B
a. Douce Ballads, I, 18 b. b. Pepys Ballads, I, 484, No 249. c. Wood Ballads, 401, 55. d. Roxburghe Ballads, I, 2. e. Bagford Ballads, 643, m. 9 (61). f. Bagford Ballads, 643, m. 10 (77). g. Wood Ballads, 402, 37. h. Glenriddell MSS, XI, 20.
1
When Flora, with her fragrant flowers,
Bedeckt the earth so trim and gay,
And Neptune, with his dainty showers,
Came to present the month of May,
2
King Henry would a progress ride;
Over the river of Thames past he,
Unto a mountain-top also
Did walk, some pleasure for to see.
3
Where forty merchants he espy’d,
With fifty sail, come towards him,
Who then no sooner were arriv’d,
But on their knees did thus complain.
4
‘An’t please Your Grace, we cannot sail
To France no voyage, to be sure,
But Sir Andrew Barton makes us quail,
And robs us of our merchant-ware.’
5
Vext was the king, and turned him,
Said to the lords of high degree,
Have I ner a lord within my realm
Dare fetch that traytor unto me?
6
To him repli’d Lord Charles Howard:
I will, my liege, with heart and hand;
If it please you grant me leave, he said,
I will perform what you command.
7
To him then spake King Henry:
I fear, my lord, you are too young.
‘No whit at all, my liege,’ quoth he;
‘I hope to prove in valour strong.
8
‘The Scottish knight I vow to seek,
In what place soever he be,
And bring a shore, with all his might,
Or into Scotland he shall carry me.’
9
‘A hundred men,’ the king then said,
‘Out of my realm shall chosen be,
Besides saylors and ship-boys
To guide a great ship on the sea.
10
‘Bow-men and gunners of good skill
Shall for this service chosen be,
And they at thy command and will
In all affairs shall wait on thee.’
11
Lord Howard calld a gunner then
Who was the best in all the realm;
His age was threescore years and ten,
And Peter Simon was his name.
12
My lord calld then a bow-man rare,
Whose active hands had gained fame,
A gentleman born in Yorkshire,
And William Horsly was his name.
13
‘Horsly,’ quoth he, ‘I must to sea,
To seek a traytor, with great speed;
Of a hundred bow-men brave,’ quoth he,
‘I have chosen thee to be the head.’
14
‘If you, my lord, have chosen me
Of a hundred men to be the head,
Upon the main-mast I’le hanged be,
If twelve-score I miss one shillings breadth.’
15
Lord Howard then, of courage bold,
Went to the sea with pleasant chear,
Not curbd with winters piercing cold,
Though it was the stormy time of the year.
16
Not long he had been on the sea,
No more in days then number three,
Till one Henry Hunt he there espied,
A merchant of Newcastle was he.
17
To him Lord Howard cald out amain,
And strictly charged him to stand;
Demanding then from whence he came,
Or where he did intend to land.
18
The merchant then made him answer soon,
With heavy heart and careful mind,
‘My lord, my ship it doth belong
Unto Newcastle upon Tine.’
19
‘Canst thou shew me,’ the lord did say,
‘As thou didst sail by day and night,
A Scottish rover on the sea,
His name is Andrew Barton, knight? ’
20
Then to him the merchant sighd and said,
With grieved mind and well a way,
‘But over well I know that wight,
I was his prisoner but yesterday.
21
‘As I, my lord, did pass from France,
A Burdeaux voyage to take so far,
I met with Sir Andrew Barton thence,
Who robd me of my merchant-ware.
22
‘And mickle debts, God knows, I owe,
And every man did crave his own;
And I am bound to London now,
Of our gracious king to beg a boon.’
23
‘Shew me him,’ said [Lord] Howard then,
‘Let me but once the villain see,
And one penny he hath from the tane,
I’le double the same with shillings three.’
24
‘Now, God forbid,’ the merchant said;
‘I fear your aim that you will miss;
God bless you from his tyranny,
For little you know what man he is.
25
‘He is brass within and steel without,
His ship most huge and mighty strong,
With eighteen pieces strong and stout,
He carrieth on each side along.
26
‘With beams for his top-castle,
As also being huge and high,
That neither English nor Portugal
Can pass Sir Andrew Barton by.’
27
‘Hard news thou shewst,’ then said the lord,
‘To welcome strangers to the sea;
But, as I said, I’le bring him aboard,
Or into Scotland he shall carry me.’
28
The merchant said, If you will do so,
Take counsel, then, I pray withal:
Let no man to his top-castle go,
Nor strive to let his beam down fall.
29
‘Lend me seven pieces of ordnance then,
Of each side of my ship,’ quoth he,
‘And to-morrow, my lord, twixt six and seven,
Again I will Your Honour see.
30
‘A glass I’le set that may be seen
Whether you sail by day or night;
And to-morrow, be sure, before seven,
You shall see Sir Andrew Barton, knight.’
31
The merchant set my lord a glass,
So well apparent in his sight
That on the morrow, as his promise was,
He saw Sir Andrew Barton, knight.
32
The lord then swore a mighty oath,
‘Now by the heavens that be of might,
By faith, believe me, and by troth,
I think he is a worthy knight.
33
‘Fetch me my lyon out of hand,’
Saith the lord, ‘with rose and streamer high;
Set up withal a willow-wand,
That merchant-like I [may] pass by.’
34
Thus bravely did Lord Howard pass,
And did on anchor rise so high;
No top-sail at all he cast,
But as his foe he did him defie.
35
Sir Andrew Barton seeing him
Thus scornfully to pass by,
As though he cared not a pin
For him and all his company,
36
Then called he his men amain,
‘Fetch back yon pedler now,’ quoth he,
‘And against this way he comes again
I’le teach him well his courtesie.’
37
A piece of ordnance soon was shot
By this proud pirate fiercely then
Into Lord Howards middle deck,
Which cruel shot killd fourteen men.
38
He calld then Peter Simon, he:
‘Look now thy word do stand in stead,
For thou shalt be hanged on main-mast
If thou miss twelve score one penny breadth.’
39
Then Peter Simon gave a shot
Which did Sir Andrew mickle scare,
In at his deck it came so hot,
Killd fifteen of his men of war.
40
‘Alas!’ then said the pyrate stout,
‘I am in danger now, I see;
This is some lord, I greatly doubt,
That is set on to conquer me.’
41
Then Henry Hunt, with rigor hot,
Came bravely on the other side,
Who likewise shot in at his deck,
And kild fifty of his men beside.
42
Then ‘Out, alas!’ Sir Andrew cri’d,
‘What may a man now think or say!
Yon merchant thief that pierceth me,
He was my prisoner yesterday.’
43
Then did he on Gordion call,
Unto top-castle for to go,
And bid his beams he should let fall,
‘For I greatly fear an overthrow.’
44
The lord cald Horsly now in hast:
‘Look that thy word stand now in stead,
For thou shalt be hanged on main-mast
If thou miss twelve score one shillings breadth.’
45
Then up [the] mast-tree swarved he,
This stout and mighty Gordion;
But Horsly, he most happily
Shot him under the collar-bone.
46
Then calld he on his nephew then,
Said, Sisters sons I have no mo;
Three hundred pound I will give thee,
If thou wilt to top-castle go.
47
Then stoutly he began to climb,
From off the mast scornd to depart;
But Horsly soon prevented him,
And deadly piercd him to the heart.
48
His men being slain, then up amain
Did this proud pyrate climb with speed,
For armour of proof he had put on,
And did not dint of arrow dread.
49
‘Come hither, Horsly,’ said the lord,
‘See thine arrow aim aright;
Great means to thee I will afford,
And if you speed, I’le make you a knight.’
50
Sir Andrew did climb up the tree,
With right good will and all his main;
Then upon the breast hit Horsly he,
Till the arrow did return again.
51
Then Horsly spied a private place,
With a perfect eye, in a secret part;
His arrow swiftly flew apace,
And smote Sir Andrew to the heart.
52
‘Fight on, fight on, my merry men all,
A little I am hurt, yet not slain;
I’le but lie down and bleed a while,
And come and fight with you again.
53
‘And do not,’ he said, ‘fear English rogues,
And of your foes stand not in awe,
But stand fast by St Andrews cross,
Until you hear my whistle blow.’
54
They never heard his whistle blow,
Which made them [all] sore afraid:
Then Horsly said, My lord, aboard,
For now Sir Andrew Barton’s dead.
55
Thus boarded they this gallant ship,
With right good will and all their main,
Eighteen score Scots alive in it,
Besides as many more were slain.
56
The lord went where Sir Andrew lay,
And quickly thence cut off his head:
‘I should forsake England many a day,
If thou wert alive as thou art dead.’
57
Thus from the wars Lord Howard came,
With mickle joy and triumphing;
The pyrates head he brought along
For to present unto our king:
58
Who briefly then to him did say,
Before he knew well what was done,
‘Where is the knight and pyrate gay?
That I my self may give the doom.’
59
You may thank God,’ then said the lord,
‘And four men in the ship,’ quoth he,
‘That we are safely come ashore,
Sith you had never such an enemy:
60
‘That is Henry Hunt, and Peter Simon,
William Horsly, and Peters son;
Therefore reward them for their pains,
For they did service at their turn.’
61
To the merchant then the king did say,
‘In lue of what he hath from the tane,
I give to the a noble a day,
Sir Andrews whistle and his chain:
62
‘To Peter Simon a crown a day,
And half-a-crown a day to Peters son,
And that was for a shot so gay,
Which bravely brought Sir Andrew down.
63
‘Horsly, I will make thee a knight,
And in Yorkshire thou shalt dwell:
Lord Howard shall Earl Bury hight,
For this title he deserveth well.
64
‘Seven shillings to our English men,
Who in this fight did stoutly stand,
And twelve pence a-day to the Scots, till they
Come to my brother kings high land.’
All the copies in stanzas of eight lines.
A.
13. 8th
..
23. 80.
32. MS. pared away. From the Reliques. Percy’s marginal reading is For sailors good are welcome to me. The tops of letters left do not suit either of Percy’s lines, says Furnivall.
33. swore: MS. pared away. Percy’s reading.
64. 20.
91. 600.
113. 60: B, three score.
124, 132, 154, 162. 100ḍ, 100.
134, 181. 3.
162. they for the.
164, 424. 12[d:].
151. sayes, a letter blotted out before a: Furnivall.
202. poor would read better than pure (cf. B, 182, heavy heart), but is not satisfactory.
233. archborde for hachborde?: cf. 361, 702.
272, 294, 524, 554. beanes, or beaues.
283. 9.
284. 15.
291. 20.
292. charke-bord: should perhaps be hachbord.
331. fferae.
