Index rerum ac nominum nunc primùm huic Epistolæ adjunctus

ACADIA, duo Societatis Sacerdotes illuc missi sunt	iii
et ibi preveniunt	26
Algonquini gerunt bella perpetua cum Irocosiis	9
tribus Novæ Franciæ	11
et Montagnesii iuncti, multo plus mille capitum numerare non possunt	13
Anthropophagi, Excominqui et Armonchiqui perhibentur esse	9, 14
Aquitaniâ euocatus, Sacerdos ad Novam Franciam proficiscitur	20
Armonchiqui terram possident â fluvio Kinibequi vsque ad quadragesimum gradum	11
Anthropophagi perhibentur	14
Automoinos, vel veneficos, Barbari consulunt	14
Baia Fundij. vide, Sinus Francicus.
Baptismum velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis Barbari accipiunt	24
Barbari lege ac magistratu carent [40]	13
Barbari quomodo vivunt	13
bella populatim gerunt	14
nec templa nec ædes sacras habent	15
cum corpore memoriam ac nomen mortuorum sepeliunt	16
Cacodæmonem colunt	16
tenuem cognitionem Dei habent	16
nonnulli in Galliam deuehuntur et ibi baptizantur	23
centum in Novâ Franciâ baptizati sunt	24
[108]velut signum confœderationis cum Gallis baptismum accipiunt	24
Gallos Nortmannos appellant	25
canes immolant cum mors cuivis suorum appropinquet	28
Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ tribuum nomina	9
Novæ Franciæ numeri ac nomina	11, 13
pelles unicus thesaurus	12
vultus color et mores	13
in quo constat religio	14
in conviviis consuetudo	17
infantes baptizantur	27
P. Biardus invisit casulas	23
Bella Barbari populatim gerunt	14
Biardus, P. Petrus, in Acadiâ mittitur	iii
casulas Barbarorum invisit	33
magnam Norumbegæ partum lustrat	32
quemdam iuvenem D. Potrincurtio reconciliat	34
Biencurtius, Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ deposcit	20
(vide Potrincurtius).
Biencurtius D. Potrincurtij filius, interpretis vices gerit	31
magnam Norembegæ partem cum P. Biardo lustrat [41]	32
Cacodæmonem Barbari colunt	19
Canadæ, Irocosii degunt ad capita magni fluminis	9
S. Ioannis flumen orsum suum habet propemodum ora fluminis	10
Canes, Barbari imminente morte assueti suntimmolare	28
Patres Societatis hunc morem increpant	29
Canoæ e cortice compinguntur	17
Chorographiam Novæ Franciæ P. Biardus proponit mittere	18
[110]Choucaoët brachium est terræ quod sinum Francicum excipit	11
Color Barbarorum	13
Conviviorum apud Barbaros consuetudo	17
Cotonus P. veniam obtinet ut Societas Iesv in Novâ Franciâ laboret	19
Dei, Barbari habent tenuem cognitionem	16
Dieppam, duo Iesuitæ eunt ad conscendendum	20
et solvunt ab hac portu	22
Etheminquenses inter S. Ioannis et Kinibequi fluvios habitant	10
tribus Novæ Franciæ	11
mille capita numerare non possunt	13
Excominqui fera gens est et Anthropophaga	9
Excommunicati, nomen vulgus Excominquorum	9
tribus Novæ Franciæ	9, 11
Anthropophagi perhibentur	14
Expositio seu capita hujusce Epistolæ	6
Flumina Novæ Franciæ	9, 10
Fœmina apud Barbaros	16
locum mancipii tenet	17
Francici sinûs positio [42]	10
Galli, quæ regio ab illis Nova Francia usurpatur	8
Novæ Franciæ regionem non incolant	19
Galliam, Barbari devehuntur et baptizantur	23
Gallis, Irocosii et Armonchiqui non multum noti sunt	11
Gallorum numerus in Acadiâ	25
Geographi antiqui erroribus pleni	7
Guerchevilia, Marchionisa, pro Patribus Societatis navem emit	21
Gurges S. Laurentii	9
Hæretici in navem Iesuitas recipere nolunt	20
Henricus Rex, veniam dat Societati in Novâ Franciâ laborandi	19
[112]mortuus est	20
Infantes Barbarorum baptizati	27
Insula Præsentis, Terra Nova Barbaris appellatur	9
Insulæ in Nova Francia frequentes sunt	12
Irocosii ad capita magni fluminis Canadæ iacent	9
perpetua bella cum Montagnesiis et Algonquiniis gerunt	9
tribus Novæ Franciæ	11
Isthmum, gurges S. Laurentii et sinus Francicus efficiunt	10
Kinibequi flumen. vide Rimbequi.
Latitudo Novæ Franciæ	8
Leucas quingentas Isthmus continet	10
Linguæ indigenarum Patres Societatis ignari	27
Massæus, P. Enemundus, in Acadiam mittitur	iii
Medicæa Maria, regina regens, Societati Iesv patrocinatur	20
mandat ut Patres in navem recepti sint [43]	21
Membertou, Henricus, Sagamus Soricorum, cum familia ejus, baptizatur	24
filius ejus ægrotus deportatus est in ædes D. Potrincurtii	28, 29
Sagamus, moritur	30
magnâ pompâ sepulitur	32
Moluarum, Terra nova celeberrima piscatu	9
Montagnesii, ubi habitant	9
tribus Novæ Franciæ	11
Montes Novæ Franciæ nivosi et perpetuò rigentes sunt	12
Mores Barbarorum	13, 16
Mortuorum memoriam ac nomen Barbari cum corpore sepeliunt	16
Nomina Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ	9
Nortmannos, Barbari Gallos appellant	25
Norumbega nihil est quam umbra et vox	8
[114]Norumbegæ P. Biardus magnam partem lustrat	32
Nova Francia, quæ sit regio	8
numeri ac nomina tribuum Barbarorum in	11
quare regio perfrigida est et valdè aquosa	12
Societas Iesv permissionem obtinet laborare in	19
Novæ Franciæ chorographia à P. Biardo facienda	18
Novam Franciam Patres Societatis appellunt ad	24
Numerus Gallorum in Acadiâ	25
Panis in Portu-regali cœpit deficere	34
Patres Societatis Iesv in Portu-regali degunt	10
necessitates ac onera eorum	35
Pedunculos Barbari in deliciis habent	18
Pelles unicus thesaurus Barbarorum	12
Pontia, Antonia. vide Guerchevilia
Pōtugoët fluvius [44]	10
Portus-regalis latitudo ac situs	10
Patres Societatis ibi perveniunt	26
Potrincurtius, D. Ioannes, colonos pro Novâ Franciâ poscit	20
in Novam Franciam pervenit	24
familia ejus unica est in Acadiâ	25
Patrûm sedulitatem collaudat	27
filius ægrotus Membertou deportatus est in ædes ejus	29
Potrincurtio D. quidam iuvenis reconciliatus est	34
Præsentis insula	9
Promontorium Sabulorum	11
Puella baptizatur	27
moritur in Sacerdotum tuguriolo	28
Religio Barbarorum	14
Rimbequi (seu potius Kinibequi) flumen	10
Sacerdos secularis centum ferè Barbaros in Novâ Franciâ baptizat	24
in Galliam remigrat	26
[116]Sagami sunt bellorum ductores sed imperium eorum precarium est	13
S. Ioannis flumen sese in Francicum gurgitem exonerat	10
S. Laurentii gurges	9
Sinus Francicus	10
Societas Iesv, quanam viâ missionem in hanc provinciam obtinet	18
permittitur in Novâ Franciâ laborare	19
evocat duos Sacerdotes ut ibi proficiscantur	20
impedimenta quæ eis afferuntur	21
patres in Portum-regalem perveniunt	24, 26
(vide Patres).
Somniis Barbari fidem habent [45]	15
Soricorum Sagamus Henricus Membertou	28
Soriqui ubi habitant	10
tribus Novæ Franciæ	11
duo millia non conficiunt	13
Tabagia, convivium apud Barbaros vocatur	17
Tabagiam, apud Barbaros mos est moribundis facere	28
Templa nulla Barbari habent	15
Terra nova, nomen suum apud Barbaros	9
Tuguriola fœminæ ædificant	17
quomodo ædificantur	18
Venefici apud Barbaros	14
potestas eorum	15
Vultus Barbarorum	13

An index of matters, persons and places now for the first time added to this Letter

[Figures refer to original pagination.—Ed.]

