CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Passy, July 2d, 1782.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me from Lyons the 24th past.
I wonder a little at Mr —— not acquainting you whether your name was in the commission or not. I begin to suspect, from various circumstances, that the British Ministry, elated perhaps too much by the success of Admiral Rodney, are not in earnest to treat immediately, but rather with delay. They seem to hope that further successes may enable them to treat more advantageously; or, as some suppose, that certain propositions to be made to Congress by General Carleton, may render a treaty here with us unnecessary. A little bad news, which it is possible they may yet receive from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right; and then we may enter seriously upon the treaty; otherwise I conjecture it may not take place till after another campaign. Mr Jay is arrived here. Mr Grenville and Mr Oswald continue here. Mr Oswald has yet received no commission; and that of Mr Grenville does not very clearly comprehend us according to British ideas; therefore it requires explication. When I know more, you shall have further information.
Not having an immediate answer to what I wrote you, concerning the absolution of Lord Cornwallis's parole, and Major Ross coming over hither from him to press it, I gave him the discharge you desired. Enclosed I send you a copy. I hear it has proved satisfactory to him; I hope it will be so to you.
Believe me to be, with great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
ROBERT B. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, July 5th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to transmit to you a letter from the United States in Congress to his Most Christian Majesty, together with a copy for your perusal, I also enclose a resolution of Congress on the subject of Mr Lee's demands, which you will see carried into effect.
Nothing of moment has occurred since I last wrote you. It is very long since we have heard from Europe. We wait for your despatches with some degree of impatience. I hope they will be sufficiently particular to answer our expectations.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
NOTE FROM M. DE LAFAYETTE TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, July 9th, 1782.
I have the honor to inform you, my dear Sir, that Mr Grenville's express is arrived this morning, by way of Ostend. The gentleman is gone to Versailles. I fancy he will wait upon you, and I will be much obliged to you to let me know what your opinion is. I am going to Saint Germain, but if any intelligence comes to hand, I will communicate it as soon as possible.
I rest respectfully and affectionately yours,
LAFAYETTE.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Passy, July 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Mr Grenville has been with me in his return from Versailles. He tells me that Lord Rockingham being dead, Lord Shelburne is appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and that Mr Fox has resigned; so that both the secretaryships are vacant. That his communication to Count de Vergennes was only, that no change was thereby made in the dispositions of that Court for peace, &c. and he expects another courier with fuller instructions in a few days. As soon as I hear more I shall acquaint you with it.
I am ever, with great respect and affection, your most obedient humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Passy, July 10th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the 26th past by Mr Young, and am indebted to you for some preceding. I do not know why the good work of peace goes on so slowly on your side. Some have imagined that your Ministers, since Rodney's success, are desirous of trying fortune a little further before they conclude the war; others, that they have not a good understanding with each other. What I have just heard seems to countenance this opinion. It is said Mr Fox has resigned. We are ready here, on the part of America, to enter into treaty with you in concurrence with our allies, and are disposed to be very reasonable; but if your plenipotentiary, notwithstanding that character, is upon every proposition obliged to send a courier and wait an answer, we shall not soon see the happy conclusion. It has been suspected, too, that you wait to hear the effect of some overtures, sent by General Carleton for a separate peace in America. A vessel just arrived from Maryland brings us the unanimous resolutions of their Assembly, for continuing the war at all hazards, rather than violate their faith with France. This is a sample of the success to be expected from such a measure, if it has really been taken, which I hardly believe.
There is methinks a point that has been too little considered in treaties, the means of making them durable. An honest peasant, from the mountains of Provence, brought me the other day a manuscript he had written on the subject, and which he could not procure permission to print. It appeared to me to have much good sense in it; and therefore I got some copies to be struck off for him to distribute where he may think fit. I send you one enclosed. This man aims at no profit from his pamphlet or his project, asks for nothing, expects nothing, and does not even desire to be known. He has acquired, he tells me, a fortune of near one hundred and fifty crowns a year, (about eighteen pounds sterling) with which he is content. This you may imagine would not afford the expense of riding to Paris, so he came on foot; such was his zeal for peace, and the hope of forwarding and securing it, by communicating his ideas to great men here. His rustic and poor appearance has prevented his access to them, or his obtaining their attention; but he does not seem yet to be discouraged. I honor much the character of this véritable philosophe.
I thank you much for your letters of May the 1st, 13th, and 25th, with your proposed preliminaries. It is a pleasure to me to find our sentiments so concurring on points of importance; it makes discussions as unnecessary as they might between us be inconvenient.
I am, my dear Sir, with great esteem and affection, yours ever.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.
Passy, July 10th, 1782.