333. 7.
353, 433. 9.
36 is perhaps out of place.
361. lies for lay?
37. Part II.
411. they for the.
413. strokes.
444. sumke.
472. Weate I cannot emend.
484. 60.
493. fformost.
494. 80: Andirwes.
523. 300li
:.
531, 561. perhaps swarned: Furnivall.
553. 600li
..
573,4. three follows four: transposed for rhyme.
644. they for the.
654. Only half the n of againe in the MS.: Furnivall.
683. 18.
703. 300.
712. meanye for main.
714. againe they came.
753,4. 2.
762. paime.
793. 500li
..
813. 100li
:.
B. a.
The Relation of the life and death of Sir Andrew Barton, a Pyrate and Rover on the Seas.
The tune is, Come follow my love.
Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and J. Wright [1655–80].
131. ly in Horsly is worn or torn away, and so is to in the next line.
203. But ever.
241. the Lord he: c, g, my Lord he: the others, the merchant.
264. Can S. A. B. pass by. So all but h.
284. beam.
33, 34 follow 36.
382. to for do.
452. Thus.
473. Cut off: supplied from b, c.
533. Sir Andrews, and so b, c, d.
542. all supplied from c.
633. bright for hight.
643. ey of they cut off, and land in the following line.
b.
A True Relation, etc. Tune is, etc.
Printed for J. Wright, J. Clarke, W. Thackeray, and T. Passinger [1670–82?].
From a transcript made for Bishop Percy, who has in a few places made corrections which are not always easily distinguished from those of the copyist.
52. to his.
101. great changed to good.
132. To seek: good speed.
144. Of: I wanting.
154. was stormy.
163. But one: there he ‘spy’d.
174. did inserted by Percy, but perhaps in the text.
181. him wanting.
203. over well.
204. but wanting.
211. did sail.
221. deps.
231. [Lord] wanting.
241. the merchant.
253. pieces of ordnance.
284. beams.
293. twix.
33, 34 follow 36.
334. [may] wanting.
361. is men.
363. And again.
382. to for do.
384, 444. breath.
444. a shilling.
473. But Horsly soon prevented him.
494. if thou.
531. said he.
533. Sir: corrected by Percy to St.
541. hear.
542. [all] wanting.
574. unto the.
594. never wanting.
612. lieu.
632. shall.
633. hight.
643. they.
644. land.
c.
A true Relation, etc. The tune is, etc.
Printed for F. Coles, T. Vere, and W. Gilbertson. [1648–80. Coles, Vere, Wright, and Gilbertson are found together as early as 1655.]
41. An’t like.
53. lord in all.
82. In place wheresoever.
83. on shore.
113. year.
132. To see.
143. the wanting.
181. him wanting.
203. ever: knew.
213. with wanting.
214. wares.
232. that villain.
241. my Lord he.
244. you little know.
261. for her.
312. to his.
33, 34 follow 36.
332. streamers.
342. ride for rise.
353. Although.
361. he on.
363. come.
382. do stand.
392. care for scare.
394. fifty.
413. shot it.
414. five for fifty.
424. but yesterday.
444. shilling bred.
451. then swarded he.
462. son: no more.
473. As in b.
492. that thine.
494. a wanting.
533. Sir Andrews.
542. them all sore.
573. he wanting.
593. are come safely to the shore.
622. half crown.
632. there shalt thou.
633. hight.
634. he hath deserved.
642. to this.
d, e, f.
Title as in b. Tune, Come follow my love, etc.
d.
Printed by and for W. O[nley], and sold by the Booksellers of Pye-corner and London-Bridge. [1650–1702.]
e.
Printed by and for W. O., and sold by C. Bates at the Sun and Bible in Pye-corner.
f.
Printed by and for W. O., and sold by the booksellers.
d and e are dated in the Museum Catalogue 1670; f. 1672.
21. a hunting.
51. turning.
52. d, e. to his.
61. Charles Lord Howard.
71. d, e. speak, f. spoke.
81. Scotch.
132. with good.
154. the wanting.
161. f. the wanting.
162. f. no wanting.
163. But one: there he.
181. him wanting.
201. to him wanting.
203. over well.
204. but wanting.
211. did sail.
222. doth: but And means if.
231. Lord Howard.
232. but wanting.
233. And e’ry.
241. the merchant.
244. you think.
253. pieces of ordnance.
272. stranger.
284. beams.
293. twixt six and seven wanting.
301. d, e. set as. f. I set as.
33, 34 follow 36.
334. I may.
342. did wanting.
343. at last.
344. as a foe did.
363. And ere.
372. e. By his.
382. how thy word do.
383. shall.
384. f. breath.
403. greatly fear.
432. Unto the.
434. For he: feard.
442. d, e. now stand. f. now wanting.
444. d, e. a shilling, f. shilling’s breath.
451. swerved.
454. f. under his.
473. As in b, c.
484. arrows.
492. See thou thy arrows.
494. if thou speedst: make the[e] knight.
524. f. with wanting.
531. he said.
532. e. inwe.
533. Sir Andrews.
542. all full sore.
564. were.
581. unto for then to.
594. never had.
611. f. merchant therefore the king he said.
633. hight.
634. e. this girle. f. this act.
641. f. Ninety pound.
g.
A true Relation, etc. To the tune of Come follow me, love.
London, Printed for E. W.
This copy has been considerably corrected, and only a part of the variations is given.
22. of wanting.
23. mountaines.
32. with swiftest.
41. An’t like.
52. to his.
53. in all my.
114. One for And.
144. shilling.
162. No more then dayes in number three.
181. him wanting.
201. said and sighd.
202. a g. m. and a w.
203. over.
204. For I.
213. with wanting.
231. Lord Howard.
232. that for the.
233. for one.
241. my Lord, quoth he.
261. beams from her.
284. beames.
324. weight (that is, wight) for knight.
332. streamers.
334. I may.
342. ride.
344. he wanting.
35, 36 wanting.
382. do stand.
384. bred.
394. fifty.
414. five.
424. but yesterday.
431. on one Gordion.
451. then swarmed.
482. this stout.
492. See that thy arrow.
494. if thou: thee knight.
532. stand in no awe.
533. S. Andrew’s.
542. them all full sore.
554. moe.
563. I would forsweare.
574. the king.
592. in this ship with me.
593. to shore.
594. never had.
603. paine.
632. there shalt thou.
634. his title he hath deserved.
642. to this.
644. king his land.
Old Ballads, 1723, and Roxburghe, III, 726, have Iris for the Neptune of B, in 13; Charles Lord Howard in 61; Ninety pounds in 641.
h.
This being a Scottish copy, and the variations also numerous, it seems advisable to give the whole text rather than only the divergent readings. The transcript may be inferred, from passages phonetically misrendered, to have been made from recitation or reading, more probably from recitation, since many of the differences from the printed copies are of the sort which are made by reciters; that is, immaterial expressions are imperfectly remembered; and again, 162 is adopted from popular ballad phraseology, and, as already observed, the stanza following 50 is borrowed from ‘Adam Bell.’ Cases of writing sound for sense are 43, makes us squails for makes us quail; 73, I quitted all for No whit at all; 482, The spirit for This pĭrate; 613, A nobler day for A noble a day. Verses of 25, 26 have been interchanged. 8, 93,4, 101,2, 21, 28, 29, 30, 32, 36, 44, 49, 522,3,4, 531 are wanting. 33, 34 are in the right order. It is a little surprising that a Scottish copy should have Sir Andrew Cross for St Andrew’s cross, 533. a-d have Sir Andrews Cross.
1
When Febus, with her fragrant flours,
bedect the earth so trim and gay,
And Neptan, with his denty shours,
came to present the month o May,
2
King Hendry would a hunting ride,
and over the river Thames past he,
Unto a mountain-top also
he walkd, some pleasures to espy.
3
There fortie merchants he espy’d,
with fiftie sail, come towards him;
No sooner there they were arrived
but on their knees they did complain.
4
‘My lodge,’ said they, ‘we cannot sail
to France nor Spain, for to be sure;
Sir Andrew Barton makes us squails,
and berubs (?) us of our merchant-wair.’
5
The king was grievd and turnd him,
said to his lords of high degree,
Is there not a lord in my realm
can fetch yon traitor unto me?
6
Then out bespoke Lord Charles Howard,
and says, My ludge, with heart and hand,
If that you’l give me leave, said he,
I will perform what you command.
7
But out bespoke King Hendrie:
‘I fear, my lord, you are too young;’
‘I quitted all, my lodge,’ said he,
‘for I think to prove one valient strong.’
91,2
‘A hundred men out of my realm
shall for this service chosen be,
103,4
And they, at thy command and will,
in all affairs, shall wait on thee.’
11
The king calld on a gunner then,
whose age was ‘bove three score and ten;
He was the best in that realm,
and Petter Simon height his name.
[A 12]
‘Now Peter,’ said he, ‘wee’r bound to sea,
to fetch a traitor with good speed,
And over a hundred gunners good
I’ve chosen thee to be the head.’
[A 13]
‘My lodge,’ says he, ‘if he have chosen me
oer a hundred men to be the head,
Upon mine mast I hangd shall be,
if I mess twelve score on a shilling breadth.’
12
My lord calld on a bow-man then,
whose hands and acts had gained fame;
He was the best in that realm,
and William Horsley height his name.
13
‘Now Horsley,’ says he, ‘wee’r bound to sea,
to fetch a traitor wi good speed,
And over a hundred archers good
I’ve chosen thee to be the head.’
14
‘My lord,’ sais he, ‘if ye hae chosen me
oer a hundred men to be the head,
Upon my mast I hangd shall be,
if I mess twelve score a shilling breadth.’
15
Lord Howard he’s gone to the wars,
wi muckle mirth and merrie cheer;
He was not curbd with winters cold,
tho it was the stormy time a year.
16
He had not been upon the seas,
no not a day but only three,
Till he espy’d Sir Hendry Hunt,
a merchant of Newcastle he.
17
A peice of ordinance was shot,
which straitly charged him to stand;
Demanding of him from whence he came,
and where he was intend to land.
18
The merchant he made answer then,
with a heavy heart and carefull mind,
‘If it please Your Grace, my ship belongs
unto Newcastle upon Tine.’
19
‘Canst thou but show me,’ said the lord,
’as those did sail by day or night,
A Scotish rubber on the seas,
whose name’s Sir Andrew Burton, knight?’
20
The merchant sighd, and said, Alas!
full over well I do him know;
Good keep you frae his tiranie!
for I was his prisoner yesterday.
22
And muckle debt, God knows, I owe,
if every man would crave his oun;
But I am bound for London nou,
of our gracious king to beg a bon.