ACADIA, two priests of the Society are sent thither	iii
and arrive there	26
Algonquins wage perpetual war with the Irocois	9
a tribe of New France	11
and the Montagnais together cannot much exceed a thousand in number	13
Cannibals, the Excomminiqui and Armouchiquois are said to be	9, 14
Aquitaine, a Priest departs for New France, summoned from	20
Armouchiquois occupy the region from the Kinibequi river to the fortieth parallel	11
are said to be Cannibals	14
Autmoins, or medicine-men, the Savages consult	14
Bay of Fundy, vide French Bay.
Baptism is accepted by the Savages as a sign of confederation with the French	24
Savages, they have neither laws nor magistrates [40]	13
Savages, how they live	13
wage war as a whole people	14
have neither temples nor sacred edifices	15
bury the name and memory of the dead with their bodies	16
worship the Evil Spirit	16
have a slight notion of God	16
some brought to France and baptised there	23
a hundred are baptized in New France	24
receive baptism as a sign of confederation with the French	24
call the French Normans	25
sacrifice dogs when one of their people is about to die	28
Savages of New France, names of the tribes	9
of New France, their numbers and names	11, 13
hides their only treasure	12
their faces, color, and manners	13
in what their religion consists	14
their custom at their feasts	17
infants baptized	27
Father Biard visits their huts	33
Wars, the Indians wage war as a people	14
Biard, Father Pierre, is sent to Acadia	iii
visits the huts of the Savages	33
explores a large part of Norumbega	32
reconciles a certain young man with Monsieur de Potrincourt	34
Biencourt, Jean de, asks for colonists for New France	20
vide Potrincourt.
Biencourt, son of Potrincourt, serves as interpreter	31
explores with Father Biard a large part of Norumbega [41]	32
Evil Spirit, the Savages worship the	19
Canada, the Irocois live at the head-waters of the great river of	9
the St. John river takes its rise near the river of	10
Dogs, the Savages at the approach of death are accustomed to sacrifice	28
the Fathers of the Society blame this custom	29
Canoes constructed out of bark	17
Chart of New France, Father Biard proposes to send	18
Chouacoët is a promontory jutting into French bay	11
Color of the Savages	13
Feasts, customs of, among the Savages	17
Coton, Father, obtains permission for the Society of Jesus to labor in New France	19
God, the Savages have a slight knowledge of	16
Dieppe, two Jesuits go there to embark	20
and sail from this port	22
Etheminqui, live between St. John and Kinibequi rivers	10
a tribe of New France	11
cannot number a thousand	13
Excominqui, a fierce tribe, and Cannibals	9
Excommunicated, the, common appellation of the Excominqui	9
a tribe of New France	9, 11
are said to be Cannibals	14
Explanation, or heads of this Letter	6
Rivers of New France	9, 10
Women among the Savages	16
fill the place of slaves	17
French bay, its position, [42]	10
French, what country is called by them New France	8
do not settle in the country of New France	19
France, Savages brought there and baptised	23
French, the Irocois and Armouchiquois little known to	11
French, their number in Acadia	25
Geographers, old, full of errors	7
Guercheville, Marchioness de, buys a ship for the Fathers of the Society	21
Gulf of St. Lawrence	9
Heretics refuse to receive the Jesuits into their ship	20
Henry, King, gives the Society permission to labor in New France	19
his death	20
Infants of the Savages baptised	27
Island of Præsentis [Plaisance], Newfoundland is called by the Indians	9
Islands are numerous in New France	12
Irocois located at sources of great river of Canada	9
wage perpetual war with the Montagnais and Algonquins	9
a tribe of New France	11
Isthmus, gulf of St. Lawrence and French bay form	10
Kinibequi river, vide Rimbequi.
Latitude of New France	8
Leagues, the Isthmus measures five hundred	10
Language of the natives, the Fathers ignorant of it	27
Massé, Father Ennemond, sent to Acadia	iii
Médicis, Marie de, queen regent, extends her favor to the Society of Jesus	20
orders the Fathers to be received into the ship [43]	21
Membertou, Henry, chief of the Soriquois, is baptized with his family	24
his son being sick, is carried to the house of Monsieur de Potrincourt	28, 29
the Chief dies	30
is buried with great pomp	32
Cod-fish, Newfoundland celebrated for the taking of	9
Montagnais, where they dwell	9
a tribe of New France	11
Mountains of New France are covered with snow and perpetual frost	12
Manners of the Savages	13, 16
Dead, they bury their memory and name with them	16
Names of the Savages of New France	9
Normans, the Savages call the French	25
Norumbega is only a shadow and a name	8
Norumbega, Father Biard explores a large part of	32
New France, what sort of a country	8
number and names of its Savage tribes	11
why the country is very cold and wet	12
Society of Jesus obtains permission to labor in	19
New France, its chart to be made by Father Biard	18
New France, the Jesuit Fathers land in	24
Number of the French in Acadia	25
Provisions at Port Royal become scarce	34
Priests, the Jesuit, live at Port Royal	10
their needs and cares	35
Lice, the Indians regard them as a dainty	18
Peltries, the only treasure of the Indians	12
Pons, Antoinette de, vide Guercheville.
Potugoët river [44]	10
Port Royal, latitude and location	10
the Jesuit Priests arrive here	26
Potrincourt, Sieur Jean de, asks for colonists for New France	20
arrives in New France	24
his family is the only one in Acadia	25
praises the zeal of the Fathers	27
the sick son of Membertou is brought to his house	29
Potrincourt, Sieur de, certain young man reconciled with	34
Præsentis [Plaisance] island	9
Sable, Cape	11
Girl baptized	27
dies in the cabin of the Priests	28
Religion of the Savages	14
Rimbequi (or rather Kinibequi) river	10
Secular Priest, baptises nearly a hundred Savages in New France	24
returns to France	26
Sagamores are leaders in war, but their authority is precarious	13
St. John river empties into French bay	10
St. Lawrence, gulf of	9
French Bay	10
Society of Jesus, in what way it obtained the sending of a mission to this province	18
is permitted to labor in New France	19
summons two Priests to go there	20
the impediments put in their way	21
the fathers arrive at Port Royal	24, 26
vide Priests.
Dreams, the Savages have faith in [45]	15
Soriquois, their Sagamore Henry Membertou	28
where they live	10
a tribe of New France	11
do not number two thousand	13
Tabagie, feast among the Indians is called	17
Tabagie, a custom among the Savages held for the dying	28
Temples, the Savages have none	15
Newfoundland, its name among the Savages	9
Tents, the women set them up	17
how they are constructed	18
Medicine-men among the Indians	14
their power	15
Aspect of the Indians	13

[Facsimile of map of Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613).]

[Larger image]

A. Le lieu de l'habitation.
B. Iardin du Sieur de Champlain.
C. Alleé au trauers les bois que fit faire le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
D. Ile à l'entrée de la riuiere de l'Equille.
E. Entrée du port Royal.
F. Basses qui assechẽt de basse mer.
G. Riuiere sainct Antoine.
H. Lieu du labourage où on seme le blé.
I. Moulin que fit fair le Sieur de Poitrincourt.
L. Prairies qui sont innōdées des eaux aux grandes marées.
M. Riuiere de l'Equille.

N. La coste de la mer du port Royal.
O. Costes de montaignes.
P. Ile proche de la riuiere sainct Antoine.
Q. Ruisseau de la Roche.
R. Autre Ruisseau.
S. Riuiere du moulin.
T. Petit lac.
V. Le lieu où les sauuages peschent le harang en la saison.
X. Ruisseau de la trutiere.
Y. Allée que fit faire le Sieur de Champlain.

Lescarbot's Relation Dernière
de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de
Poutrincourt

PARIS: JEAN MILLOT, 1612

SOURCE: Reprinted from original in Harvard College Library.

RELATION
DERNIÈRE
DECE QVI S'EST
PASSÉ AV VOYAGE
DV SIEVR DE POVTRINCOVRT
en la Nouuelle-France
depuis 20. mois ença.

Par Marc Lescarbot Aduocat en Parlement.

A PARIS,

Chez Iean Millot, deuant S. Barthelemy aux trois Couronnes.

M. DCXII.

AVEC PRIVILEGE DU ROY.

LAST RELATION
OF
WHAT TOOK PLACE
IN THE VOYAGE MADE
BY SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT
to New France, twenty
months ago.

By Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in Parliament.

PARIS:

Jean Millot, opposite St. Barthelemy, at the Three Crowns.

MDCXII.

BY ROYAL LICENSE.

Relation Dernière de ce qvi s'est passé av voyage dv sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouuelle-France depuis 20. mois ença. [124]

PREFACE.