Sir,
By the original law of nations, war and extirpation were the punishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery instead of death. A further step was, the exchange of prisoners instead of slavery. Another, to respect more the property of private persons under conquest, and to be content with acquired dominion. Why should not the law of nations go on improving? Ages have intervened between its several steps, but as knowledge of late increases rapidly, why should not those steps be quickened? Why should it not be agreed to as the future law of nations, that in any war hereafter the following descriptions of men should be undisturbed, have the protection of both sides, and be permitted to follow their employments in surety, viz.
1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labor for the subsistence of mankind.
2. Fishermen, for the same reason.
3. Merchants and traders, in unarmed ships, who accommodate different nations by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and conveniences of life.
4. Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns.
It is hardly necessary to add, that the hospitals of enemies should not be molested; they ought to be assisted.
In short, I would have nobody fought with, but those who are paid for fighting. If obliged to take corn from the farmer, friend or enemy, I would pay him for it; the same for the fish or goods of the others.
This once established, that encouragement to war, which arises from a spirit of rapine, would be taken away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN.
Passy, July 11th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
In mine of yesterday, which went by Mr Young, I made no mention of yours of May 11th, it not being before me. I have just found it.
You speak of a "proposed dependent State of America, which you thought Mr Oswald would begin with." As yet I have heard nothing of it. I have all along understood (perhaps I have understood more than was intended) that the point of dependence was given up, and that we are to be treated with as a free people. I am not sure that Mr Oswald has explicitly said so, but I know that Mr Grenville has, and that he was to make that declaration previous to the commencement of the treaty. It is now intimated to me from several quarters, that Lord Shelburne's plan is to retain the sovereignty for the King, giving us otherwise an independent Parliament, and a government similar to that of late intended for Ireland. If this be really his project, our negotiation for peace will not go very far. The thing is impracticable and impossible, being inconsistent with the faith we have pledged, to say nothing of the general disposition of our people. Upon the whole I should believe, that though Lord Shelburne might formerly have entertained such an idea, he had probably dropped it before he sent Mr Oswald here; your words above cited do however throw a little doubt in my mind, and have, with the intimations of others, made me less free in communication with his Lordship, whom I much esteem and honor, than I should otherwise have been. I wish, therefore, you would afford me what you can of eclairoissement.
This letter going by a courier, will probably get to hand long before the one preceding in date, which went by Mr Young, who travels on foot. I therefore enclose the copy of it, which was taken in the press. You may return it to me when the other arrives.
By the return of the courier, you may oblige me, by communicating what is fairly communicable, of the history of Mr Fox's and Lord J. Cavendish's resignation, with any other changes made or likely to be made.
With sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
FRANKLIN.
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, July 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I enclose a letter for Lord Shelburne, to go by your courier, with some others, of which I request his care. They may be put into the penny post. I have received a note informing me, that "some opposition given by his Lordship to Mr Fox's decided plan of unequivocally acknowledging American independence, was one cause of that gentleman's resignation;" this, from what you have told me, appears improbable. It is further said, "that Mr Grenville thinks Mr Fox's resignation will be fatal to the present negotiation." This perhaps is as groundless as the former. Mr Grenville's next courier will probably clear up matters. I did understand from him, that such an acknowledgment was intended previous to the commencement of the treaty; until it is made, and the treaty formally begun, propositions and discussions seem in consideration to be untimely; nor can I enter into particulars without Mr Jay, who is now ill with the influenza. My letter, therefore, to his Lordship is merely complimentary on his late appointment. I wish a continuance of your health, in that at present sickly city, being with sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. I send you enclosed the late resolutions of the State of Maryland, by which the general disposition of people in America may be guessed, respecting any treaty to be proposed by General Carleton, if intended, which I do not believe.
TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE.
Passy, July 12th, 1782.
My Lord,
Mr Oswald informing me, that he is about to despatch a courier, I embrace the opportunity of congratulating your Lordship on your appointment to the treasury. It is an extension of your power to do good, and in that view, if in no other, it must increase your happiness, which I heartily wish.
Being with great and sincere respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.
Passy, July 24th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
In answer to your questions, Mr Oswald is doing nothing, having neither powers nor instructions; and being tired of doing nothing, has despatched a courier requesting leave to return. He has, I believe, received no letters, since I saw you, from Lord Shelburne. Mr Grenville's return hither is, I think, doubtful, as he was particularly connected in friendship with Mr Fox, but if he stays, I suppose some other will be sent, for I do not yet see sufficient reason to think they would abandon the negotiation, though, from some appearances, I imagine they are more intent upon dividing us, than upon making a general peace. I have heard nothing further from Mr Laurens, nor received any paper from him respecting Lord Cornwallis. And since that General's letter, written after the battle of Camden, and ordering not only the confiscation of rebels' estates, but the hanging of prisoners, has been made public, I should not wonder if the Congress were to disallow our absolution of his parole, and recall him to America.