23
‘Wilt you go with me,’ said the lord,
‘and once that villain let me see,
For every pennie he’s from thee taen
I double the same wi shillings three.’
24
But the merchant sighd, and said, Alas!
I fear, my lord, your aims you miss;
Good keep you frae his tiranie!
for little you ken what a man he is.
251
For he’s brass within and steel without,
262
and his great ship’s mighty hugie high,
So that neither English nor Portugees
can pass Sir Andrew Burton by.
261
And he has beams for his top-castle
252
which is both mighty huge and strong;
He has eighteen peice of ordinance
he carries on each side along.
27
‘Bad news thou tells,’ then said the lord,
‘to welcome strangers to the sea;
But as I have said, I’ll bring him abord,
or into Scotland he’s carry me.’
31
So the merchant set my lord a glass,
that well appeared in his eye,
And the morning, as his promise was,
he did Sir Andrew Burton see.
33
‘Fetch me my lyon out of hand,
set up our rose on streamers high;
Set up likewise a willie wand,
that merchant like we may pass by.’
34
Thus bravely did Lord Howard pass,
upon an anchor rose so high;
No topsail at last he did upcast,
but like a foe did him defie.
35
Sir Andrew Barton, seeing him
thus scornfull-like for to pass by,
As tho he cared not a pin
for him and all his company,
37
Sir Andrew Barton gave a shott
which did Lord Howard muckle dear;
For it came so hotly in at his deck
killd fifteen of his men a ware.
38
My lord calld on o’ Petter Seymore,
says, See thy words does stand in steed;
For upon main-mast thou hangd shall be,
if thou miss twelve score a shilling breed.
39
Then Petter Symore gave a shot
which did Sir Andrew muckle scarr;
It came so hotly in his deck
killd fifty of his men a ware.
40
Then ‘Out, alas!’ Sir Andrew cryes,
‘and aye alas, and woe’s me!
This is some lord, I greatly fear,
that is set out to conquer me.’
41
Then Hendry Hunt, with rigor hot,
came bravely on the other side;
He shot so hotly in at his deck
killd fiftie of his men beside.
42
Then ‘Out, alas!’ Sir Andrew cryes,
‘what can a man now do or say?
This merchant thief it percies me,
he was my prisoner yesterday.’
43
Sir Andrew calld on Gordon then,
and bad him to top-castle go
And strive to let his beems doun fall,
for he greatly feard an overthrow.
45
Then up mass’-tree then climed he,
that stout and mighty Gordon;
But Horsley soon prevented him,
and shot him in at collar-bone.
46
Sir Andrew calld his nephew then;
says, Sisters son I hi nè mae;
A hundred pounds I’ll to thee give
if thou’l up to top-castle gae.
47
Then up mast-tree then climed he,
from of the deck for to depart;
But Horsley soon prevented him,
and deadly peirced him to the heart.
48
His men being slain, then up amain
the spirit proud did climb wi speed;
Armour of proof he did put on,
and of arrows dint he had nè dread.
50
Then up mast-tree then climbed he,
the spirit proud did climb amain;
But Horsley hat him upon the breast,
till his arrow did return again.
‘Foul fà the hands,’ says Horsley then,
‘this day that did that coat put on!
For had it been as thin as mine,
thy last days had been at an end.’
51
But Horsley spy’d a private part,
with a canie hand and secret art,
And his arrows swiftly flew amain,
and pierced Sir Andrew to the heart.
521
‘Fight on, fight on, my mirrie men all,
532
and of English rogues stand ye nè aw;
But stand fast by Sir Andrew cross
till that ye hear my whistle blà.’
54
But they never heard his whistle blà,
which made them mightyly to dread;
Say Horsley, My lord, we’ll go abord,
for now I know Sir Andrew’s dead.
55
Then boarded they this great ship then,
with muckle might and a’ their main,
And in her was eighteen score o Scots alive,
besides there mony maē were slain.
56
My lord went where Sir Andrew lay,
and hastely cut of his head:
‘I’d forsake England this mony a day,
if thou were alive as thou art dead.’
57
So Lord Howard he’s come from the wars,
with muckle mirth and triumphing,
And the pirot’s head he brought along,
for to present unto their king.
58
But out bespoke King Hendry,
before he knew well what was done:
‘Bring here to me that villain strong,
that I mysell may give the doom.’
59
‘Ye may be thankfà,’ said the lord,
‘at what is done, my ludge,’ said he,
‘That we’r returned alive again;
for ye’d never such an enemy.
60
‘There’s Hendry Hunt, and Petter Symore,
and William Horsley, and Petter’s son;
Therefore reward them for their pain,
for they did service at their turn.’
61
The king he said to Hendry Hunt,
‘For every pennie he’s from the tane,
A nobler day I’l to thee give,
and Sir Andrew’s whistle and his chain.
62
‘A croun a day to Petter Symore,
and half a croun to Petter’s son;
And that was for the shots they gave,
which bravely brought Sir Andrew doun.
63
‘Horsley, I’l make of thee a knight,
and in Yorkshire thou shall dwell;
Lord Howard shall Earl Bewry height,
for the tittle he deserves full well.
64
‘Seven rosenobles to our English men,
which in the feight did stoutly stand,
And twelve pence a day unto the Scots,
till they come to my brother king’s land.’
381. on O’. o’ may mean old.
62 follows 63.
168
FLODDEN FIELD
From Deloney’s Pleasant History of John Winchcomb, in his younger yeares called Jacke of Newberie, etc., London, 1633; reprinted by J. O. Halliwell, London, 1859, p. 48.
Printed in Ritson’s Ancient Songs, 1790, p. 115; Evans’s Old Ballads, 1810, III, 55.
A booke called Jack of Newbery was entered to Thomas Millington, March 7, 1597: Arber, Stationers’ Registers, III, 81. The edition of 1633, the earliest which Mr Halliwell-Phillipps had met with, was the ninth, published by Cuthbert Wright. The author has introduced several pieces of verse into his tale, two of them popular ballads, ‘The Fair Flower of Northumberland’ and this of Flodden, of which Deloney says, “in disgrace of the Scots, and in remembrance of the famous atchieved historie, the commons of England made this song, which to this day is not forgotten of many:” p. 47.
King James has made a vow to be in London on St James’s day. Queen Margaret begs him to keep faith with her brother Henry, and reminds him that England is hard to win; for which James says she shall die. Lord Thomas Howard, the queen’s chamberlain, comes to the defence of his mistress, but the king in his rage declares that he shall be hanged and she burned as soon as he comes back. But James never came back; he was slain at Bramstone Green with twelve thousand of his men.
1, 2. St James’s day is selected, as being the king’s. King James’s letter to King Henry is dated the 26th of July, the day following St James’s day, and the Scottish herald delivered it in France, and announced war to the king of England, in consequence of the unsatisfactory answer, on the 12th of August, or shortly before.
3–5. Queen Margaret’s remonstrance is historical. James, says Lindsay, would “give no credence to no counsel, sign nor token that made against his purpose, but refused all godly counsel which was for the weal of his crown and country; neither would he use any counsel of his wise and prudent wife, Margaret, queen of Scotland, for no prayer nor supplication that she could make him.... She assured him, if he past in England at that time, that he would get battle. Yet this wise and loving counsel could not be taken in good part by him, because she was the king of England’s sister.” Cronicles, 1814, p. 267 f.
6. The Earl of Surrey, uncle by marriage to Margaret Tudor, had the charge of escorting her to Scotland in 1503, and this is ground enough for the ballad’s making him her chamberlain ten years later.
8. “This battle was called the Field of Flodden by the Scotsmen and Brankston [Bramstone] by the Englishmen, because it was stricken on the hills of Flodden beside a town called Brankston; and was stricken the ninth day of September, 1513.” Lesley, History, 1830, p. 96.
10. Hall says that the English slew “twelve thousand, at the least, of the best gentlemen and flower of Scotland.” The gazette of the battle (Pinkerton’s History, II, 457), Polydore Vergil, and modern Scottish historians, say ten thousand. Among these were twelve earls, thirteen lords, and many other persons of high rank.
12. ‘Iack with a feather’ is said in contempt of the Scottish king’s levity or foolhardiness. “Then was the body bowelled, embawmed and cered:” Hall, p. 564, ed. 1809. “His body was bowelled, rebowelled, and enclosed in lead,” “lapped in lead:” Stowe, Chronicle, p. 494 b, ed. 1631; Survey, Book III, p. 81 a, ed. 1710. Fair Rosamond’s bones, when they were exhumed at Godstow, says Leland, were closed in lead and within that closed in leather: Dugdale’s Monasticon, ed. 1823, IV, 365, No VIII.
In the letter sent to Henry VIII in France James included the slaughter of Andrew Barton among the unredressed grievances of which he had to complain. A few days before the battle of Flodden, Lord Thomas Howard, then admiral, used the occasion of his father’s dispatching a herald to the King of Scots to say that “inasmuch as the said king had divers and many times caused the said lord to be called at days of true to make redress for Andrew Barton, a pirate of the sea long before that vanquished by the same Lord Admiral, he was now come, in his own proper person, to be in the vanguard of the field, to justify the death of the said Andrew against him and all his people, and would see what could be laid to his charge the said day:” Hall’s Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 558.
There is a slight resemblance in one or two particulars, such as might be expected from similarity of circumstances, between this ballad and ‘Durham Field.’ In the latter the King of Scots swears that he will hold his parliament in leeve London, st. 6. A squire warns him that there are bold yeomen in England; the king is angry, draws his sword, and kills the squire, 7–9. In ‘Scotish Ffeilde,’ Percy Folio, Hales and Furnivall, I, 217,[[217]] the French king says there is nothing left in England save millers and mass-priests, v. 109; and in the poem on Flodden, reprinted by Weber, and recently by Federer,[[218]] Lord Home makes this same assertion, Weber, p. 10, 187–92; Federer, p. 8, sts 46, 47. Cf. ‘Durham Field,’ p. 282.
The forged manuscript formerly in the possession of J. Payne Collier, containing thirty ballads alleged to be of the early part of the seventeenth century, has for the second piece in the volume a transcript of this ballad, with variations.
The battle of Flodden called out a great deal of verse. The most notable pieces are two already referred to, and a third which will be given here in an appendix; the less important will be found in Weber’s volume.
1
King Jamie hath made a vow,
Keepe it well if he may!
That he will be at lovely London
Upon Saint James his day.
2
‘Upon Saint James his day at noone,
At faire London will I be,
And all the lords in merrie Scotland,
They shall dine there with me.’
3
Then bespake good Queene Margaret,
The teares fell from her eye:
‘Leave off these warres, most noble king,
Keepe your fidelitie.
