The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 10

by Unknown

THE CORRESPONDENCE OF C. A. DE LA LUZERNE.

SUBSTANCE OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN M. DE LA LUZERNE AND GENERAL WASHINGTON AT HEAD QUARTERS, WEST POINT.[28]

September 16th, 1779.

The Minister opened the conference by observing, that the Council of Massachusetts had represented to him the disadvantages, which their commerce was likely to suffer from the late misfortune in Penobscot, and the advantages which would result if his Excellency, Count d'Estaing, could detach a few ships of the line and frigates to be stationed upon their coast for protecting their commerce, and countenancing the operations of their cruisers against that of the enemy. But before he should propose such a measure to Count d'Estaing, he wished to know from the General, what purposes the detachment would answer to his military operations, and whether it would enable him to prosecute any offensive enterprise against the enemy. That if he could accompany the request of the Council with assurance of this kind, a motive of such importance would have the greatest influence in determining the concurrence of Count d'Estaing, and might the better justify him in deranging or contracting his plans in the West Indies, by making a detachment of his force.

The General answered, that if Count d'Estaing could spare a detachment superior to the enemy's naval force upon this continent, retaining such a force in the West Indies, as would put it out of the enemy's power to detach an equal force to this continent without leaving themselves inferior in the Islands, the measure would have a high probability of many important and perhaps decisive advantages; but these would depend upon several contingencies; as the time in which the detachment can arrive, and the position and force of the enemy when it arrives. That the season proper for military operations was now pretty far advanced, and to make a winter campaign would require a disposition of our magazines peculiar to it, which could not be made without a large increase of expense, a circumstance not to be desired in the present posture of our affairs, unless the arrival of a naval succor was an event of some certainty. That with respect to the position and force of the enemy, they had now about fourteen thousand men at New York and its dependencies, and between three and four thousand at Rhode Island; that to reduce the former, if it should be concentered on the Island, would require extensive preparations beforehand, both as to magazines and aids of men, which could not with propriety be undertaken on a precarious expectation of assistance. But that if the garrison of Rhode Island should continue there, we should have every reason to expect its reduction by a combined operation; it might, however, be withdrawn; he added, that the enemy appear to be making large detachments from New York, which the present situation of their affairs seems to exact; that there is a high probability of their being left so weak as to give us an opportunity, during the winter, of acting effectually against New York, in case of the arrival of a fleet to co-operate with us, even with the force we now have and could suddenly assemble on an emergency; that, at all events, the French squadron would be able to strike an important stroke, in the capture and destruction of the enemy's vessels of war, with a large number of transports and perhaps seamen.

He concluded with observing, that though in the great uncertainty of the arrival of a squadron, he could not undertake to make expensive preparations for co-operating, nor pledge himself for doing it effectually, yet there was the greatest prospect of utility from the arrival of such a squadron, and he would engage to do everything in his power for improving its aid, if it should appear upon our coast; that if the present or future circumstances should permit Count d'Estaing to concert a combined operation with the troops of these States against the enemy's fleets and armies within these States, he would be ready to promote the measure to the utmost of our resources, and should have the highest hopes of its success; it would, however, be necessary, to prevent delay and give efficacy to the project, that he should have some previous notice.

The Minister replied, that the General's delicacy upon the occasion was very proper, but as he seemed unwilling to give assurances of effectual co-operation, in conveying the application to the Admiral he would only make use of the name of the Council, which would, no doubt, have all the weight due to the application of so respectable a body.

The General assented, observing, that occasional mention might be made of the military advantages to be expected from the measure.

The Minister next informed the General, that there had been some negotiations between Congress and M. Gerard, on the subject of the Floridas and the limits of the Spanish dominions in that quarter, concerning which, certain resolutions had been taken by Congress, which he supposed were known to the General. He added, that the Spaniards had in contemplation an expedition against the Floridas, which was either already begun or very soon would be begun, and he wished to know the General's opinion of a co-operation on our part; that it was probable this expedition would immediately divert the enemy's force from South Carolina and Georgia, and the question then would be, whether General Lincoln's army would be necessary elsewhere, or might be employed in a co-operation with the Spanish forces. That the motive with the French Court for wishing such a co-operation was, that it would be a meritorious act on the side of the United States towards Spain, who, though she had all along been well disposed to the revolution, had entered reluctantly into the war and had not yet acknowledged our independence; that a step of this kind would serve to confirm her good dispositions, and to induce her not only to enter into a treaty with us, but, perhaps, to assist with a loan of money. That the forces of Spain in the Islands were so considerable, as would in all appearance make our aid unnecessary; on which account the utility of it, only contingent and possible, was but a secondary consideration with the Court of France; the desire to engage Spain more firmly in our interests, by a mark of our good will to her, was the leading and principal one.

The General assured the Minister, that he had the deepest sense of the friendship of France, but replied to the matter in question, that he was altogether a stranger to the measures adopted by Congress relative to the Floridas, and could give no opinion of the propriety of the co-operation proposed in a civil or political light; but considering it merely as a military question, he saw no objection to the measure, on the supposition that the enemy's force in Georgia and South Carolina be withdrawn, without which it would, of course, be impossible.

The Minister then asked, in case the operation by the Spaniards against the Floridas should not induce the English to abandon the Southern States, whether it would be agreeable that the forces, either French or Spanish, employed there, should co-operate with our troops against those of the enemy in Georgia and South Carolina.

The General replied, that he imagined such a co-operation would be desirable.

The Minister inquired in the next place, whether in case the Court of France should find it convenient to send directly from France a squadron and a few regiments attached to it, to act in conjunction with us in this quarter, it would be agreeable to the United States.

The General thought it would contribute much to advance the common cause.

The Minister informed us, that Dr Franklin had purchased a fifty gun ship, which the King of France intended to equip for the benefit of the United States, to be sent with two or three frigates to Newfoundland to act against the enemy's vessels employed in the fishery, and afterwards to proceed to Boston to cruise from that port.

He concluded the conference with stating, that in Boston several gentlemen of influence, some of them members of Congress, had conversed with him on the subject of an expedition against Canada and Nova Scotia; that his Christian Majesty had a sincere and disinterested desire to see those two Provinces annexed to the American Confederacy, and would be disposed to promote a plan for this purpose; but that he would undertake nothing of the kind unless the plan was previously approved and digested by the General. He added, that a letter from the General to Congress some time since, on the subject of an expedition to Canada, had appeared in France, and had been submitted to the best military judges, who approved the reasoning, and thought the objections to the plan, which had been proposed, very plausible and powerful. That whenever the General should think the circumstances of this country favorable to such an undertaking, he should be very glad to recommend the plan he should propose, and he was assured that the French Court would give it all the aid in their power.

The General again expressed his sense of the good dispositions of his Christian Majesty, but observed, that while the enemy remain in force in these States, the difficulties stated in his letter alluded to by the Minister would still subsist; but that whenever that force should be removed, he doubted not it would be a leading object with the government to wrest the two aforementioned Provinces from the power of Britain; that in this case, he should esteem himself honored in being consulted on the plan; and was of opinion, that though we should have land force enough for the undertaking, without in this respect intruding upon the generosity of our allies, a naval co-operation would certainly be very useful and necessary.

The rest of the conference consisted in mutual assurances of friendship of the two countries, &c. interspersed on the General's side with occasional remarks on the importance of removing the war from these States, as it would enable us to afford ample supplies to the operations in the West Indies, and to act with efficacy in annoying the commerce of the enemy, and dispossessing them of their dominions on this continent.

Head Quarters, September 18th, 1779.

The foregoing is, to the best of my recollection, the substance of a conference at which I was present at the time mentioned, and interpreted between the Minister and the General.

A. HAMILTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[28] The Chevalier de la Luzerne arrived at Boston on the 2d of August, and on his way to Philadelphia visited General Washington at West Point. Hence this conference took place before his public introduction to Congress as Minister Plenipotentiary.

RECEPTION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER BY CONGRESS.[29]

In Congress, November 17th, 1779.

According to order the Chevalier de la Luzerne was introduced by Mr Mathews and Mr Morris, the two members appointed for that purpose; and being seated in his chair, the Secretary of the Embassy delivered to the President a sealed letter from his Most Christian Majesty, in the terms following;

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

"To our dear great Friends and Allies, the President and Members of the General Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

"The bad state of health of M. Gerard, our Minister Plenipotentiary to you, having laid him under the necessity of applying for a recall, we have made choice of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, a Colonel in our service, to supply his place. We have no doubt, that he will be agreeable to you, and that you will repose entire confidence in him. We pray you to give full credit to all he shall say to you on our behalf, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of our wishes for your prosperity, as well as the constancy of our affection and our friendship for the United States in general, and for each one of them in particular. We pray God to keep you, our very dear great friends and allies, in his holy protection.

"Done at Versailles, the 31st of May, 1779.

"Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS."

The Minister being announced, he addressed Congress in the following speech.

Translation.

"Gentlemen,

"The wisdom and courage, which have founded your Republic, the prudence which presides over your deliberations, your firmness in execution, the skill and valor displayed by your Generals and soldiers during the course of the war, have attracted the admiration and regard of the whole world.

"The King, my master, was the first to acknowledge a liberty acquired amidst so many perils and with so much glory. Since treaties dictated by moderation have fixed upon a permanent basis the union of France with the American Republic, his Majesty's whole conduct must have demonstrated how dearly he cherishes your prosperity, and his firm resolution to maintain your independence by every means in his power. The events, which have successively unfolded themselves, show the wisdom of those measures. A powerful ally has acknowledged the justice of those motives, which had compelled the King to take arms, and we may reasonably hope for the most solid success from the operations of the united fleets. The naval force of the enemy has been diverted from your continent, compelled to flee to the defence of their own possessions. All their efforts have been too feeble to prevent our troops from conquering a considerable part. Other British Islands feared the same lot, when the French General stopped the current of his success to seek new dangers here. In conforming to his Majesty's intentions, he has acceded to his own inclinations, to the desires of the French, and to the request of the Americans, who invited him to join his arms to those of your Republic. Events have not completely answered his courage and his efforts, but his blood and that of my countrymen, shed in a cause so dear to us, has cemented the basis on which the alliance is founded, and impressed on it a character as indelible as are all those by which it is already consecrated.

"That alliance, Gentlemen, becomes daily more indissoluble, and the benefits, which the two nations derive from it, have given it the most perfect consistency.

"The relations of commerce between the subjects of the King, my master, and the inhabitants of the Thirteen United States, continually multiply, and we may already perceive, in spite of those obstacles, which embarrass the reciprocal communication, how natural it is, how advantageous it will be to the two nations, and all who participate in it, and how much the monopolising spirit, the jealous attention and prohibitory edicts of the enemy to your freedom, have been prejudicial to your happiness. It is under these circumstances, Gentlemen, that the King has been pleased to appoint me his Minister Plenipotentiary to your Republic. You have seen in the letter, which I had just now the honor to deliver from him, fresh assurances of his friendship. I consider as the happiest circumstance of my life a mission, in the course of which I am certain of fulfilling my duty, when I labor for your prosperity, and I felicitate myself upon being sent to a nation, whose interests are so intimately blended with our own, that I can be useful neither to France nor the American Republic, without rendering myself agreeable both to the one and the other.

"It was certainly desirable that the affairs with which I am charged had remained in the hands of that enlightened Minister, whom I succeed, and whose health compels him to return to France. I have not his abilities; but like him, I have an unbounded zeal for the welfare and success of the common cause. Like him, I am directed to concur in everything, which can be useful or agreeable to your Republic. I have the same attachment to the people whom you, Gentlemen, represent, and the same admiration of their conduct. I have the most fervent wish to give you the proof of it; and I hope by these different titles to merit your confidence and your esteem.

LUZERNE."

The translation of the foregoing speech being read to the House by the Secretary of Congress, the President returned the following answer.

"Sir,

"The early attention of our good friend and ally to these United States is gratefully felt by all their virtuous citizens, and we should be unfaithful representatives if we did not warmly acknowledge every instance of his regard, and take every opportunity of expressing the attachment of our constituents to treaties formed upon the purest principles.

"His Most Christian Majesty, in rendering himself a protector of the rights of mankind, became entitled to assistance from the friends of man. This title could not but be recognised by a monarch, whose diadem is adorned with equity and truth. That monarch, by joining his arms to those of our great ally, has given a fatal blow to the common enemy, and from the justice of the motives which unite the combined fleets, we expect the most solid benefits will crown their operations. Nor can we doubt that other powers will rejoice to see that haughty nation humbled, in proportion as they have been insulted by her presumptuous arrogance. We well know, and all the world must acknowledge, the moderation and friendship of the Most Christian King, in neglecting conquests which courted his acceptance, for the benevolent pleasure of succoring his allies. In this, as in every other instance, we perceive his strict adherence to the principles of our defensive alliance. We are sensible of the zeal of the French General in executing his Majesty's orders. We esteem his courage, we lament his wounds, and we respect that generous valor, which has led your countrymen to contend with ours in the same common cause in the same field of glory; a noble emulation, which has poured out the blood of the two nations and mingled it together as a sacred pledge of perpetual union.

"The consequences, which have followed from the appearance of the French fleet upon our coasts, particularly by disconcerting the enemy's plans of operations, and destroying a considerable part of their naval force, demonstrate the wisdom of the measure. That they have not been still more beneficial is to be attributed to those incidents, which in the hand of Providence determine all human events. But our disappointment is compensated by reflecting on the perfect harmony, that subsisted between the Generals and the troops of the two nations.

"The prosperous course of this campaign gives a pleasing hope that the moment of peace may soon arrive, when the reciprocation of mutual good offices shall amply recompence our mutual labors and cares, and we doubt not but in that moment the commerce between the allied nations, now struggling under great inconveniences, will shoot forth with vigor and advantage, and happily demonstrate the injuries we once suffered from the restraints of our enemies.

"While we lament, Sir, the loss of your worthy predecessor, we are led from your personal character to the pleasing expectation, that you will possess that confidence and esteem which he enjoyed. They are due to the servant of our benefactor; we are happy in his choice, and being thoroughly convinced of the intimate connexion between the interests and views of the allied nations, we cannot but persuade ourselves, that the more attentively you shall perform your duty to your Sovereign, and the more sedulously you shall guard and promote the welfare of your country, the more agreeable and respectable you will render yourself to the citizens of America.[30]

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President."

FOOTNOTE:

[29] The ceremonial of the introduction of M. de la Luzerne to Congress was the same, as had been adopted in the case of M. Gerard. See the Correspondence of M. Gerard, above, p. [245].

[30] Mr John Adams came over from France in the same ship with M. de la Luzerne, and the Secretary of Legation, M. de Marbois. See his account of these gentlemen in John Adams's Correspondence, Vol. IV p. 310.

DON JUAN MIRALLES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 25th, 1779.

Sir,

I had the honor of communicating to you on the 22d instant two letters, which I received from the Governor-General of the Island of Cuba, dated the 13th and the 22d of July last. He informs me by order of the King, my master, that the declaration of war against the King of Great Britain, made by his Majesty, was solemnly published at Havana, on the 22d of the said month of July, and he requests me to ask for the co-operation of the United States of America in the measures, the substance of which I am now to have the honor of recalling to your recollection.

The Honorable Congress having formerly proposed to lay siege to the town of St Augustine in East Florida, in order to restore it, in case of success, to the troops of his Catholic Majesty, I am ordered to urge the said Congress to direct the arms of the United States against that place, in the hope that this diversion will give powerful assistance to those, which the forces of the King have made by their attack on Pensacola; and that consequently, the English troops may be more readily driven from the territory of the American Republics. I am to inform the Governor-General of Havana, at what time the Honorable Congress will be able to undertake this conquest, as well as what land and naval forces that body will be able to employ in effecting it; in order that the Spanish Generals may arrange their operations agreeably to the information, which I shall transmit to them.

I am also ordered to invite the Honorable Congress to undertake the conquest of the territory and the possessions held by the English to the northeast of Louisiana; and as the Governor of that province may by his experience contribute greatly to the success of such an enterprise, he is desirous of knowing the plan of operations, which Congress will adopt in this affair, in order that on his part he may second it by every effort in his power.

The Governor-General of Havana is desirous of knowing the quantity and kind of provisions, productions, and supplies, with which the United States of America will be able to assist Havana, and the Island of Cuba, as well as the other possessions of his Majesty in America, in order that he may decide according to such information, upon the measures to be adopted for procuring his supplies of provisions.

I had yesterday the honor of communicating these various requests to the Honorable Congress, which body was pleased to appoint three of its members to confer with me upon them. They declared, Sir, that they should be much gratified to see my proposals supported by you; and I entreat you to be pleased by your intervention to give all requisite weight to the importance of these great objects.

The sending as soon as possible, of such forces and stores as Congress shall think proper, is of the greatest consequence. Of equal importance are the means of securing their arrival at their place of destination, with all the security which circumstances will allow. It is then desirable, Sir, that you would have the kindness to persuade the Count de Grasse to be pleased to take them on board of his squadron, and to conduct them under his convoy to South Carolina or Georgia; and the deputies of Congress have desired me to make this request of you. I have answered them, in consequence of the communications, which you have been pleased to make to me, that you had already made some overtures to that commander, in relation to the operations in which he might engage, and that you were now expecting his answer.

The interests of our Sovereigns, Sir, are so closely connected, the independence and welfare of United America are objects so dear and so important to you, that I have no doubt you will use all efforts to secure a compliance with the requests, which I have the honor to make of you in the name of the King, my master, and on the success of which depends, in a great degree, the success of the general operations of the allied powers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DON JUAN DE MIRALLES.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of communicating to the Congress of the United States, a letter of Don Juan de Miralles, containing sundry propositions, which appear to him to deserve the most serious attention. Although the Chevalier de la Luzerne has no instructions from his Catholic Majesty, he is too sensible of the good understanding and intimate connexion subsisting between the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, not to recommend these overtures in the most pressing manner to the consideration of Congress.

The great design is to act against the common enemy, and the more pains that are taken to unite the strokes aimed against them, the more certain will be their effects. As to what regards the concurrence of the royal fleet in the operations proposed, the underwritten has the honor to observe, that he is entirely uninformed touching the part it will be able to take. He has, however, written a letter to the Count de Grasse, which that commander will receive on his arrival at Hampton. As soon as the underwritten shall have received an answer, and the necessary information, he will take the earliest opportunity of communicating them to such of the delegates as Congress shall be pleased to appoint.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 6th, 1779.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that he has received from St Domingo intelligence of the capture of the Greyhound, by eight American sailors. He annexes a summary of some facts relative to this capture.