With everlasting esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, July 26th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
You will have heard before you receive this, that Mr Thomas Townshend is appointed Secretary of State for that department to which the American correspondence belongs. He is, and has been for many years, one of my most intimate friends. A more honorable and honest man does not exist. I have been requested, in connexion with him, to undertake one branch of his office relating to America, as instrumental to some necessary arrangements in the course of a negotiation for peace with America. The point which I have been requested to undertake is the case, or rather the diversity of cases, of the American refugees. I understand, that in the progress of this business, I shall be referred to a correspondence with you, as matter may arise. My purpose, therefore, for the present, is only to advertise you of this, in case you should have any preliminary matter to give or receive elucidation upon. I am very ready to undertake any matter, which may be necessary or instrumental towards peace, especially in connexion with my worthy friend Mr Townshend.
You know all my principles upon American pacification, and sweet reconciliation. I shall always remain in the same. But the delegation of a single point to me, such as the case of the refugees, does not entitle me to advise upon the great outlines or principles of such pacific negotiations. I shall retain my full reservation in such points as events may justify. My personal motive for saying this to you is obvious. But, in point of justice to those who have at present the direction of public measures in this country, I must request that this caution of mine may be accepted only as personal to myself, and not as inferential upon the conduct of others, where I am not a party. Having taken a zealous part in the principles and negotiations of peace, I wish to stand clear from any collateral constructions, which might affect myself, and at the same time not to impose any collateral or inferential constructions upon others.
God prosper the work of peace and good will (as the means of peace) among men.
I am ever your affectionate friend,
D. HARTLEY.
LORD GRANTHAM TO B. FRANKLIN.
Whitehall, July 26th, 1782.
Sir,
As the first object of my wishes is to contribute to the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace, I address myself to you without ceremony, upon the conviction that you agree with me in this principle. If I was not convinced that it was also the real system of the Ministers of this country, I should not now be co-operating with them. The step they had already taken, in sending Mr Grenville to Paris, is a proof of their intentions, and as that gentleman does not return to his station there, I trust that the immediate appointment of a person to succeed him, will testify my agreement to the principles upon which he was employed. I therefore beg leave to recommend Mr Fitzherbert to your acquaintance, who has the King's commands to repair to Paris.
As I have not the advantage of being known to you, I can claim no pretence for my application to you, but my public situation, and my desire to merit your confidence upon a subject of so much importance, as a pacification between the parties engaged in a calamitous war.
I have the honor to be, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
GRANTHAM.
LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.
Shelburne House, July 27th, 1782.
Sir,
I am much obliged by the honor of your letter of the 12th instant. You do me most acceptable justice, in supposing my happiness intimately connected with that of mankind, and I can with truth assure you it will give me great satisfaction, in every situation, to merit the continuance of your good opinion.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere regard and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
SHELBURNE.
TO RICHARD OSWALD.
Passy, July 28th, 1782.
Sir,
I have but this moment had an opportunity, by the departure of my company, of perusing the letters you put into my hands this afternoon, and I return them directly without waiting till our interview tomorrow morning, because I would not give a moment's delay to the delivery of those directed to other persons.
The situation of Captain Asgill and his family afflicts me, but I do not see what can be done by any one here to relieve them. It cannot be supposed, that General Washington has the least desire of taking the life of that gentleman. His aim is to obtain the punishment of a deliberate murder, committed on a prisoner in cold blood, by Captain Lippincott. If the English refuse to deliver up or punish this murderer, it is saying, that they choose to preserve him rather than Captain Asgill. It seems to me, therefore, that the application should be made to the English Ministers for positive orders, directing General Carleton to deliver up Lippincott, which orders being obtained, should be despatched immediately by a swift sailing vessel. I do not think any other means can produce the effect desired. The cruel murders of this kind, committed by the English on our people, since the commencement of the war, are innumerable. The Congress and their Generals, to satisfy the people, have often threatened retaliation, but have always hitherto forborne to execute it; and they have been often insultingly told by their enemies, that this forbearance did not proceed from humanity, but fear. General Greene, though he solemnly and publicly promised it in a proclamation, never made any retaliation for the murder of Colonel Haynes, and many others in Carolina, and the people, who now think if he had fulfilled his promise this crime would not have been committed, clamor so loudly, that I doubt General Washington cannot well refuse what appears to them so just and necessary for their common security. I am persuaded that nothing I could say to him on the occasion would have the least effect in changing his determination.
Excuse me, then, if I presume to advise the despatching a courier immediately to London, proposing to the consideration of Ministers the sending such orders to General Carleton directly. They would have an excellent effect in other views. The post goes tomorrow morning at ten o'clock, but as nine days have been spent in bringing the letters here by that conveyance, an express is preferable.
With sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, August 8th, 1782.