4
‘The water runnes swift and wondrous deepe,
From bottome unto the brimme;
My brother Henry hath men good enough;
England is hard to winne.’
5
‘Away,’ quoth he, ‘with this silly foole!
In prison fast let her lie:
For she is come of the English bloud,
And for these words she shall dye.’
6
With that bespake Lord Thomas Howard,
The queenes chamberlaine that day:
‘If that you put Queene Margaret to death,
Scotland shall rue it alway.’
7
Then in a rage King Jamie did say,
‘Away with this foolish mome!
He shall be hanged, and the other be burned,
So soone as I come home.’
8
At Flodden Field the Scots came in,
Which made our English men faine;
At Bramstone Greene this battaile was seene,
There was King Jamie slaine.
9
Then presently the Scots did flie,
Their cannons they left behind;
Their ensignes gay were won all away,
Our souldiers did beate them blinde.
10
To tell you plaine, twelve thousand were slaine
That to the fight did stand,
And many prisoners tooke that day,
The best in all Scotland.
11
That day made many [a] fatherlesse child,
And many a widow poore,
And many a Scottish gay lady
Sate weeping in her bower.
12
Jack with a feather was lapt all in leather,
His boastings were all in vaine;
He had such a chance, with a new morrice-dance,
He never went home againe.
31. he spake.
The copy followed by Ritson puts st. 11 after 5. The principal variations of the Collier copy may be given, though they are without authority or merit.
After 2:
March out, march out, my merry men,
Of hie or low degree;
I’le weare the crowne in London towne,
And that you soone shall see.
44. To venture life and limme.
Then doe not goe from faire Scotland,
But stay thy realm within;
Your power, I weene, is all to weake,
And England hard to winne.
51. this sillie mome.
72. this other mome.
After 8:
His bodie never could be found,
When he was over throwne,
And he that wore faire Scotlands crowne
That day could not be knowne.
For 12, to adapt the piece to the seventeenth century:
Now heaven we laude that never more
Such tiding shall come to hand;
Our king, by othe, is king of both
England and faire Scotland.
APPENDIX
FLODDEN FIELD
a. ‘Flodden Ffeilde,’ Percy MS., p. 117; Hales and Furnivall, I, 313. b. Harleian MS. 293, fol. 55. c. Harleian MS. 367, fol. 120.
A text made from b and c is printed by Weber, Flodden Field, p. 366, and by R. H. Evans, Old Ballads, 1810, III, 58. b, c lack all that follows 102 except 103, with which all three copies alike end. This stanza makes a natural conclusion to the vindication of Lancashire, Cheshire and the Earl of Derby, and what intervenes in a, after 102, seems to be an interpolation. Nevertheless I have preferred to give the Percy text (though the others are not inferior to it, and possess the unity which has to be brought about in this case by transferring the last stanza), on account of the pleasing story How Rowland Egerton came to the lordship of Ridley, 107–119, which would make no bad ballad by itself.
At the battle of Flodden, the right wing of the van, commanded by Sir Edmund Howard, the third son of the Earl of Surrey, was routed by the Scots under Lord Home, Chamberlain of Scotland, and the Earl of Huntly. “Edmund Howard had with him a thousand Cheshire men, and five hundred Lancashire men, and many gentlemen of Yorkshire, on the right wing of the lord Howard; and the Lord Chamberlain of Scotland, with many lords, did set on him, and the Cheshire and Lancashire men never abode stroke, and few of the gentlemen of Yorkshire abode, but fled.... And the said Edmund Howard was thrice felled, and to his relief the lord Dacre came, with fifteen hundred men.”[[219]] On the other hand, the Cheshire and Lancashire men of the extreme left, under command of Sir Edward Stanley, discomfited the Scottish division of Lennox and Argyle. King Henry received the news of the victory while he was lying before Tournay, “and highly praised the Earl, and the Lord Admiral and his son, and all the gentlemen and commons that were at that valiant enterprise; howbeit, the king had a secret letter that the Cheshire men fled from Sir Edmund Howard, which letter caused great heart-burning and many words; but the king thankfully accepted all thing, and would no man to be dispraised.”[[220]]
This poem, a history in the ballad style, was composed to vindicate the behavior of Lancashire and Cheshire at Flodden, and to glorify the Stanleys;[[221]] in the accomplishment of which objects it becomes incumbent upon the minstrel to expose the malice of the Earl of Surrey, to whom he imputes the “wrong writing” which caused such heart-burning.
The Earl of Surrey sends a letter by a herald to King Henry, then at Tournay. The king asks the news before he breaks the seal, and who fought and who fled. The herald answers that King James is slain, and that Lancashire and Cheshire fled; no man of the Earl of Derby’s durst face the foe. The king opens the letter, which confirms the herald’s report, and calls for the Earl of Derby. Sir Ralph Egerton suggests that if Lancashire and Cheshire fled, it must have been because they had a Howard, and not a Stanley, for their captain. The Earl of Derby comes before the king, and says the same; let him have Lancashire and Cheshire, and he will burn up all Scotland and conquer to Paris gate. The king says cowards will fight to retrieve what they have lost. We were never cowards, rejoins Derby; who brought in your father at Milford Haven? (It was not precisely the Stanleys.) The king turns away; the Duke of Buckingham is ready to lay his life that all this comes from a false writing of the Earl of Surrey.[[222]] Derby is not to be comforted, and breaks out in farewells to all his kith and kin, Edward Stanley, John Stanley, and many more; they must be slain, for they never would flee. The Earl of Shrewsbury bids him take heart; Derby goes on with farewells to Lancaster, Latham, and all familiar places. In the midst of his exclamations, James Garsed, “Long Jamie,” a yeoman of the guard, comes flying to the Earl of Derby for protection: he had killed two men, and wounded three. Derby’s intercession can do only harm now, but he will ask friends to speak for Jamie. A messenger arrives from the king ordering Long Jamie to be delivered up; he is to be hanged. Buckingham takes Jamie by one arm and Shrewsbury takes him by the other, and with Derby in front and many gentlemen following, they go to the king. Welcome, dukes and earls, says the king, but most welcome of all our traitor, Long Jamie! Jamie, how durst thou show thyself in our presence after slaying thy brethren? Jamie explains that his fellows had called him coward, and bidden him flee to that coward the Earl of Derby. The Earl of Derby had befriended him when he was little and maintained him till he was able to shoot. Then one day a Scottish minstrel brought King Henry a bow which none of his guard could bend. Jamie shot seven times with it, and the eighth time broke it; then told the Scot to pick up the pieces and take them to his king; upon which Henry had made him yeoman of the guard, thanks to His Grace and to the Earl of Derby who had brought him up. And now, to have the earl taunted, to be false to the man who had been true to him—he had rather die. Stand up, Jamie, says the King; have here my charter; but let there be no more fighting while you are in France. Then you must grant me one thing, says Jamie—that he that abuses Lancashire or Cheshire shall die; and the king commands proclamation to be made that any man abusing Lancashire or Cheshire shall have his judgment on the next tree. The next morning comes a messenger from the queen wishing the king joy, for his brother-in-law, King Jamie, is slain. Henry asks again, Who fought and who fled? “Lancashire and Cheshire have done the deed,” is the reply; “had not the Earl of Derby been true to thee, England had been in great hazard.” The king on the moment promotes Edward and John Stanley and ‘Rowland’ Egerton, who had fought with Edward. Buckingham runs for Derby, and the king welcomes the earl, and returns to him all that he had taken from him. But one thing grieveth me still, says Derby—to have been called coward yesterday. “It was a wrong writing that came from the Earl of Surrey,” says the king, “but I shall teach him to know his prince.” Derby asks no more than to be judge over Surrey, and the king makes him so; as he says, so it shall be. “Then his life is saved,” says the earl; “if my uncle slew his father” (but, as before said, there was no occasion for uneasiness on that score), “he would have taken vengeance on me.” And so the glory is all shifted to Derby, and nothing remains for Surrey.
The minstrel goes on to speak of the surrender of Tournay, and then of an essay of the king’s to reward an Egerton for good service done.[[223]] Egerton would be glad to have his reward in Cheshire. The king has nothing there to give but five mills at Chester; Egerton does not wish to be called a miller. The king offers the forest of Snowdon; Egerton, always kneeling on his knee, does not wish to be called a ranger. Nothing will please thee, Egerton, says the king; but Egerton asks for Ridley in Cheshire, and gets it.
The last twelve verses profess to enumerate Henry Eighth’s victories in France: ‘Hans and Gynye’ (neither of which I recognize, unless Gynye stands for Guinegatte, the Battle of the Spurs), Tournay and Thérouanne, these in the campaign of 1513, and Boulogne and Montreuil[[224]] during the invasion of 1544.
1
Now let vss talke of [the] Mount of Flodden,
Fforsooth such is our chance,
And let vs tell what tydings the Ear[l]e of Surrey
Sent to our king into France.
2
The earle he hath a writting made,
And sealed it with his owne hand;
From the Newcastle vpon Tine
The herald passed from the land.
3
And after to Callice hee arriued,
Like a noble leed of high degree,
And then to Turwin soone he hyed,
There he thought to haue found King Henery.
4
But there the walls were beaten downe,
And our English soldiers therin laine;
Sith to Turnay the way hee nume,
Wheras lay the emperour of Almaine,
And there he found the king of England,
Blessed Iesus, preserve that name!
5
When the herald came before our king,
Lowlye he fell downe on his knee,
And said, Christ, christen king, that on the cross dyed,
Noble King Henery, this day thy speed may bee!
6
The first word that the prince did minge,
Said, Welcome, herald, out of England, to me!
How fares my leeds? how fares my lords?
My knights, my esquiers, in their degree?
7
‘Heere greeteth you well your owne leaetenant,
The Honorable Erle of Surrey;
He bidds you in Ffrance to venter your chance,
For slaine is your brother, King Iamye,
And att louelie London you shall him finde,
My comelye prince, in the presence of thee.’
8
Then bespake our comlye king,
Said, Who did fight and who did flee?
And who bore him best of the Mount of Fflodden?
And who was false, and who was true to me?
9
‘Lancashire and Cheshire,’ sayd the messenger,
‘Cleane they be fled and gone;
There was nere a man that longd to the Erle of Darby
That durst looke his enemyes vpon.’
10
S[t]ill in a study stood our noble king,
And tooke the writting in his hand;
Shortlye the seale he did vnclose,
And readilye he read as he found.
11
Then bespake our comlye king,
And called vpon his chiualree,
And said, Who will feitch me the King of Man,
The Honnorable Thomas Erle of Darbye?
12
He may take Lancashire and Cheshire,
That he hath called the cheefe of chiualree;
Now falsely are they fled and gone,
Neuer a one of them is true to mee!