LE proverbe ancien est bien veritable, que les Dieux nous vendent toutes choses par labeur. Ceci se reconoit par experience ordinaire en plusieurs choses, mais particulierement au fait duquel nous avons à parler: auquel donne sujet par ses incomparables vertus le sieur de Poutrincourt, de qui les labeurs plus que Herculeans ont dés y a long temps merité vne bien ample fortune, & y eust donné attainte au temps de nos troubles derniers, s'il n'eust esté trop entier à maintenir le party qu'il auoit embrassé. Car le Roy le tenant en personne assiegé dans le chateau de Beaumont [4] lui voulut donner le Comté dudit lieu pour se rendre à son service. Ce qu'ayant refusé, il le fit toutefois peu après gratuitement voyant sa Majesté reduit à l'Eglise Catholique Romaine. Vray est que nostre feu Roy Henri le Grand l'auoit obligé en vne chose, c'est d'avoir rendu par sa bouche ce temoignage de lui, qu'il estoit vn des plus hommes de bien, & des plus valeureux de son royaume. Suiuant quoy aussi apres noz guerres passées, lui qui naturellement est porté aux entreprises difficiles, fuiant la vie oisive, auroit recherché l'occasion de faire plus que devant paroitre son courage, honorer son Prince, & illustrer sa patrie. Ce qu'il auroit fait [126] par la rencontre du sieur de Monts, lequel en l'an 1603, entreprenoit le voyage de la France Nouvelle & Occidentale d'outre mer, auec lequel il se ioignit pour y reconoistre vne terre propre à habiter & y rendre service a Dieu & au Roy. A quoy il a depuis travaillé continuellement & eust desia beaucoup avancé l'œuvre, si sa facilité ne se fust trop fiée à des hommes trompeurs, qui lui ont fait perdre son temps & son argent. Voire encore estant Gentilhomme indomtable à la fatigue, & sans crainte aux hazars, il se pourroit promettre vn assez prompt avancement à son entreprise s'il n'estoit troublé par l'avarice de ceux qui lui enlevent la graisse de sa terre sans y faire habitation, & avides des Castors de ce païs là y vont exprés pour ce sujet, & ont fait à l'envi l'un de l'autre que chacune peau de Castor (qui est le traffic le plus [5] present de ces terres) vaut icy auiourd'hui dix liures, qui se pourroit bailler pour la moitié, si le commerce d'icelles estoit permis à vn seul. Et au moyen de ce pourroit prendre fondement la Religion Chrestienne par dela; comme certes elle y auroit esté fort avancée, si telle chose eust esté faite. Et la consideration de la Religion & de l'establissement d'un païs dont la France peut tirer du profit & de la gloire, merite bien que ceux qui l'habitent iouïssent pleinement & entierement des fruits qui en proviennent, puis que nul ne contribuë à ce dessein pour le soulagement des entrepreneurs, lesquels au peril de leurs vies & de leurs moyens ont découvert par dela tant les orées maritimes, que le profond des terres, où iamais aucun Chrétien n'avoit esté. Il y a vne autre consideration que ie ne veux mettre par écrit, & laquelle seule doit faire accorder ce que dessus à ceux qui se presentent [128] & offrent pour habiter & defendre la province, voire pour donner du secours à toute la France de deça. C'a esté vne plainte faite de tout temps, que les considerations particulieres ont ruiné les affaires du general. Ainsi est-il à craindre qu'il n'en avienne en l'affaire des Terres-neuves, si nous la negligeons, & si l'on ne soustient ceux qui d'une resolution immuable s'exposent pour le bien, l'honneur, & la gloire de la France, & pour l'exaltation du nom de Dieu, & de son Eglise.

Last Relation of what took place in the voyage made by sieur de Poutrincourt to New France, twenty months ago.

PREFACE.

THE old proverb is true that the Gods sell us all things for work. This may be recognized in many of the ordinary events of life, but especially in the matter of which we are about to speak, and for which we have a subject in the incomparable virtues of sieur de Poutrincourt, whose more than Herculean labors have for a long time deserved a very ample fortune, which he might have succeeded in acquiring during our late struggles, had he not been too entirely devoted to the party which he had embraced. For the King, holding him besieged in person in Beaumont castle, [4] wished to give him the County thereof to attach him to his service. Refusing the gift at this time, he nevertheless accepted it freely soon afterwards, when he learned that his Majesty had embraced the faith of the Roman Catholic Church. It is true that our late King Henry the Great had rendered him one service; that is, he had testified with his own lips that he was one of the most honorable and valiant men in his kingdom. Again, after our recent wars, being naturally attracted to difficult enterprises and shunning a life of idleness, he sought some occasion to more effectually show his courage, to honor his Prince, and to glorify his country. This he did by meeting sieur de Monts,[13] who, in the year 1603, undertook the voyage to New and Western France beyond the sea; and by associating himself with him, to find a suitable place where he could settle down, and there render service to God and the King. To this end he has labored continually ever since, and would have already greatly advanced the work, had not his amiable nature been imposed upon by dishonest men, who have been the cause of great losses to him in time and money. But, as he was a Gentleman not to be conquered by hardships, and fearing no dangers, he might have been sure of prompt advancement in his work had he not been hindered by the greed of those who robbed him of the fat of his lands, without making any settlement there. These people, eager to get the Beaver skins of that country, go there for no other purpose; and so compete with each other, that they have caused every Beaver skin (which is the chief traffic [5] of these regions) to be worth here to-day ten livres, when they might have been sold for one-half that price, if the traffic therein had been limited to one person. In this way the Christian Religion might have also been established there; and it certainly would have been greatly advanced, if such a course had been pursued. Also for the sake of Religion and of permanent colonization, from which France can derive both profit and glory, it is well that those who settle there should enjoy fully and wholly the advantages guaranteed by them; since no one does anything in this direction for the sake of the leaders of the enterprise, who, at the risk of their lives and their fortunes, have discovered coasts and interior lands where no Christian had ever been. There is another consideration which I do not wish to set down in writing, and which alone ought to obtain the above-mentioned privileges to those who present and offer themselves to settle and defend the province, and indeed to give assistance to the entire French colony over there. There has always been a complaint that affairs of general importance are ruined by giving too much attention to the consideration of personal interests. It is to be feared this may be the case in the affairs of the new World, if we neglect them, and do not encourage those who, with an unchangeable purpose, take great risks for the welfare, the honor, and the glory of France, and for the exaltation of the name of God, and of his Church.

[6] VOYAGE EN LA TERRE-NEUVE.

I'ay rapporté en mon histoire de la Nouvelle France ce qui est des deux premiers voyages faits outre mer par le sieur de Poutrincourt. Ici i'ay à écrire ce qui s'est ensuiui és voyages subsequens. Depuis quelques années une succession lui est echeuë a cause de Dame Iehanne de Salazar sa mere, qui est la Baronnie de Sainct Iust en Champagne. Les rivieres de Seine & d'Aulbe rendent le lieu de cette Baronnie autant agreable, que fort & avantageux à la defense. Là au commencement de Février mil six cens dix il fit partie de son equippage, y ayant chargé vn bateau de meubles, viures, & munitions de guerre, voire tellement chargé qu'il n'y restoit que deux doigts de bord hors de l'eau. Cependant la riviere estoit enflée & ne se pouuoit plus tenir en son lict à cause des longues pluies hivernales. Les flots le menaçoient souuent, les perils y estoient presens, mesmement és passages de Nogent, Corbeil, Sainct Clou, Ecorche-veau, & autres où des bateaux perirent à sa veuë, sans qu'il fust aucunement emeu d'apprehension. En fin il parvint à Dieppe, & apres quelque sejour il se mit en mer le 26. [130] dudit mois de Février. Plusieurs en cette ville là benissoient son voyage, & prioient Dieu pour la prosperité d'icelui. La saison estoit rude, & les vents le plus souvent contraires. Mais on peut bien appeller vn [7] voyage heureux, quand en fin on arrive à bon port. |^a Forbans, ce sont Pyrates.| Ils ne furent gueres loin qu'ils rencontrerent vers le Casquet vn nauire de Forbans^a, lesquels voyans ledit Sieur & ses gens bien resolus de se defendre si on les attaquoit, passerent outre. Le 6. de Mars ils rencontrerent vnze navires Flamens, & se saluerent l'vn l'autre de chacun vn coup de canon. Depuis le 8. iusques au 15. il y eut tempéte, durant laquelle vne fois ledit Sieur estant couché à la poupe, fut porté de son lict pardessus la table au lict de son fils. |^b Su, c'est Midi.| Ce mauvais temps les fit chercher leur route plus au Su^b, & virent deux iles des Essores, Corbes, & Flore, là où ils eurent le rafraichissement de quelques Marsoins qu'ils prindrent. Et comme l'on dit que de la guerre vient la paix, Ainsi apres ces tourmentes ils eurent des calmes iusques au iour de Pasques Fleuries plus facheux que les tourmentes: car quoy qu'on soit en repos, il n'y a pourtant sujet de contentement: car les vivres se mangent, & la saison de bien faire se passe: bref vn grand calme est fort mauvais sur la mer. Mais cela n'est point perpetuel: & quelquefois (selon l'inconstance d'Eole) apres le calme suit vn vent favorable, tantost vne tempéte, comme il survint vn peu apres (sçauoir le lendemain de Pasques) laquelle fit faire eau à la soute, qui est le magazin du pain, ou biscuit. |^a Peril d'vn charpentier.| Occasion que le Charpentier du navire voulant aller remedier au mal avenu, d'autant qu'en faisant ce qui est de son art il troubloit les prieres publiques qui se faisoient du matin, ledit Sieur lui [132] commanda [8] de besongner par le dehors, là où estant allé il trouva le Gouvernail rompu (chose dangereuse) lequel voulant aller racoutrer, comme il estoit à sa besongne^a, il tomba de son echaffaut dedans la mer. Et bien vint que le temps s'estoit ammoderé: car autrement c'estoit vn homme perdu. Mais il fut garenti par la diligence des matelots, qui lui tendirent vne corde, par laquelle il se sauva.

[6] VOYAGE TO THE NEW WORLD.