Sir,
Yesterday Mr Oswald communicated to Mr Jay and me a paper he had just received from his Court, being a copy of the King's order to the Attorney or Solicitor-General, to prepare a commission to pass the great seal, appointing him to treal with us, &c. and he showed us a letter from Mr Secretary Townshend, which expresses his concern, that the commission itself could not be sent by this courier, the officers who were to expedite it being in the country, which would occasion a delay of eight or ten days; but that its being then sent might be depended on, and it was hoped the treaty might, in the mean time, be proceeded on. Mr Oswald left with me a copy of the paper, which I enclose for your Excellency's consideration, and am, with great respect, Sir, your Excellency's, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, August 8th, 1782.
I have received, Sir, the letter of this day, with which you have honored me, and the copy of the power, which Mr Oswald has communicated to you. The form in which it appears is not that which is usual on similar occasions, but it has not prevented me from forming my opinion in the first instance. I have bestowed the greatest attention on it, and if you will be so good as to favor me with a visit on Saturday morning, I shall confer with you and Mr Jay, if it will be convenient for him to accompany you.
I have the honor to be, most sincerely, Sir, your most humble servant,
DE VERGENNES.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.
Philadelphia, August 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Having written to Mr Jay, who I presume is with you, I do not think it necessary to repeat what I have mentioned to him. We have not heard from you since March; a very long period, considering the interesting events that have taken place between that time and this. Many vessels have arrived without bringing us a line from you. I am apprehensive that Mr Barclay does not communicate to you the frequent opportunities that offer of writing. I shall write to him upon the subject.
Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby have informed the General, that a negotiation for a general peace is now on foot, and that the King, his master, has agreed to yield the independence of America without making it conditional. I shall enclose a copy of his letter at large, which refers to another object; the exchange of prisoners. This great point once yielded, I see nothing that will obstruct your negotiations, except three points of discussion, which I have before written to you about. I wish it had been possible to obtain the estimates I mention, as they might have been rendered useful to you upon one of them. But the negligence of the Governors, or Legislatures of the several States, have rendered all my endeavors hitherto unsuccessful, notwithstanding repeated promises to give this subject their earliest attention. The restoration of confiscated property has become utterly impossible, and the attempt would throw the country into the utmost confusion.
The fisheries are too important an object for you to lose sight of, and as to the back lands, I do not conceive that England can seriously expect to derive any benefit from them, that will be equivalent to the jealousy that the possession of them would awaken and keep alive between her and this country. I transmit to you a bill for seventyone thousand three hundred and eighty livres, being the amount of one quarter's salary to yourself, and Messrs Jay, Adams, Carmichael, Dana, and Dumas. No provision is made for the private Secretaries or contingencies, not having been furnished with an account of them. I also send bills for the first quarter, commencing in January, so that you will, on the receipt of this, be enabled to pay one half year's salary to our Ministers and their Secretaries.
I just now learn, that Carleton has published his and Digby's letter to the General. The design of this must either be, to see whether the people of this country will catch so eagerly at the proposition for a peace, which yields them their independence, as to be careless about the alliance, or to impress us with an idea, that we are more indebted for our freedom to the generosity of Great Britain, than to tha attention of France to our interests in the general treaty. It is not to be doubted, that the good sense and the gratitude of this country will defeat both these objects.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
P. S. If Mr Jay should not be at Paris, I must beg you to open and decipher for him the letter of this month, and the resolution contained therein, marked on the back, below the seal, August, and send it to him by the earliest opportunity.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Passy, August 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have lately been honored with your several letters, No. 10, March 9th; No. 11, May 22d; and No. 12, May 30th.
The paper, containing a state of the commerce in North America, and explaining the necessity and utility of convoys for its protection, I have laid before the Minister, accompanied by a letter, pressing that it be taken into immediate consideration; and I hope it may be attended with success.
The order of Congress, for liquidating the accounts between this Court and the United States, was executed before it arrived. All the accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, ammunition, clothing, &c. furnished by government, were brought in and examined, and a balance received, which made the debt amount to the even sum of eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr Morris. In reading it, you will discover several fresh marks of the King's goodness towards us, amounting to the value of near two millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us at different times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of gratitude and friendship are expected. These, I hope, may be everlasting. The constant good understanding between France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of this Crown towards them, afford us a well grounded hope that our alliance may be as durable and as happy for both nations; there being strong reasons for our union, and no crossing interests between us. I write fully to Mr Morris on money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you my letter, so that I need say the less to you on that subject.
The letter to the King was well received; the accounts of your rejoicings on the news of the dauphin's birth give pleasure here; as do the firm conduct of Congress, in refusing to treat with General Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the assemblies of different States on the same subject. All ranks of this nation appear to be in good humor with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe. I understand from the Swedish Ambassador, that their treaty with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished; our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis.