13
Then bespake Sir Raphe Egerton, the knight,
And lowlye kneeled vpon his knee,
And said, My soueraigne lord, King Henery,
If it like your Grace to pardon mee,
14
If Lancashire and Cheshire be fled and gone,
Of those tydings wee may be vnfaine;
But I dare lay my life and lande
It was for want of their captaine.
15
For if the Erle of Derby our captaine had beene,
And vs to lead in our arraye,
Then noe Lancashire man nor Cheshire
That euer wold haue fled awaye.
16
‘Soe it prooued well,’ said our noble king,
‘By him that deerlye dyed vpon a tree!
Now when wee had the most neede,
Falslye they serued then to mee.’
17
Then spake William Brewerton, knight,
And lowlye kneeled his prince before,
And sayd, My soueraigne king, Henery the Eighth,
If your Grace sett by vs soe little store,
18
Wheresoeuer you come in any feild to fight,
Set the Earle of Darby and vs before;
Then shall you see wether wee fight or flee,
Trew or false whether we be borne.
19
Compton rowned with our king,
And said, Goe wee and leaue the cowards right;
‘Heere is my gloue to thee,’ quoth Egerton,
‘Compton, if thou be a knight.
20
‘Take my gloue, and with me fight,
Man to man, if thou wilt turne againe;
For if our prince were not present right,
The one of vs two shold be slaine,
21
‘And neuer foote beside the ground gone
Vntill the one dead shold bee.’
Our prince was moued theratt anon,
And returned him right teenouslye.
22
And to him came on the other hand
The Honnorable Erle of Darbye;
And when he before our prince came,
He lowlye kneeled vpon his knee,
23
And said, Iesu Christ, that on the crosse dyed,
This day, noble Henery, thy speed may bee!
The first word that the king did speake,
Sayd, Welcome, King of Man and Erle of Darbye!
24
How likest thou Cheshire and Lancashire both,
Which were counted cheefe of chiualree?
Falslye are they fled and gone,
And neuer a one is trew to mee.
25
‘If that be soe,’ said the erle free,
‘My leege, therof I am not faine;
My comlye prince, rebuke not mee,
I was not there to be there captaine.
26
‘If I had beene their captaine,’ the erle said then,
‘I durst haue layd both liffe and land
He neuer came out of Lancashire nor Cheshire
That wold haue fledd beside the ground.
27
‘But if it like your noble Grace
A litle boone to grant itt mee,
Lett me haue Lancashire and Cheshire both,
I desire noe more helpe trulye;
28
‘If I ffayle to burne vp all Scottland,
Take me and hang me vpon a tree!
I, I shall conquer to Paris gate,
Both comlye castles and towers hye.
29
‘Wheras the walls beene soe stronge,
Lancashire and Cheshire shall beate them downe.’
‘By my fathers soule,’ sayd our king,
‘And by him that dyed on the roode,
30
‘Thou shalt neuer haue Lancashire nor Cheshire right
Att thy owne obedyence for to bee!
Cowards in a feild felly will fight
Againe to win the victorye.’
31
‘Wee were neuer cowards,’ said the erle,
‘By him that deerlye dyed on tree!
Who brought in your father att Milford Hauen?
King Henery the Seuenth forsooth was hee.
32
‘Thorow the towne of Fortune wee did him bring,
And soe convayd him to Shrewsburye,
And soe crowned him a noble king;
And Richard that day wee deemed to dye.’
33
Our prince was greatlye moued at that worde,
And returned him hastilye againe;
To comfort the erle came on the other hande
The doughtye Edward, Duk of Buckingam.
34
‘Plucke vp thy hart, brother Stanlye,
And lett nothing greeiue thee!
For I dare lay my liffe to wedd
It is a false writing of the Erle of Surrey.
35
‘Sith King Richard felle, he neuer loued thee,
For thy vnckle slue his father deere,
And deerlye deemed him to dye;
Sir Christopher Savage his standard away did beare.’
36
‘Alas, brother,’ sayd the Erle of Darbye,
‘Woe be the time that I was made knight,
Or were ruler of any lande,
Or euer had manhood in feild to fight!
37
‘Soe bold men in battle as were they,
Forsooth had neither lord nor swaine;
Ffarwell my vnckle, Sir Edward Stanley!
For well I wott that thou art slaine.
38
‘Surelye whiles thy liffe wold last
Thou woldest neuer shrinke beside the plaine;
Nor Iohn Stanley, that child soe younge;
Well I wott that thou art slaine.
39
‘Ffarwell Kighlye! coward was thou neuer;
Old Sir Henery, the good knight,
I left the[e] ruler of Latham,
To be [my] deputye both day and night.
40
‘Ffarwell Townlye, that was soe true!
And that noble Ashton of Middelton!
And the sad Southwarke, that euer was sure!
For well I wott that thou art gone.
41
‘Farwell Ashton vnde[r] Line!
And manlye Mullenax! for thou art slaine;
For doubtlesse while your liues wold last
You wold never shun beside the plaine.
42
‘Ffarwell Adderton with the leaden mall!
Well I know thow art deemed to dye;
I may take my leaue att you all;
The flower of manhoode is gone from mee.
43
‘Ffarwell Sir John Booth of Barton, knight!
Well I know that thou art slaine;
While thy liffe wold last to fight,
Thou wold neuer be-sids the plaine.
44
‘Ffarwell Butler, and Sir Bode!
Sure you haue beene euer to mee;
And soe I know that [still] you wold,
If that vnslaine you bee.
45
‘Ffarwell Christopher Savage, the wighte!
Well I know that thou art slaine;
For whiles thy life wold last to fight,
Thou wold neuer besids the plaine.
46
‘Ffarwell Dutton, and Sir Dane!
You haue beene euer trew to mee;
Ffarwell the Baron of Kinderton!
Beside the feild thou wold not flee.
47
‘Ffarwell Ffitton of Gawsworth!
Either thou art taken or slaine;
Doubtelesse while thy life wold last,
Thou wold neuer beside the plaine.’
48
As they stood talkinge together there,
The duke and the erle trulye,
Came ffor to comfort him th[e] trew Talbott,
And the noble Erle of Shrewsburye.
49
‘Plucke vp thy hart, sonne Thomas, and be merry,
And let noe tydings greeve thee!
Am not I godfather to our king?
My owne god-sonne forsooth is hee.’
50
He tooke the Duke of Buckingam by the arme,
And the Erle of Sh[r]ewsburye by the other:
‘To part with you it is my harme;
Farwell, my father and my brother!
51
‘Farwell Lancaster, that litle towne!
Farwell now for euer and aye!
Many pore men may pray for my soule
When they lye weeping in the lane.
52
‘Ffarwell Latham, that bright bower!
Nine towers thou beares on hye,
And other nine thou beares on the outer walls;
Within thee may be lodged kings three.
53
‘Ffarwell Knowsley, that litle tower
Vnderneth the holtes soe hore!
Euer when I thinke on that bright bower,
Wite me not though my hart be sore.
54
‘Ffarwell Tocstaffe, that trustye parke,
And the fayre riuer that runes there beside,
There I was wont to chase the hinde and hart!
Now therin will I neuer abide.
55
‘Ffarwell bold Birkhead! there was I boorne,
Within the abbey and that monesterye;
The sweet covent for mee may mourne;
I gaue to you the tythe of Beeston, trulye.
56
‘Ffarwell Westchester for euermore!
And the Watter Gate! it is my owne;
I gaue a mace for the serieant to weare,
To waite on the maior, as it is knowne.
57
‘Will I neuer come that citye within;
But, sonne Edward, thou may clayme it of right:
Ffarwell Westhardin! I may thee [call] myn,
Knight and lord I was of great might.
58
‘Sweete sonne Edward, white bookes thou make,
And euer haue pittye on the pore cominaltye!
Ffarwell Hope and Hopedale!
Mould and Moulesdale, God be with thee!
I may take leaue with a sorry cheere,
For within thee will I neuer bee.’
59
As they stoode talking together there,
The duke and the lords trulye,
Came Iamie Garsed, a yeman of the guard,
That had beene brought vp with the Erle of Derbye;
Like the devill with his fellowes he had fared,
He s[t]icked two, and wounded three.
60
After, with his sword drawen in his hand,
He fled to the noble Earle of Derbye:
‘Stand vp, Iamye!’ the erle said,
‘These tydings nothing liketh mee.
61
‘I haue seene the day I cold haue saued thee,
Such thirty men if thou hads slaine,
And now if I shold speake for thee,
Sure thow weret to be slaine.
62
‘I will once desire my bretheren eche one
That they will speake for thee.’
He prayd the Duke of Buckingam,
And alsoe the Erle of Shrewsburye,
63
Alsoe my lord Fitzwater soe wise,
And the good Lord Willowbye,
Sir Rice Ap Thomas, a knight of price;
They all spoke for Long Iamye.
64
They had not stayd but a litle while there,
The duke and the erles in their talkinge,
But straight to the erle came a messenger,
That came latelye from the king,
65
And bad that Long Iamie shold be sent;
There shold neither be grith nor grace,
But on a boughe he shold be hanged,
In middest the feild, before the erles face.
66
‘If that be soe,’ said the Erle of Derbye,
‘I trust our prince will better bee;
Such tydings maketh my hart full heavye
Afore his Grace when that wee bee.’
67
The Duke of Buckingam tooke Iamie by the one arme,
And the Erle of Shrewsburye by the other;
Afore them they put the King of Man,
It was the Erle of Darbye and noe other.
68
The lord Fitzwater followed fast,
And soe did the lord Willowbyghe;
The comfortable Cobham mad great hast;
All went with the noble Erle of Derbye.
69
The hind Hassall hoved on fast,
With the lusty Lealand trulye;
Soe did Sir Alexander Osbaston,
Came in with the Erle of Derbye.
70
The royall Ratcliffe, that rude was neuer,
And the trustye Trafford, keene to trye,
And wight Warburton, out of Cheshire,
All came with the Erle of Darbye.
71
Sir Rice ap Thomas, a knight of Wales,
Came with a feirce menye;
He bent his bowes on the bent to abyde,
And cleane vnsett the gallow-tree.
72
When they came afore our king,
Lowlye they kneeled vpon their knees;
The first word that our prince did myn,
‘Welcome, dukes and erles, to mee!
73
‘The most welcome hither of all
Is our owne traitor, Long Iamie:
Iamie, how durst thou be soe bold
As in our presence for to bee?
74
‘To slay thy bretheren within their hold!
Thou was sworne to them, and they to thee.’
