some fad of the moment.

[101] See the [previous note] as to South Kensington. The edition was issued by Messrs. Freemantle.

[102] I have to thank MM. Lévy et ses Fils, of Paris, for their courteous permission to reproduce the photograph of this picture, specially taken by them for a forthcoming publication on Sienese painting.

[103] I find that this work has been attributed in the last edition of the ‘Cicerone,’ with somewhat unusual insight, to its right author.

[104] I must here add two other works, also quite evidently by Vanni, to which my attention has been drawn by Mr. Berenson, to whom I owe much for having first called my attention, some years ago, to the possibilities of Andrea as an artist. The first of these is the sacred picture of the Madonna in the great pilgrimage church on Monte Nero, near Leghorn. The second, a damaged, almost ruined fresco in the church of S. Giovenale at Orvieto, has been published with a notice by Don Guido Cagnola, in the Rassegna d’ Arte for February-March, 1903.

[105] The composition of this picture is remarkably fine, so fine indeed that I doubt its being Isenbrant’s, and yet the picture does not look like a copy.

[106] Quelques Peintres Brugeois de la première moitié du XVIe siècle—I. Jan Prevost. Gand, 1902, 38 pp. and 4 phototypes. This master was a Walloon, born at Mons. It is not only more correct to write his family name as he himself and his forbears wrote it, but it is important to do so as the forms De la Pasture, Gossart, Prevost etc., remind the reader that the Walloons had a considerable share in the development of the Netherlandish school, far greater than the Flemings.

[107] ‘Ausstellung von Kunstwerken des Mittelalters und der Renaissance aus Berliner Privatbesitz,’ Berlin, 1899, 4to, pp. 170–173.

[108] Wallis: ‘Italian Ceramic Art — the Maiolica Pavement Tiles of the Fifteenth Century,’ London, 1902, 12mo, figs. 10–24.

[109] Owing to a mistake of the photographer, the figure of this jar is reversed.

[110] They are found again, slightly more elaborated, upon an albarello of the same series in the British museum. Another one belongs to an amateur in Berlin.

[111] According to Litta; Moreri gives different dates.

[112] They bear the stamp of a convent in that town.

[113] Pliny, Herodotus, and Strabo include as within the bounds of Assyria those countries over which its sway had at times ascendency; the whole of Babylonia, all Mesopotamia, a portion of Mount Zagroo, modern Kurdistan, all Syria as far as Cilicia, Judea, and Phoenicia, and during the seventh century B.C., Lydia, Cyprus, and Egypt on the west, and part of Media on the east, with Babylonia and part of Arabia on the south.

[114] Of the Vedas, the four religious books of the Hindus, three were composed about 1700 B.C. and the fourth much later. None of them were collected and written until between 1000 and 800 B.C.

[115] Zendavesta:—‘Zend’ is old Persian or Achæmenian, meaning commentary or explanation, and was the ‘Zend’ which accompanied the ‘Avesta,’ = the law or the word. The original text of the Avesta was not written by a Persian, as it was not couched in a language used in Persia, nor indeed were any existing Persian customs or practices sanctioned by its tenets. It was written in Media and in the language of Media by the priests of Ragha and Atropatine. It has been practically decided that the greater part of it was written before the third century B.C, while no part of it was written after the fourth century A.D.

[116] Reproduced from a photograph provided by the kindness of Dr. A. W. Mollerup, director of the national museum, Copenhagen.

[117] C. Nyrop. Meddelelser om Dansk Guldsmedekunst, 1885, fig. 3, p. 6.

[118] It is, however, described by Nyrop (op. cit. p. 7) as ‘hammered out thin.’ Compare the description of the characteristics of mortuary or coffin chalices given by Hope and Fallow, ‘English Medieval Chalices and Patens,’ in Archaeological Journal, xliii, p. 140.

[119] Translated by A. Teixeira de Mattos.

[120] Translated by A. Teixeira de Mattos.

[121] Translated by P. H. Oakley Williams.

[126] ed. Firenze, 1767, Vol. III, pp. 186–7, notes.

[127] These numbers refer to the annotations which follow this document.

[128] These interpolations are in the hand of Giovanni di Niccolò di Messer Giovanni Baldovinetti, as appears from his signature, to one of the notes in this volume, on a slip inserted between fol. 10, and fol. 11.

[129] Lacuna in original.

[130] These numbers refer to the corresponding numbers prefixed to the foregoing paragraphs.

[131] Vasari, ed. 1550, Vol. I, p. 410.

[132] ed. 1790, Lib. III, p. 96.

[133] Lacuna in original.