There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements among the parties concerned in the expedition of the Bon Homme Richard, which have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money. M. de Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as their agent, has long been in a state little short of bankruptcy, and some of the delays have possibly been occasioned by the distress of his affairs. He now informs me, that the money is in the hands of the Minister of the Marine. I shall in a few days present the Memorial you propose, with one relating to the prisoners, and will acquaint you with the answer. Mr Barclay is still in Holland; when he returns he may take into his hands what money can be obtained on that account.
I think your observations respecting the Danish complaints through the Minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no more of them by that channel, and will give your reasons to justify my refusal.
Your approbation of my idea of a medal to perpetuate the memory of York and Saratoga victories gives me great pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed on; whether an obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part of it is to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris affords; and if so, to what expense they are to be limited. This puts me in mind of a monument I got made here and sent to America, by order of Congress, five years since. I have heard of its arrival, and nothing more. It was admired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has been so long neglected; it would, methinks, be well to inquire after it, and get it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The inscription in the engraving is not on the monument; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a while plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the Congress should think proper.
Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England, are sent home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as soon as recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge.
I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the paragraph of your letter which related to him. He is still here, and as there seems not much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is probably more useful where he is. His departure, however, though delayed, is not absolutely laid aside.
The second changes in the Ministry of England have occasioned, or have afforded, pretences for various delays in the negotiation for peace. Mr Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He was at length recalled, and Mr Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him, with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and Holland. Mr Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter from the new Secretary of State, that a commission, empowering him to treat with the Commissioners of Congress, will pass the seals, and be sent him in a few days; till he arrives, this Court will not proceed in its own negotiation. I send the Enabling Act, as it is called. Mr Jay will acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanish Ambassador, respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I will only mention, that my conjecture of that Court's design to coop us up within the Allegany mountains is now manifested. I hope Congress will insist on the Mississippi as the boundary, and the free navigation of the river from which they could entirely exclude us.
An account of a terrible massacre of the Moravian Indians has been put into my hands. I sent you the papers, that you may see how the fact is represented in Europe. I hope measures will be taken to secure what is left of those unfortunate people.
Mr Laurens is at Nantes, waiting for a passage with his family to America. His state of health is unfortunately very bad. Perhaps the sea air may recover him, and restore him well to his country. I heartily wish it. He has suffered much by his confinement.
Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to the Congress, and assure them of my most faithful services.
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Passy, August 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received (many of them at the same time) your sundry letters of March the 23d, April 8th and 17th, May 17th, 18th, two of the 23d and 29th. It would be a satisfaction to me, if you would likewise mention from time to time the dates of those you receive from me.
Most of your letters press my obtaining more money for the present year. The late losses suffered in the West Indies, and the unforeseen necessary expenses the reparation there and here must occasion, render it more difficult, and I am told, impossible; though the good disposition of the Court towards us continues perfect. All I can say on the head of money, more than I have said in preceding letters is, that I confide you will be careful not to bankrupt your banker by your drafts; and I will do my utmost that those you draw shall be duly honored.
The plan you intimate for discharging the bills in favor of Beaumarchais, though well imagined, was impracticable. I had accepted them, and he had discounted them, or paid them away, or divided them amongst his creditors. They were, therefore, in different hands, with whom I could not manage the transactions proposed. Besides, I had paid them punctually when they became due, which was before the receipt of your letter on that subject. That he was furnished with his funds by the government here, is a supposition of which no foundation appears; he says it was by a company he had formed; and when he solicited me to give up a cargo in part of payment, he urged, with tears in his eyes, the distress himself and associates were reduced to, by our delay of remittances. I am glad to see that it is intended to appoint a Commissioner to settle all our public accounts in Europe. I hope he will have better success with M. Beaumarchais than I have had. He has often promised solemnly to render an account in two or three days. Years have since elapsed, and he has not yet done it. Indeed, I doubt whether his books have been so well kept as to make it possible.
You direct me, in yours of May 17th, to pay over into the hands of Mr Grand, on your account, such monies belonging to the United States as may be in Europe, distinct from those to be advanced for the current year. I would do it with pleasure if there were any such. There may be, indeed, some in Holland, raised by the new loan, but that is not in my disposition, though I have no doubt that Mr Adams will, on occasion, apply it in support of your credit. As to all the aids given by the crown, all the sums borrowed of it, and all the Dutch loans of ten millions, though the orders to receive have been given to me, the payments from the Tresor Royal have all been made on my orders in favor of Mr Grand, and the money again paid away by him on my drafts for public services and expenses, as you will see by his accounts; so that I never saw or touched a livre of it, except what I received from him in discharge of my salary, and some disbursements. He has even received the whole six millions of the current year, so that I have nothing in any shape to pay over to him. On occasion of my lately desiring to know the state of our funds, that I might judge whether I could undertake to pay what you were directed to pay to Mr William Lee, by vote of Congress, as soon as the state of public finances would admit, Mr Grand wrote me a note, with a short sketch of their then supposed situation, which I enclose. You will probably have from him, as soon as possible, a more perfect account; but this will serve to show, that I could not prudently comply with your wish, of making that payment to Mr Lee, and I have accordingly declined it; the less unwillingly as he is entitled by the vote to interest.