Then began Long Iamie to speake bold:
‘My leege, if it please your Grace to pardon mee,
75
‘When I was to my supper sett,
They called me coward to my face,
And of their talking they wold not lett,
And thus with them I vpbrayded was.
76
‘The bade me flee from them apace
To that coward the Erle of Derbye!
When I was litle, and had small grace,
He was my helpe and succour trulye.
77
‘He tooke [me] from my father deere,
And keeped me within his woone
Till I was able of my selfe
Both to shoote and picke the stone.
78
‘Then after, vnder Grenwich, vpon a day
A Scottish minstrell came to thee,
And brought a bow of yew to drawe,
And all the guard might not stirr that tree.
79
‘Then the bow was giuen to the Erle of Derbye,
And the erle deliuered it to mee;
Seven shoots before your face I shott,
And att the eighth in sunder it did flee.
80
‘Then I bad the Scott bow downe his face,
And gather vp the bow, and bring it to his king;
Then it liked your noble Grace
Into your guard for me to bring.
81
‘Sithen I haue liued a merry liffe,
I thanke your Grace and the Erle of Darbye;
But to haue the erle rebuked thus,
That my bringer-vp forsooth was hee,
82
‘I had rather suffer death,’ he said,
‘Then be false to the erle that was true to me.’
‘Stand vp Iamie!’ said our king,
‘Haue heere my charter, I giue it thee.
83
‘Let me haue noe more fighting of thee
Whilest thou art within Ffrance lande.’
‘Then one thing you must grant,’ said Iamie,
‘That your word theron may stand:
84
‘Whosoe rebuketh Lancashire or Chesshire
Shortlye shall be deemed to dye.’
Our king comanded a cry i-wis
To be proclaimed hastilye.
85
‘If the dukes and erles kneele on their knees,
Itt getteth on sturr the comonaltye;
If wee be vpbrayded thus,
Manye a man is like to dye.’
The king said, He that rebuket Lancashire or Cheshire
Shall haue his iudgment on the next tree.
86
Then soe they were in rest
For the space of a night, as I weene,
And on the other day, without leasinge,
There came a messenger from the queene.
87
And when he came before our king,
Lowlye he kneeled vpon his knee,
And said, Chrst thee saue, our noble king,
And thy speed this day may bee!
Heere greeteth thee well thy loue and liking,
And our honorable queene and ladye,
88
And biddeth you in Ffrance to be glad,
For slaine is your brother-in-law King Iamie,
And att louelye London he shalbe found,
My comlye prince, in the presence of thee.
89
Then bespake our comlye prince,
Saiinge, Who did fight and who did flee?
And who bare them best of the Mount of Fflodden?
And who is false, and who is true to mee?
90
‘Lancashire and Cheshire,’ said the messenger,
‘They haue done the deed with their hand;
Had not the Erle of Derbye beene to thee true,
In great aduenture had beene all England.’
91
Then bespake our prince on hye,
‘Sir Raphe Egertton, my marshall I make thee;
Sir Edward Stanley, thou shalt be a lord,
Lord Mounteagle thou shalt bee.
92
‘Yonge Iohn Stanley shalbe a knight,
And he is well worthy for to bee.’
The Duke of Buckingham the tydings hard,
And shortlye ran to the Erle of Darbye:
93
‘Brother, plucke vp thy hart and be merrye,
And let noe tydings greeve thee!
Yesterday, thy men called cowerds were,
And this day they haue woone the victorye.’
94
The duke tooke the erle by the arme,
And thus they ledden to the prince [trulye].
Seven roods of ground the king he came,
And sayd, ‘Welcome, King of Man and Erle of Derbye!
The thing that I haue taken from thee,
I geeve it to thee againe whollye.
95
‘The manrydden of Lancashire and Cheshire both,
Att thy bidding euer to bee;
Ffor those men beene true, Thomas, indeed;
They beene trew both to thee and mee.’
96
‘Yett one thing greeveth me,’ said the erle,
‘And in my hart maketh me heavye,
This day to heare the wan the feild,
And yesterday cowards to bee.’
97
‘It was a wronge wryting,’ sayd our king,
‘That came ffrom the Erle of Surrey;
But I shall him teach his prince to know,
If euer wee come in our countrye.’
98
‘I aske noe more,’ sayd the noble erle,
‘Ffor all that my men haue done trulye,
But that I may be iudge my selfe
Of that noble Erle of Surreye.’
99
‘Stand vp, Thomas!’ sayd our prince,
‘Lord Marshall I make thee,
And thou shalt be iudge thy selfe,
And as thou saiest, soe shall it bee.’
100
‘Then is his liffe saued,’ sayd the erle,
‘I thanke Iesu and your Grace trulye;
If my vnckle slew his father deere,
He wold haue venged him on mee.’
101
‘Thou art verry patient,’ sayd our king;
‘The Holy Ghost remaines, I thinke, in thee;
On the south side of Turnay thou shalt stande,
With my godfather the Erle of Shrewsburye.’
102
And soe to that seege forth the went,
The noble Shrewsburye and the Erle of Derbye,
And the laid seege vnto the walls,
And wan the towne in dayes three.
103
Thus was Lancashire and Cheshire rebuked
Thorow the pollicye of the Erle of Surrey.
Now God, that was in Bethlem borne,
And for vs dyed vpon a tree,
Saue our noble prince that wereth the crowne,
And haue mercy on the Erles soule of Derbye!
.tb
104
And then bespake our noble king,
These were the words said hee;
Sayes, Come, Alexander Ratcliffe, knight,
Come hither now vnto mee,
Ffor them shalt goe on the south side of Tournay,
And with thee thou shalt haue thousands three.
105
Then forth is gone Alexander Ratcliffe, knight;
With him he leads men thousand three;
But or ere three dayes were come to an end,
The Ffrenchmen away did flee.
106
Then King Henery planted three hundred Englishmen
That in the citye shold abyde and bee:
Alexander Ratcliffe, he wold haue mad him gouernour there,
But he forsooke it certainelye,
And made great intreatye to our king
That he might come into England in his compa[n]ye.
.tb
107
And then bespake noble King Henery,
And these were the words said hee:
Sayes, Come hither, Rowland Egerton, knight,
And come thou hither vnto mee;
108
For the good service that thou hast done,
Well rewarded shalt thou bee.
Then forth came Rowland Egerton,
And kneeled downe vpon his knee.
109
Saies, If it like your Grace, my gracious king,
The reward that you will bestow on mee,
I wold verry gladlye haue it in Cheshire,
Ffor that’s att home in my owne country.
110
And then bespake him noble King Henery,
And these were the words said hee;
‘I haue nothing, Egerton, in all Cheshire
That wilbe any pleasure for thee
But fiue mills stands att Chester townes end;
The gone all ouer the water of Dee.’
111
Still kneeled Rowland Egerton,
And did not rise beside his knee;
Sayes, If it like your Highnesse, my gracious king,
A milner called I wold neuer bee.
112
And then bespake him noble King Harrye,
These were the words said hee;
Saith, I’le make mine avow to God,
And alsoe to the Trinitye,
There shall neuer be king of England
But the shalbe miller of the mills of Dee!
113
I haue noe other thing, Egerton,
That wilbe for thy delight;
I will giue thee the forrest of Snoden in Wales,
Wherby thou may giue the horne and lease;
In siluer it wilbe verry white,
And meethinkes shold thee well please.
114
. . . . . . . . .
Still kneeled Rowland Egerton on his knee;
He sayes, If itt like your Highnes, my gracious king,
A ranger called wold I neuer bee.
115
Then our king was wrathe, and rose away,
Sayes, I thinke, Egerton, nothing will please thee.
And then bespake him, Rowland Egerton,
Kneeling yet still on his knee:
116
Sayes, If itt like your Highnesse, my gracious king,
That your Highnes pleasure will now heer mee,
In Cheshire there lyes a litle grange-house,
In the lordshppe of Rydeley it doth lyee.
117
A tanner there in it did dwell;
My leege, it is but a cote with one eye,
And if your Grace wold bestow this on mee,
Ffull well it wold pleasure me.
118
Then bespake our noble King Harrye,
And these were the words saith hee;
Saies, Take thee that grange-house, Egerton,
And the lordshippe of Rydley, faire and free.
119
For the good service thou hast to me done,
I will giue it vnto thy heyres and thee:
And thus came Row[land] Egertton
To the lordshippe of Rydley, faire and free.
.tb
120
This noble King Harry wan great victoryes in France,
Thorrow the might that Christ Jesus did him send.
First our king wan Hans and Gynye,
And [two] walled townes, the truth to say;
And afterwards wan other two townes,
The names of them were called Turwin and Turnay.
121
High Bullen and Base Bullen he wan alsoe,
And other village-townes many a one,
And Muttrell he wan alsoe—
The cronicles of this will not lye—
And kept to Calleis, plainsht with Englishmen,
Vnto the death that he did dye.
a.
42. soliders.
164. them.
173. 8th.
203. wright.
204. vs 2.
314. 7th
..
351. feele.
354. xopher Savage, and again 451: always for away.
411. vndeline.
451. Knight for wighte.
522,3. 9.
524. 3.
532. whore.
534. white.
563. giue: pro for for.
572. wright.
581. Lookes for bookes. 2d Parte at 593.
596. 2: 3.
612. 30.
651. Ianie.
793. 7.
794. 8th: breake for flee, cf. b, c.
834. ward: cf. b.
843. I cry for a cry: a in b, c.
894. who his for the first who is.
943. 7.
951. Maurydden.
1024, 1044. 3.
103. 121 in the MS.
1046. 1000s
: 3.
1052. 1000d
: 3.
1061. 300d
:.
1105. 5.
1126. he for the?
1174. me pleasure.
1205. 2.
And for & always.
b, c.
In stanzas of eight lines. b. A ballate of the Battalle of Ffloden Ffeeld betweene the Earle of Surrey and the King of Scots. c. Flowden Feilde.
Trivial variations of spelling are not regarded.
11. of the.
12. our fortune and chaunce.
13. tell of. b. tythandes. c. tythance.
22. surly after And: his wanting.
31. at for to.
32. b. lorde for leed. b, c. great for high.
34. b. found Henry our kynge.
45–76. Two stanzas, the first ending at 62.
45. the prince.
46. c. Iesu.
52. he kneeled vppon.
54. King wanting.
64. and for the second my.
73. biddethe.
75. ye.
82. Prefix And.
83. bare: uppon, upon, for of. b. them for him.
92. they bene both.
93. non for nere. b. belonged.
101. b. a stand.
102. And he.
104. First he wanting. b. tould (corrected from coulde?) for found.
111. b. noble for comlye.
112. And he.
121. b. C. and L. b, c add bothe.
122. the wanting.
