GENERAL GRANT’S CHANGE OF VIEWS
DURING most of the period of agitation for impeachment General Grant had ranged himself with those who stood by the President. Everybody believed in the honesty of his purpose, and owing to his great fame, his influence was paramount. The Radical leaders understood the difficult task of carrying out their plans without Grant’s coöperation, and they shaped their course so that he would profit by the overturn of the administration. Grant’s quarrel with the President, over the question of his relations as head of the army to the Secretary of War, afforded them a line of approach, and the talk of making Grant a Presidential candidate in the coming election suggested the reward.
About the last of April, 1868, I received an invitation to a ten o’clock breakfast at General Grant’s house, which had recently been presented to him. Commodore Porter and other guests were present. Our host asked me to remain, and after the other guests had departed, he lighted a cigar—I did not smoke—and proposed a walk.
He shortly broached the question of impeachment, and asked for my opinion as to the result, saying that there were personal reasons why he should like to know definitely what might be expected.
I said:
“General Grant, you may rest assured that impeachment will fail.”
He answered:
“Senator, I have reason to believe, from good authority, that the managers of impeachment are confident of success.”
“They have no substantial grounds for such confidence,” I replied.
“I may tell you in confidence,” he then said, “that not only is it expected that Ben. Wade will become President, but the members of his Cabinet have already been selected.”
“Can you tell me, General, who they are to be?” I asked.
“Perhaps I ought not to say,” he replied, “but I will tell you, at least, that General Butler has been designated as Secretary of State.”
I reiterated my belief that the program never would be carried out, whereupon General Grant said:
“You know that people are talking of me for the Presidency at the coming election. I have not had political ambition, but I begin to think that possibly I might be of great service to the country in bringing peace to the disturbed sections of the Union. These men who are counting on the success of impeachment offer me their influence as the nominee to succeed Wade in case he becomes President by the removal of Johnson.”
“What are the conditions?” I asked.
“That I shall agree to take over Wade’s Cabinet.”
“Good God, General!” I exclaimed, in astonishment, “you didn’t consent to that, did you?”
“No,” he replied; “I did not give them any answer.”
He expressed distrust of Butler; yet I thought he seemed to lean toward the bargain. Then I said:
“General Grant, you may feel confident of the nomination whether these men support you or not; and you may rest assured that the succession will not occur as they promise.”
Drawn by Jay Hambidge, on the basis of a woodcut in “Leslie’s Weekly,” April 11, 1868
THE HIGH COURT OF IMPEACHMENT IN SESSION IN THE SENATE CHAMBER, MONDAY, MARCH 23, 1868
Benjamin R. Curtis of the counsel for the President is reading the answer to the articles of impeachment. At the table in the middleground are seated the Committee of Managers of the House of Representatives.
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LARGER IMAGE
About a week later, as I was coming from the Capitol in a street-car, General Grant got in. The car was well filled, and the General came over and sat beside me. He asked whether I had changed my opinion about the impeachment.
“No, General,” I answered, “I am of the same mind about it.”
“Do you think you can defeat it?” he asked.
“Well, I can’t warrant that,” I replied. “We have friends enough against it to defeat it, but I cannot give a pledge that we shall actually defeat it.”
“Well,” he said, “I hope you won’t.”
“Why, General,” I exclaimed, “you wouldn’t impeach Johnson?”
“Yes I would,” he answered bruskly.
“Then you have changed your mind,” I said, “and I am sorry to hear it.”
“Yes,” he repeated, “I would impeach him if for nothing else than because he is such an infernal liar.”
“I very much regret to hear you say it,” I answered, looking at him earnestly, for his language and manner aroused my indignation. “I regret it because on such terms it would be nearly impossible to find the right sort of man to serve as President.”
He seemed annoyed, but made no further remark, and in a few minutes left the car. We never had any further conversation on the subject. I inferred that the Radicals hoped to influence me through Grant, since they knew I was ready to support him for President. When I saw how and why he had changed about, I lost respect for his opinion.
From that time a coolness entered into our relations; but during his Presidency I was paid the compliment of being asked to take charge of the Whisky Ring prosecution in St. Louis.