I send herewith the accounts of the supplies we have received in goods, which I promised in my last.
The sum of their value is included in the settlement made with this Court, mentioned in a former letter. Herewith I also send a copy of the contract, which has been long in hand, and but lately completed. The term of the first yearly payment we are to make was readily changed at my request, from the first to the third year after the peace; the other marks of the King's bounty towards us will be seen in the instrument. The interest already due and forgiven amounts to more than a million and a half. What might become due before the peace is uncertain. The charges of exchange, commissions, brokerage, &c. of the Dutch loan, amount to more than five hundred thousand livres, which is also given, so that we have the whole sum net, and are to pay for it but four per cent. This liquidation of our accounts with the Court was completed before the vote of Congress directing it came to hand. Mr Grand examined all the particulars, and I have no doubt of its being approved.
Mr Grand, to whom I have communicated your letter of April 17th, will soon write to you fully. We shall observe the general rule you give respecting the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th bills. The attention, care, and pains necessary to prevent, (by exact accounts of those accepted, and an examination of those offered,) impositions which are often attempted by presenting at a distant time, the 2d, 3d, &c. are much greater than I could have imagined. Much has been saved by that attention, of which of late we keep an account; but the hazard of loss by such attempts might be diminished, together with the trouble of examination, by making fewer small bills.
Your conduct, activity, and address as a financier and provider for the exigencies of the State, are much admired and praised here, their good consequences being so evident, particularly with regard to the rising credit of our country and the value of bills. No one but yourself can enjoy your growing reputation more than I do.
Mr Grand has undertaken to pay any balance, that may be found due to Messrs le Couteulx out of the money in his hands. Applying for so small a sum as 5000 livres would be giving trouble for a trifle, as all applications for money must be considered in Council.
Mr Grand having already received the whole six millions, either in money or accepted bills, payable at different periods, I expect he will deliver up to me the bills for that sum, which you have drawn upon me, the rather as they express value received by you. I never heard of any mention here of intended monthly payments, or that the money could not be obtained but by your drafts. I enclose a letter, by which the payment was ordered of the last three millions.
I observe what you mention of the order, that the Ministers' salaries are to be hereafter paid in America. I hereby empower and desire you to receive and remit mine. I do not doubt your doing it regularly and timely; for a Minister without money, I perceive, makes a ridiculous figure here, though secure from arrests. I have taken a quarter's advance of salary from the 4th of last month, supposing it not intended to muzzle immediately the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn.
With great esteem, I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Your boys are well, and Mr Ridley and Mr Barclay still in Holland.
DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.
London, August 16th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
Yours I received by Major Young, together with the work of your véritable philosophe, which is full of humanity. I was not before that at a loss where I should have looked for my véritable philosophe, in the present actual scene of public politics. Your honest, anxious, and unremitted endeavors towards the re-establishment of peace, must endear you to your own country, and to all mankind. Whatever may have been transacted in America, (if it can be possible, that the suspicions which you mention should become true, viz. to tamper with America for a breach of faith, of which some suspicions seem to be thrown out by the Provinces of Maryland and Philadelphia,) I can give the strongest testimonies of the constant honor and good faith of your conduct and correspondencies; and my letters to you will bear me equal testimony, that I have never thrown out any dishonorable suggestions to you. When the proposed Congress of your véritable philosophe shall meet, neither of us need fear its censures, upon the strictest examination of our correspondence. We will claim the poet's character of the sincere statesman,
"Who knew no thought, but what the world might hear."
In times of suspicion, it must be some satisfaction to both of us to know, that no line or word has ever passed between us, but what the governments of Great Britain, France, and America, might freely peruse as the words of good faith, peace, and sweet reconciliation.
The resolutions of Maryland and Philadelphia, together with the slow proceedings of our plenipotentiaries, and even the doubt suggested, whether they may not be waiting for events in America, give me much concern. Not being informed to a certainty of the state of the negotiation, I have declined any concern with the Ministry upon the subject of the refugees, &c. My assistance cannot be indispensable upon that topic, but I deem it indispensable to myself not to be committed in unknown ground, which, from the points abovementioned, must appear dubious to me. These are the reasons which I gave to the Minister for declining. I must, at the same time, give him the justice of the most absolute and unlimited professions of sincerity for peace. Whatever divisions there may have been, as you say, suspected in the Cabinet, there are some of his colleagues still remaining, in whom I have the greatest confidence for sincerity and good intentions. The public prints of this country have stated what are called shades of difference as to the mode. Those opinions, which are imputed to Mr Fox, are certainly most suitable to my opinions. I am free to confess to you, that my wishes would have been to have taken the most decisive ground relating to independence, &c. immediately from the 27th of March last, viz. the accession of the change of Ministry. But I agree with you in sentiment, viz. to concur with all the good that offers, when we cannot obtain all the good that we might wish. The situation of my sentiments at present is, an unbiassed neutrality of expectation, as events may justify.