124. Not a.
133. King wanting.
134. b, And it, c, Yf it, like you my souereigne lord.
141. c. bene.
142. c. tythandes.
153. b. L. nor C. mene.
154. b. wold euer.
162. on for vpon a.
163. For now: greatest for most.
164. then served they for they serued then.
174. And for If.
181. ye: any wanting.
183. c. ye.
184. b. whether (altered from wher) that wee are.
191. b. rounded. b, c. anon added to king.
192. And wanting. b. Sayenge.
193. to thee wanting.
211. b. neuer a: besydes.
214. b. right angerly.
221. other syde.
224. lowly he.
233. b. our king sayde. c. speake.
234. b. Was for Sayd.
241. c. L. and C.
242. was for were.
243. nowe inserted before are.
244. b. Neuer a one of them. c. Neuer one of them ys (but are, in a later hand).
251. c. then for free.
264. b. fled a foote.
272. b. to for itt.
281. to brene, bren.
282. First me wanting.
283. First I wanting: all to. b. gates.
284. b. Bothe the.
291. walles they.
293. then sayd.
301. and for nor.
302. c. thyne.
303. b. freely for felly.
312. for me for on tree.
322. b. To the towne of.
323. we after soe.
332. b. vppon the same for againe. c. in same, but on the for in, in a later hand.
333. side, syde, for hande.
344. b. duke for erle.
351. Synce: feelde, feylde.
352. c. thyne: theare, there for deere.
354. awaye for always.
363. c. therby added by a later hand.
373. c. myne.
374. c. art altered to weart.
381. whileste that, whiles that.
382. schunte besides.
384. nowe before that.
391. b. for before coward, b, c. none for neuer.
394. be my.
402. the for that.
403. b. Sotheworthe. c. Sothewarke altered to Sotheworthe.
413. c. whilest.
414. schunte.
421. b. Anderton.
423. leaue nowe. b. at altered to of.
433. For whileste, For whiles.
434. wouldeste (c woulde) neuer beside the playne.
441. b. Bolde.
442. ye.
443. stylle, still.
444. Vnslayne nowe yf, (b) that you bee, (c) you had bee.
451. weighte, wighte.
453. b. whileste.
454. woldeste, wouldest: beside.
461. Done, Downe.
462. Ye.
464. b. woldeste.
471. b. Seton altered to Fitton.
472. Other.
473. Prefix For: whiles.
474. woldeste, wouldest.
483. ffor wanting.
492. c. tythands.
494. myne.
514. c. lawne.
522. beareste, bearest.
523. in the vtter.
532. whore.
534. Wyte.
542. ronnethe, renneth. b. besydes.
543. b. was I.
544. b. I will.
551. Berkenhede, Byrkhead altered to Byrkenhead.
554. c. the wanting.
562. myn, myne.
563. gaue: pro (or for) wanting.
572. mayeste, maiest. c. yt clayme.
573. c. call after may, in a later hand.
581. bookes, bokes.
582. comentye, comyntie.
583. Hopesdalle.
584. Mouldesdalle, Mouldesdale.
585. take my: hevie, heavie for sorry.
593. Iames: Garsye, Garsyde.
596. stycked, sticked.
601. b. And after.
603. b. Iames.
604, 663. c. tythandes.
612. hadeste, had.
614. wearte for, were for.
622. will nowe.
631. b. Fitzwaters. c. Feighwater altered to Fitzwater.
633, 711. c. vp for ap.
634. And all they spake.
641. standen.
643. But wanting.
651, 733, 743, 823. b. Iames.
651. c. send.
654. Amydeste.
661. c. soe wanting.
663. b. makes.
674. non.
681. c. Feighwater. b. he followed.
691. b. hied for hoved.
693. b. Osboldstone.
694. b. come.
703. b. wighty.
712. came forthe even with.
713. c. bend.
714. gallowes.
721. When as. b. the king.
723. b. minge.
724. Prefix Said: vnto.
731. Prefix But.
732. c. our owne altered to yondere.
742. c. waste.
744. lyke, like, for please.
754. vpbrayded that I for I vpbrayded.
771. tooke me.
772. b. kepte.
783. of vewe.
794. b. did flee. c. be altered to flie.
801,2. b. Then I layd the bowe one his face, and bade him gather vpe the bowe, etc. c. geder.
804. for wanting.
821. had lyuer, leaver.
832. c. whiles, b. Frenche.
833. ye.
834. b. word.
843. Our prince: a cry.
852. b. settethe one and.
853. Yf that.
855. rebuketh. b. and for or.
861. stylle at rest.
862. b. as wanting.
871. b. prince for king.
872. b. kneene, rhyming with 862,4.
873. prince for king.
874. This owere (c our) noble kynge this (c thy) speede may be.
875. greetes (c gretteth) yow well your lyffe and spouse (c liking).
876. Your honorable: fair ladye.
881. for to.
882. b. in-law wanting.
892. And sayd.
893. vppon, vpon, the for of the.
894. And who weare, were, bis.
911. b. on highe, originally; altered in the same hand to with ane highe word.
914. Ye, yea, prefixed: shalt thou.
922. As for And.
923. b. thes for the. c. tythands. b. adds righte at the end.
931. Brother after hart.
932. c. tythandes.
933. b. this (written upon thy) men cowards were they. c. cowardes called for called cowerds.
934. they wanting.
941. b. him for the erle.
942. adds trulye at the end. b. and lede him for thus they ledden.
945. haue from the taken.
946. agayne to thee.
951. b. marshallynge. c. manratten. b. men for both.
952. for to. b omits euer.
953. these. b. be.
954. b. be.
961. b. the earle saide.
964. for to.
971. b. our kinge sayd.
974. And for If.
981. b. the earle nowe.
983. b. That I my selfe his iudgmente maye pronounce, c. But that I gyve iudgment my selfe.
992. b. will I. c. that I shall.
993. shalt geue (gyue) the iudgment.
1001. b. Then sayd the earle, saved is his lyfe.
1003. If wanting.
1011. b. our kyng sware.
1012. remayneth: I thinke wanting.
1014. c. the wanting.
1021. b. they ganged.
1023. b adds batled at the end.
1024. b. toweres. c. townes. b, c. within.
1035. b. weres.
1036. b. And shewe thie mersye one the Earle of Derby.
104–121 wanting.
169
JOHNIE ARMSTRONG
A. a. ‘A Northern Ballet,’ Wit Restord in severall Select Poems not formerly publisht, London, 1658, p. 30, in Facetiæ, London, 1817, I, 132. b. ‘A Northern Ballad,’ Wit and Drollery, London, 1682, p. 57.
B. a. ‘John Arm-strongs last Good - Night,’ etc., Wood, 401, fol. 93 b, Bodleian Library. b. Pepys Ballads, II, 133, No 117. c. ‘Johnny Armstrongs last Good-Night,’ Old Ballads, 1723, I, 170.
C. ‘Johnie Armstrang,’ The Ever Green, 1724, II, 190.
A b is not found in Wit and Drollery, 1661; it is literally repeated in Dryden’s Miscellanies, 1716, III, 307. B is in the Roxburghe collection, III, 513, the Bagford, I, 64, II, 94, and no doubt in others. It was printed by Evans, 1777, II, 64, and by Ritson, English Songs, 1783, II, 322. C was printed by Herd, 1769, p. 260, 1776 (with spelling changed), I, 13; by Ritson, Scotish Songs, 1794, II, 7; by Scott, 1802, I, 49, 1833, I, 407 (with a slight change or two).
‘Ihonne Ermistrangis dance’ is mentioned in The Complaynt of Scotland, 1549, ed. Murray, p. 66. The tune of C is No 356 of Johnson’s Museum; see further Stenhouse, in the edition of 1853, IV, 335 f.
Of his copy C, Ramsay says: “This is the true old ballad, never printed before.... This I copied from a gentleman’s mouth of the name of Armstrang, who is the sixth generation from this John. He tells me this was ever esteemd the genuine ballad, the common one false.” Motherwell remarks, Minstrelsy, p. lxii, note 3: “The common ballad alluded to by Ramsay [A, B] is the one, however, which is in the mouths of the people. His set I never heard sung or recited; but the other frequently.” A manuscript copy of B, entitled Gillnokie, communicated to Percy by G. Paton, Edinburgh, December 4, 1778, which has some of the peculiar readings of B a, introduces the 27th stanza of C[[225]] in place of 12, and has ‘Away, away, thou traitor strong’ for 121. A copy in Buchan’s MSS, I, 61, ‘The Death of John Armstrong,’ has the first half of C 18 and also of C 19 (with very slight variations). Another Scottish copy, which was evidently taken from recitation, introduces C 23 after 14.[[226]]
Both forms of the ballad had been too long printed to allow validity to any known recited copy. Besides the three already mentioned, there is one in Kinloch’s MSS, V, 263, which intermixes two stanzas from Johnie Scot. The Scottish copies naturally do not allow ‘Scot’ to stand in 173. Paton’s substitutes ‘chiell’; the others ‘man,’ and so a broadside reprinted by Maidment, Scotish Ballads and Songs, Historical and Traditionary, I, 130.