I related in my history of New France what happened in the first two voyages made by sieur de Poutrincourt to the lands beyond the sea. Here I shall give an account of what took place in the subsequent voyages. Some years ago an inheritance, the Barony of Sainct Just, in Champagne, fell to Sieur de Poutrincourt through his mother, Lady Jehanne de Salazar. The Seine and Aulbe rivers render the situation of this domain as beautiful as it is strong and eligible for defense. Here, in the beginning of February, one thousand six hundred and ten, he partly equipped his ship, loading it with furniture, provisions, and munitions of war; and, indeed, so freighted it down that the sides were only two finger-lengths out of the water. Meanwhile, the river had risen until it could no longer be confined in its bed, on account of the long winter rains. Often threatened by floods and by imminent perils in the passages from Nogent, Corbeil, Sainct Clou, Ecorche-veau and other places, where vessels were wrecked before his eyes, he was not in the least affected by fear. At last he arrived at Dieppe, and, after a sojourn there, he put to sea upon the 26th of this same month of February. Many people of that city wished him well in his voyage and prayed God for its success. The season was stormy, and contrary winds prevailed the greater part of the time. But we may indeed call a [7] voyage fortunate, which brings us at last safe into port. |^a Forbans are pirates.| They were not far away when they met, in the direction of Casquet,[14] a ship of Forbans^a, who, seeing that the Sieur and his crew were all ready to defend themselves if attacked, sailed on past them. On the 6th of March they met eleven Flemish ships, and they saluted each other by a discharge of cannon. From the 8th to the 15th there was a tempest, during which the Sieur, who was lying down on the poop, was thrown from his bed, over the table, to that of his son. |^b South, that is, Meridian.| This bad weather made them turn their route more to the South^b, where they saw two of the Essores islands, Corbes and Flore; and there they had some fresh food by catching a few Porpoises. And as, according to the old saying, peace follows war, so, after these storms, there were calms more trying than the tempests, until Palm Sunday; for then, although there was rest, there was no satisfaction in it, for the food was being consumed and the good season was passing away; in short, a great calm is a very harmful thing upon the sea. But it does not last always; and sometimes (according to the fickle moods of Æolus) after the calm comes a favorable wind, sometimes a tempest; as happened shortly afterwards (namely, the day after Easter), and this caused a leak in the soute, which is the storeroom for bread or biscuit. Now the ship's carpenter, who went to repair the leak, while doing what his trade demanded, interfered with the public prayers which were being offered in the morning, and the Sieur commanded him [8] to do his work outside. |^a Peril of a carpenter.| He obeyed, and there found the Rudder broken (which is a very dangerous thing); wishing to readjust it, while he was engaged in the work, he fell^a from his scaffolding into the sea. And it was well that the weather had moderated; for otherwise there would have been a man lost. But he was rescued by the efforts of the sailors, who threw him a rope by which he saved himself.

^b Voy l'Hist. de la Nouv. France liv. 4. chap. 12.

Le 11. de May la sonde fut iettée, & se trouva fond à 80.^b brasses: indice que l'on estoit sur le Banc des Moruës. Là ils s'arréterent pour auoir le rafraichissement de la pecherie soit des poissons, soit des oiseaux qui sont abondamment sur ledit Banc, ainsi que i'ay amplement décrit en madite Histoire de la Nouvelle France. |^c Au méme liv. ch. 7.| Le Banc passé, apres auoir soutenu plusieurs vents contraires, en fin ils terrirent vers Pemptegoet^c (qui est l'endroit que noz Geographes marquent soubs le nom de Norombega) & fit dire la Messe ledit Sieur en vne Isle qu'il nomma de l'Ascension, pour y estre arrivé ce iour là. De ce lieu ils vindrent à Sainte Croix premiere habitation de noz François en cette côte, là où ledit Sieur fit faire des prieres pour les trespassez qui y estoient enterrez dés le premier voyage du sieur de Monts en l'an 1603. & furent au haut de la riviere dudit lieu de Sainte Croix, où ils trouverent telle quantité de Harens à chaque marée, qu'il y en avoit pour nourrir toute vne grosse ville. En autres saisons il y vient d'autres poissons. Mais lors c'estoit le tour aux Harens. Là mesme il y a des arbres d'inestimable [9] beauté en hauteur & grosseur. |^d Ceremonies de funerailles.| Sur cette méme côte, devant qu'arriver au Port Royal^d ils virent les ceremonies funebres d'un corps mort decedé en la terre des Etechemins. Le [134] defunct estoit couché sur vn ais appuyé de quatre fourches, & fut couvert de peaux. Le lendemain arrive là grande assemblée d'hommes, lesquels danserent à leur mode alentour du decedé. Vn des anciens tenoit vn long baton, où il y avoit pendues trois tétes de leurs ennemis; D'autres avoient d'autres marques de leurs victoires: & en cet etat chanterent & danserent deux ou trois heures, disans les loüanges du mort au lieu du Libera que disent les Chrétiens. |^a Matachiaz, ce sont carquans, echarpes, & brasselets.| Apres chacun lui fit don de quelque chose, comme de peaux, chaudieres, pois, haches, couteaux, fleches, ^aMatachiaz & autres hardes. Toutes lesquelles ceremonies achevées, on le porta en sepulture en vne ile à l'écart loin de la terre ferme. Et au partir de là tira ledit Sieur au Port Royal lieu de son habitation.

^b See History of New France book 4. ch. 12.

On the 11th of May, the sounding lead was cast, and bottom was found at 80^b fathoms; a sign that they were upon the Codfish Banks. There they stopped to obtain fresh food, either fish or birds, which are abundant upon these Banks, as I have described fully in my History of New France. |^c In the same book ch. 7.| When the Banks were passed, after having encountered several contrary winds, at last they landed in the neighborhood of Pemptegoet,^c (the place that our Geographers designate by the name Norembega);[15] and the Sieur caused Mass to be said upon an Island, which he called Ascension, because they arrived there upon that day. Thence they came to Sainte Croix,[16] the first settlement of our French upon this coast, where the Sieur had prayers offered for the dead who had been buried there since the first voyage made by sieur de Monts, in the year 1603. Then they went up the river Sainte Croix, where they found such a great number of Herrings at every tide, that they had enough to feed a whole city. During the other seasons there are other kinds of fish, but at that time it was the Herring season. |^d Funeral ceremonies.| Also there are trees there of [9] indescribable beauty, height, and grandeur. Upon this same coast, before reaching Port Royal,^d they saw the funeral ceremonies over the corpse of a savage who had died in the land of the Etechemins. The body was resting upon a plank supported by four stakes and covered with skins. The next day, a great crowd of men arrived, who performed their customary dances around the corpse. One of the old men held a long pole, upon which were dangling three of their enemies' heads; others carried other trophies of their victories; and thus they continued to sing and dance for two or three hours, chanting the praises of the dead instead of the Libera of Christians. |^a Matachiaz are necklaces, scarfs and bracelets.| Afterwards each one made him a gift of some kind, such as skins, kettles, peas, hatchets, knives, arrows, ^aMatachiaz,[17] and articles of apparel. When all these ceremonies were finished, they carried him for burial to an isolated island, far from the mainland. And, leaving there, the Sieur sailed for Port Royal, the place of his residence.

RELIGION.

Le sieur de Poutrincourt n'eut à-peine pris haleine apres tant de travaux, qu'il envoya chercher Membertou premier & plus ancien Capitaine de cette contrée, pour lui rafrechir la memoire de quelques enseignemens de la Religion Chrétienne que nous lui avions autrefois [10] donné, & l'instruire plus amplement és choses qui concernent le salut de l'ame, afin que cetui-ci reduit, plusieurs autres à son exemple fissent le méme. Comme de fait il arriva. Car apres avoir esté catechizé, & les siens avec lui, par quelque temps, il fut baptizé, & vingt autres de sa troupe, le iour sainct Iehan Baptiste 1610. |^b Liv. 5. ch. 5. pa. 638.| les noms desquels i'ay enrollé en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle France^b selon qu'ils sont écrits au registre des baptémes de l'Eglise metropolitaine de dela, qui est au Port Royal. |^a Mission.| [136] Le Pasteur qui fit ce chef d'œuvre fut Messire Iesse Fleuche natif de Lantage, diocese de Langres, homme de bonnes lettres, lequel avoit pris sa mission^a de Monsieur le Nonce du Sainct Pere Euesque de Rome, qui estoit pour lors, & est encore à Paris. Non qu'un Euéque François ne l'eust peu faire: mais ayant fait ce choix, ie croy que ladite mission est aussi bonne de lui (qui est Evéque) que d'vn autre, encore qu'il soit étranger. Toutefois i'en laisse la cõsideration à ceuq qui y ont plus d'interest que moy, estant chose qui se peut disputer d'une part & d'autre, parce qu'il n'est pas ici en son diocese. Ledit Seigneur Nonce, dit Robert Vbaldin, lui bailla permission d'ouir par dela les confessions de toutes personnes, & les absoudre de tous pechés & crimes non reservés expressement au siege Apostolique; & leur enioindre des penitences selon la qualité du peché. En outre lui donna pouvoir de consacrer & benir des chasubles & autres vétemens sacerdotaux, & des paremens d'autels, excepté [11] des Corporaliers, Calices, & Paténes. C'est ainsi que ie l'ay leu sur les lettres de ce octroyées audit Fleuche premier Patriarche de ces terres là. Ie di patriarche, par ce que communement on l'appelloit ainsi: & ce mot l'a deu semondre à mener vne vie pleine d'integrité & d'innocence, comme ie croy qu'il a fait. Or ces baptizailles ne furent sans solennités. |^b confession de Foy de Membertou.| Car Membertou (& consequemment^b les autres) avant qu'estre introduits en l'Eglise de Dieu, fit vne reconoissance de toute sa vie passée, confessa ses pechés, & renonça au diable, auquel il avoit servi. Là dessus chacun chanta le Te Deum de bon courage, & furent les canons tirés avec grand plaisir, à-cause des Echoz qui durent audit Port Royal, prés d'un [138] quart d'heure. C'est vne grande grace que Dieu a fait à cet homme d'avoir receu le don de la Foy, & de la lumiere Evangelique, en l'âge où il est parvenu, qui est à mon avis de cent dix ans ou plus. Il fut nommé Henri du nom de nostre feu Roy Henri le Grand. |^a Pa. 638.| D'autres furent nommez des noms du sainct Pere le Pape de Rome, de la Royne, & Messeigneurs & Dames ses enfans, de Monsieur le Nonce, & autres signalez personnages de deça, lesquels on print pour parrins, comme ie l'ay écrit en madite Histoire.^a Mais ie ne voy point que ces parrins se soient souvenus de leurs filieuls, ni qu'ils leur ayent envoyé aucune chose pour les sustenter, ayder, & encourager à demeurer fermes en la Religion qu'ils ont receuë: Car pour du pain on leur fera croire ce que l'on voudra, & peu à peu leur terre [12] estant cultivée les nourrira. Mais il les faut ayder du commencement. Ce qu'a fait le sieur de Poutrincourt tant qu'il a peu, voire outrepassant son pouvoir il en a ieusné par apres, comme nous dirons ailleurs.