In the terms of the intelligence, given on the 4th of August, of the present year, by the officers of the Admiralty of Port Paix, "the eight American sailors, having taken the said schooner, without being provided with any commission, have been sent back before Congress, in order that this affair may be decided in conformity with the laws of their country."

The undersigned Minister is then desirous, that Congress would be pleased to inform him, what use they shall judge proper to make of the thirteen thousand nine hundred and eighty nine livres, ten sols, which remain in the registry of the Admiralty of Port Paix; whether it be thought proper that this sum should be remitted to the agent of Congress at St Domingo, in order that he may transmit it to the eight men interested, in such manner as he shall think fit, or whether Congress shall adopt an entirely different mode of proceeding. The Chevalier de la Luzerne will hasten to communicate to the commandants of the Island of St Domingo, whatever resolution may have been adopted, in order that they may without delay make arrangements accordingly. The undersigned would have wished to spare Congress the detail of this affair, by addressing himself directly to the States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, in order to ascertain their intentions, but the intelligence upon which the order of the General and Intendant of St Domingo has intervened, obliges the parties to come before Congress; besides, this form is the best adapted to prevent all delays, and to cause this money to arrive promptly at the destination, which shall be determined upon.

LUZERNE

PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

In Congress, December 16th, 1779.

Sir,

I am directed to inform you, that Congress in order to testify their attention to the interest of his Catholic Majesty, appointed a commissioner to confer with General Washington on the subject of your letter, accompanying the representation of Don Juan de Miralles;[31] and though from the result of their conference, they have reason to believe that our grand army cannot be weakened while the enemy retain their present force at New York, without considerable danger, yet they have upon mature deliberation determined rather to incur that danger, than not to comply, as far as is consistent with our circumstances, with the views of his Catholic Majesty, to whom they feel themselves bound by that union of interest, which a common enemy creates, by the favorable disposition manifested by his Catholic Majesty to these United States, and by those ties, which connect the House of Bourbon with the happiness of mankind.

Under these impressions they have ordered a considerable detachment from the grand army to join the troops in Carolina, which, together with the forces already there or on the way, will amount to about four thousand men, exclusive of the militia of the Southern States, whom Congress have called for upon this occasion. Congress have also ordered three of their frigates to Charleston, to be put under the direction of the commanding officer in that department.

This force they conceive will make so powerful a diversion in favor of his Catholic Majesty's army, as to afford probable hopes of their being crowned with success. You will perceive, Sir, that any other co-operation with the troops of Spain is impossible, while Savannah opposes a barrier to a junction of our force. This, from its present strength, it will not be easy for us to remove, till a more decided superiority in this quarter enables us to transfer a greater proportion of our army thither. Unless, in the meantime, the Governor of Havana shall think proper to furnish such aid, as when joined with the forces of the United States in that quarter, will be sufficient to effect the purposes before mentioned. But as Congress were desirous of extending their views still further, and conceiving the conquest of East Florida to be an object of great importance, as well to his Catholic Majesty, as to these States, they have therefore directed me to inform you, and through you Don Juan de Miralles, by whom the intentions of his Catholic Majesty are communicated, that they have given full power to their General commanding in the Southern department to correspond and concert with the Governor of Havana, or any other person or persons, authorised by his Catholic Majesty for that purpose, such plan as can be agreed upon between them for carrying our views into execution.

I am, Sir, directed further to inform you, that though Congress cannot promise any considerable quantity of provisions until the army of the United States are supplied, yet as soon as that can be done, every means will be used to furnish provisions for his Catholic Majesty's Islands and fleet. But in the meantime they conceive, that a large supply of rice may be afforded by the State of South Carolina, while Congress will readily aid the agents of Spain in procuring the same.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

FOOTNOTE:

[31] See above pp. [373], [375].

M. HOLKER TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of transmitting to you the annexed letter, and copy of a late law of the State of Maryland, which I have this moment received from Mr William Smith, a merchant at Baltimore. As it is of a nature to alarm us in relation to all the operations, which have been concerted in the Islands, or contemplated with respect to other places during the course of the ensuing summer; as, moreover, the vessels and store-ships, which I expect from Martinique, to supply the place of those which were destined by the Count d'Estaing for the Chesapeake Bay, and which the officers of the King have thought it their duty to sacrifice and sell to the State of Carolina, with a view to contribute, as far as lay in their power, to the security and defence of that place; as, I say, these store-ships might arrive immediately, and I might be obliged to send them back in ballast, if the corn and wheat, which I have purchased in Maryland, should be seized, and as, thereby, all my transactions and engagements would not only become uncertain, but might terminate in a manner disgraceful to me, and in the failure of the naval operations of the King in America, I cannot forbear to claim, in the most urgent manner, the influence of your character with the Congress of the United States upon this occasion, while I observe to you, that if the law of Maryland is put in execution in relation to the provisions, which I have collected at a great expense and with every possible precaution, I shall, for the future, be unable to take a single step in the service of the King, and shall be obliged to pay large sums to indemnify those with whom I have made engagements.

Your Excellency is aware of the innumerable difficulties, which I have experienced since I have been engaged in this country, in the naval service of the King. They seem to multiply every moment, and have become so great that I am compelled to declare to you, that I cannot guaranty or be answerable for the success of the least operation, unless you shall be able most speedily to persuade Congress to take with each and every State in the Union, decisive and effectual measures to cause respect to be shown to my transactions, carried on in the name and on the account of his Majesty; while I repeat my offers to oblige my agents and correspondents to conform to such suitable formalities, as your Excellency shall think proper to prescribe for the general tranquillity and satisfaction.

I am, Sir, &c.

HOLKER.

WILLIAM SMITH TO M. HOLKER.

Baltimore, January 7th, 1780

Sir,

By express I send enclosed a copy of a letter I received yesterday from the Governor and Council of this State, in answer to my application for permission to load the brig Hawk with flour for Cape François, on account of his Most Christian Majesty. You will perceive by this letter, that I am not permitted to proceed in loading this vessel as you direct, nor will any permission for that purpose be granted until the army is supplied.

That the army ought to be supplied, I doubt not you will think right; but that the wheat and flour collected in this port should be taken for that purpose, when I presume a sufficient quantity may be had much more convenient to the army and less prejudicial to your interest, you will, probably, conclude is not so convenient, and might, if duly considered, have been avoided. I am well informed that the public purchasers in Harford county have now on hand upwards of three thousand barrels, which, for a wagon at this season of the year, are at least three days nearer camp than this place. Besides, very considerable magazines must be provided on the eastern shore of this State; and it seems to me, that the distresses of our army have arisen more from the want of carriages to convey a sufficient quantity of flour to camp, than from any other cause.

Be that as it may, I find that the Commissioners for this county are determined to lay their hands on all your wheat and flour, and have already seized some of your wheat, and I doubt not but the whole on the eastern and western shores will be taken as soon as they conveniently can do it. Therefore, I thought it my duty to despatch this information to you by express, that you may take such measures in the premises as you judge best. You will see by the enclosed letter, that no relief is to be expected from our Governor and Council. Perhaps an application to Congress may procure a resolve directing your magazines to be spared, by lending some for the present emergency. But that ought to be taken when most convenient for the army, and least prejudicial to you.

You will please to favor me with a line by return of the bearer, directing whatever steps you may think will be most conducive to the interest of his Most Christian Majesty.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM SMITH.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MARYLAND TO WILLIAM SMITH.

In Council, Annapolis, January 6th, 1780.

Sir,

We received your favor of the 3d instant by express. As the grand object of the "Acts for the immediate supply of the army, &c." is to procure an immediate and full supply of provisions for our army, it was necessary that the Commissioners should be vested with extraordinary powers, that those powers should be accurately defined, and that the mode to be pursued by them should be plainly delineated; which is done. We do not think that flour or wheat purchased for the Marine of France, privileged or exempted from seizure, and we are certain it was not the intention of the Legislature that those articles should be, because such exemption would, in a great degree, if not wholly, frustrate the design of the law.

We deem it our duty to afford the Commissioners every aid in our power to facilitate the execution of the law, and, therefore, cannot at this time grant permission to export flour or wheat purchased by the agents of France; because we should thereby restrain that extensive operation of the act, by which alone we can obtain an immediate supply adequate to our pressing wants. We are sensible, that it is of importance that the Marine of France should be furnished with flour, and it is with the utmost regret that we have refused permission, and nothing could have induced us to do it, but the alarming and distressful situation of our army; and when we have assurances that their wants are relieved, we shall with pleasure grant license as heretofore.

The numerous evils, that would result from procrastinating the supplies when contrasted with the inconveniencies alluded to by you, will, we trust, evince the propriety of our conduct and justify our refusal.

We are, with respect, Sir, &c.

J. T. CHASE, President of the Council.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has just received from M. Holker a letter, of which a copy is annexed, in relation to a law, passed by the State of Maryland, to authorise the Commissioners therein named to seize the grain, corn, and rice, which may be found stored in the hands of individuals in that State, and to carry them away. It is to be presumed, that if the General Assembly of Maryland had been informed of the measures taken, at a great expense, to procure supplies for the fleets of his Majesty and for his garrisons in the French Islands, and of the pressing wants which they suffer, they would have excepted from this law the provisions found in the hands of Mr Smith.

The undersigned is about to take suitable measures for inducing the government to refrain from seizing the said provisions, and to replace them in case that they are already seized. He earnestly entreats Congress to be pleased, on its part, to recommend to the Councils and Assemblies of the Thirteen States to refrain, in circumstances of this nature, and in all other cases, from all measures which may cause any uncertainty in the operations of the King's Navy Agents, endanger the success of the plans of the campaign, and expose to want and to the greatest inconveniences the garrisons of the French Islands, the governors of which are previously informed of the measures taken to procure supplies for them in the United States, and in concert with Congress and the respective governments of the States.

The present juncture being of a very pressing nature, the undersigned entreats Congress to be pleased to come to a decision on this subject as quickly as possible. He, moreover, proposes to the Council of Maryland to subject the agents and Commissioners, charged with making purchases on account of his Majesty, to all the legal forms best adapted to prevent every kind of abuse on their part; and he is desirous that the States, in which purchases of this nature may be made, should be pleased to take similar measures.

LUZERNE.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 23d, 1780.

Sir,

Advices recently received from Europe make mention of the efforts, which the English have made in Germany to procure recruits and new levies, and of the difficulty they have experienced even on the part of those Courts with whom they had before treated. The greatest part of the German Princes, who have sold soldiers to the Court of London, now blush at these sales, which have excited their subjects against them, and which besides have drained their States. They are reluctant to give troops to a power, that is making war against France, with whom they have always preserved amicable ties, and I am assured, that it is even doubtful whether the English will be able to procure a few recruits to complete the corps they have in America.

I am informed, that these circumstances have determined the British government to make every effort to obtain men in America, whom they cannot procure in Europe, and that Mr Clinton has received orders to spare no pains to effect the exchange or deliverance of the troops of the Convention of Saratoga, and of other prisoners, who are in the hands of the Americans. It is added, that the want of the Court of London for soldiers is so pressing, that General Clinton has been authorised to surmount all the difficulties, which may arise in the negotiation of this exchange, and that he is even permitted in case of absolute necessity to treat with Congress, or their Ministers, on terms of perfect equality, and as with an independent power. He has also equally full liberty to agree upon the number of private soldiers, who may be given in exchange for an officer of any rank whatsoever; and they order him simply to remember in treating of this matter, that an English soldier transported to America is of an infinite price to England, and they exhort him to employ all his efforts to bring about an exchange whatever may be the conditions.

I hasten to communicate these interesting ideas to Congress, and I have learned, that they were confirmed by the event, and that Major General Phillips had in effect drawn on a negotiation, the progress of which had been entirely confided to your Excellency. They prayed me at the same time to send you a communication of these objects, which the Congress think ought greatly to influence the measures, which it will be in your power to take, when you know that the English Commissioners have orders to pass over all difficulties, and to grant all the demands, which may be made, rather than to lose the occasion of reinforcing the army they have upon this continent.

I join to this some extracts, the contents of which have appeared to me of a nature to interest your Excellency. You will see besides, Sir, by the despatch of the British Minister, with what affectation he seeks to make the Thirteen States to be considered as subjected to the English domination, and you will judge of what importance it is to you to treat with the Court of London upon the footing of perfect equality, and how useful an act of this nature may be to the negotiations of Congress in Europe, when they can add to all the facts, of which the Court of Madrid makes mention in its memoir, a cartel regulated on the footing of perfect parity, and which would prejudge beforehand the question of your independence. I congratulate myself, that this negotiation is in your hands, and I am well persuaded, that nothing will pass derogatory to the part, which my Court has taken in acknowledging the independence and the perfect sovereignty of the United States.

I shall intrust to your Excellency, that the King is disposed to send over succors to this continent, of arms and ammunition, but as the events of the sea are uncertain, I believe that it will be proper to make no change in the measures, which may have been taken otherwise to procure them. This news not having reached me till yesterday, I have not yet been able to make a communication of it to Congress.

As you may be retained in your quarters by important considerations, I propose to go to render you my duties in the course of the next month, and confer with your Excellency on objects of great importance, and relative to the measures necessary to push the next campaign with vigor, and to put the American army in a condition truly proper to hold the enemy in check upon the continent, whilst his Majesty and the King of Spain shall display in the other parts of the world all their forces to secure advantageous terms of peace to the allies.

I am, with respect, Sir,

LUZERNE.

P. S. This letter will be delivered to your Excellency by M. de Galvan, who has been raised to the rank of Major by your goodness; he desires to merit it anew, and prays me to solicit you to put his zeal in activity. I shall be very grateful for what you may be pleased to do for him. He was particularly recommended to me by the Minister of France. He appeared to me to merit a great deal from his zeal, and from his personal attachment to your Excellency.

PAPERS MENTIONED IN THE ABOVE LETTER.

No. 1.

Translation.

Extract of a Memorial communicated by the Ambassador of England to the Court of Madrid, on the 28th of March, 1779.

Let the Colonies expose also their grievances, and the conditions for their security, or for their precaution, in order that the continuance and authority of lawful government may be re-established; and then we shall see if a direct and immediate accommodation can take place. If this same method is preferred in this last case only, let a truce be made in North America, that is to say, a real truce and suspension of arms, during which may be established and secured the liberty and estates of persons of every condition, and let all sort of violence against the respective subjects, or against the estates or effects which they possess, be made to cease. During this truce, the French may treat upon their particular concerns, avoiding thereby the suspicions, to which they would necessarily expose themselves, if they wish to involve in the negotiation their private advantage relatively to the pretended interests of those, whom France with affectation calls her allies; and his Majesty will be able to establish the government of his own dominions, without suffering the humiliation of not receiving, but from the hand of a declared enemy, the conditions which regard this government.

No. 2.

Translation.

Ultimatum proposed by the Court of Madrid to the Courts of France and England, dated 3d of April, 1779.

If these overtures or propositions had arrived here immediately after the King had made his to adjust the plan of reconciliation, several difficulties might have been some time since removed, by the modifications, which might have been negotiated, counting upon good faith and reciprocal confidence, as well as the desire of obtaining a peace; but after having lost more than two months, without reckoning the time that uselessly passed before, and after having observed that during this interval they did not cease to make great preparations of war, it must necessarily be suspected, that the object of England is to let glide away the months, which the campaign might still last, to continue the war with vigor. In this case all the efforts of the King to bring back the belligerent powers to peace would be ineffectual. Nevertheless, his Majesty, wishing to give one more proof of his love of humanity, and to make it appear that he has neglected nothing to stop and prevent the calamities of war, has ordered to propose to the two Courts the following plan, which will be on his part an ultimatum in this affair.

"That there shall be an unlimited suspension of arms with France on the condition, that neither of the belligerent powers can break it without advertising the other a year beforehand.

"That with a view of re-establishing reciprocal security and good faith between the two Crowns, by means of this suspension of hostilities, there shall be a general disarming in the space of one month on the side of Europe, in four months on that of America, and in eight months or a year for those of Africa and of Asia the most remote.

"That they shall determine in a month the place where the Plenipotentiaries of the two Courts shall assemble, to treat of a definitive accommodation of peace, and to regulate the restitutions or compensations relative to the reprisals, which have been made without adjudication of war, and to other grievances or pretensions of one or the other Crown. For this purpose the King will continue his mediation, offering in the first place the city of Madrid to hold a Congress.

"That the King of Great Britain shall grant a like cessation of hostilities to the American Colonies, by the intercession and mediation of his Catholic Majesty, a year beforehand, to the end, that he may apprize the said American Provinces, that they are equally ordered to make a reciprocal disarming at the epochas, and for the spaces of time, which have been specified with regard to France.

"That the bounds be fixed beyond which neither of the two parties shall pass from the positions and territories, in which it shall be at the time of the ratification of this arrangement.

"That they may send to Madrid one or more Commissioners on the part of the Colonies, and that his Britannic Majesty may also send others on his part under the mediation of the King, if necessary, in order to adjust all those points and others, which respect this suspension of arms, and the effects which it ought to produce, so long as it shall subsist, and that during this interval the Colonies shall be treated as independent in fact. That in case all the belligerent powers, or any others among them, or even the Colonies themselves, demand that the treaties or accommodations, which are concluded, be guarantied by those powers and by Spain, they shall in effect be so guarantied. And the Catholic King now offers his guarantee for the preliminaries."

No. 3.

Translation.

Extract from the Exposition of the Motives of the Court of Spain relative to England.

Among the propositions of the ultimatum of the King of Spain, there is one for which the British Cabinet has affected to have the greatest repugnance, and that is the proposition which imparts, that the Colonies shall be treated as independent in fact, during the interval of the truce. It is extraordinary, since it is even ridiculous, that the Court of London after having treated the Colonies during the war as independent, not only in fact, but also of right, should have any repugnance to treat them as independent only in fact, during the truce, or suspension of arms. The Convention of Saratoga, General Burgoyne considered as a lawful prisoner, the exchange and liberation of other Colonial prisoners, the nomination of Commissioners to meet the Americans at their own homes, the act of having asked peace of them, and to treat with them, or with Congress, and a hundred other facts of this nature, authorised by the Court of London, have been genuine signs of an acknowledgment of the independence of the Colonies.