I shall be obliged to you for the earliest communications of any public events in America, that may come to Europe with any public resolutions of Congress or the Provinces, &c., and all memorials or negotiations, which may pass between the parties in America. I am very anxious to have the earliest information to form my opinions upon, and to be prepared accordingly. My utmost endeavors will always be exerted to the blessed work of peace.
I am ever, your affectionate
D. HARTLEY.
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] See the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II. pp. 38, 41, 42.
[2] See this sketch in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II, p. 7.
[3] Passy is a small town about three miles from Paris, on the banks of the Seine. Dr Franklin lived here during the whole of his residence in France.
[4] This paper was written by Dr Franklin in the summer of 1777, with the view of convincing Europeans, that it was more eligible to lend money to the United States at that time, than to England. It was translated and sent to different parts of Europe. In Mr Arthur Lee's letter to the Baron de Schulenburg, dated September 21st, 1777, he mentions having sent a copy of it to that Minister.
[5] A letter from Dr Franklin to the President of Congress respecting Mr Deane, dated March 31st, 1778 will be found in Mr Deane's Correspondence, Vol I p 120
[6] This gentleman was for many years Secretary to the Society of Moravians, and sustained a very estimable character. He seems to have gone to Paris on some private agency with reference to a peace. An intimate friendship subsisted between him and Dr Franklin. He died in England, on the 25th of April, 1795, in his 80th year.
[7] Mr Pultney writes under the assumed name of Williams.
[8] Arthur Lee—See his Correspondence, Vol. II p. 127.
[9] Ralph Izard and William Lee—See Mr Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 372.
[10] For a copy of this Plan, see the Secret Journals, Vol. II. p. 111.
[11] See the Secret Journals, Vol. II. p 118.
[12] In Congress, October 6th, 1778—"Resolved, That the Honorable Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, or any of them, be directed forthwith to apply to Dr Price, and inform him that it is the desire of Congress to consider him a citizen of the United States; and to receive his assistance in regulating their finances. That if he shall think it expedient to remove with his family to America, and afford such assistance, a generous provision shall be made for requiting his services."
[13] North America
[14] See Mr Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 446.
[15] Correspondence of the Commissioners at the Court of France. Vol. I. pp. 431, 453, 462.
[16] This scheme may be found in the Correspondence of the Commissioners, Vol. I. p. 284.
[17] In Congress, June 5th, 1779.—"Resolved, that the Committee for Foreign Affairs be directed to write immediately to the Commissioners at the Court of France, and desire them to transmit an account of their proceedings in Mr Beaumarchais's accounts, pursuant to the order of Congress of the 13th day of April, 1778."
[18] Ralph Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 446; and Arthur Lee's Correspondence, p. 262, 268, 272.
[19] See p. 77, of the present volume.
[20] "The ancients," says Vattel, "did not conceive themselves bound under any obligation towards a people with whom they were not connected by a treaty of friendship. At length the voice of nature was heard by civilized nations; they acknowledged all mankind as brothers." An injustice of the same kind, done a century or two since by some English in the East Indies, Grotius tells us "was not without its partisans, who maintained, that by the ancient laws of England, no one was liable to punishment in that kingdom for outrages committed against foreigners, when no treaty of alliance had been contracted with them." But this principle he condemns in the strongest terms—History of the Troubles in the Netherlands, Book 16th.
TO B. FRANKLIN
Dear Sir,
I send you adjoined the certificate you desire, and am perfectly convinced, from conversations I have since had with Mr Pultney, that no body was authorised to hold the language, which has been imputed to him on that subject, and as I have a high opinion of his candor and worth I know it must be painful to him to be brought into question in matters of fact with persons he esteems. I could wish that this matter may receive no further publicity, than what is necessary for your justification.
I am, &c.
W. ALEXANDER.
Paris, March 19th, 1780.
I do hereby certify whom it may concern, that I was with Mr Pultney and Dr Franklin at Paris, when in a conversation between them, on the subject of certain propositions for a reconciliation with America, offered by Mr Pultney, Dr Franklin said, he did not approve of them, nor did he think they would be approved in America, but that he would communicate them to his colleagues and the French ministry. This Mr Pultney opposed, saying that it would answer no good end, as he was persuaded, that what weighed with Dr Franklin would weigh also with them, and therefore desired, that no mention might be made of his having offered such propositions, or even of his having been here on such business, but that the whole might be buried in oblivion, agreeable to what had been stipulated by Mr Pultney, and agreed to by Dr Franklin, before the propositions were produced, which Dr Franklin accordingly promised.