The Armstrongs were people of consideration in Liddesdale from the end, or perhaps from the middle, of the fourteenth century, and by the sixteenth had become the most important sept, as to numbers, in that region, not only extending themselves over a large part of the Debateable Land,[[227]] but spreading also into Eskdale, Ewesdale, Wauchopedale, and Annandale. The Earl of Northumberland, in 1528, puts the power of the Armstrongs, with their adherents, above three thousand horsemen. Mangerton, in Liddesdale, on the east bank of the Liddel, a little north of its junction with the Kersope, was the seat of the chief. John Armstrong, known later as Gilnockie, a brother of Thomas, laird of Mangerton, is first heard of in 1525. Removing from Liddesdale early in the century, as it is thought, he settled on the church lands of Canonby, and at a place called The Hollows, on the west side of the Esk, built a tower, which still remains.[[228]]
Others of the Armstrongs erected strong houses in the neighborhood. Lord Dacre, the English warden of the West Marches, essayed to surprise these strengths in the early part of 1528, but was foiled by John and Sym Armstrong, though he had a force of two thousand men. The Armstrongs, if nominally Scots, were so far from being “in due obeysaunce” that, at a conference of commissioners of both realms in November of the year last named, the representatives of the Scottish king could not undertake to oblige them to make redress for injuries done the English, though a peace depended upon this condition. Perhaps the English border suffered more than the Scottish from their forays (and the English border, we are informed, was not nearly so strong as the Scottish, neither in “capetayns nor the commynnaltie”), but how little Scotland was spared appears from what Sym Armstrong, the laird of Whitlaugh, in the same year again, told the Earl of Northumberland: that himself and his adherents had laid waste in the said realm sixty miles, and laid down thirty parish churches, and that there was not one in the realm of Scotland dare remedy the same. Indeed, our John, Thomas of Mangerton, Sym of Whitlaugh, and the rest, seem to be fairly enough described in an English indictment as “enemies of the king of England, and traitors, fugitives, and felons of the king of Scots.[[229]]
Other measures having failed, King James the Fifth, in the summer of 1530, took the pacifying of his borders into his own hand, and for this purpose levied an army of from eight to twelve thousand men. The particulars of this noted expedition are thus given by Lindsay of Pitscottie.[[230]]
“The king ... made a convention at Edinburgh with all the lords and barons, to consult how he might best stanch theiff and river within his realm, and to cause the commons to live in peace and rest, which long time had been perturbed before. To this effect he gave charge to all earls, lords, barons, freeholders and gentlemen, to compeir at Edinburgh with a month’s victual, to pass with the king to daunton the thieves of Teviotdale and Annandale, with all other parts of the realm; also the king desired all gentlemen that had dogs that were good to bring them with them to hunt in the said bounds, which the most part of the noblemen of the Highlands did, such as the earls of Huntly, Argyle, and Athol, who brought their deer-hounds with them and hunted with his majesty. These lords, with many other lords and gentlemen, to the number of twelve thousand men, assembled at Edinburgh, and therefrom went with the king’s grace to Meggat-land, in the which bounds were slain at that time eighteen score of deer. After this hunting the king hanged John Armstrong, laird of Kilnokie; which many a Scotsman heavily lamented, for he was a doubtit man, and as good a chieftain as ever was upon the borders, either of Scotland or of England. And albeit he was a loose-living man, and sustained the number of twenty-four well-horsed able gentlemen with him, yet he never molested no Scotsman.[[231]] But it is said, from the Scots border to Newcastle of England, there was not one, of whatsoever estate, but paid to this John Armstrong a tribute, to be free of his cumber, he was so doubtit in England. So when he entered in before the king, he came very reverently, with his foresaid number very richly appareled, trusting that in respect he had come to the king’s grace willingly and voluntarily, not being taken nor apprehended by the king, he should obtain the more favor. But when the king saw him and his men so gorgeous in their apparel, and so many braw men under a tyrant’s commandment, throwardlie he turned about his face, and bade take that tyrant out of his sight, saying, What wants yon knave that a king should have? But when John Armstrong perceived that the king kindled in a fury against him, and had no hope of his life, notwithstanding of many great and fair offers which he offered to the king—that is, that he should sustain himself, with forty gentlemen, ever ready to await upon his majesty’s service, and never to take a penny of Scotland nor Scotsmen; secondly, that there was not a subject in England, duke, earl, lord, or baron, but within a certain day he should bring any of them to his majesty, quick or dead—he, seeing no hope of the king’s favor towards him, said very proudly, I am but a fool to seek grace at a graceless face. But had I known, sir, that ye would have taken my life this day, I should have lived upon the borders in despite of King Harry and you both; for I know King Harry would down weigh my best horse with gold to know that I were condemned to die this day. So he was led to the scaffold, and he and all his men hanged.”
Buchanan’s account is, that the king undertook an expedition for the suppressing of freebooters in July, 1530, with an army of about eight thousand men, and encamped at Ewes water, near which was the hold of John Armstrong, a chief of a band of thieves, who had struck such terror into the parts adjacent that even the English for many miles about paid him tribute. Under enticement of the king’s officers, John set out to pay a visit to the king with about fifty horsemen, both unarmed and without a safe-conduct, and on his way fell in with a body of scouts, who took him to their master as a pretended prisoner, and he and most of his men were hanged. The authors of his death averred that Armstrong had promised the English to put the neighboring Scots territory under their sway, if they would make it for his interest; whereas the English were extremely pleased at his death, because they were rid of a redoubtable enemy.[[232]]
Bishop Lesley says simply that in the month of June (apparently 1529) the king passed to the borders with a great army, where he caused forty-eight of the most noble thieves, with John Armstrong, their captain, to be taken, who being convict of theft, reiff, slaughter, and treason, were all hanged upon growing trees.[[233]]
Another account gives us positively and definitely to understand that the Armstrongs were not secured without artifice. “On the eighth of June the principals of all the surnames of the clans on the borders came to the king, upon hope of a proclamation proclaimed in the king’s name that they should all get their lives if they would come in and submit themselves in the king’s will. And so, upon this hope, John Armstrong, who kept the castle of Langholm (a brother of the laird of Mangerton’s, a great thief and oppressor, and one that kept still with him four and twenty well-horsed men), came in to the king; and another called Ill Will Armstrong, another stark thief, with sundry of the Scotts and Elliotts, came all forward to the camp where the king was, in hope to get their pardons. But no sooner did the king perceive them, and that they were come afar off, when direction was given presently to enclose them round about; the which was done, accordingly, and were all apprehended, to the number of thirty-five persons, and at a place called Carlaverock Chapel were all committed to the gallows.... The English people was exceeding glad when they understood that John Armstrong was executed, for he did great robberies and stealing in England, maintaining twenty-four men in household every day upon reiff and oppression.”[[234]]
The place of execution is mentioned by no other historian than Anderson, just quoted, and he gives it as Carlaverock Chapel. But this must be a mistake for Carlenrig Chapel, Carlaverock not being in the line of the king’s progress. James is known to have been at Carlenrig[[235]] on the 5th of July, and Johnie Armstrong not to have been alive on the eighth. It has been popularly believed that Johnie and his band were buried in Carlenrig churchyard (where the graves used to be shown), and their execution made so deep an impression on the people[[236]] that it is not unplausible that the fact should be remembered, and that the ballad C, in saying that John was murdered at Carlenrig, has followed tradition rather than given rise to it.
It appears from Lindsay’s narrative that Johnie Armstrong came to the king voluntarily, and that he was not “taken or apprehended.” Buchanan says that he was enticed by the king’s officers, and Anderson that the heads of the border-clans were induced to come in by a proclamation that their lives should be safe. It is but too likely, therefore, that the capture was not effected by honorable means, and this is the representation of the ballads. There is no record of a trial,[[237]] and the execution was probably as summary as the arrest was perfidious.
The ballads treat facts with the customary freedom and improve upon them greatly. In A, B, English ballads, Johnie is oddly enough a Westmorland man,[[238]] though in B 11 he admits himself to be a subject of the Scots king. The king writes John a long letter promising to do him no wrong, A 4; a loving letter, to come and speak with him speedily, B 4, C 2. Johnie goes to Edinburgh with the eight-score men that he keeps in his hall, all in a splendid uniform, asks grace, and is told that he and his eight-score shall be hanged the next morning. They are not unarmed, and resolve to fight it out rather than be hanged. They kill all the king’s guard but three, B 16, but all Edinburgh rises; four-score and ten of Johnie’s men lie gasping on the ground, A 14. A cowardly Scot comes behind Johnie and runs him through; like Sir Andrew Barton, he bids his men fight on; he will bleed awhile, then rise and fight again. Most of his company are killed, but his foot-page escapes and carries the bad news to Giltnock Hall. His little son, by or on the nurse’s knee, vows to revenge his father’s death.
C differs extensively from A, B, indeed resembles or repeats the English ballad only in a few places: C 2==A 4, B 4; C 6==B 10; C 7==A g, B 11; C 223,4==A 113,4, B 133,4. The Eliots go with the Armstrongs according to C 3, and it is the intention to bring the king to dine at Gilnockie. In C 9–17 Johnie offers twenty-four steeds, four of them laden with as much gold as they can carry, twenty-four mills, and as much wheat as their hoppers can hold, twenty-four sisters-sons, who will fight to the utterance, tribute from all the land between ‘here’ and Newcastle,—all this for his life. The king replies to each successive offer that he never has granted a traitor’s life, and will not begin with him. Johnie gives the king the lie as to his being a traitor; he could make England find him in meal and malt for a hundred years, and no Scot’s wife could say that he had ever hurt her the value of a fly. Had he known how the king would treat him, he would have kept the border in spite of all his army. England’s king would be a blithe man to hear of his capture. At this point the king is attracted by Johnie’s splendid girdle and hat, and exclaims, What wants that knave that a king should have! Johnie bids farewell to his brother, Laird of Mangerton (Thomas, here called Kirsty), and to his son Kirsty, and to Gilnock-Hall, and is murdered at Carlenrig with all his band.
It will be observed that the substance, or at least the hint, of C 213,4, 173,4, 26, 15, 223,4, 23, 241,2, is to be found in Lindsay’s narrative.
In the last stanza of A and of B, Johnie Armstrong’s son (afterwards known as Johnie’s Christy) sitting on his nurse’s knee, B (cf. C 30), or standing by his nurse’s knee, A, vows, if he lives to be a man, to have revenge for his father’s death.[[239]] Not infrequently, in popular ballads, a very young (even unborn) child speaks, by miracle, to save a life, vindicate innocence, or for some other kindly occasion;[[240]] sometimes again to threaten revenge, as here. So a child in the cradle in ‘Frændehævn,’ Grundtvig, I, 28, No 4, B 34 (==C 63), and in ‘Hævnersværdet,’ I, 351, No 25, sts 29, 30; and Kullervo in his third month, Kalevala, Rune 31, Schiefner, p. 194, vv. 109–112.[[241]]
Johnie’s plain speech to the king in C 19, ‘Ye lied, ye lied, now, king!’ is such as we have often heard before in these ballads: see I, 427, No 47, A 14; I, 446, No 50, A 8, 9; I, 452 f, No 52, C 10, D 7; II, 25 f, No 58, G 7, H 10; II, 269 ff, No 83, D 13, E 16, F 22; II, 282, No 86, A 6; III, 62, 67, No 117, sts 114, 222. It is not unexampled elsewhere. So Sthenelus to Agamemnon, II. iv, 204; Ἀτρεΐδη, μὴ ψεύδε’, ἐπιστάμενος σάφα εἰπεῖν; and Bernardo del Carpio, on much the same occasion as here,
Mentides, buen rey, mentides,
que no decides verdad,
que nunca yo fuí traidor,
Wolf & Hofmann, Primavera, I, 38 and 41; see also I, 186, II, 100, 376.
This ballad was an early favorite of Goldsmith’s: “The music of the finest singer is dissonance to what I felt when our old dairymaid sung me into tears with Johnny Armstrong’s Last Good Night, or the Cruelty of Barbara Allen.” Essays, 1765, p. 14.
C is translated by Talvi, Versuch, u. s. w., p. 543; by Schubart, p. 179; by Loève-Veimars, p. 270.