It is the English nation itself, who can best judge and decide, whether all these acts are as compatible with the honor of the British Crown, as would be that of granting to the Colonies, by the interposition of his Catholic Majesty, a suspension of arms to discuss their differences, and to treat them during this interval as independent in fact.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you the credentials, by which M. d'Anmours is provisionally appointed his Majesty's Consul in the State of North Carolina. I entreat you to be pleased to cause them to be invested with the sanction of Congress, by having them entered upon the registers, and by taking the trouble to affix your approval, or causing that of Mr Thompson to be affixed, according to the mode heretofore pursued in similar cases.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received express orders from the King, his master, to inform Congress, that the present situation of the affairs of the alliance in Europe announces the necessity of another campaign, which is indispensable to bring England to an acknowledgment of the independence of the Thirteen United States, which is the essential purpose of the present war. That power is making preparations the most proper for continuing the war with vigor, and appears willing to employ, in the course of this year, all the means possible to procure reparation, by some important enterprise, for the losses it has already sustained. Congress cannot doubt, that in this situation of affairs his Most Christian Majesty and the King of Spain have concerted plans to maintain that superiority by sea, which has begun to appear in their favor; and the underwritten has reason to believe, that the United States have nothing to desire of their ally, touching the use he is making of the resources of his realm, and the efficacy of the measures adopted by the Cabinets of Versailles and Madrid.

But while this powerful diversion retains in Europe, and the West Indies, the greater part of the land and sea forces of the common enemy, it is absolutely necessary, that the United States, on their part, should make efforts proportionable to the greatness of the object for which they are contending. The only means of putting an end to the calamities of the war is to push it with new vigor; to take effectual measures immediately for completing the army and putting it in condition to begin an early campaign.

It is also necessary to concert, as far as the distance of places will permit, a plan of common operations; and this is one of the principal points on which the underwritten Minister is ordered to consult with Congress. He is also ordered to assure this Assembly, that the King being informed of the wants of the American army, with respect to arms and ammunition, has commanded his Ministers to make suitable arrangements for supplying them. It is necessary that the underwritten Minister should confer with Congress on the subjects just mentioned. Besides, he has some particular circumstances to communicate relative to the present or probable state of the negotiations; and he desires that this assembly will be pleased to inform him in what manner they will receive the communication, the subject of which, as well as the plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, requires the most profound secrecy. In the meanwhile, he now only assures Congress, that in the whole course of the negotiations carried on last year, the King would not listen to either peace or truce, without an assurance, of some sort, of the independence of the United States.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE ON THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 28th, 1780.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of the Minister of France, reported the following summary, accompanied with extracts of papers, which he had recently received.[32]

The Minister of France informed the Committee, that he had it in command from his King to impress upon the minds of Congress, that the British Cabinet have an almost insuperable reluctance to admit the idea of the independence of these United States, and will use every possible endeavor to prevent it. That they have filled several of the Courts of Europe with negotiations, in order to excite them to a war against France, or to obtain succors; and are employing the most strenuous endeavors to persuade the several powers, that the United States are disposed to enter into treaties of accommodation. That many persons in Europe are actually employed in bringing such treaties to perfection; and that they have no doubt of their success. That the objects which the British Cabinet hope for from those measures are, to destroy the superiority, which France has now at sea, by diverting her powers and resources from naval to land operations, and by engaging her in a land war, where she must risk very important interests, while England would risk nothing but money; or to break, or weaken the alliance, by destroying the confidence, which the allies ought to have in each other.

That his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of Britain, relative to the disposition of the United States; and it is necessary, that measures be taken for the preventing of other powers from being deceived into a belief of them. That the negotiations of Britain, as far as could yet be learned, had not succeeded. That the dispositions of all the European powers are, as far as can be known, very friendly to France; but some of them may be engaged in secret treaties with Britain, which may oblige them, in some event, to assist her with troops even against their inclinations. That such event may arise, and if it should, it is probable it will produce an armed mediation, the consequences of which would be, that the allies must accept of the terms proposed by the mediator, or continue the war under the disadvantage of having the forces of the mediator united with those of their enemies. That in such event, it is possible the terms proposed will be such as Spain offered, and Britain rejected, in the last proposed mediation.

That, though the powers who may be under such engagements by treaty to Great Britain, from their friendly disposition towards his Most Christian Majesty, may be very unwilling to give assistance to his enemies, yet they may find it indispensably necessary in compliance with their engagements; but it is not improbable that their reluctance, or the distance of their dominions, may delay such assistance, if granted at all, so as to be too late for the next campaign. That should the enemy be in possession of any part of the United States at the close of the next campaign, it will be extremely difficult to bring Great Britain to acknowledge their independence; and if a mediator should be offered, while the enemy is in possession of any part, an impartial mediator could not easily refute the arguments, which might be used for its retaining such possessions. And, probably, a mediator well disposed towards Great Britain might insist on her holding them; and if not agreed to, the hostility of such a mediator would be the necessary consequence. That should Great Britain form such alliances, or procure such aids, as are the objects of her present negotiations, there will be every reason to fear a long and an obstinate war, whereof the final event may be doubtful.

That this view of affairs plainly points out the necessity for the greatest possible vigor in the operations of the next campaign, in order to dispossess the enemy of every part of the United States, and to put them in condition to treat of peace, and accept of a mediation with the greatest advantage; and the preparations for it ought to be as speedy and as effectual as possible. That France and Spain are prepared to make a very powerful diversion, and will exert themselves most strenuously for preserving and improving their naval superiority, and for employing the powers of the enemy in Europe and the West Indies. The Minister declared, as from himself, that he doubted not his Most Christian Majesty will spare some ships to the United States, if it can be done without endangering his superiority at sea; and that an application made to the Minister informally is more eligible than to the King, because it would give his Majesty great pain to refuse the request, though he might be in no condition to grant it. That at all events, supplies should be prepared on a supposition that the ships will be granted; and such supplies should be put into the hands of the Agent for the Marine of France, and considered as the King's property.

He desires to be informed, as far as Congress may deem proper, what force the United States can bring into the field next campaign? On what resources they rely for their maintenance and necessary appointments? And what shall be the general plan of the campaign, on supposition either of having, or not having the aid of ships of war? He gives it as his opinion, that an application for clothing may be made to his Most Christian Majesty with prospect of success; and although measures have been taken for sending arms and warlike stores to America, yet it would be prudent in Congress not to neglect any other means for procuring those supplies, or supplies of clothing.

FOOTNOTE:

[32] These extracts were the same as had been sent to General Washington, and are printed above, in connexion with M. de la Luzerne's letter to him, dated January 23d, 1780.

ANSWER OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 31st, 1780.

Congress taking into consideration the communications of the French Minister, as reported by the committee on the 28th instant,

Resolved, That the following answer be given to the communications of the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France;

That Congress entertain the most grateful sense of the unremitting attention given to the interests of the United States by their illustrious ally; and consider the communications made to them by his Minister under his Majesty's special command as equally wise and interesting. That the confidence which they repose in his Majesty, in consequence of his so generously interesting himself in the affairs of these United States, and the wisdom and magnanimity of his councils, determine them to give the most perfect information in their power of their resources, their views, and their expectations.

That to this end, they state as follows; that the United States have expectations, on which they can rely with confidence, of bringing into the field an army of twentyfive thousand effective men, exclusive of commissioned officers. That this army can be reinforced by militia so as to be in force sufficient for any enterprises against the posts occupied by the enemy within the United States. That supplies of provisions for the army in its greatest number can certainly be obtained within the United States; and the Congress, with the co-operation of the several States, can take effectual measures for procuring them in such manner as that no operation will be impeded. That provisions, also, for such of the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, as may be employed in conjunction or co-operation with those of the United States, can be procured under the direction of Congress; and such provisions shall be laid up in magazines, agreeably to such instructions as his Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary shall give; and the magazines shall be put under the direction of the Agent of the Marine of France.

That Congress rely on the contributions of the States by taxes, and on moneys to be raised by internal loans, for the pay of the army. That supplies of clothing, of tents, of arms and warlike stores, must be principally obtained from foreign nations; and the United States must rely chiefly on the assistance of their ally for them; but every other means for procuring them are already taken, and will be prosecuted with the greatest diligence.

That the United States, with the assistance of a competent naval force, would willingly, during the next campaign, carry on the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in all the posts occupied by them within the United States. That without such naval force, little more can be attempted by them than straitening the quarters of the enemy, and covering the interior parts of the country. That their forces must be disposed in such manner as to oppose the enemy with the greatest effect, wheresoever their most considerable operations may be directed.

That at present, the Southern States seem to be their principal object, and their design to establish themselves in one or more of them; but their superiority at sea over the United States enables them to change their objects and operations with great facility, while those of the United States are rendered difficult by the great extent of country they have to defend.

That Congress are happy to find that his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of the British cabinet relative to the dispositions of the United States, or any of them, to enter into treaties of accommodation with Great Britain; and wish his Majesty and all the powers of Europe to be assured, that such suggestions are insidious and without foundation.

That it will appear by the constitutions and other public acts of the several States, that the citizens of the United States possessed of arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and direct their magistrates as they think proper, are united in their determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their governments, and observing their treaties and public engagements with immovable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty, that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.

COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS AT A SECOND CONFERENCE.

In Congress, February 2d, 1780.

The Committee report, that in a second conference with the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France he communicated to them;

That his Most Christian Majesty, being uninformed of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the United States and his Catholic Majesty, has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an alliance; and in order to make the way thereto more easy, has commanded him to communicate to the Congress certain articles, which his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the interests of his Crown, and on which it is highly necessary that the United States explain themselves with precision, and with such moderation as may consist with their essential rights.

That the articles are,

1st. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.

2dly. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.

3dly. The possession of the Floridas; and

4thly. The lands on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.

That on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid, that the United States extend to the westward no farther than settlements were permitted by the royal proclamation bearing date the —— day of —— 1763.

On the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory belonging to them being situated thereon.

On the third, that it is probable that the King of Spain will conquer the Floridas during the course of the present war; and in such event, every cause of dispute relative thereto between Spain and these United States ought to be removed.

On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the Mississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the aforesaid proclamation, are possessions of the Crown of Great Britain, and proper objects against which the arms of Spain may be employed, for the purpose of making a permanent conquest for the Spanish Crown. That such conquest may, probably, be made during the present war. That, therefore, it would be advisable to restrain the Southern States from making any settlements or conquests in those territories. That the Council of Madrid consider the United States as having no claims to those territories, either as not having had possession of them before the present war, or not having any foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain, whose dominion they have abjured.

That his Most Christian Majesty, united to the Catholic King by blood and by the strictest alliances, and united with these States in treaties of alliance, and feeling towards them dispositions of the most perfect friendship, is exceedingly desirous of conciliating between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, the most happy and lasting friendship.

That the United States may repose the utmost confidence in his good will to their interests, and in the justice and liberality of his Catholic Majesty; and that he cannot deem the revolution, which has set up the independence of these United States, as past all danger of unfavorable events, until his Catholic Majesty and the United States shall be established on those terms of confidence and amity, which are the objects of his Most Christian Majesty's very earnest wishes.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 4th, 1780.

Sir,

Major Galvan delivered me the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me on the 23d of January, to which I have paid all the attention the importance of its contents demands. I am much flattered by this commencement of a correspondence, from which I have everything to gain, and equally indebted for the interesting communications it affords.

It is a happy circumstance, that the efforts made by the British Court for obtaining troops in Germany are attended with so little success. This will naturally increase their exertions for procuring men in this country, and will, no doubt, make them more solicitous for effecting the exchange or release in some way or other, of their prisoners in our hands. It will be well, if in the negotiations on this subject, we can extract concessions favorable to those, which may take place in Europe, and you may depend the experiment shall be fully tried. But from the aspect of the late propositions on the part of the enemy, I should not entertain any sanguine hopes of the success of this experiment. The reinforcement they would derive from a full compliance with their proposals is not calculated at more than ten or eleven hundred private men; and this seems hardly to be an object of sufficient magnitude to induce them to concede to points of the nature, which your Excellency's information supposes; especially, as you emphatically express it, "after having sought with so much affectation to make the Thirteen States be considered as subjected to the English domination." The offers made through Major General Phillips are far more moderate, than any that have hitherto come from them, and appear, in a great measure, to have been influenced by his personal solicitations, dictated by an extreme anxiety to be released from captivity. But notwithstanding the matter in its present form wears to me the appearance I have mentioned, I shall not neglect any measure, which it may be in my power to take, to improve the intimation your Excellency has given, and entreat you to be assured, that I shall endeavor to make the event confirm the opinion you do me the honor to entertain, that nothing will be done derogatory to the magnanimous part your Court has acted, or the honor or interest of the United States.

The inconsistency of the Court of London, so well delineated by that of Madrid in the extract you had the goodness to annex, would appear extraordinary, if their whole conduct in the course of the war did not exhibit many similar examples. But it is evident, that their refusing to consider these States as independent in fact, during a negotiation, was a mere pretext to cover their unwillingness to concur in the pacific views of His Catholic Majesty; and the Memorial from the British Ambassador shows, that they were artfully aiming to effect a separation of interests between France and these States, the better to prosecute their hostile designs against either or both.

I thank your Excellency for the agreeable intelligence you give me of his Christian Majesty's intentions to send over succors of arms and ammunition. It is a new and valuable proof of his friendship, and will be of essential utility. I agree with you, that there ought to be no relaxation in the measures otherwise intended to be taken to procure the necessary supplies of those articles.

I am sensibly mortified, that the present situation of affairs will by no means suffer me to yield to the desire I have of paying you my respects in Philadelphia; and I shall impatiently look for the opportunity of doing it here, which your Excellency promises me in the course of this month. Besides the important objects of public utility, which I am authorised to hope from it, I shall take pleasure on every occasion of testifying to you those sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

P. S. The interest your Excellency is pleased to take in Major Galvan, will be an additional motive with me to avail myself of his talents and zeal, as far as circumstances will possibly permit.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 4th,[33] which only reached me on the 13th.

Sincerely desirous of doing everything in my power, by which the interest of his Christian Majesty, inseparable from that of these States, can in any manner be promoted, and still more in a point so essential as that which makes the subject of your letter, I should not hesitate to furnish the detachment required by Mr Duer, whatever might be my opinion of its necessity, did not the present state of the army absolutely forbid it. I with confidence assure your Excellency, that our force is so reduced by the expiration of the terms for which a considerable part of it was engaged, and will be so much more diminished in the course of a month or two from the same cause, as scarcely to suffice for the exigence of the service, and to afford just cause for uneasiness should the enemy be actuated by a spirit of enterprise, before we receive the reinforcements intended for the next campaign. So circumstanced, my duty to the common cause will not justify me in adding to the insecurity of our situation, by making a detachment, which, though apparently inconsiderable, would be materially felt in our present weakness; and I am persuaded, after the information now given, that your Excellency will wish me not to hazard the measure.

With respect to the necessity of a covering party, I shall not venture to decide; but I should imagine in the present state of things, that the business may be carried on with tolerable security without one. The consequences of the late expedition promise tranquillity for some time to our frontier, and make it at any rate improbable that the savages will be able to penetrate so far at so early a period, and the proposition does not require that the covering party should remain longer than until the last of April. The intelligence I have received corresponds with these ideas. It might be added, that the garrison at Wyoming gives some degree of protection to the part of the country in question. But as it is very important, that no interruption should be given to the workmen, if a covering party should upon the whole be thought requisite, the best mode of furnishing it will be from the neighboring militia. For this purpose on your Excellency's application to Congress, I cannot doubt they will immediately make the necessary arrangements.

I have the honor to be, with the most respect and attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[33] Missing.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have just received from Martinique, a letter from M. Gerard, who informs me, that at his request the commander of Martinique has procured for the frigate Confederation, belonging to Congress, the same sources and facilities as are enjoyed by his Majesty's own vessels. But there are no materials for masts, and as this vessel has been dismasted, M. Gerard knows no other means of hastening her repairs, than that of sending masts to him from Boston, or any other part of the continent where Congress can procure them.[34]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[34] See further particulars on this subject in the Correspondence of John Jay, Vol. VII. pp. 171, et seqq.

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

Translation.

To our Very Dear Great Friends and Allies the President and Members of the Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

We have received your letter of the 22d of November last, which you directed Dr Franklin to deliver. We have seen therein with pain the picture of the distressed state of your finances, and have been so affected, that we have determined to assist you as far as our own wants and the extraordinary and enormous expenses of the present war, in which we are engaged for your defence, will permit. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is enjoined to inform you more particularly of our intentions. And we are persuaded, that the details which he will make will induce you to exert your utmost efforts to second ours, and will more and more convince you how sincerely we interest ourselves in the cause of the United States; and that we employ all the means in our power to make it triumphant. You may rely on our perseverance in the principles, which have hitherto directed our conduct. It has been fully proved, as well as the sincere affection we entertain for the United States in general, and for each in particular. We pray God to have you, very dear great Friends and Allies, in his holy protection.

Written at Versailles, the 10th of March, 1781.

Your good Friend and Ally,

LOUIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 5th, 1780.

Sir,

Two days since I had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the 29th of April.

The polite terms in which you mention the attention, which my respectful attachment for you dictated during your stay in camp, add to the obligation I felt for the honor of your visit. I was happy in that opportunity of giving you a new proof of my sentiments, and I entreat you to afford me others as frequently as possible. As the Minister of a Prince, to whom America owes so much, you have every title to my respect; and permit me to add, your personal qualities give you a claim, which my heart cheerfully acknowledges, to all my esteem and all my regard.

I beg you to accept my thanks for your intention to represent the army in so favorable a light, as will recommend it to the approbation of his Most Christian Majesty; an honor as flattering as it will be precious.

It would be a want of gratitude not to be convinced of the intimate concern he takes in our affairs, after the repeated and decided proofs he has given.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

9 o'clock, A. M.

P. S. I have this instant received a letter from my much esteemed and amiable friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, dated in Boston harbor, the 29th of last month. In the course of a day or two I shall expect to see him.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The attentions and honors paid to M. de Miralles[35] after his death were a tribute due to his character and merit, and dictated by the sincere esteem, which I always felt for him.

I am much obliged to your Excellency for your intention of sending me a detail of the land and sea forces arrived at Martinique, which I beg leave to inform you was forgotten to be enclosed in your letter.

You will participate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette. No event could have given me greater pleasure, on a personal account, and motives of public utility conspire to make it agreeable. He will shortly have the honor to wait upon your Excellency, and impart matters of the greatest moment to these States. He announces a fresh and striking instance of the friendship of your Court, and which cannot fail to contribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude of this country.