W. ALEXANDER
[22] Draft of a proposed Bill for Conciliation with America.
A Bill to invest the Crown with sufficient Powers to treat, consult, and finally to agree upon the Means of restoring Peace with the Provinces of North America.
Whereas many unfortunate subjects of contest have of late years subsisted between Great Britain and the several Provinces of North America, hereinafter recited, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, which have brought on the calamities of war between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, to the end therefore that the further effusion of blood may be prevented, and that peace may be restored, may it please your Majesty that it be enacted, and be it enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by letters patent, under the great seal of Great Britain, to authorise and empower any person or persons, to treat, consult, and finally to agree with any person or persons properly authorised on the part of the aforesaid provinces of North America, upon the means of restoring peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces, according to the powers in this act contained.
And be it further enacted, that in order to facilitate the good purposes of this act, his Majesty may lawfully enable any such person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to order and proclaim a cessation of hostilities, on the part of his Majesty's forces, by sea and land, for any time, and under any conditions or restrictions.
And be it further enacted, that in order to lay a good foundation for a cordial reconciliation and lasting peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America, by restoring an amicable intercourse between the same as soon as possible his Majesty may lawfully enable any such person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to enter into and to ratify from time to time, any article or articles of intercourse and pacification, which article or articles, so entered into and ratified from time to time, shall remain in full force and effect for the certain term of ten years, from the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty.
Provided also, and be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that in order to remove any obstructions, which may arise to the full and effectual execution of any article or articles of intercourse and pacification, as before mentioned, that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by any instrument under his sign manual, countersigned by one or more of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, to authorise and empower any such person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty's letters patent, as aforesaid, to suspend for the term of ten years from the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, the operation and effect of any act or acts of Parliament, which are now in force, respecting the aforesaid provinces of North America, or any clause or clauses, proviso or provisos, in any such act or acts of Parliament contained; inasmuch as they, or any of them, may obstruct the full effect and execution of any such article or articles of intercourse and pacification, which may be entered into and ratified as beforementioned, between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America.
And be it further enacted, that in order to establish perpetual reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America, it is hereby required, and be it enacted, that all or any article or articles of intercourse and pacification, which shall be entered into and ratified, for the certain term of ten years, as beforementioned, shall from time to time be laid before the two Houses of Parliament, for their consideration, as the perpetual basis of reconcilement and peace between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America; and that any such article or articles of intercourse and pacification as beforementioned when the same shall have been confirmed in Parliament, shall remain in full force and effect forever.
And be it further enacted, that this act shall continue to be in force until the thirtyfirst day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eightyone.
[23] These letters will be found in Mr Adams's Correspondence in the month of June, 1780.
[24] For these instruments, see the Correspondence of the Commissioners in Paris, Vol. I. p. 432.
[25] See above, p. 176.
[26] The reference here is to the letters of Sir Grey Cooper, and Mr Charles Vernon. See this volume, pages 174, 175, 176.
[27] See this bill above, pp. 157, 158.
[28] See this Memorial in Franklin's Works, Vol. V p. 122
[29] See this protest in Franklin's Works, Vol. V. p. 129.
[30] See above, p. 296.
[31] This letter was written in answer to one from Dr Franklin, requesting Mr Burke to negotiate an exchange of Henry Laurens, when in the Tower, for General Burgoyne. Mr Laurens was at the time under some mistake in regard to this subject, as he supposed, that Mr Burke first applied to Dr Franklin to effect such an exchange, and imagined that Dr Franklin neglected him; whereas he took the most prompt and efficient means in his power to procure Mr Laurens's release. See Henry Laurens's letter, dated May 30th, 1782, Vol. II. p. 463.
[32] See Deane's Correspondence, Vol. 1, p. 217.
[33] The Spaniards.
[34] Mr Forth was a secret agent sent over to France by the British Ministry, to propose a separate treaty with the French Court.
[35] See above, p. 362.
[36] See the letter to Mr Livingston, p. 368, the letter to Mr Morris is missing.
[37] See above, p. 373.
[38] Dr Franklin's Journal closes here. His ill slate of health seems to have been the cause of his discontinuing it. The narrative of the negotiation is kept up, however, in the letters of Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, Mr Adams, and Mr Laurens.
Transcriber's note:
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.
The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been transcribed as four hyphens ( —— ) in the following cases:
Page 108: I received the letter your Excellency did me the honor to write to me of the —— of June last
Page 202: by William Lee, amounted to —— which I paid.
Page 268: The instructions given Mr Adams on the —— day of —— last
Page 435: the said Provinces, for —— years