RELIGION.

Sieur de Poutrincourt had hardly taken breath after so many labors, when he sent for Membertou, chief and oldest Captain of this country, to refresh his memory in regard to some of the principles of the Christian Religion, which we had [10] previously taught him, and to instruct him more fully in things which concern the salvation of the soul; so that, he being converted, many others might follow his example. As in truth it came to pass. For after having been catechized for some time, and his family with him, he was baptized, as were also twenty others of his company, upon saint John the Baptist's day, 1610. |^b Book 5. ch. 5. page 638.| I have enrolled their names in my History of New France,^b just as they are written over there in the baptismal register of the mother-Church, which is at Port Royal. The Pastor who accomplished this master-piece [chef d'œuvre] was Messire Jesse Fleuche, a native of Lantage, in the diocese of Langres; |^a Commission.| he is a scholarly man, and received his commission ^afrom Monsieur, the Ambassador of the Holy Father, the Bishop of Rome, who was then, and is still, in Paris. Not that a French Bishop might not have given it to him; but, as this one was chosen, I believe the said commission is as good from him (since he is a Bishop), as from another, although he is a stranger. However, I leave the consideration of this matter to those who have more interest in it than I have, it being a question that admits of dispute on both sides, since here he is not in his diocese. This Ambassador, called Robert Ubaldin,[18] gave him permission to hear confessions from all people over there, and to absolve them from all sins and crimes not strictly reserved to the Apostolic see; and to impose upon them penances, according to the character of the sin. Furthermore, he gave him power to consecrate and bless the chasubles, and other priestly vestments, and the altar furnishings, except [11] the Corporals, Chalices, and Patens. It is thus that I have seen it stated in the credentials granted to the said Fleuche, first Patriarch of those lands. I say patriarch, because that is what he was generally called: and this was an incentive to him to lead a life full of integrity and innocence, as I believe he has done. Now these baptismal ceremonies were not without solemnity. |^b Confession of Membertou.| For Membertou (and consequently^b the others), before being introduced into the Church of God, made an examination of all his past life, confessed his sins, and renounced the devil, whom he had served. Then each one joined heartily in singing the Te Deum, and there was a joyful discharge of cannon, so that the Echoes lingered in Port Royal nearly a quarter of an hour. God has shown great mercy in granting that this man should receive the gift of Faith, and the light of the Gospel, at the age to which he has attained, which is, I believe, one hundred and ten years, or more. He was named Henry, after our late King, Henry the Great. |^a Page 638.| Others were given the names of the holy Father, the Pope of Rome, of the Queen, of my Lords and Ladies, her children, of Monsieur the Nuncio, and of other notable personages over here, who have been chosen as godparents, as I have written in my History.^a But I do not see that these godparents have remembered their children, nor that they have sent them anything to support, aid, and encourage them in remaining firm in the Religion which they have accepted: for, if you give them bread, you can make them believe almost anything you wish; when, little by little, their land [12] is cultivated, they will derive from it their support. But they must be assisted in the beginning. Sieur de Poutrincourt has done this as far as he was able, even going beyond his means, for which he fasted afterwards, as we shall relate elsewhere.

RETOUR EN FRANCE.

Trois semaines apres l'arrivée dudit Sieur en sa terre du Port Royal il avisa de renvoyer en France le Baron de sainct Iust son fils ainé, ieune Gentilhomme fort experimenté à la marine, & lequel à cette occasion Monsieur l'Admiral a honoré du tiltre de Vice-Admiral en la mer du Ponant és cótes de dela. Car ayant a nourrir beaucoup d'hommes au moins l'espace d'un an & plus, attendant vne cueillette de blez, il estoit besoin d'une nouvelle charge de vivres & marchandises propres au commun vsage tant de lui & des siens, que des Sauvages. Il le fit donc partir le 8. [140] Iuillet, lui enioignant d'estre de retour dans quatre mois, & le conduisit dans vne Pinasse, ou grande chalouppe environ cent lieuës loin. En cette saison on a beau rire le long de la côte. Car il y a des iles en grand nombre vers le Cap Fourchu, & le Cap de Sable si pleines d'oiseaux, qu'il ne faut qu'assommer & charger, & avec ce le poisson y foisonne en telle sorte, qu'il ne faut que ietter la ligne en mer & la retirer. La contrarieté du vent les ayant plusieurs fois [13] contraint de mouiller l'ancre parmi ces iles, leur fit faire epreuve de ce que ie di. Ainsi ledit de sainct Iust s'en alla rengeant la terre l'espace de deux cens lieuës, iusques à ce qu'il eut passé l'ile de Sable, ile dangereuse pour estre basse & sans port asseuré, sise a vingt lieuës de la terre ferme vis à vis la terre de Bacaillos. |^a Voy l'Histoire de la Nouvelle France liv. 4. Chap. 12.| Le 28. de Iuillet il estoit sur le Banc^a aux Moruës, là où il se rafraichit de vivres, & rencontra plusieurs navires de noz havres de France, & vn Anglois, d'où il eut la premiere nouvelle de la mort de nôtre grand Roy Henri. Ce qui le troubla & sa compagnie, tant pour l'accident si funeste de cette mort, que de crainte qu'il n'y eust du trouble pardeça. Le Dimanche premier iour d'Aoust ils quitterent ledit Banc, le 20. eurent la veuë de la terre de France, & le 21. entrerent dans le port de Dieppe.

RETURN TO FRANCE.

Three weeks after the Sieur's arrival at his estates in Port Royal, he made up his mind to send back to France his eldest son, the Baron de sainct Just, a young Gentleman who is well versed in seamanship, and whom, upon this occasion, Monsieur the Admiral has honored with the title of Vice-Admiral of the Western ocean and its more distant coasts. For, being obliged to furnish food for a great many men at least during the space of a year and more, while waiting for the wheat crop, he needed a new supply of provisions and merchandise suitable for general use, both for himself and his people, and for the Savages. So he had him leave on the 8th of July, enjoining him to be upon his return voyage in four months; and he accompanied him in a Pinnace, or large boat, for about one hundred leagues. At this season it is pleasant to sail along the coast, for there are a great many islands in the neighborhood of Cape Fourchu [19] and Cape Sable, which are so full of birds, that all there is to do is to knock them down and reload; also, fish are so plentiful, that it is only necessary to throw out the line and draw it in. Contrary winds, having several times [13] forced them to cast anchor among these islands, this gave them an opportunity of verifying what I have said. So sainct Just continued to coast along for two hundred leagues, until he had passed Sable island,[20] a dangerous place because it is low and has no safe harbor; it is twenty leagues from the mainland opposite the land of Bacaillos.[21] |^a See History of New France, book 4. ch. 12.| On the 28th of July, he reached the Codfish^a Banks, where he obtained fresh food and met several ships from our French ports, and one English ship, whence he received the first news of the death of our great King Henry. This grieved him and his crew, on account of the sad circumstances surrounding the death, and because they feared trouble might arise from it. Sunday, the first day of August, they left these Banks; on the 20th they sighted the land of France and on the 21st entered the port of Dieppe.

AUANCEMENT DE LA RELIGION.