I am always happy to repeat to you the sentiments of respect and inviolable attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

[35] M. de Miralles, Agent for the Spanish Government in this country, died in General Washington's camp, and was buried with military honors.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, May 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my last I have had the honor to receive the detail of his Most Christian Majesty's fleet in the West Indies, which your Excellency has had the goodness to send me. I congratulate you very sincerely, Sir, on this very respectable armament, which I found to surpass my expectation, and I would willingly hope that an occasion will be afforded the Count de Guichen to strike some important blow with it, which shall advance the honor and interest of his Majesty, and of course the interest of these United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that the King, in consequence of his affection, and friendship for the United States, and of his desire to put an end by effectual measures to the calamities of the present war, has resolved to send to this continent a reinforcement of troops, intended to act against the common enemy, and of vessels, which will be employed in assisting the operations of the land troops. As soon as Congress has decided on the plan of the campaign, the Marquis de Lafayette will receive all communications on this subject; and will on his part make the overtures, which shall be necessary to the success of the operations. But as despatch and secrecy ought to be the very soul of these operations, and as, moreover, Congress will undoubtedly find it indispensable to arrange them in concert with the Commander in Chief, the Chevalier de la Luzerne requests this Assembly to consider, whether the course most proper to be adopted under these circumstances be not to appoint, without the least delay, a small committee, who shall repair to the army, furnished with instructions, and there fix upon measures, which shall be carried into execution immediately on the arrival of the land forces, under the command of the Count de Rochambeau, Lieutenant General of the armies of the King, and the Chevalier de Ternay, commander of the squadron, at whatever part of the continent they may have had orders to land.

As the measures to be taken, in relation to the supply of necessaries and provisions to the auxiliary troops, will require the concurrence of the Legislatures and Governors of the several States, and particularly of those of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey, the undersigned Minister requests Congress to authorise the same committee to render their assistance to the measures, which the French General, or the Chevalier de la Luzerne, or the Commissioners authorised by them, shall be able to take with the different Legislatures; and with this view, to give to the delegates, who shall compose it, powers as extensive as Congress shall deem expedient.

An object, which next to that just mentioned, requires all the attention of Congress, is the information, which it is important to obtain as to the forces, the situation, and the resources of the enemy, in all the posts in their possession on this continent. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is consequently desirous, that Congress would be pleased to appoint a committee to collect immediately all the intelligence, details, and information, which may exist in their deposits and archives, relative to the ports of North America, now held by the English, from Halifax to St Augustine, including Canada, to the depth of the bays, creeks, and anchorages; to the forces which are stationed there, and the forts and fortresses, which have been erected there, the dispositions and number of the inhabitants, the resources with regard to provisions, and in general, all that information, which may promote the success of the operations. It is equally desirable, that this committee should have authority to carry on a correspondence, as long as may be necessary, in the different parts of the continent, whence this information can be obtained, in order that the intelligence being always fresh, the commanders of the expeditions may be able to establish their plans upon sure bases. The Minister of France requests, that the committee may be authorised to communicate to him this various information, so far as such communication shall not be inconvenient to Congress. Whatever promptness these measures require, the Chevalier de la Luzerne prays Congress not to take them into consideration, till after the subject mentioned at the beginning of this Memorial has been definitively settled.

Dr Franklin has undoubtedly rendered an account to Congress of the measures, which he has taken for sending to this continent arms, stores, and clothing, as well as of the means of facilitating the loan of three millions of livres, which that Minister has procured, as well to meet this expense, as to give effect to the treaties of Congress in relation to it; and the Chevalier de la Luzerne will not go into any detail on this subject.

He will not close this Memorial, without congratulating the American Senate on the zeal and ardor, which are shown on every side to render the ensuing campaign decisive, and to inflict upon the common enemy blows, which shall be most sensibly felt, to expel him from this country without the possibility of return, and to secure forever the liberty of the Thirteen States.

Circumstances have never been more favorable; the enemy, hard-pressed on every side, is not in a state to oppose an effectual resistance; the American forces are about to become more respectable than they have ever been, those of the King bring with them to this country the most sincere desire to second the brave efforts of their allies, and the two nations closely united for the purpose of bringing their combined enterprises to a successful issue, will seek only to distinguish themselves by their zeal, and their attachment to the common cause.[36]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[36] For the proceedings of Congress on the subject of this letter, see the Public Journals, under the date of May 19th, 1780.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 21st, 1780.

Sir,

You will be informed by the Marquis de Lafayette, of the measures adopted by the Congress relative to the operations of the next campaign. I will not enter into a detail with respect to them. I confine myself to assure your Excellency of the eagerness of my countrymen to share in your success, of the zeal which animates them for the cause which you so gloriously defend, and of the desire I have to receive your advice and orders in everything in which you shall believe, that I may contribute to the success of the combined operations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, May 24th, 1780.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France on the subject of supplies and other matters mentioned in this appointment, report as follows.

That in their first conference with the Minister, he mentioned his solicitude to procure the necessary provisions for the fleet and army of his Most Christian Majesty; that he wished to render every step he should take on this subject conformable to the designs of Congress, and conducive to the support of the combined forces; that he would therefore lay before the committee the measures, that he had already entered into, and was desirous to agree upon any plan for our mutual benefit, which we should think it proper to adopt.

That previous to our appointment, the moments being precious, he had despatched an agent to consult the Commander in Chief and General Greene on the subject of supplies, and would inform us of their sentiments at his return; that lest his purchases might interfere with those, which the States should make on account of the continent, he had thought it most advisable to let the whole business pass through their hands, and had accordingly written to Governor Trumbull for a limited supply of beef, pork, and mutton, leaving it to his option, either to be paid in bills upon France, specie, or continental bills of credit.

The committee have stated this information, that Congress may, if they should find it necessary, give them their directions before they digest any plan with the Minister of France on the return of his agent.

The committee conceive the establishment of posts and expresses, who shall bring the earliest intelligence of the arrival of the fleet of our ally, and the motions of the enemy, as so necessary to the right application of our force, that they submit the following resolution.

Resolved, that the Committee of Intelligence be directed to establish regular posts to and from the different parts of the sea coasts of this continent, from Charleston to Boston, in such manner as will most effectually procure information of the approach of the fleet of our ally, and the movements of the enemy in consequence thereof.

The committee are further of opinion, from the representations of the Minister of France, that every means should be used to add to the strength of the fleet of our ally on their arrival, particularly by completing the ship America, since it is highly probable, that the naval force, which the enemy may send to this coast, in order to frustrate the friendly endeavors of our ally in our behalf, will be adapted to that of France, without taking into the calculation any addition which it may receive here. They therefore submit the following resolutions.

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be directed to fit for sea, with the utmost expedition, the several ships of war and frigates now in port.

Resolved, that it be earnestly recommended to the respective States within whose ports any of the said ships or frigates may be, to afford every assistance to the Board of Admiralty on this application for artificers, laborers, and materials, for preparing the same for sea, and for completing this compliment of men.

Resolved, that Congress will defray every necessary expense, which any State shall incur in consequence of the above resolution.

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be empowered, if they shall think it advisable to dispose of the Saratoga, to apply the proceeds thereof to complete the America, or any of the frigates, which may by that means be shortly fitted for sea.

And whereas it is proper to make provision for repairing any damage, which the fleets of our ally may sustain by storms or otherwise,

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be directed to cause as many masts, yards, and spars, as they shall deem necessary for the above purposes to be procured.

Resolved, that they may be also directed to settle signals with the commanding officers of any ship or ships of our ally, which may now or shall hereafter be upon the coasts of the United States.

And for the promoting of harmony and forwarding the common views of France and America, it was further agreed between the Minister of France and your committee, that they should suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting measures to prevent desertion from the fleet and army of our allies, in which view they submit the following resolution.

Resolved, that it be recommended to the legislation of these United States, to pass laws for the punishment of such persons as shall encourage desertions from the fleets or armies of any foreign power, who shall prosecute the war in America in conjunction with these United States, and for the recovering such deserters as shall endeavor to conceal themselves among the inhabitants thereof.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Chairman.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, June 5th, 1780.

Sir,

My time has been so entirely engrossed in the preliminary arrangements of immediate necessity towards the intended co-operation, that I have not been able till now to do myself the honor to thank your Excellency for your letter of the 21st of May. We have too many proofs of the general zeal of your countrymen in the cause of America, not to be entirely convinced of it, and to feel all that the most grateful sensibility can inspire.

I am happy in believing, that the troops and citizens of these States will eagerly embrace every opportunity to manifest their affection to the troops and citizens of your nation, as well as their gratitude and veneration to a Prince, from whom they have received the most important benefits. Penetrated with a sense of these, I shall think it my duty to cultivate correspondent sentiments, as far as my influence extends.

The Marquis de Lafayette has given me an account of all your Excellency has done for the advancement of the combined operations. It will no doubt contribute essentially to their success, and gives you a claim to the acknowledgments of the two countries.

I am too sensible of the value of the permission you gave me to solicit your aid in everything, in which you can continue to afford us your good offices, not to make use of it as frequently as possible. I begin by entreating you to favor me with your advice with the greatest freedom, on whatever occurs to you interesting to our affairs at this period.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, June 5th, 1780.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of his Excellency, the Minister of France, relating to supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, and on other matters, beg leave to report, that in a conference had on the 3d of the present month, the Minister was pleased to make the following communications, viz.

That M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops of his Most Christian Majesty, had orders to purchase a number of horses, and to purchase or hire a number of teams in the States where they could be most conveniently procured, for the use of the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, that should arrive to co-operate with the forces of these United States.

That M. de Corney had also orders to endeavor to procure in the several States, where it should be found most convenient, provisions for the forces above mentioned, in such manner as should least interfere with the purchaser of the States or agents of Congress, and as should be best adapted to support and establish the credit of the paper currency. That M. de Corney would apply to the supreme executive powers of the several States, in which the purchases were to be made, for their advice and aid in the matter.

To obtain which, the Minister wished for the approbation of Congress, and that if they should think fit, letters might be written by the President to the supreme executive powers of the several States, requesting their advice and aid to M. de Corney in procuring those supplies.

That M. de Corney had received £7000 of the bills lately emitted by the State of Pennsylvania, to use for the purposes above mentioned, and would in his negotiations avail himself of all opportunities for contributing to the utmost of his power for establishing the currency of the public bills of credit.

That it would be necessary to give the said forces of his Most Christian Majesty the option of receiving their pay in specie, from their unacquaintedness with paper money in general, and ignorance of the language in which the bills of these United States are struck.

Which circumstance the Minister thought proper to suggest, that Congress might take any measures they should judge necessary to prevent uneasiness arising therefrom to the troops of these United States, who might receive their pay in a different manner.

That to prevent loss happening to any of the citizens of these United States, from receiving from the troops of his Most Christian Majesty any small coins they may be possessed of that shall be below the standard alloy, the same will be exchanged for other coins by persons that shall receive orders therefor.

The Minister desired to be informed of the mode of intelligence Congress would rely on to give them immediate notice of the arrival of the forces from France, and for keeping up a constant communication after their arrival, and again repeated his wishes that nothing might be left unprovided for, that could promise despatch to their operations and render them most extensively useful to these United States.

The Minister also wished to recommend to the consideration of Congress M. Louis Ethis de Corney, Provincial Commissary of the troops in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, for the honor of a brevet commission of Lieutenant Colonel, which title his office had given him in the French service. M. de Corney desired not command or pay, but was ambitious to deserve a mark of honor from these United States, from which benefits might result to him hereafter.

Upon the foregoing information your committee beg leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following resolutions,

That a brevet commission of Lieutenant Colonel be granted to M. Louis Ethis de Corney.

That M. de Corney be furnished with letters from the President to the supreme executive powers of the several States, or to such of them as M. de Corney shall apply for, requesting their advice and aid to him in procuring provisions and other necessaries for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty expected to arrive in these United States, in such manner as will best avoid a competition of purchases for the use above mentioned, and those for the use of the troops of these United States.

That the Minister of France be informed, that it is the opinion of Congress, that the public service will be best promoted by having the same currency made use of, so far as may be, to procure supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty as for those of these United States.

That the Governors of the States of Virginia and Maryland be requested immediately to engage trusty persons in those States respectively, at proper distances from each other, on the main road from Cape Henry in Virginia to Philadelphia, to hold themselves in readiness, should the French fleet be discovered off that Cape or the adjacent coast, to forward intelligence thereof, and any despatches that may be received from them to Congress, in the most expeditious manner.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, June 7th, 1780.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France on the mode of obtaining supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, and on other matters, report:

That the Minister of France has communicated to your committee, that as M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops of his Most Christian Majesty, will go into the State of Connecticut to procure some supplies, it would be convenient for him to receive there an advance of money from these United States, either in Continental bills or the bills of that State, to be replaced in specie on the arrival of the fleet from France, and the Minister engages that the moneys, which shall be so advanced by these United States to M. de Corney, shall be replaced in specie as above mentioned.

Upon which communication your committee beg leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following resolution, viz.

That the Governor of the State of Connecticut be, and he hereby is, authorised to receive on account of these United States, out of the moneys raised by that State more than sufficient to discharge the drafts heretofore made by Congress, and to comply with the requisition of Congress of the 20th of last month, or out of the bills that shall be completed and lodged in the Continental Loan Office in that State for the use of the United States, pursuant to a resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last, one million two hundred thousand dollars of the bills now in circulation, or thirty thousand dollars of the bills last mentioned, or a proportion of each, on the application of M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, and advance the same to him, taking his receipt therefor, to replace the same in specie in the Treasury of these United States when required by Congress; said receipts to be transmitted to the Treasury Board as soon as may be.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 18th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister of France has witnessed the efforts of Congress to enable the Commander in Chief to make a glorious commencement of the campaign; he is convinced of the zeal with which all its members are animated, and if the army has not hitherto received any of the reinforcements announced in January last, he is persuaded that Congress deeply lament those delays, and are sincerely desirous to prevent the fatal consequences, which might result from them. The undersigned has, since the beginning of this year, continued to make the most pressing representations on this subject, and all the answers that he has received tend to assure him that the arrangements, which were announced, would be carried into full execution at the beginning of this month. Now that the time fixed for putting the army on a respectable footing has passed by, and it is but too certain, that the reinforcements demanded four or five months ago have not yet arrived, he earnestly entreats Congress to be pleased to pay immediate attention to the supply of these troops, and to the fulfilment of their promises.

The King, after the positive assurances, which he has received, has not the least doubt, that the American army is now twentyfive thousand strong, not including commissioned officers, and that it is, at this moment, in a condition to undertake the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in the posts, which he occupies within the territory of the United States. Congress, while giving these assurances, expressed in an urgent manner the wish, that a French squadron should facilitate the operations of the land troops. The King has been eager to comply with the requests of the Thirteen States. Their assurances are the basis of the measures which his Majesty has taken. A squadron is on the point of arrival, and the French Generals expect to find forces, respectable in numbers, ready to enter upon action. If, at the moment of their arrival, they are deprived of the co-operation, upon which they have reason to rely, the most precious time for action will be lost; the enemy will have time to take the necessary measures for defence, and, perhaps, to receive reinforcements; the soldiers' ardor will be quenched in inaction, and this delay will cause the loss of all the advantages of a campaign, which, if conducted with suitable promptness and activity, might have been made most useful to the common cause, and perhaps decisive.

It being manifestly necessary to complete the army, the undersigned has no doubt that Congress, as well from regard to the public interest, as to its own glory and the performance of its promises, will immediately take, for the accomplishment of this object, measures more effectual than those which have hitherto been taken. He hopes also, that the proper arrangements will be made for constantly maintaining, during the whole campaign, the number which has been announced, and he takes the liberty of recommending this important object in an equal degree to the consideration of Congress.

The Minister of France, convinced of the zeal for the public good, which inspires this Assembly, as well as of its wisdom and prudence, hopes that it will see in his representations only a new proof of his attachment to the common cause; that it will not be offended at the freedom, with which he expresses himself upon so important a subject, and that it will be pleased to put him in a situation to transmit to his Court satisfactory details respecting the fulfilment of the assurances made to him by Congress in January last.[37]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[37] See the proceedings of Congress on the subject of this letter in the Public Journal of Congress, under the date of June 21st, 1780.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 28th, 1780.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that the Court of Madrid has sent to Havana land and naval forces sufficient to make a powerful diversion there. The Governor of Havana, having been informed of the assurances given by this Assembly on the 16th of December last, respecting the provisions of which the islands and the fleet of his Catholic Majesty might stand in need, is desirous that such quantities of corn as shall not be necessary for the subsistence of the armies destined to act upon this continent, may be successively sent to him. It is desirable, that the quantity now about to be sent should amount to three thousand barrels, and, with the approbation of Congress, the undersigned will give immediate orders to some merchants of this city to make purchases in the States in such manner as Congress shall think proper.

The Governor of Havana is also desirous of being supplied with beef, and pork, suet, lard, and vegetables, and with large and even small live cattle. The Minister of France entreats Congress to be pleased to enable him to send to Havana a favorable answer to these different demands, and he will take pleasure in transmitting to the Court of Madrid the intelligence of the facilities for supplies of provision, which the Spanish Colonies shall have enjoyed throughout the Thirteen States.

LUZERNE.

CONGRESS TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, July 7th, 1780.

The Minister of France having, in a note dated the 28th of June, informed Congress that the Court of Madrid has sent to the Havana a considerable body of forces to make a diversion in that quarter; and that the Governor of Havana desires, that as much flour and fresh provisions, such as cattle, hogs, suet, lard, and pulse, as can be spared, should be sent thither; and the Minister having intimated, that three thousand barrels of flour are immediately wanted, and that he will undertake to have that quantity purchased and sent, if Congress approve the measure, the following answer was returned;

That the Minister of France be informed, that through the loss of Charleston, the numerous army the States are under the necessity of maintaining in the Southern department, the ravages of the enemy, and the lightness of the crops in the Middle States, as well as the present extraordinary demand for the purposes of an effectual co-operation with the expected armament of his Most Christian Majesty, have not left these States in a situation to admit of any considerable export of provisions; yet Congress, desirous to testify their attention to the necessities of his Catholic Majesty's Colonies and armaments, and as far as lies in their power to compensate for the failure of supplies of rice, which an alteration in the circumstances of the Southern States has unhappily rendered it impracticable to afford, have resolved, that it be recommended to the State of Maryland to grant permission to such agent, as the Minister of France shall appoint, to purchase within that State any quantity of flour, not exceeding three thousand barrels, and to ship the same to such Colonies of his Catholic Majesty in the West Indies, as the Minister of France may direct. That many of the articles mentioned in this Memorial of the Minister being such as the Colonies of his Catholic Majesty furnish upon better terms than they can be procured from these States in their present situation, it is to be presumed they will feel no inconvenience from Congress' not entering at this time into any determination thereon.

Resolved, That Congress will from time to time afford such supplies to the Colonies of his Catholic Majesty, as their circumstances may require, and the situation of these States enable them to grant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 22d, 1780.

Sir,

I take the earliest opportunity to inform you, that his Majesty's Minister, in giving me notice of the expedition of the squadron, which arrived at Rhode Island on the 12th instant, informs me, that particular considerations relative to the movements of the English, have induced his Majesty to send, in two divisions, the forces which are designated to act in this country. The first division, having happily arrived, will be immediately ready for active service. With regard to the second, it was to quit the French coast as soon as circumstances should permit. Will you have the kindness, Sir, in imparting this news to Congress, to inform that body, that it ought to be kept secret till the moment of execution. I hope that Congress will approve of this reserve, both on account of the uncertainty of events at sea, and because the enemy should be kept in ignorance of our measures.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

As the present state of things may render the frigates, and other vessels at the disposal of Congress, useful to the combined naval operations, I pray you to have the goodness to propose putting these vessels under the orders of M. de Ternay, commander of the French squadron, while instructions, such as shall be thought proper, are given to the American captains. If Congress approves of this proposition, it will be necessary to send orders to the frigates, which are now in the eastern ports, so that they may join the French squadron as soon as possible; if, however, they have been destined to any other service, and Congress is reluctant to change their destination, do not, I pray you, Sir, insist on my demand. If these vessels shall receive orders to join the French squadron, I wish to have it in my power to inform M. de Ternay at what time he may look for them, what signals they will make on their approach, and what signals he shall use in reply to theirs.

I had hoped, Sir, after the assurances, which Congress was pleased to give me, that the Confederacy would be ready about the 15th of this month, at farthest. Will you have the kindness to let me know, with as much accuracy as circumstances will permit, about what time you think that she will be ready to set sail.[38]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[38] In Congress, July 27th.—"Resolved, That the frigates Trumbull, Confederacy, and Deane, and the sloop of war Saratoga, be put under the direction of General Washington, to be employed in co-operating with the fleet of his Most Christian Majesty, commanded by the Chevalier de Ternay, in any naval enterprise on the coasts of North America."

JOSEPH REED TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

In Council, Philadelphia, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

In answer to your Excellency's favor of this day, I have the honor to acquaint you, that the enlisting any deserter in the Continental army being expressly contrary to the direction of the Commander in Chief, the Hessian deserters are quite at liberty to enter into the service of his Most Christian Majesty, if his officers approve it, and they will in that case receive every encouragement from us to do.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOSEPH REED, President of Pennsylvania.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1780.

Sir,

Some Hessian deserters having come to me to obtain service in the body of French troops sent by the King to this continent, I have thought proper, before accepting their offers, to know the opinion of the State of Pennsylvania on this subject; and President Reed, whom I consulted, returned for answer the letter of which I annex a copy. Particular arrangements, relative to the subsistence of these new recruits, will make it necessary for me to have recourse to the Board of War; and I request, Sir, that Congress would be pleased to authorise the members composing it to agree with me on such measures as circumstances shall render necessary.[39]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[39] In Congress, July 31st, 1780.—"On a report from the Board of War, to whom the Minister's letter of the 26th was referred,

"Resolved, That, agreeably to the request of the Honorable the Minister of France, the Board of War be authorised to take such measures relating to the subsistence of the recruits, who shall be enlisted into the service of his Most Christian Majesty out of the German deserters from the enemy, as the said Board shall deem proper."

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE

Head Quarters, July 27th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a letter, which has just come to hand, from the Count de Rochambeau, of the 22d instant. It is certainly of great importance, that the precaution he mentions should be taken without loss of time. I should think the Delaware the best place for the reception of the second division, though there ought to be cruisers off both bays. It is necessary that a plan should be previously fixed for the junction of the fleets after the debarkation. I shall immediately write to the Count for this purpose.

We have repeated accounts from New York, that General Clinton is making a large detachment for a combined attack upon the French fleet and army. This will be a hazardous attempt, and, therefore, though I do not regard it as impossible, I do not give it entire faith. The Count de Rochambeau has been some time since apprized of these demonstrations, and seems to have been preparing for what might happen.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect and attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I enclose to your Excellency a letter for M. de Ternay, in which you will see what measures I have taken to fulfil the intentions, which you imparted to me on the 27th instant. I beg you will seal this packet and send it to his address by the first opportunity.

Congress have put under your orders the frigates, in directing them to come into the Delaware. You will be able to judge, after your arrangements with the Chevalier de Ternay, whether these vessels, or one of them, may not accomplish the commission desired. Their cruise may then be useful to the commerce of the United States. I know not whether M. de Ternay will communicate to them any signals, by means of which they may approach the coast without danger. Your Excellency may be able, should you think it necessary, to suggest it to him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Peekskill, August 4th, 1780.

Sir,

Colonel Jamet arrived here last night, by whom I had the honor to receive your Excellency's request, that I would send instructions for the second division coming from France, with respect to the measures, which it should pursue for forming a junction with the first. I beg leave to inform your Excellency, that I wrote to the Count de Rochambeau, agreeably to my letter to you of the 27th ultimo, and requested that he, in concert with the Chevalier de Ternay, would communicate to me, that it might be transmitted to your Excellency, the line of conduct which they should judge proper to be pursued by this division.

As the Marine are concerned, and the junction in present circumstances is a matter of peculiar delicacy, I did not think myself qualified to decide on the point. I have not received their answer yet, and therefore I cannot pretend to determine what should be done; I will, however, take the liberty to observe, that if the ships of war with this division are superior, or even fully equal to those of the enemy, off Rhode Island, I should suppose it would be eligible for them to proceed there at once, should they be met by the cruisers your Excellency has sent out on the Southern coast. If this is not the case, they ought to make the Delaware as soon as possible. In this event the troops might be forwarded to Trenton in the first instance, and the ships might remain until ulterior measures, with respect to them, should be determined. These, however, I would not offer but as mere suggestions, and much it would seem must depend on circumstances and the discretion of the officer commanding the division.

Perhaps if the ships of war should proceed directly to Rhode Island, it will be best for them to disembarrass themselves of their transports, and send them into the Delaware as in the other case. I take it for granted, that signals of recognisance have been preconcerted between the two divisions.

On the 31st ultimo, the enemy's fleet in the Sound returned from Huntington Bay to New York. From every information the Count de Rochambeau and his army were certainly their object, and they had embarked in considerable force, with a view of attacking him. I cannot determine with precision the reasons, which induced the enemy to relinquish their plan; but it is not improbable that the movements of our army, and the ulterior measures I was about to prosecute, operated in some measure to produce it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Peekskill, August 6th, 1780.

Sir,

I had this morning the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 30th of July, with the one addressed to the Chevalier de Ternay, which I have sealed and forwarded by an express.

With respect to the Continental frigates, I beg leave to inform your Excellency, that I did not apprehend, from the resolution of Congress concerning them, that they were to be under my orders, or to receive any instructions from me, until they had joined the Chevalier de Ternay, after assembling in the Delaware. This being the case, I cannot give any directions about them at present, and would take the liberty to recommend to your Excellency to apply to Congress or the Board of Admiralty; to the latter of whom I have written to give their orders to the captains of the frigates, on the conduct they are to pursue. The employment for them, or at least for one which your Excellency has suggested, appears to me to be proper, and that it will answer the double purposes you mention.

I have, by my letter of today to the Chevalier de Ternay, requested him to advise me in what manner he thinks the frigates can be most usefully employed to assist his fleet, and that there might be no further delay, when matters with respect to them are ultimately fixed, I requested him also to communicate to the Captains of the frigates at Boston, as well as to myself, the signals of recognisance.

When I receive his answer I will embrace the earliest occasion to transmit the signals.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 12th instant, with the resolutions of the 5th and 12th instants, which accompany it. Be pleased to assure Congress, that I will neglect no means in my power for securing the success of the prudent and patriotic measures, which are about to be taken, and I can assure you of the eagerness, with which the King will second those measures and of his resolution to assist the Thirteen States, to the utmost of his power. I shall transmit to his Majesty the resolution, which you have been pleased to communicate to me, and I have reason to believe, that he will entirely approve of everything, that may contribute to the immediate deliverance of the States invaded by the enemy.

With regard to the concurrence of the forces of his Catholic Majesty, I am entirely uninformed, and although the good dispositions of the Court of Madrid towards the Thirteen States are undoubted, I do not know in what points the Spanish troops can assist the American armies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to me on the 12th instant, with an act of Congress relative to the petition of George Basden. I shall transmit the whole to the Governors of St Domingo, in order to know their opinion on a subject of this nature, but I can inform you beforehand, that it seems to me doubtful, whether their opinion will be favorable to the petitioner, as the Bermudians, living under the English government, are not excepted from the number of our enemies, by any public act, which has come to my knowledge.

Allow me, Sir, to have the honor to remind you on this occasion, that several notes, which I had the honor of sending to the Committee of Commerce, in relation to merchandise deposited in the hands of the Sieur Caraburse, at St Domingo, have remained unanswered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 1st, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you yesterday honored me, and the account of the bills of exchange drawn on Dr Franklin. I deeply feel the confidence, which Congress repose in me, in confiding to me the details of this affair, and I have no doubt, that Congress are persuaded of the zeal and interest with which I shall lay before his Majesty's Minister, the actual state of the finances of the Thirteen United States. Their representatives are not ignorant how desirous the King is to render them effectual assistance, and the measures lately taken are new proofs of his friendship and kindness for them.

As to the bills of exchange in question, I have said with freedom to the committee, with which I had the honor of conferring, that I was in no way authorised to give any hopes, that they would be accepted. I confided to that committee, with equal sincerity, my reasons for fearing, that great difficulties would be experienced in the payment of them, unless Congress themselves succeed in placing funds in the hands of their Plenipotentiary. I am persuaded, Sir, that the explanations, which I have had the honor of transmitting to Congress, by the committee appointed to confer with me, are conformable to the system of sincerity and frankness, which ought to exist between allies whose interests are so closely connected.[40]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[40] See the resolutions of Congress, respecting the bills of exchange here mentioned, in the Public Journal of Congress, for August 9th and 15th, 1780.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Bergen County,
September 12th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose you a letter, which upon the whole I have thought it advisable to write to the Count de Guichen. As its contents are of a nature to make its falling into the enemy's hands in its present form dangerous, and as I have no cypher of communication with the Count, I take the liberty to request your Excellency's assistance, in making use of yours, and forwarding it by triplicates with your despatches by the first opportunities.

I make no mention of a land force, because though it would be useful, it may be dispensed with. But if a body of troops could conveniently accompany the fleets, it would give greater energy and certainty of success to our operations. I am the more induced to desire it, as the composition of a considerable part of our army is temporary, and I am not informed what measures may be taken to replace the men whose times of service will expire.

I need use no arguments to convince your Excellency of the extremity, to which our affairs are tending, and the necessity of support. You are an eye witness to all our perplexities and all our wants. You know the dangerous consequences of leaving the enemy in quiet possession of their southern conquests; either for negotiation this winter, or a continuance of the war. You know our inability alone to expel them, or perhaps even to stop their career.

I have the honor to be, with the sincerest sentiments of respect and attachment,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the annexed Declaration,[41] with orders to communicate it to Congress. Some American merchants, not knowing that Articles 11th and 12th, therein mentioned, had been annulled, have made use of them in the French Islands, to demand an exemption from the duties paid on the exportation of molasses.

An authentic publication of the treaty will remove all remaining doubts as to the payment of this duty, to which the subjects of his Majesty are themselves subjected.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[41] See this Declaration, annulling the 11th and 12th Articles of the Treaty, in the Correspondence of the Commissioners in France, Vol. I. p. 432.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, being about to leave Philadelphia for some weeks, and being desirous that in the present state of things, there should be no interruption to the communications between Congress and the French Embassy, has the honor of informing this body, that M. de Marbois will remain here as Chargé d'Affaires of his Majesty. As the President and Delegates are aware of the attention, which he has paid to the affairs relative to them, the undersigned hopes that they will be pleased to grant him their confidence.[42]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[42] In Congress, September 19th. "A letter of the 16th, from the Honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, was read, informing Congress that he is about to leave Philadelphia, and to be absent for some weeks; but that M. de Marbois will remain here in quality of his Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires; and hoping, that from his known attention to matters relative to the embassy, Congress will grant him their confidence; whereupon,

"Resolved, That the President inform the Minister of France, that in his absence they will readily continue their intercourse with the embassy of his Most Christian Majesty, through M. de Marbois, as his Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires, in whose abilities and attention to the interests of the Court of France and those of the United States they have just confidence."

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, October 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which your Excellency honored me on the 7th instant, and the accompanying resolution of Congress. I shall, in compliance with the wishes of Congress, send it in three despatches to his Majesty's Minister, and shall make use of three different vessels, which will sail for France in the course of this week. I have no doubt that my Court is sensible of the attention, which Congress shows in communicating to it these measures, and that they will appear equally just, moderate, and prudent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

MARBOIS.

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, October 27th, 1780.

Sir,

In obedience to an order, which the Captain of the store-ships in this port has just received, he will sail for Boston or Rhode Island on Monday or Tuesday next. Will your Excellency have the kindness to inform me, if he can be convoyed to the mouth of the Delaware, or to any other distance, by one of the Continental frigates.

I have the honor to be, &c.

MARBOIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 1st, 1780.

Sir,

The Governors of the West India Islands express a wish, that Congress would be pleased to take into consideration the various inconveniences resulting from the abuse by the English of the papers, which they find on board of the American prizes, which fall into their hands. They make use of these papers to enable themselves to commit the most daring actions, and it is the more difficult to prevent them, as they sometimes have subjects of the United States on board, and as the English language is spoken by them in common with our allies.

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, has the honor to propose to Congress, that henceforth every Captain bound to the French Colonies shall sign his own papers in presence of the Commissioners of the American Admiralty, in order that, on his arrival in the French Islands, it may be ascertained whether this signature be the same as that which shall be made by him as Captain of the American vessel. It would be of equal use to endorse the signature of the Captain on the papers. If Congress think of any other form equally adapted to fulfil the object desired, the undersigned will endeavor to have it adopted by the Governors of the French Islands.

LUZERNE.

FROM CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States of America in Congress assembled, to their Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally,

Persuaded of your Majesty's friendship, and of your earnest desire to prosecute the war with glory and advantage to the alliance, we ought not to conceal from your Majesty the embarrassments, which have attended our national affairs, and rendered the last campaign unsuccessful.

A naval superiority in the American seas having enabled the enemy, in the midst of the last winter, to divide their army, and extend the war in the Southern States, Charleston was subdued before a sufficient force could be assembled for its relief.

With unabated ardor, and at a vast expense, we prepared for the succeeding campaign; a campaign from which, in a dependence on the co-operation of the squadron and troops generously destined by your Majesty for our assistance, we had formed the highest expectations. Again the enemy frustrated our measures. Your Majesty's succors were confined within the harbor of Newport, while the main body of the British army took refuge in their fortresses, and under protection of their marine, declining to hazard a battle in the open field; and regardless of their rank among civilized nations, they descended to wage a predatory war. Britons and savages united in sudden irruptions on our northern and western frontiers, and marked their progress with blood and desolation.

The acquisition of Charleston, with the advantages gained in Georgia, and the defeat of a small army composed chiefly of militia, which had been hastily collected to check their operations, encouraged the British commander in that quarter to penetrate through South Carolina into the interior parts of North Carolina. And the ordinary calamities of war were embittered by implacable vengeance. They did not, however, long enjoy their triumph. Instead of being depressed, impending danger served only to rouse our citizens to correspondent exertions; and by a series of gallant and successful enterprises they compelled the enemy to retreat with precipitation and disgrace.

They seem, however, resolved by all possible efforts, not only to retain their posts in Georgia and South Carolina, but to renew their attempts on North Carolina. To divert the reinforcements destined for those States, they are now executing an enterprise against the seacoast of Virginia; and from their preparations at New York and intelligence from Europe, it is manifest that the four southern States will now become a principal object of their hostilities.

It is the voice of the people and the resolution of Congress to prosecute the war with redoubled vigor, and to draw into the field a permanent and well appointed army of thirtyfive thousand regular troops. By this decisive effort we trust that we shall be able, under the divine blessing, so effectually to co-operate with your Majesty's marine and land forces, as to expel the common enemy from our country, and render the great object of the alliance perpetual. But to accomplish an enterprise of such magnitude, and so interesting to both nations, whatever may be our spirit and our exertions, we know that our internal resources must prove incompetent. The sincerity of this declaration will be manifest from a short review of our circumstances.

Unpractised in military arts, and unprepared with the means of defence, we were suddenly invaded by a formidable and vindictive nation. We supported the unequal conflict for years with very little foreign aid, but what was derived from your Majesty's generous friendship. Exertions uncommon, even among the most wealthy and best established governments, necessarily exhausted our finances, plunged us into debt, and anticipated our taxes; while the depredations of an active enemy by sea and land made deep impressions on our commerce and our productions. Thus encompassed with difficulties, in our representation to your Majesty of June 15, 1779, we disclosed our wants, and requested your Majesty to furnish us with clothing, arms, and ammunition for the last campaign, on the credit of the United States. We entertain a lively sense of your Majesty's friendly disposition, in enabling our Minister to procure a part of those supplies, of which, through unfortunate events, a very small proportion has arrived. The sufferings of our army from this disappointment have been so severe, that we must rely on your Majesty's attention to our welfare for effectual assistance. The articles of the estimate transmitted to our Minister are essential to our army, and we flatter ourselves, that through your Majesty's interposition they will be supplied.

At a time when we feel ourselves strongly impressed by the weight of past obligations, it is with the utmost reluctance that we yield to the emergency of our affairs in requesting additional favors. An unreserved confidence in your Majesty, and a well grounded assurance, that we ask no more than is necessary to enable us effectually to co-operate with your Majesty, in terminating the war with glory and success, must be our justification.