Comme le sieur de Poutrincourt suivoit la côte conduisant son fils sur le retour, il trouva quelques Sauvages de conoissance en vne ile, où ils s'estoient cabannez, faisans pécherie: lesquels ayant abordé, ils en furent tout ioyeux: |^a Acte de pieté.| Et apres quelques propos tenus de Membertou, & des autres, & de ce qui s'estoit passé [142] en leurs baptizailles,^a il leur demanda s'ils vouloient point estre comme luy, & croire en Dieu pour estre aussi baptizés; A quoy ils [14] s'accorderent apres avoir esté instruits. Et là dessus il les envoya au Port Royal pour estre plus à loisir confirmés en la Foy & doctrine Evangelique: là où estans ils furent baptizés. Cependant ledit Sieur poursuivoit sa route allant toujours avant le long de la côte, tant qu'il vint au Cap de la Héve, environ lequel endroit il laissa aller à la garde de Dieu ledit sieur de sainct Iust son fils, & virant le cap en arriere cingla vers la riviere dudit lieu de la Héve, qui est vn port large de plus de deux lieuës & long de six, cuidant y trouver vn Capitaine dés long temps appellé Martin par noz François. Mais il s'en estoit retiré, à-cause de quelque mortalité là survenuë par des maladies dysenteriaques. Depuis, ledit Martin ayant entendu que ledit Sieur lui avoit fait tant d'honneur que de l'aller chercher, il le suivit à la piste avec trente-cinq ou 40. hommes, & le vint trouver vers le Cap de Sable pour le remercier d'une telle visite. Ledit Sieur homme accort & benin le receut humainement, encores qu'auparavant en l'an 1607. il y eust eu quelque colere contre lui, sur ce que passant icelui Sieur par ledit lieu de la Héve foible de gens, & se voyant environné de trois chaloupes de Sauvages pleines de peuple, il les fit ranger toutes d'un côté. Sur quoy ledit Martin ayant dit qu'il avoit donc peur d'eux, il fut en danger de voir par effet que sa conclusion estoit fausse. |^b Acte de pieté.| A cette derniere rencontre ledit Martin fut caressé & invité à se faire Chrétien, comme Membertou, & ^bplusieurs autres: & [15] s'en aller au Port Royal pour y recevoir plus ample instruction. Ce qu'il promit [144] faire avec sa troupe. Et d'autant que les Sauvages ne vont iamais voir leurs amis les mains vuides, il alla à la chasse, afin de porter de la venaison audit lieu: & cependant ledit Sieur s'avance & va devant pour les y attendre. |^c Peril.| Mais étant environ le Cap Fourchu,^c le voila porté d'un vent de terre droit à la mer, & ce si avant, qu'il fut six iours sans aucune provision de vivres (que de quelques oiseaux pris és iles, qu'il avoit de reste) & sans autre eau douce que celle qui se recuilloit quelquefois dans les voiles: Bref sans rien voir que ciel & eau; & s'il n'eust eu vne petite boussolle il estoit en danger d'estre porté à la côte de la Floride par la violence des vents, des tempétes, & des vagues. En fin par son industrie & iugement il vint terrir vers l'ile sainte Croix, là où Oagimont Capitaine dudit lieu lui apporta des galettes de biscuit qu'il avoit troquées avec noz François. Et delà estant en lieu de conoissance il traversa la baye Françoise large en cet endroit de vingt lieuës, & vint au Port Royal cinq semaines apres sa departie où il trouva des gens bien etonnés pour sa longue absence, & qui desia pourpensoient vn changement qui ne pouvoit estre que funeste. C'est ainsi qu'au peril de sa vie, avec des fatigues & souffrances incroyables il va chercher des brebis egarées pour les amener à la bergerie de Iesus-Christ, & accroitre le Royaume celeste. Que si la conversion de ces peuples ne se fait par milliers, il faut penser [16] que nul Prince ou Seigneur n'a iusques ici assisté ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, auquel méme les avares vont ravir ce qui est de sa province, & sa bonté souffre cela, pour ne faire rien qui puisse aigrir les grands de deça, encores que le Roy luy ayant donné la terre il puisse iustement empecher [146] qu'on ne lui enleve les fruits d'icelle, & qu'on n'entre dans ses ports, & qu'on ne lui coupe ses bois. Quand il aura de plus amples moyens il pourra envoyer des hommes aux terres plus peuplées, où il faut aller fort, & faire vne grande moisson pour l'amplification de l'Eglise. Mais il faut premierement batir la Republique, sans laquelle l'Eglise ne peut estre. Et pour ce le premier secours doit estre à cette Republique, & non à ce qui a le pretexte de pieté. Car cette Republique estant établie, ce sera à elle à pourvoir à ce qui regarde le spirituel. Retournons au Port Royal. Là ledit Sieur arrivé trouva Martin & ses gens baptizés, & tous portés d'un grand zele à la Religion Chrétienne, oyans fort devotement le service divin, lequel estoit ordinairement chanté en Musique de la composition dudit Sieur.

PROGRESS OF RELIGION.

As sieur de Poutrincourt sailed along the coast, while accompanying his son upon his return, he found some Savages whom he knew, encamped upon an island and engaged in fishing; |^a Act of piety.| they were overjoyed at his arrival, and after some talk about Membertou and others, and about what had taken place at their baptism,^a he asked them if they did not wish to be like him, to believe in God and be baptized: this they [14] agreed to do after they had been instructed. And thereupon he sent them to Port Royal, where more time could be given to confirm them in the Faith and doctrines of the Gospel; they went there and were baptized. Meanwhile the Sieur continued on his way, always following the coast, until he came to Cape de la Héve, near which place he consigned his son, sieur de sainct Just, to the care of God; and, veering around the cape, he sailed toward the river of la Héve, which forms a port more than two leagues wide and six leagues long, expecting to find there a Chief, whom the French had for a long time called Martin. But he had gone away, on account of the deaths which had occurred there from some form of dysentery. Afterwards, this Martin, having heard that the Sieur had done him the honor of coming to visit him, followed him up with thirty-five or forty men, and near Cape Sable overtook him and thanked him for this visit. The Sieur, who is a pleasant and agreeable gentleman, received him kindly; although some time before, in the year 1607, he had been somewhat angry at him, because when he, (the Sieur), with only a few men, was passing this same la Héve, seeing himself surrounded by three canoes full of Savages, he made them all get in line upon one side. Thereupon, Martin having remarked that the Sieur was afraid of them, the former was, in fact, in danger of seeing that his conclusion was wrong. At this last meeting, Martin was treated with great kindness, and |^b Act of piety.| invited to become a Christian like Membertou and^b several others, and [15] to go to Port Royal to be more fully instructed. He promised to do this and to bring all his company. And, as the Savages never go to visit their friends empty-handed, he went hunting, that he might get some venison for this occasion; |^c Peril.| meanwhile the Sieur went on ahead, in order to meet them there (i.e. at Port Royal). But near Cape Fourchu,^c behold him carried by a land breeze straight out to sea, and so far, that he was six days without food (except some birds caught upon an island, which he still had), and without other fresh water than what he could sometimes catch in the sails; in short, seeing nothing but sky and water; and if he had not had a small compass, he would have been in danger of being carried to the coast of Florida by the violence of the winds, the tempests, and the waves. At last, owing to his good judgment and energy, he was able to land near the island of sainte Croix, where Oagimont, Captain of the place, brought him some sea-biscuits, for which he had traded with the French people. And thence, being familiar with the place, he crossed French bay, about twenty leagues wide here, and reached Port Royal, five weeks after his departure. Here he found his people wondering greatly at his long absence, and already meditating a change, which could not have been otherwise than disastrous. It is thus, at the peril of his life, and with incredible hardships and sufferings, he goes out to seek the lost sheep, to lead them back into the fold of Jesus Christ, and to add to the heavenly Kingdom. And if these people are not converted by the thousand, it must be remembered [16] that no Prince or Lord has, up to the present, given any assistance to sieur de Poutrincourt; the avaricious are even stealing from him the wealth of his province, and he permits this in his goodness, in order to do nothing that will exasperate the nobles over here; although, as the King has given him the land, he would be justified in refusing to others the fruits thereof, as well as entry into his ports, and the cutting down of his forests. When he has more ample means, he can send men into the more populous districts, where they must go in strength, and reap a great harvest for the extension of the Church. But we must first establish the State, without which the Church cannot exist. And for this reason the first help should be given to this State, and not to what has the pretext of piety. For, when the State is founded, it will be its duty to provide for that which is spiritual. Let us return to Port Royal. When the Sieur arrived there he found Martin and his friends, baptized, and all strongly imbued with zeal for the Christian Religion, listening very devoutly to divine service, which was usually sung to Music composed by the Sieur.

Ce zele s'est reconu non seulement aux neophytes Chrétiens, comme nous particulariserons cy-apres; mais aussi en ceux qui n'estoient point encore initiés aux sacrez mysteres de nôtre Religion. Car lors que ledit Martin fut baptizé, il y en eut vn tout décharné, n'ayant plus que les os, lequel n'ayant esté en la compagnie des autres, se porta, à toute peine, en trois cabannes [17] cherchant ledit Fleuches Patriarche pour estre instruit & baptizé.

This zeal is noticeable, not only in the Christian neophytes, as we shall state more in detail hereafter; but also in those who are not yet initiated into the sacred mysteries of Religion. For, as soon as Martin was baptized, there was one who was absolutely fleshless, having nothing left but bones, who, not having been with the others, dragged himself, with great suffering, through three cabins, [17] seeking the Patriarch Fleuches, to be instructed and baptized.

Vn autre demeurant en la baye saincte Marie à plus de douze lieuës du Port Royal, se trouvant malade, envoya en diligence faire sçavoir audit Patriarche qu'il estoit detenu de maladie, & craignant de mourir, qu'il desiroit estre baptizé. Ledit Patriarche y alla, & avec vn truchement fit envers lui ce qui estoit de l'office d'un bon Pasteur.

Another living at the bay saincte Marie,[22] more than a dozen leagues from Port Royal, being sick, sent posthaste to the Patriarch, to let him know he was detained by sickness, and fearing that he might die, desired to be baptized. The Patriarch went to him, and, with the help of an interpreter, did for him what pertained to his office as a good Pastor.

Quant aux Chrétiens, vn desdits Sauvages neophytes [148] ci-devant nommé Acoüanis, & maintenant Loth, se trouvant malade, enuoya son fils en diligence de plus de vingt lieues loin se recommander aux prieres de l'Eglise: & dire que s'il mouroit il vouloit estre enterré au cimetiere des Chrétiens.

As to the Christians, one of these Savage neophytes, previously named Acoüanis, and now Loth, becoming ill, sent his son with all speed more than twenty leagues distant, to request the prayers of the Church, and to say that, if he died, he wished to be buried in the Christian cemetery.

Vn iour le sieur de Poutrincourt estant allé à la dépouïlle d'un Cerf tué par Louïs fils ainé de Henri Membertou, comme au retour chacun s'estoit embarqué en sa chaloupe & voguoit sur le large espace de la riviere du Port Royal, avint que la femme dudit Louïs accoucha, & voyans que l'enfant estoit de petite vie, ils crierent hautement à noz gens Tagaria, Tagaria, c'est à dire Venez ça, Venez ça, si bien que l'enfant fut sur l'heure baptizé par le Pasteur susdit.

One day sieur de Poutrincourt went to see the dismemberment of a Deer which had been killed by Louis, eldest son of Henry Membertou; and, when they had all embarked for their return and were riding upon the waves of the broad river of Port Royal, it happened that the wife of Louis was delivered of a child; and, seeing that it was short-lived, they cried loudly to our people, Tagaria, Tagaria, that is, "Come here, Come here." So the child was immediately baptized by the aforenamed Pastor.

Cette année il a couru par dela plusieurs maladies de dysenteries, qui ont esté mortelles à ceux qui en estoient attaints. Est avenu que ledit Martin huit iours apres son baptéme a esté frappé de ce mal, dont il est mort. Mais [18] c'est chose digne de memoire que cet homme mourant avoit touiours le sacré nom de Iesvs en la bouche. Et requit en ces extremités d'estre enterré apres sa mort avec les Chrétiens. Sur quoy il y eut de la difficulté. Car les Sauvages ayans encore de la reverence aux sepultures de leurs peres & amis, le vouloient porter au Cap de Sable à 40. lieuës dudit Port. Ledit Sieur d'autre part le vouloit faire enterrer selon qu'il l'avoit demandé. Là dessus vn debat se prepare. Car lesditz Sauvages prenans en main leurs arcs & fleches, vouloient emporter le corps. Mais ledit Sieur fit armer vne douzaine d'arquebuziers, qui l'enleverent sans resistance, apres leur avoir remonstré quelle avoit esté l'intention du decedé, & qu'estant Chrétien il falloit qu'il fust enterré [150] avec ses semblables, comme en fin il fut, avec les prieres accoutumées en l'Eglise. Cela fait on leur bailla à tous du pain, & s'en allerent contens.

This year the country has been visited, here and there, by dysenteric troubles, which have been fatal to those affected by them. It happened that Martin was stricken a week after his baptism with the disease, and died thereof. But [18] it is worthy of being remembered that this dying man always had the sacred name of Jesus upon his lips. In his last moments he requested that when he died he should be buried with the Christians. There was some trouble about this. For the Savages having still some reverence for the burial places of their fathers and friends, wished to take him to Cape Sable, forty leagues distant from the Port. On the other hand, the Sieur wished to have him buried according to his request. Thereupon a dispute arose, and the Savages, seizing their bows and arrows, wanted to take away the corpse. But the Sieur placed a dozen arquebusiers under arms, who carried it off without resistance, after he had demonstrated to them that this had been the intention of the deceased, and that, being a Christian, he must be buried with his fellow-Christians; and so he was, with the usual prayers of the Church. When this was done, they were all given some bread, and went away happy.

Mais puis que nous sommes sur le propos des maladies & mortuaires, ie ne veux passer souz silence chose que ie ne sçauoy pas, & laquelle pour ne l'avoir veu pratiquer, ie n'ay point écrite en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle France. C'est que noz Sauvages voyans vne personne languissante de vieillesse ou de maladie par vne certaine compassion ilz lui avancent ses iours, lui remonstrent qu'il faut qu'il meure pour acquerir vn repos, que c'est chose miserable de touiours languir, qu'il ne leur sert plus que de fardeau, & autres choses semblables, par lesquelles ils font resoudre le patient à [19] la mort. Et lors ilz lui ôtent tous les vivres, luy baillent sa belle robbe de Castors, ou d'autre pelleterie, & le mettent comme vn homme qui est à demi couché sur son lict, lui chantans des louanges de sa vie passee, & de sa constance à la mort: A quoy il s'accorde, & repond comme le Cygne fait sa derniere chanson: Cela fait, chacun le laisse, & s'estime heureux de mourir plustot que de languir. Car ce peuple estant vagabond, & ne pouvant touiours vivre en vne place, ils ne peuvent trainer apres eux leurs peres, ou amis, vieillars, ou malades. C'est pourquoy ilz les traitent ainsi. Si ce sont malades, ilz leur font premierement des incisions au ventre, desquelles les Pilotois, ou de vins succent le sang. Et en quelque façon que ce soit, s'ilz voyent qu'un homme ne se puisse plus trainer, ilz le mettent en l'estat que dessus, & lui iettent contre le nombril tant d'eau froide, que la Nature se debilite peu à peu, & meurent ainsi fort resolument & constamment.

But as we are now on the subject of sickness and death, I do not wish to pass over in silence a custom which I did not know about, and which, never having seen practiced, I did not speak of in my History of New France. It is, that when our Savages see a person gradually failing from old age or sickness, through a certain compassion they hasten his death; showing him that he must die to procure rest, that it is a wretched thing to languish from day to day, that he is only a burden to them, and offer other similar arguments, by means of which they make the sick man resolve to [19] die. And then they take away from him all food, give him his beautiful robe of Beaver or other fur, and place him in a half-reclining posture upon his bed, singing to him praises of his past life, and of his fortitude in death; to this he agrees, and replies with his last chant, like the Swan; When it is finished, all leave him, and he considers himself happy to die rather than to linger on. For these people, being nomadic, and not being able to continue living in one place, cannot drag after them their fathers or friends, the aged, or the sick. That is why they treat them in this manner. If they are sick, they first make incisions into their stomachs, from which the Pilotois,[23] or sorcerers, suck the blood. And, whatever the cause, if they see a man can no longer drag himself along, they put him in the condition above described, and throw upon his navel so much cold water, that Nature weakens little by little, and thus he dies with great steadfastness and fortitude.

[152] Ainsi en avoit-on fait à Henri Membertou, qui se trouvoit indisposé. Mais il manda au sieur de Poutrincourt qu'il le vinst voir ce iour là, autrement qu'il estoit mort. Au mandement ledit Sieur va trouver Membertou au fond du Port Royal à quatre lieuës loin de son fort, auquel ledit Membertou conte son affaire, disant qu'il n'avoit point encore envie de mourir. Ledit Sieur le console, & le fait enlever de la pour le mener avec lui. Ce qu'ayant fait, & arrivé audit Fort, il lui fait preparer vn bon feu, le couche aupres sur vn bon lict, le fait frotter, dorlotter, [20] & bien penser, lui fait prendre medecine, d'où s'ensuivit qu'au bout de trois iours voila Membertou debout, prest à vivre encore cinquante ans.

This is the way they had treated Henry Membertou when he was sick. But he sent and asked sieur de Poutrincourt to come and see him that very day, otherwise he would be dead. At this request the Sieur went to seek Membertou at the farther end of Port Royal, four leagues away from his fort; to him the said Membertou related his story, saying he did not care to die yet. The Sieur consoled him, and had him lifted up and taken away with him. Then, when they arrived at the Fort, he had a good fire prepared for him, and, placing him near it upon a good bed, had him rubbed, [20] nursed, well cared for, and doctored; and the result was, at the end of three days, behold Membertou up and about, ready to live fifty years longer.

On ne peut arracher tout d'un coup les coutumes & façons de faire inveterées d'un peuple quel que ce soit. Les Apôtres ni plusieurs siecles apres eux ne l'ont pas fait, témoins les ceremonies des chandeles de la Chandeleur, les Processions des Rogations, les Feuz de ioye de la sainct Iehan Baptiste, l'Eau benite, & plusieurs autres traditions que nous avons en l'Eglise, lesquelles ont esté introduites à bonne fin, pour tourner en bon vsage ce que l'on faisoit par abus. Ainsi iaçoit que la famille de Membertou soit Chrétienne, toutefois elle n'avoit esté encore enseignée qu'il n'est pas loisible aux hommes d'abbreger les iours aux vieillars, ou malades, quoy qu'ilz pensent bien faire, mais faut attendre la volonté de Dieu, & laisser faire son office à la Nature. Et de verité vn Pasteur est excusable qui manque à faire chose dont il n'a connoissance.

You cannot all at once eradicate the deep-rooted customs and habits of any people, whoever they may be. The Apostles did not do it, neither was it done several centuries after them; witness the ceremonies of the candles on Candlemas, the Processions of the Rogation-days, the Bonfires of saint John the Baptist's day, the holy Water, and many other traditions that we have in the Church, which have been introduced for a laudable purpose, to convert to a good usage what had only been abused. So, although Membertou's family were Christians, nevertheless they had not yet been taught that it is not lawful for men to shorten the days of the aged, or sick, although they think they are doing right; but rather that they must await the will of God, and leave Nature to do her work. And certainly a Pastor is excusable who fails to do things of which he has no knowledge.