It is well known, that when the King of Great Britain found himself unable to subdue the populous States of North America by force, or to seduce them by art to relinquish the alliance with your Majesty, he resolved to protract the war, in expectation that the loss of our commerce, and the derangement of our finances, must eventually compel us to submit to his domination. Apprized of the necessity of foreign aids of money to support us in a contest with a nation so rich and powerful, we have long since authorised our Minister to borrow a sufficient sum in your Majesty's dominions, and in Spain, and in Holland, on the credit of these United States.

We now view the prospect of a disappointment with the deeper concern, as the late misfortunes in the southern States, and the ravages of the northern and western frontiers, have, in a very considerable degree, impaired our internal resources. From a full investigation of our circumstances it is manifest, that in aid of our utmost exertions a foreign loan of specie, at least to the amount of twentyfive millions of livres, will be indispensably necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war. On an occasion, in which the independence of these United States and your Majesty's glory are so intimately connected, we are constrained to request your Majesty effectually to support the applications of our Ministers for that loan. So essential is it to the common cause, that we shall without it be pressed with wants and distresses, which may render all our efforts languid, precarious, and indecisive. Whether it shall please your Majesty to stipulate for this necessary aid as our security, or to advance it from your royal coffers, we do hereby solemnly pledge the faith of these United States to indemnify, or reimburse your Majesty, according to the nature of the case, both for principal and interest, in such manner as shall be agreed upon with our Minister at your Majesty's Court.

We beseech the Supreme Disposer of events to keep your Majesty in his holy protection, and long to continue to France the blessings arising from the administration of a Prince, who nobly asserts the rights of mankind.

Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, by the Congress of the United States of North America, and in the fifth year of our independence.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

Attest, Charles Thomson, Secretary.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 5th, 1780.

Sir,

I flattered myself, that the clothing destined for the army under the command of your Excellency had at length arrived in the river, in the vessel of Paul Jones, or in one of those coming under his convoy; but I regret that you have not yet had that satisfaction. A passenger, who arrived in one of this convoy, told me, that when this little squadron, which left France on the 8th of October, should arrive, they would bring but little clothing, being in great part laden with arms and ammunition; but he added, that the Serapis is destined to bring the remainder of the clothing, and that we may hope to see the vessel arrive soon in our ports. I am anxious to have an opportunity of giving your Excellency notice of the arrival of these articles.

I have received certain intelligence, that an expedition composed of four thousand troops, convoyed by eight vessels of war, departed on the 16th of October from the Havana to attempt an expedition against Pensacola. But it is thought that the terrible tempests, which they may have received on the passage, may have retarded the fleet.

Another expedition was to depart in the month of December to attack St Augustine. It was to be composed of ten thousand men, regulars and militia, and twelve vessels of war. I wish sincerely that the operation may meet with success, and thus make an advantageous diversion in favor of the United States in that quarter.

The Chevalier de Chastellux, and the officers who had the honor of visiting you at head quarters, desire me to present their respects to you. They hope to have the honor of seeing you again on their return.

I am, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

New Windsor, December 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Yesterday brought me the honor of your Excellency's favor without date; but which I suppose to have been written on the 5th instant, as it accompanied a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette of that date.

Receive, my good Sir, the expressions of gratitude, which are due to your Excellency for the important intelligence you have communicated, relative to the designs of the Spanish Court upon the Floridas. I have transmitted the account of these interesting events to Count de Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Ternay, with propositions, which, if acceded to, I shall do myself the honor of communicating to your Excellency.

It would have been fortunate for the army, if your Excellency's feelings for its want of clothing could have been relieved by the agreeable tidings of the arrival of that article; but, alas! we are so accustomed to want, that we dare not flatter ourselves with relief.

Your Excellency's despatches for Rhode Island, accompanying your letter to me, came to hand at the instant the post was setting out, and were committed to his care. It is the only means of conveyance now left me, since the chain of expresses formed by the dragoon horses, which were worn down and sent to their cantonment, have been discontinued. The Quarter Master General has it not in his power, for want of money, to furnish an express upon the most urgent occasion.

I anticipate with much pleasure the visit I shall receive from the Chevalier de Chastellux and the other gentlemen of the French army, on their return to Rhode Island, and beg the favor of your Excellency to present my compliments to them and to M. de Marbois.

With great respect and personal attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 15th, 1781.

Sir,

I have just received an authentic copy of a letter from the King to the Duc de Penthièvre, Admiral of France, in relation to prizes taken by American privateers, in the ports of the kingdom. I have thought it proper, Sir, to communicate it to you, in order that the Americans, who take that course may be duly informed of the regulations, which it contains, and may know, that it is the intention of his Majesty, that they shall be treated in the same manner as his own subjects, in the judgment of the prizes, which they shall bring into the ports of the kingdom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 25th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that M. de Tilly, commander of the King's sixty gun ship, l'Evillé, arrived in the Chesapeake Bay on the 11th instant, with two frigates. The undersigned has received no news of them later than the 16th, at which time it seems, that the commander of this little squadron proposed to prolong his stay as long as circumstances would permit, in order to co-operate with the land troops commanded by Generals Steuben and Nelson.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne does not know how long these vessels will remain in their present station; but as it is important, that the communications between M. de Tilly and Philadelphia should take place with the greatest possible despatch, he requests Congress to inform him, whether the line of expresses has been kept up, and if so, to whom he is to apply in order to make use of it.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 28th, 1781.

Sir,

I think it necessary for the information of the department of finance to inform you, that Mr Robert Morris having strongly represented to me, that it was of importance to his operations, and to those of General Washington, to have a stock of bills of exchange, which might enable him to wait for the arrival of the funds brought by Colonel Laurens, I have taken upon myself to authorise him to draw bills of exchange, to the amount of 219,018 livres, 4s. 8d. Funds to that exact amount will be raised, and I hope that my Court will approve of the course, which I have taken, in consideration of the importance of the operations now going on.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 2d, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that M. de Tilly has left the Chesapeake Bay with his squadron. He took there ten prizes, among which are two strong privateers, and during his passage from the Chesapeake to Newport in Rhode Island, he met the Romulus, of fortyfour guns, pierced for fifty guns. He took her and carried her into Newport, which he entered on the 24th ultimo, with five hundred English prisoners. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is informed, that the America, an English vessel, whose fate since the hurricane of the 21st of February had been unknown, has sailed into Gardner's Bay.

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France is desirous, that Congress would be pleased to appoint a committee, to whom he will have the honor of communicating some further information relative to these operations.

LUZERNE.

M. DESTOUCHES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

On Board the Duc de Bourgogne,
March 19th, 1781.

Sir,

The enemy, informed without doubt, in some manner, arrived at the same time with myself at the Capes of Chesapeake Bay, and it would have been impracticable to attempt to disembark the troops, even from the vessels of war, in spite of the English squadron and under its fire. Obliged to renounce, for a time at least, the hope of rendering assistance to the State of Virginia, I have been employed only with the care of preserving the honor of his Majesty's arms, and I flatter myself that it has not suffered in my battle with the enemy.

On the 16th instant, in consequence of a violent south wind, which had carried the squadron to the northeast, we discovered, at break of day, a frigate two gun-shots to windward. A short time after, we perceived several large vessels in rear of the squadron. I had then no doubt that this was the English squadron, which, being informed of my project, had arrived, almost at the same time, upon the coast of Virginia. I immediately made a signal to the squadron to form in line of battle, the English squadron being about two leagues to the south, and running on the same tack with me. At nine o'clock, I tacked, and the enemy did the same. Before one o'clock, afternoon, their vanguard was not more than half a league distant from the rear of my line. Till that time, I had manœuvered without avoiding or seeking an engagement, because I perceived, that even the greatest success, with which I could flatter myself, would still render it impossible for me to fulfil my object; but the determined design, which was shown by the enemy of attacking my rearguard, and the honor of the royal arms, which I had to sustain, made me resolve to go and meet him. At one o'clock the firing commenced on both sides; the head of the English line had borne down, and the van of my squadron had done the same, so that the two squadrons fought for some time while running before the wind. A little before two o'clock, I determined to make the squadron haul nearer the wind, a movement, which made the whole squadron file before the head of the enemy's line.

This manœuvre completely succeeded; their leading ship had hardly felt the fire of the fifth vessel, when she retired from the engagement, under the escort of a frigate, which came to her assistance. The rear of the English squadron had still continued the combat with my rearguard, but that part of my squadron has sustained little injury. At a quarter before three o'clock, the firing ceased on both sides. The English squadron being in the rear, and to windward of mine, I made a signal to form again in order of battle, which was done in a short time. I then designed to turn again upon the enemy, who appeared to have sustained more injury than my own squadron; but the signals, which were made by the ships le Conquerant and l'Ardent, informed me that these vessels, and particularly the former, had been considerably injured in the engagement. I then continued to run on the same tack, under easy sail, ready to receive the enemy, if he should think proper to risk a second encounter, but he prudently kept in the rear and to windward during the remainder of the day, without availing himself of the superior advantages of his situation for renewing the engagement.

When night came on, the English squadron bore up, and I continued to run to the southeast. On the next morning, I assembled the captains to know the state of their vessels. I found that the rudder and all the masts of the ship, le Conquerant, were in the most dangerous state, and that the mainmast of l'Ardent was very much injured; and also that several other vessels had received cannon-shots in their lower masts; it was, consequently, determined that the squadron should return directly to Newport to repair.

I cannot too highly praise the courageous boldness, which was shown by the captains, officers, and crews of my squadron, as well as by the troops, embarked as passengers. Their valor made my force equal to that of the English squadron, which had one vessel more than mine, and if it had been only necessary to the success of our expedition to give the enemy another check, I should have regarded it as certain, notwithstanding the superiority of their forces.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DESTOUCHES.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 24th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor to inform Congress, that the King, being made acquainted with the situation of the affairs of the confederacy, had resolved to continue during the next campaign the land and sea forces, which are now in this Continent. That unforeseen obstacles had prevented the junction of the second division of sea forces with the first as soon as was expected, but that it was to sail as soon as possible, and that Congress should use their utmost exertions to have their army ready for action without the least delay.

But while the King, actuated by his love for the United States, of his mere motion was giving them succors, which he was under no obligation to do, and out of regard to them lessened the efforts, which he could have made for his own advantage, he had reason to expect a proportionable activity from Congress, and he hopes that the United States, which have so much to gain or lose by the issue of the contest, will employ all their resources in the present conjuncture; and that the Congress, who are intrusted with their dearest interest, will hasten to adopt effectual measures for conducting matters to a happy issue.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne, when he communicated to the King the news of the final ratification of the confederation, thought himself warranted to assure his Majesty, that this event would have a happy influence on the councils of this Republic; that they would thereby acquire all the energy necessary for conducting the important business intrusted to them; that the Union would receive new force, and he did not doubt but the ensuing campaign would give decisive proofs of this. And the Minister relies that his hopes, which are the same as are entertained by the whole continent, will not be disappointed. It is at the same time essential, while Congress are making the necessary arrangements for the ensuing campaign, that they should know for certain that they are to count only on their own resources for defraying the expenses that it will require.

The frankness of the King, and the friendship he bears to the United States, will not permit him to encourage an error, which they appear to be in, with respect to the pecuniary aids, which they seem to expect. The desire of securing their independence had induced his Majesty to exceed the measure of the engagements he had contracted with them, and he will continue to support their interests, either by powerful diversions or by immediate succors, and they may rely not only on his most scrupulous punctuality in the execution of his engagements, but upon all the extraordinary assistance, which it will be in his power to give them. But as to pecuniary aids, the enormous expenses of the present war, and the necessity of preserving credit, which is the only means of providing for those expenses, do not permit his Majesty's Ministers to give Congress the least hope in that respect.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne will not dissemble, that his Court was exceedingly surprised on being informed of the step, which Congress had taken in disposing of bills drawn on their Minister, although they could not be ignorant that they had no funds for discharging them. This is a conduct totally inconsistent with that order, which his Majesty is forced to observe in his finances, and he has no doubt but in future Congress will most studiously avoid a repetition of it. He has, nevertheless, resolved to discharge the bills, which became due last year, to the amount of one million of livres; and it is probable his Majesty will be able to provide funds to the amount of three millions for the discharge of those, which will become due in the course of the present year.

The King's Ministers have also procured for Dr Franklin, whose zeal, wisdom and patriotism, deserve their utmost confidence, the sums necessary for the purchase he is ordered to make. These expenses, joined to those occasioned by sending a fleet and army to this continent, far exceed what Congress had a right to expect from the friendship of their ally, and the Chevalier de la Luzerne is persuaded, that from this moment Congress will abstain from that ruinous measure of drawing bills of exchange without the previous knowledge and consent of his Majesty's Ministers. And as their attention is employed in what may be most for the convenience of the United States, they propose that Congress should furnish the fleet and army of his Majesty, which are in this country, with the necessary provisions, and receive in payment bills on the treasury of France, which will be punctually discharged.

As to the manner in which this arrangement may be made, the Minister will have the honor of entering into a minute discussion with a committee, which he begs Congress would be pleased to appoint to confer with him on the subject.[43]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[43] The above was referred to a committee of six, namely, Mr Jones, Mr S. Adams, Mr Burke, Mr M'Kean, Mr Madison, and Mr Hanson.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 27th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to send to your Excellency an open packet for the Count de Rochambeau. You will there find the copy of a letter to me from M. Destouches. I lament the ill success of an expedition, which, if it had succeeded, would have been doubly agreeable to us by its utility to our allies, and by the honor it would have reflected upon the arms of the King. As to the rest, it appears that our commanders have fulfilled this latter point, and all the world is satisfied, that, having a superior force to contend against, the manner of the contest has been highly honorable to them.

I wait for happier events, Sir, from the campaign, which is now about to open, and I doubt not the Count de Rochambeau has given you in detail the news, which he has received from France.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, New Windsor, March 31st, 1781.

Sir,

I was last evening honored with your Excellency's favor of the 27th, covering an open letter for the Count de Rochambeau, by which you have been so good as to make me the earliest communication of the action on the 16th, between the French and British fleets off the Capes of the Chesapeake. By the enclosed you will be informed of the return of the former into the harbor of Newport.

I must confess to your Excellency, that I was never sanguine as to the success of that expedition, after the sailing of the two fleets so nearly together, knowing it would turn in great measure upon the arrival of M. Destouches in the Chesapeake before Mr Arbuthnot; a circumstance of the utmost uncertainty, not depending upon the skill or valor of the commanding officer, but upon winds and weather. And I assure you I more sensibly feel the anxiety expressed by the Baron Viomenil and the Chevalier Destouches, lest anything should be attributed to the want of execution on their parts, than I do the disappointment in the plan, which we had in contemplation. But certain I am, that instead of sentiments of so ungenerous a nature, there will be a universal admiration of the good conduct and bravery exhibited by the officers and men of his Most Christian Majesty's squadron, when opposed to one of superior force.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and warmest personal attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 7th, 1781

Sir,

I have the honor to send you the copy of a letter, which I write to the Chevalier Destouches. I pray you to be persuaded, that I do not take upon me to propose an expedition to that commander, except at the pressing entreaties of the invaded States. But if it should be found at variance with the plans of the campaign, which you have formed, I beg you to withdraw my letter to M. Destouches, and the packet addressed to the Count de Rochambeau, from the express, who will deliver this to you, and to send them back to me by the first safe opportunity.

I am, with respectful attachment, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO M. DESTOUCHES.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 7th, 1781.

Sir,

The accounts from Virginia and the other southern States leave no doubt but the English are resolved to attack them in very superior forces. They are already in a condition to command them by the advantage, which they have of transporting themselves by the sea and by all the rivers, as it suits them. Virginia, one of the most powerful States in the Union, finds herself by these means reduced to a state of inaction, and as the Bay of Chesapeake is entirely in the possession of the enemy, it is to be feared that Maryland will find herself shortly in the same condition and in the same danger. It is manifest, that the plan of the English is to harass and desolate them without intermission, to inspire part of the inhabitants with a desire of seeing an end of the quarrel, and when they think their weariness and their calamities are at the height, to make them propositions advantageous enough to withdraw them from the Confederation.

Although these States are firmly attached to their independence, it has in the meantime become very important to make them participate as much as it is possible in the assistance, which his Majesty has granted to his allies, and I can assure you, Sir, that you cannot in present circumstances render them a greater service, than by entering the Bay of Chesapeake, and endeavoring to establish yourself there.

Many other political considerations, into the details of which I shall not enter, press that measure, and if it be possible for you to carry it into execution, I have reason to believe that you will entirely disconcert the enemy's plans against Virginia and Maryland, and when you shall have given to those two States the liberty of exerting themselves, you will contribute very much at the same time to the relief of the more southern, by the assistance which they will be capable of affording. Your position in the Bay of Chesapeake will restrain also their communication between New York and Charleston, and perhaps prevent other events, which may be yet more grievous to the invaded States.

In giving, Sir, my opinion upon the utility of the movement, I avow to you that I am totally incapable of forming one as to the possibility of carrying it into execution. I have had the honor of transmitting to you from time to time the details and plans, which can enable you to form a judgment. M. de Tilly having been better situated during his stay in Hampton Roads to make the necessary observations, you can decide by them. I pray you also to regard my entreaties, although pressing as the circumstances render them, as entirely subordinate to the instructions, which you may have received from the Court.

I do not propose to you to change your position, only upon a supposition that you have no orders to the contrary, and that you have received no other destination.

As to the measures you are in this case to expect from the States, which you will go to assist, I beg you to assure yourself, Sir, that they will spare nothing to satisfy you, and if an assemblage of land forces is judged necessary, as I presume it will be, they will send their instructions in consequence of it to the officers who command them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 9th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress has been pleased, by a resolution, dated the 10th of November last, to take the measures suggested by the undersigned Minister of France, concerning the abuse by the English, of the papers, letters of marque, and commissions, which they find on board of the American vessels, of which they succeed in gaining possession. The Governors of our Islands observe, that the precautions pointed out in the resolution of Congress are insufficient, unless, independently of the vessels and ships of war, they extend to merchant vessels, and, in general, to all ships sailing from this continent. The similarity of language enables the English to gain admission into our Islands with great facility, by means of intercepted papers, and to send their spies and emissaries into the very middle of our ports, where their presence may be most dangerous.

The said Governors remark, that the greater part of the vessels, which arrive at the Islands, do not conform to the resolutions of Congress; and, although they carry letters of marque, yet they do not take the precautions required by them. The undersigned requests, that this Assembly would be pleased to consider these observations, and to adopt, on this subject, such measures as shall seem best adapted to prevent the abuses in question.

The commanding officer of St Domingo is also desirous, that Congress should be informed that the commanders of the American frigates have, while stationed at the Cape, given strong proofs of zeal for the common cause, whether in cruising against the enemy, or in convoying, at their departure, merchant vessels sailing from that Colony.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 22d, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you a copy of a letter from the King, in answer to that written to him from Congress, on the 22d of November last. I shall have the honor of sending you the original this evening.

My despatches contain several important subjects, which I shall hasten to communicate to Congress, as soon as they shall be wholly decyphered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

To our Very Dear Great Friends and Allies, the President and Members of the General Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

We have received your letter of the 22d of November last, which Dr Franklin was ordered to place in our hands. We have seen with pain, the picture of the embarrassment of your finances, and we have been so much touched by it, that we have resolved to assist you as much as our own necessities, and the extraordinary and very great expenses required on our part by the war, which we are carrying on for your defence, will permit. We have ordered the Chevalier de la Luzerne to acquaint you more particularly with our intentions. We are already convinced, that the details into which he shall enter, will induce you to make the greatest efforts to second our own, and that you will be more and more convinced by them, that we take the most sincere interest in the cause of the United States, and that we are employing every means in our power to ensure their final triumph. You may rely upon our perseverance in the principles, which have hitherto directed our conduct; it is exerted upon all occasions; as well as upon the sincere affection, which we entertain for the United States in general, and for each one of them in particular.

We pray God, very dear great Friends and Allies, to keep you in his holy protection.

Written at Versailles, this 10th of March, 1781.

Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Weathersfield, May 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The letter, which I have the honor to enclose from the Count de Rochambeau, will, I imagine, inform your Excellency of the intended march of the French army towards the North River, and of the destination of the King's squadron now in the harbor of Newport, if circumstances will admit of the respective movements. I should be wanting in respect and confidence, were I not to add, that our object is New York.

The season, the difficulty and expense of land transportation, and the continual waste of men in every attempt to reinforce the Southern States, are almost insuperable objections to marching another detachment from the army on the North River; nor do I see how it is possible to give effectual support to those States, and avert the evils which threaten them, while we are inferior in naval force in these seas. It is not for me to know in what manner the fleet of his Most Christian Majesty is to be employed in the West Indies this summer, or to inquire at what epoch it may be expected on this coast; but the appearance and aid of it in this quarter are of such essential importance in any offensive operation, and so necessary to stop the progress of the enemy's arms, that I shall be excused, I am persuaded, for endeavoring to engage your Excellency's good offices in facilitating an event on which so much depends. For this I have a stronger plea, when I assure you that General Rochambeau's opinion and wishes concur with mine, and that it is at his instance principally that I make you this address.

If we are happy enough to find your Excellency in sentiment with us, it will be in your power to inform the Count de Grasse of the strength and situation of the enemy's naval and land force in this country; the destination of the French squadron under Admiral Barras and the intention of the allied arms, if a junction can be formed. At present, the British fleet lies within Block Island, and about five leagues from Point Judith.

The Count de Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastellux agree perfectly in sentiment with me, that, while affairs remain as they now are, the West India fleet should run immediately to Sandy Hook, if there are no concerted operations, where they may be met, with all the information requisite, and where, most likely, it will shut in, or cut off Admiral Arbuthnot, and may be joined by the Count de Barras. An early and frequent communication from the Count de Grasse would lead to preparatory measures on our part, and be a means of facilitating the operation in hand, or any other which may be thought more advisable.

I know your Excellency's goodness, and your zeal for the common cause too well, to offer anything more as an apology for this liberty; and I persuade myself it is unnecessary for me to declare the respect and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 25th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that it has been found impossible to send the second division of the troops under the command of Count de Rochambeau, and of the French squadron designed for the defence of the coasts of the Thirteen States, and that it can no longer be expected during the course of this campaign. The necessary measures have, however, been taken for increasing the body of troops now at Rhode Island, and, by sending some vessels of force, for putting the squadron into a condition to enter again upon active service.

The undersigned requests Congress to be pleased to appoint a committee, to whom he will communicate the causes which have occasioned this change; and Congress will find in them new proofs of the wisdom of the motives, which direct the conduct of his Majesty. But if considerations of the greatest importance deprive him of the satisfaction of assisting the Thirteen United States in their own country, by sending a number of vessels and of auxiliaries, as considerable as he had proposed, he will make no less vigorous efforts against the enemy; and he hopes that these powerful diversions will prevent the enemy from forming any enterprise, to which the resources and the courage of the Thirteen States shall be unequal.

The King has, at the same time, resolved to give a new proof of his affection and of his earnest desire to afford a remedy for the difficulties, which they experience in procuring the funds necessary for acting with vigor and effect during the present campaign. With this view, the King, notwithstanding the immense expense at which he is obliged to support the war in which he is engaged, has resolved to dispose of a considerable fund, which shall be appropriated to the purchase of clothing, arms, and stores, for which Dr Franklin has been instructed to ask. The Count de Vergennes will concert measures on this subject with the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, Dr. Franklin; and M. Necker proposes to take the proper precautions, in order that the merchandise may be of a good and sound quality, and at a price answering to its exact value.

The subsidy which the King has resolved to grant to the Thirteen United States amounts to six millions of livres tournois, independent of the four millions, which the Ministry have enabled Dr Franklin to borrow for the service of the current year. It is presumed, that this sum of six millions will not be wholly applied to the purchase of the articles asked for; and in that case, it is his Majesty's intention that the surplus should be reserved, that it may be at the disposal of Congress, or of the Superintendent of the finances of the Thirteen States, if they think proper to confide the management of it to him. It has not been possible for the Court, by reason of the speedy departure of the vessel which brought this intelligence to the undersigned Minister, to determine what will be the amount of the sums of money remaining after the purchase of the above mentioned articles, but lest there should seem to be any delay in supplying the wants of the Thirteen States, the Chevalier de la Luzerne takes it upon himself, without waiting for any further orders, to fix the amount of these sums at fifteen hundred thousand livres tournois, and if Congress, in fact, think that they shall need this whole sum, he will without delay inform his Court of it, in order that the necessary measures may be taken for discharging the bills of exchange, which shall consequently be drawn. As it is the intention of the King, that the greatest regularity shall take place in the payments, it will be well for the undersigned to agree with Congress, or with the Superintendent of Finance, and fix upon the times at which these bills shall be negotiated, and upon those at which they shall be payable. It is necessary that these times of payment should be at sufficient distances from each other, so that the department of finance may not be obliged to pay considerable sums in too short intervals of time.

The intention of the King, in granting to the Thirteen States this purely gratuitous subsidy, is to put them in a condition to act vigorously during this campaign; and his Majesty is desirous that Congress would be pleased to give the necessary orders, that it may be entirely applied to this important object, which admits of no delay. The communications, which the undersigned is instructed to make to Congress, will convince that body of the necessity of losing no time.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has received orders to communicate to Congress some important details touching the present situation of sundry affairs, in which the United States are immediately interested. The most essential are in regard to some overtures, which announce on the part of Great Britain a desire of peace. The Empress of Russia having invited the King and the Court of London to accept her mediation, the latter Court considered this as a formal offer and accepted it. This Court appeared at the same time to desire the Emperor of Austria to take part therein; and this Monarch has in fact proposed his co-mediation to the belligerent powers in Europe.

The King could not but congratulate himself on seeing so important a negotiation in the hands of two mediators, whose understanding and justice are equal. Nevertheless, his Majesty, actuated by his affections for the United States, returned for answer, that it was not in his power to accept the offers made to him, and that the consent of his allies was necessary. The King wishes to have this consent before he formally accepts the proposed mediation. But it is possible that circumstances joined to the confidence he has in the mediators, and the justice of his cause, and that of the United States, his allies, may determine him to enter upon a negotiation before the answer of Congress can reach him.

But in either case, it is of great importance, that this Assembly should give their Plenipotentiary instructions proper to announce their disposition to peace, and their moderation, and to convince the powers of Europe, that the independence of the Thirteen United States, and the engagements they have contracted with the King, are the sole motives, which determine them to continue the war; and that whenever they shall have full and satisfactory assurances on these two capital points, they will be ready to conclude a peace. The manner of conducting the negotiation, the extent of the powers of the American Plenipotentiary, the use to be made of them, and the confidence that ought to be reposed in the French Plenipotentiaries and the King's Ministers, are points, which should be fully discussed with a committee.

And the underwritten Minister entreats, that Congress would be pleased to name a committee with whom he will have the honor to treat. He thinks that this Assembly will be sensible, that the King could not give a greater mark of his affection for the Thirteen United States, or of his attachment to the principles of the alliance, than by determining not to enter upon a negotiation before they were ready to take part therein, although in other respects, his confidence in the mediators, and the relation he stands in to one of them, were sufficient motives to induce him to accept their offers. Congress are too sensible of the uncertainty of negotiations of this sort not to know, that the moment of opening them is that precisely when the efforts against the enemy ought to be redoubled; and that nothing can facilitate the operation of the negotiators so much as the success of the arms of the allies; that a check would be productive of disagreeable consequences to both, and that the enemy would rise in their pretensions, their haughtiness, and obstinacy, in proportion to the languor and slackness of the confederates.

The undersigned will have the honor to communicate to the committee some circumstances relative to the sending Mr Cumberland to Madrid; to the use, which Mr Adams thought he was authorised to make of his Plenipotentiary powers; to the mission of Mr Dana; to the association of the neutral powers; and to the present state of affairs in the south. Congress will find new motives for relying on the good will of the King, and on the interest he takes in favor of the United States in general, and of each one of them in particular.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, May 28th, 1781.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France, report,

That the Minister communicated some parts of a despatch, which he had received from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 9th of March, 1781. That the resolves of Congress, which had been adopted on the association of the neutral powers, were found very wise by the Council of the King, and that it was thought they might be of service in the course of the negotiation. The French Ministry did not doubt but they would be very agreeable to the Empress of Russia. But they were not of the same opinion with respect to the appointment of Mr Dana, as a Minister to the Court of Petersburg. The reason is, that Catharine the Second has made it a point until now to profess the greatest impartiality between the belligerent powers. The conduct she pursues on this occasion is a consequence of the expectation she has, that peace maybe re-established by her mediation; therefore, she could by no means take any step, which might show on her side the least propension in favor of the Americans, and expose her to the suspicion of partiality towards America, and of course exclude her from the mediation. The appointment of Mr Dana, therefore, appears to be at least premature, and the opinion of the Council is, that this deputy ought not to make any use of his powers at this moment. In case he applies to the Count de Vergennes for advice, he shall be desired to delay making any use of his powers. The Count observes, it would be disagreeable to Congress that their Plenipotentiary should meet with a refusal, that their dignity would be offended, and that such a satisfaction ought not to be given to the Court of London, especially when negotiations of a greater moment are about to commence. However, the French Minister had orders to assure the committee, that his Court would use all their endeavors in proper time, to facilitate the admissions of the Plenipotentiary of Congress.

The Minister communicated to the committee several observations respecting the conduct of Mr Adams; and in doing justice to his patriotic character, he gave notice to the committee, of several circumstances, which proved it necessary that Congress should draw a line of conduct to that Minister, of which he might not be allowed to lose sight. The Minister dwelt especially on a circumstance already known to Congress, namely, the use which Mr Adams thought he had a right to make of his powers to treat with Great Britain. The Minister concluded on this subject, that if Congress put any confidence in the King's friendship and benevolence; if they were persuaded of his inviolable attachment to the principle of the alliance, and of his firm resolution constantly to support the cause of the United States, they would be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King, and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiation in the name of the King.

The Minister observed, that this matter is the more important, because, being allied with the United States, it is the business of the King to support their cause with those powers with whom Congress have no connexion, and can have none, until their independence is in a fair train to be acknowledged. That the King would make it a point of prudence and justice to support the Minister of Congress; but in case this Minister, by aiming at impossible things, forming exorbitant demands, which disinterested mediators might think ill-founded, or perhaps by misconstruing his instructions, should put the French negotiators under the necessity of proceeding in the course of the negotiation without a constant connexion with him, this would give rise to an unbecoming contradiction between France and the Thirteen United States, which could not but be of very bad effect in the course of the negotiation.

In making these observations, the Minister remarked, that it was always to be taken for granted, that the most perfect independency is to be the foundation of the instructions to be given to Mr Adams, and that without this there would be no treaty at all. The Count de Vergennes observes, that it is of great importance that the instructions aforesaid be given as soon as possible to Mr Adams. And the Minister desired the committee to press Congress to have this done with all possible despatch.

He communicated to the committee the following particulars, as a proof that this matter admits of no delay, and that it is probable the negotiation will very soon be opened. He told the committee that the English Ministry, in the false supposition that they might prevail on the Court of Madrid to sign a separate peace, had begun a secret negotiation with that Court, by the means of Mr Cumberland, but without any success. That the Court of Spain had constantly founded her answer on her engagements with his Most Christian Majesty. That on the other side, the King of France had declared to the King, his cousin, that the independence of the United States, either in fact, or acknowledged by a solemn treaty, should be the only foundation of the negotiations of the Court of France with that of London. That the British Court not seeming to be disposed to grant the independency, it appeared the negotiation of Mr Cumberland was superfluous. However, this English emissary continued, and still continues, his residence at Madrid, although he cannot have any expectation of obtaining the object of his commission. That this direct negotiation was known to all Europe, and that it seemed to render every mediation useless. That, however, the Empress of Russia, excited by motives of friendship to the belligerent powers, and in consequence of the share, which the association of the neutral powers had given her in the general emergency, has invited the king of France and the Court of London to require her mediation. That the Court of London has accepted the invitation with a kind of eagerness, and at the same time desired the Emperor of Germany to take a part in it. That the answer of the King of France to the overtures of the Court of Petersburg was, that he should be glad to restore peace by the mediation of Catharine, but that it was not in his power immediately to accept her offers, as he had allies whose consent was necessary for that purpose.

To the same application made by the Court of Petersburg to that of Madrid, this Court answered, that having entered into a direct negotiation with the Court of London, by the means of Mr Cumberland, it thought proper to wait the issue of it before it had recourse to a mediation. The Emperor, as has already been observed, having been desired by the Court of London to take part in the mediation, immediately informed the King of France, as well as his Catholic Majesty, of this circumstance, offering his co-mediation to both the allied Monarchs. To this, the King of France gave the same answer, which he had given to the Empress of Russia. As to the King of Spain, he again expressed his surprise at the English Ministry's requesting a mediation, after having entered into a direct negotiation; and he declared, that unless this negotiation should be broken off by the English themselves, it would be impossible for him to listen to a mediation, which, in any other circumstance, would be infinitely agreeable to him.

These answers, though of a dilatory nature, may be looked upon as an eventual acceptation of the mediation. The Minister observed, that it will be, in effect, difficult to avoid it. That a refusal will not be consistent with the dignity of the two powers, that had offered their interposition. That the King is obliged, from friendship and good policy, to treat them with attention. He further observed, that the demands of the King of France will be so just and so moderate, that they might be proposed to any tribunal whatever. That the only reason the King could have to suspend a formal acceptation is, that, at the time the offer was made, he was not acquainted with the intentions of his allies, namely, Spain and the United States.

The Minister observed to the committee, that in his opinion this conduct must afford Congress a new proof of the perseverance of the King in the principles of the alliance, and of his scrupulous attention to observe his obligations; he added, that, however, it is not without inconveniency, that this dilatory plan has been adopted. The distance between the allied powers of France and the United States, has obliged the Court of Versailles to adopt that plan, though liable to inconveniences, in order to conform to the engagements made by the treaties, to determine nothing into a negotiation without the participation of Congress. Besides, several States being invaded by the enemy, the French Council thought it inconvenient to begin a negotiation under these unfavorable circumstances. And being in hopes that the diversions made by the King's arms, will prevent the British from making very great exertions against the Thirteen United States, the French Ministry expected, that during the course of the present campaign they might be enabled to present the situation of their allies in a more favorable light to the Congress, that might assemble for peace. These delays, however, cannot with propriety take place for any long time, and it was the opinion of the French Ministry, that it would be contrary to decency, prudence, and the laws of sound policy, again to refuse listening to the propositions of peace made by friendly powers; for which reason, the Chevalier de la Luzerne was directed to lay all these facts confidentially before Congress.

The Minister informed the committee, that it was necessary, that the King should know the intentions of the United States with regard to the proposed mediation, and that his Majesty should be authorised by Congress to give notice of their dispositions to all the powers, who would take part in the negotiation for a pacification. The Minister delivered his own opinion, that he saw no inconveniency arising from the Congress imitating the example of the King, by showing themselves disposed to accept peace from the hands of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia. He added, that Congress should rely on the justice and wisdom of those two Sovereigns; and at the same time, he renewed the assurances, that his Majesty will defend the cause of the United States as zealously as the interests of his own Crown.

He informed the committee, that according to all accounts, the British Ministry were removing as far as possible, in this negotiation, every idea of acknowledging the independence of what they call their Thirteen Colonies; and he said, that Congress would judge by themselves, that the Court of London would debate with the greatest energy and obstinacy the articles relating to America. He availed himself of this reflection to impress the committee with the necessity Congress are under, of securing in their favor the benevolence and good will of the mediating powers, by presenting their demands with the greatest moderation and reserve, save independence, which will not admit of any modification. He further observed, that it was possible the difficulty of making a definitive peace might engage the mediators to propose a truce; and that it was necessary, therefore, to authorise eventually the Plenipotentiary of the United States to declare their intention thereon.

He further observed, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, they would do well to recommend to their Plenipotentiary to adopt a line of conduct, that would deprive the British of every hope of causing divisions between the allies, and to assume a conciliating character, as much as can be consistent with the dignity of his constituents, and to show such a confidence in the Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, as is due to a power so much interested to support the dignity and honor of a nation, whose independence they have acknowledged.

The Minister told the committee, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, respecting a peace or a truce, it was necessary to carry on the war with the utmost vigor. He urged reasons too well known to Congress to be related.

He desired the committee to inform Congress, that in case the offer of mediation from the two Imperial Courts should become so serious and so pressing, as to oblige the King to give a decisive answer, his Majesty would accept of it conditionally for himself and for the United States. The taking this resolution would have no inconvenience, as the Court of France knew no reasons, which could prevent them from following the example of the King, by trusting their interests in the hands of just and wise mediators, and the refusal being liable to very dangerous consequences. The Minister concluded the conference by observing, that a great object was to secure the United States from the proposition of uti possidetis; that the surest way to obtain that end was to reduce the English to confess, that they are not able to conquer them. That present circumstances require great exertions from the consideration, and that it was plain that every success gained by the army of Congress would infinitely facilitate the negotiations of their Plenipotentiaries.[44]

FOOTNOTE:

[44] June 6th. "Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary, be authorised and instructed to concur, in behalf of these United States, with his Most Christian Majesty, in accepting the mediation proposed by the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany; but to accede to no treaty of peace, which shall not be such, as may effectually secure the independence and sovereignty of the Thirteen States, according to the form and effect of the treaties subsisting between the said States and his Most Christian Majesty, and in which the said treaties shall not be left in their full force and validity."

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States in Congress assembled, to their Great Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Lewis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

We have received your Majesty's letter of the 10th of March. The measures adopted by your Majesty in consequence of the representation made of the situation of our finances, the repeated testimonies of your Majesty's unalterable determination to render the cause of the United States triumphant, and also the affection, which your Majesty has been pleased to express for the United States in general, and for each State in particular, demand from us the strongest sentiments of gratitude.

The important communications made by your Majesty's Plenipotentiary have been considered by us with the greatest attention. The result of our deliberations will be made known to your Majesty by our Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, and will evince the entire confidence we have in your Majesty's friendship and perseverance in the principles, which have directed your conduct in maintaining the interest of the United States to this time.

We pray God, that he will keep your Majesty, our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, in his holy protection.

Done at Philadelphia, the 13th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1781, and in the fifth year of our independence.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

Charles Thomson, Secretary.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 1st, 1781

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write on the 23d of the past month, and that of the Count de Rochambeau, with which it was accompanied.

I wait with extreme impatience the news of the arrival of the French division before New York, and no one can desire more earnestly than I do to see it under your immediate command. I hoped that you would have been this spring in the command of a more considerable body of auxiliaries. The causes, which have hindered the execution of that plan, have been so urgent and so decisive, that I am sure you will approve them, after I shall have had the honor of making you acquainted with them. I have nevertheless been much pained, that I could not explain to you this change of measures, and my attachment to the cause, which you defend, has made me feel as sensibly as any citizen of America all the delays, that could happen to the assistance, which we wish to give to the Thirteen States.

I am impressed with the necessity of maintaining a perfect confidence with your Excellency upon these different points, and I shall seize the first occasion which presents itself to visit your army.

In the meantime I shall transmit to the Count de Grasse what your Excellency did me the honor to communicate. Be persuaded that I shall use the most pressing motives to determine him, and I shall do it with so much the more zeal, as I feel the necessity of it. I shall transmit to that General an extract of your letter, and I know nothing more likely to give weight to the demand, which I shall make of him.

The King has charged me, Sir, to inform Congress, that he grants them a gratuitous subsidy to enable them to make the greatest efforts in the course of this campaign. This subsidy, amounting to six millions of livres tournois, is to be employed in the purchase of arms, ammunition, and clothing, and it is the intention of the King, that the surplus shall be at the disposal of Congress. I have not been instructed as to what will be the exact amount of this surplus, but it is determined, that one million and a half shall be employed by the Superintendent of Finance, according to the directions, which you shall give him, after the arrangements you shall make with him in the visit, which he intends paying you.

I have informed Congress, and I intrust it to your Excellency, that the Emperor of Austria, and the Empress of Russia, have offered their mediation to the Court of London, who has accepted it. The same has also been offered to the Court of Versailles, and that of Madrid. But they have given for answer, that time must be left for Congress to determine, if it suits them to put the interests of the Thirteen United States into the hands of the mediators. In any event, it is of the greatest importance, that the allies make all their efforts to drive the enemy from this continent, and nothing will be more likely, than the success of the confederate arms, to make a successful negotiation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, New Windsor,
June 13th, 1781.

Sir,

His Excellency the Count de Rochambeau having requested me to forward the despatches herewith transmitted, by the safest possible conveyance, I now do myself the honor to send them by a gentleman of the Quarter Master General's department.

Having been made acquainted by the Count de Rochambeau with the designs of the Count de Grasse, to come to this coast with his fleet, I cannot forbear expressing to your Excellency my ardent wishes, that a body of land forces might also attend this naval armament; as I am apprehensive such a decided superiority of men may not be drawn together by us, by the time the Count de Grasse will be here, as to insure our success against the enemy's most important posts; as his continuance in these seas may be limited to a short period, and as the addition of a respectable corps of troops from the West Indies would, in all human probability, terminate the matter very soon in our favor. If these should likewise be your sentiments, and if this plan should not interfere with the intentions and interests of his Most Christian Majesty elsewhere, I entreat your Excellency, by the first good conveyance, to represent the propriety and necessity of the measure to the commanders in the West Indies; that by one great decisive stroke the enemy may be expelled from the continent, and the independence of America established at the approaching negotiation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

REPORT OF A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, June 18th, 1781.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, report,

That on the second conference with the Minister of France, he communicated some parts of a despatch, dated the 7th of August, 1780, the first part relating to losses suffered by French merchants, either trading with private houses in America, or engaged in transactions of commerce for Congress, or the several States. He informed the committee that several papers, which should have accompanied this despatch, were not come to hand, so that he could not state what kind of compensation the merchants might expect. The Minister, however, mentioned in the conference, that without waiting the arrival of those papers, which may have been lost, or may be delayed for a long time, some recommendation might be thought proper to be sent from Congress to the several States, in order to prevent forever the effect of the tender laws operating against foreign merchants; that this would be an encouragement to commerce, and remove the fears of foreign traders in their transactions with the citizens of the United States. The Minister communicated that part of the Count de Vergennes' letter relating to the discussion between him and Mr John Adams, with respect to the depreciation of the paper money, and the effect this had produced on the French trade; however, he did not enter fully into the matter, not being furnished with the proper papers.

The other objects of the communications of the Minister of France were the measures taken by the Court of Russia, and the northern powers, on account of the rights of neutrality, and the conduct to be observed by the belligerent powers towards subjects of neutral powers; and he informed the committee, that those northern Courts had made formal declarations to the powers at war respecting the principles of neutrality; and that they had concluded a convention for the security of their navigation and of their fair trade. That this convention was particularly obnoxious to the Court of London, as it was now obliged to respect neutral flags, which it had till then treated with the greatest severity, exercising against them every kind of depredation, according to its former practice. That France fully approved of that convention, the consequence of which was, that all the powers concerned, while they did justice to the principles of the King's Council, considered the British more and more as the tyrants of the sea.

The King's Council, therefore, thought it proper to transmit this intelligence to Congress, leaving it to their wisdom to adopt the principles of the neutral powers laid down so long ago as the 26th of July, 1778, in an ordinance of the King, which the Minister of France delivered several months ago, with other printed papers on the same subject, to the Board of Admiralty. The Minister thought it the more important for the United States to conform their maritime laws to that system, as they would thereby conciliate to themselves the benevolence of the neutral powers. He observed, that American privateers had presumed to stop neutral vessels loaded with English merchandise, which had given rise to unfavorable observations and complaints against the United States. He observed, that Holland had taken a part in the association of the northern Courts; and that therefore she ought to be comprehended in the orders of Congress, if it should be thought proper in those orders to mention the names of particular powers. But if Congress adopted a conduct similar to that of France, they would extend their orders in favor of all neutral powers generally.

The Minister then gave a short historical account of the negotiation of Mr Cumberland, observing that the matter being now obsolete, it was sufficient to mention that this agent, having made proposals of peace to the King of Spain, the first question he was asked was, what were the intentions of the Court of London respecting the United States? That he, having no instructions on this subject, or pretending to have none, had sent an express to London. That the express had not returned when this letter was written.

The Minister informed the committee, that the Court of Versailles had neglected nothing to procure arms, ammunition, and clothing, for Congress. That the good intentions of the Court had not been well seconded by the American agents; that it was their fault if these articles had not been forwarded in time; that the Ministers did not intend to accuse any one in particular; but were of opinion, that Congress should inquire into the cause of the delay, in order to inflict such punishment as would prevent the like conduct in future.

The Minister then communicated the substance of a despatch of the 9th of March, 1781; and entering fully into the subject, he told us, that so early as the beginning of the year 1780, he had informed Congress, that a mediation might be opened in Europe. That the mediators might propose the uti possidetis as the basis of the negotiation. That it was of the utmost importance to prevent the effect of a proposition, so inconsistent with the independence of the United States. That the Court of France wished to give them every assistance in their power; but he had observed at the same time, that the political system of the kingdom, being closely connected with that of other European powers, France might be involved in difficulties, which would require the greatest attention, and a considerable part of her resources. That he had informed Congress confidentially, that the death of the Sovereigns of some of the European States, with whom the Court of France had the most intimate connexion, might oblige her to employ the greatest part of her resources to secure her against the dangers, which might be occasioned by such an event. That since that communication was made to Congress, both those cases had happened. That the Empress Queen was dead. That the Court of Versailles flattered itself, that this will not at this time give rise to any material change in the politics of the Courts of Vienna and Berlin. That circumstances, however, are such, that prudence dictates not to leave the frontier of France bordering on Germany unprovided for defence. That the character the King bears of guarantee or protector of the liberties of the German empire, obliges him to be ready to assist effectually the members of that body, whose safety may be endangered, and of consequence occasions extraordinary expenses. That France is at the same time obliged to spare the land forces of the kingdom, and at the present crisis not to keep them at too great a distance. That this, however, is only a point of caution and prudence. That the Court of France still hopes the issue will be peaceable and agreeable to her wishes; but has thought it proper to inform Congress of it.

That matters are different with respect to the Dutch. That they are now in a state of war with the English; but there is among them a party in favor of England; and notwithstanding the accession of the two opposing provinces to the resolution of the States for making reprisals, a mediation has been entered into between London and the Hague; and the Empress of Russia acts as mediatrix. That it is evident the Court of London, by opening this negotiation, designs to draw the Seven Provinces to her side; and even goes so far as to expect, that she may employ the resources of the Dutch against France, either directly or indirectly. That the disposition of that Republic is still such as friends would wish. But the strongest argument, which the British party make use of to separate the Seven Provinces from France is, that they are destitute of a naval force; that their seamen are captured by the British; that all their riches will likewise fall a sacrifice; and that their settlements in the East and West Indies are in the greatest danger. That under these circumstances it was become necessary for France to afford immediate protection to the Dutch in Europe; and to make without delay a diversion, which may possibly save their East India possessions. That these measures had rendered it actually impossible to send to the United States the reinforcement, which was announced.

The Minister of France thinks, that this confidential and friendly explanation of the situation of France will convince Congress, that the King could not pursue a different line of conduct; and that the consequences of the measures he has taken must at last turn to their advantage. That, however, Count de Rochambeau and M. Barras will receive some reinforcements, and will inform the Chevalier de la Luzerne how considerable they are.

The Minister told the committee, that the friendship and benevolence of the King for the Thirteen United States had engaged him to trust Congress with these details, observing at the same time, that it would be proper to keep them secret.

In giving an account of the subsidy granted by the King of France, the Minister concluded by observing, that the Count de Vergennes writes, that what remains of the six millions, after purchasing the supplies of arms and ammunition, would be at the disposal of Congress; or if they should so direct, at the disposal of the commander in chief, or of their financier, if there should be one; and that the resolution Congress took on this subject should be made known to the Ministry, that funds may be provided accordingly. In the course of the conference the Chevalier mentioned the sums, that had been procured for these States since the beginning of the year 1780. That in that year the Count de Vergennes had, on his own credit, procured for Dr Franklin three millions of livres. That in December Dr Franklin wanted one million more to honor the bills drawn by Congress; and that he received the fourth million. That in the course of the present year, the Count has procured for him on loan four millions of livres, which make eight millions borrowed on the guarentee of France, since the aforementioned period. And now the King makes a gratuitous donation of the subsidy of six millions, which in the whole make up the sum of fourteen millions, since the commencement of the year 1780.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 1st, 1781.

Sir,

I am ready to go to the army of General Washington, and I shall have the honor of receiving your commissions this evening. My absence will, probably, be of short duration; I think it proper, however, to inform you, that M. de Marbois will perform, during this interval, the duties of Chargé d'Affaires of his Majesty, and I entreat you, Sir, to be pleased to honor him with your confidence, in case you have any communications to make to, or receive from, the King's embassy.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 9th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Chargé d'Affaires of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that the Count de Barras, commander of his Majesty's squadron stationed on the coasts of the Thirteen States, labors at this moment under an urgent necessity of completing his crews. The diseases, which have prevailed on board of this squadron, the battle in which it has been engaged, a long absence from the ports of the kingdom, and the manœuvres employed by many individuals to excite the French sailors to desertion, are causes, which have diminished in a considerable degree the number of those, who were employed on board of this squadron. The undersigned is instructed to communicate these circumstances to Congress. The French commander thinks, that if he may be authorised by the Legislatures of the New England States to impress French sailors, and to remove them from the different vessels, in which they may be found, he will very soon be enabled to remedy the diminution of numbers, which he has experienced.

MARBOIS.

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE SECRETARY OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 11th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received, in the absence of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the letter which you took the trouble to write, to inform that Minister of the King, that the Honorable Thomas McKean had been chosen President of Congress, in the place of the Honorable Samuel Huntington. I shall communicate this change to his Majesty's Minister, on his return to Philadelphia, and also to the Minister having the direction of Foreign Affairs in France. We are very sorry to see that Mr Huntington is obliged, by ill health, to resign an office, in the exercise of which he has given frequent proofs of his wisdom, and of his attachment to the Thirteen States, and to the alliance. But the choice by Congress of the Honorable Mr McKean, leaves nothing to be wished for, and I can assure you, Sir, that his Majesty's Minister will be eager to show to him the same confidence, which he has shown to his predecessor, and that we shall use all exertions to merit his in return.

I have the honor to be, &c.

MARBOIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 20th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that he has received despatches from his Court, the contents of which may be interesting to this Assembly, and that he is desirous of communicating them to it through a committee, if Congress shall be pleased to appoint one to confer with him. These communications relate to the state of public affairs in Europe, in the months of January and February last, to the rupture between England and the United Provinces, and to the measures to be taken to facilitate an alliance between the Thirteen United States and that Republic.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, July 23d, 1781.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of the Minister of France, delivered in the following report.

The Minister, from his despatches of the 9th of January, 1781, communicated to your committee the causes which delayed the measures, which the Court of France proposed to take for the naval operations of this campaign, the length of the passage of Count d'Estaing to Brest, and, other circumstances not necessary now to be recapitulated; and then told us that he was desired, in the meanwhile, to continue to assure Congress, that the interest which his Majesty takes in the American cause will essentially influence his measures for the present campaign.

The Minister continued by observing, that the present situation of affairs between Great Britain and Holland presented a favorable opportunity for a union of the two Republics.

Your committee will not repeat the details of what has happened between the two powers of England and Holland; it is sufficient to observe, that Sweden and Denmark have adopted the plan of the armed neutrality, framed by the Empress of Russia; that the Dutch, upon invitation, had done the same, and the Court of London, irritated by this step, took hold of the pretence afforded by the papers found on Mr Laurens, and published a manifesto on the 21st day of December, as well as a proclamation for expediting letters of marque. That this state of affairs, and the other consequences of this step, deserve the attention of Congress. That, if their High Mightinesses should join in this war, it would bring the two Republics to terms of more intimate union. That the opinion of the Council of the King was, that Congress ought not to neglect to send to Holland a prudent and able man, with full powers. It would likewise be advantageous to give proper instructions to that Minister; and as it may happen in the course of the negotiations that unforeseen incidents may present themselves, and as it is impossible at this distance to have quick information, it would be proper to have further instructions given by Dr Franklin, in order to avoid all inconsistency or contradiction, and that the political operations of Congress, aiming towards the same end, may of course be more successful.

The Minister communicated to your committee the contents of another despatch, of the 19th of February last. After stating some facts relating to Mr Laurens's capture, and its consequences, which Congress are already acquainted with, the Minister informed your committee, that the Empress of Russia had, on the 5th of January, received the accession of the United Provinces to the association of neutral powers, and that there was great probability, that her Imperial Majesty would support the Dutch against the tyranny of England, and that on every supposition, Congress would do well to take such measures, as to prepare, without delay, the means of uniting the interest of the two Republics, by making proper advances to the States-General. The Minister added, that he was authorised by the King to offer Congress his interposition for this purpose.

The Minister informed, that according to appearances the Empress of Russia seemed to be well disposed to the independence of the United States; and that these dispositions give reason to think, that the Empress will see with pleasure, that Congress have adopted her principles as to the neutrality, and that the Count de Vergennes has sent that resolution to the Marquis Verac, the Minister of France to the Court of Russia.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The twentyninth article of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce, between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States, reserves to the two contracting powers, "the liberty of having, each in the ports of the other, Consuls, Vice-Consuls, Agents, and Commissaries, whose functions shall be regulated by a particular agreement." In consequence of this stipulation, the Court of Versailles has caused a draft to be made of a convention, relative to the establishment of Consuls, which the undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor to communicate to Congress. It is the desire of his Majesty, that this draft should be examined by Congress, and those points marked which admit of no difficulty; and that the others should be submitted to the examination of delegates appointed by both parties, who may make such observations as they shall judge proper, and propose such alterations as they may think convenient. These objects will require discussion in repeated conferences, and the undersigned entreats, that Congress would determine in what manner these conferences shall be held. The proposed convention requires the most mature consideration of both parties; while at the same time, it is equally the interest of both with all speed to introduce consistency and uniformity into their respective commercial establishments, and the undersigned is of opinion, that Congress will think it necessary to prosecute this business with all possible despatch.[45]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

[45] See the draft of this Convention in the Secret Journal, Vol. III. p. 6.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, August 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that the situation of affairs requires, that M. de l'Etombe, Consul General of France, in the four States of New England, should proceed immediately to his destination. This officer being provided with the commission of his Majesty, in the form made use of for the other French Consulates, in the different quarters of the world, it is desirable that his character should be recognized in the manner and form, which for the future are to take place uniformly throughout the Thirteen United States. The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary, consequently entreats Congress to determine provisionally, what this form shall henceforward be, without waiting till the plan to be agreed upon shall be definitively settled. He is also desirous, that Congress will be pleased to pass a resolution on the subject of the recognition of the character of Vice-Consuls.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 6th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of communicating to Congress the commission of M. de l'Etombe, as Consul General of France in the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. He requests Congress to be pleased to pass an act, or four different acts, in order to procure for the said Consul the exequatur in each of the States, to which his functions are to extend.

LUZERNE.

END OF THE TENTH VOLUME.