Vne chose de méme merite avint en la maladie de Martin. Car on lui ietta de l'eau semblablement, [154] pour ne le voir languir: & estant malade comme ledit Patriarche, & vn nommé de Montfort lui eussent pris à la chasse & fait manger quelques tourtres, lesquelles il trouva bonnes, il demandoit lors qu'on luy parloit de Paradis, si l'on y en mangeoit: A quoy on lui répondit qu'il y auoit chose meilleure, & qu'il y seroit content. Voila la simplicité d'un peuple [21] plus capable de posseder le royaume des cieux que ceux qui sçavent beaucoup, & font des œuvres mauvaises. Car ce qu'on leur propose, ilz le croyent & gardent soigneusement, voire reprochent aux nóstres leurs fautes, quand ilz ne prient point Dieu avant & apres le repas: ce qu'a fait plusieurs fois ledit Henri Membertou, lequel assiste volontiers au service divin, & porte toujours le signe de la Croix au devant de sa poitrine. Méme ne se sentant assez capable de former des prieres convenables à Dieu, il prioit le Pasteur de se souvenir de lui, & de tous ses freres Sauvages baptizés. Depuis le dernier bapteme duquel nous avons fait mention, il y en a eu plusieurs autres du 14. & 16. d'Aoust, 8. & 9. d'Octobre 1. de Decembre 1610. Et en somme ledit Pasteur fait estat d'en auoir baptizé sept vingts en vn an, ausquels ont esté imposez les noms de plusieurs personnes signalées de pardeça, selon l'affection de ceux qui faisoient l'office de parins, ou marines, lesquels ont baillé des filleuls à ceux & celles qui ensuiuent.

Something similar was done in Martin's sickness. For they threw water upon him in this way, in order not to see him linger along; during his sickness, when the Patriarch and a man named de Montfort had caught for him, and made him eat some wild pigeon, which he liked very much, he asked them, as they were speaking to him about Heaven, if there would be any wild pigeon there. To which they answered that there was something better there, and that he would be happy. Such is the simplicity of a people [21] more fit to possess the kingdom of heaven than those who know a great deal, and whose deeds are evil. For they believe and carefully observe what is proposed to them, even reproaching our people for their carelessness, if they do not pray to God before and after eating; this was done a number of times by Henry Membertou, who likes to attend divine service, and always wears the sign of the Cross upon his bosom. Furthermore, not being able to formulate suitable prayers to God, he begged the Pastor to remember him, and all his brother Savages who have been baptized. Since the last baptism, of which we have spoken, there were several others, on the 14th and 16th of August, the 8th and 9th of October, and the 1st of December, 1610. And altogether the Pastor calculates that he has baptized one hundred and forty in one year, to whom have been given the names of many distinguished people over here, according to the inclinations of those who held the position of godfathers or godmothers: these have given godsons to the following.

ET PREMIEREMENT,

Monsieur le Prince de Condé.
Monsieur le Prince de Conty.
M. le Comte de Soissons.
M. le Duc de Neuers.
M. le Duc de Guise.
[156] M. le Prince de Ioinuille.
M. le Prince de Tingry.
M. de Praslin.
M. Roger Baron de Chaource fils dudit sieur de Praslain.
M. de Grieu Conseiller au Parlement de Paris. [22]
M. Seruin Aduocat general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. de la Guesle Procureur general du Roy audit Parlement.
M. le Comte de Tonnerre.
Messire Iessé de Fleuchey, Patriarche de Canada.
M. Belot, dit de Monfort.
M. de Iouy.
M. Bertrand natif de Sesane, presens & assistans ausdits baptesmes.
M. de Villars Archeuesque de Vienne Daulphiné.
M. Descars Euesque & Duc de Langres.
M. de Gondy Euesque de Paris.
M. Dormy Euesque de Boulongne.
M. de Braslay Euesque de Troyes.
M. l'Abbé de saincte Geneuiesue fils de M. de Beauuais Nangis.
M. Abbé de Cleruaux.
M. de Vausemain Baron de Chapleine, Bailly de Troyes.
Frere Claude de Vauuillier Penitencier de Molesme.
M. Bareton Chanoine grand Archidiacre & Official de Troyes.
M. Douynet, Chanoine & Promoteur audit Troyes.
M. Megard, Chanoine & Thresorier de sainct Vrbain audit Troyes.
M. Megard Licentié és Droicts, Chanoine en l'Eglise sainct Estienne audit Troyes.
M. Fombert Chanoine en l'Eglise de Vienne.
M. Guilliet Chanoine audit Viennes.
M. Bourguignon curé de sainct Estienne au mont à Paris.
M. Dauiau Vicaire & receueur audit S. Estienne.
M. Rouure curé de Lantage.
M. de Marquemont auditeur de Rothes à Rome.
M. de Sauarre Conseiller au Parlement de Paris.
M. Vigor Conseiller au grand Conseil.
M. de sainct Iust.
M. de Lantage-baratier, sieur dudit Lantage.
M. Edme baratier son fils.
M. de Lantage Mõtleliart.
M. de Sainct Simon.
M. de la Berge.
M. Auguste du Boullot, sieur de l'Estain.
M. Regnard Secretaire de la Chambre du Roy, & de Monsieur le Procureur general.
[158] Mons. Symony Sieur de Rouelle Aduocat à Langres. [23]
M. Fombert Procureur en Parlement.
M. Dauant President & Lieutenant general à Troyes.
M. de Bobus Lieutenant Criminel audit Troyes.
M. Bazin Procureur du Roy audit lieu.
M. Parmentier Lieutenant de robbe courte audit Troyes.
M. Iacquinet maistre des eaux & forests audit Troyes.
M. Megard Lieutenant des Chirurgiẽs audit Troyes.
M. Martin Lieutenant general au Marquisat d'Isle.
M. l'Euesque Procureur audit lieu.
M. Iamin Gressier audit lieu.
M. de la Rue Vicaire de Virey soubs Bar.
M. Belot thresorier extraordinaire des guerres en Guienne.
M. Belot Commissaire des guerres.
M. Belot sieur du Pontor.
M. Belot Procureur au grand Conseil.
M. Hardy Receueur des tailles au Mans.
M. Marteau Secretaire du sieur Preuost Morel.
M. Baiouë Gressier au bailliage de Monfort Lamaury.
M. de Cresse Commis de Monsieur Estienne Controleur des bastimens du Roy.
M. du Val Iuge & Garde de la Iustice de Lantage.
M. de la Creuse Secretaire de Monsieur de Chastille.
Iean, Mathieu & Gregoire de Fleuchey freres dudit Patriarche.
Pierre Roussel son beau frere.
Ferry Roussel fils de Gabriel Roussel dudit Lantage.
Robert Roy, Sergẽt Royal Forestier de la forest de Romilly.
Claude Iouguelat.

AND FIRSTLY TO,

Monsieur the Prince de Condé.
Monsieur the Prince de Conty.
M. the Count de Soissons.[24]
M. the Duke de Nevers.[25]
M. the Duke de Guise.[26]
M. the Prince de Joinville.
M. the Prince de Tingry.
M. de Praslin.[27]
M. Roger, Baron de Chaource, son of sieur de Praslin.
M. de Grieu, Counselor in the Parliament of Paris.[28] [22]
M. Servin, Advocate-general of the King in Parliament.
M. de la Guesle, Procuror-general of the King in Parliament.
M. the Count de Tonnerre.
Messire Jessé de Fleuchey, Patriarch of Canada.
M. Belot, called de Monfort.
M. de Jouy.
M. Bertrand,[29] native of Sesane, present and assisting in these baptisms.
M. de Villars, Archbishop of Vienne, in Daulphiné.
M. Descars, Bishop and Duke de Langres.
M. de Gondy, Bishop of Paris.
M. Dormy, Bishop of Boulongne.
M. de Braslay, Bishop of Troyes.
M. the Abbé of saincte Geneviefve,[30] son of M. de Beauvais Nangis.
M. the Abbé of Clervaux.
M. de Vausemain, Baron de Chapleine, Bailiff of Troyes.
Brother Claude de Vauvillier, Penitencier of Molesme.
M. Bareton, Canon, grand Arch-deacon and Official of Troyes.
M. Douynet, Canon and Promoter at Troyes.
M. Megard, Canon and Treasurer of sainct Urbain, at Troyes.
M. Megard, Licentiate in Law, Canon in the Church of St Estienne at Troyes.
M. Fombert, Canon in the Church of Vienne.
M. Guilliet, Canon at Vienne.
M. Bourguignon, pastor of Sainct Estienne au mont, Paris.
M. Daviau, Vicar and receiver of St. Estienne.
M. Rouvre, pastor of Lantage.
M. de Marquemont, auditor of Rothes, at Rome.
M. de Savarre, Counselor in the Parliament of Paris.
M. Vigor, Counselor in the grand Council.
M. de sainct Just.
M. de Lantage-baratier, sieur of Lantage.
M. Edme baratier, his son.
M. de Lantage Montleliart.
M. de Sainct Simon.
M. de la Berge.
M. Auguste du Boullot, sieur de l'Estain.
M. Regnard, Secretary of the King's Chamber and of Monsieur the Procuror-general.
Mons. Symony, Sieur de Rouelle, Advocate at Langres. [23]
M. Fombert, Procuror in Parliament.
M. Davant, President and Lieutenant-general at Troyes.
M. de Bobus, Criminal Lieutenant at Troyes.
M. Bazin, Attorney of the King at that place.
M. Parmentier, Lieutenant of the short robe [31] at Troyes.
M. Jacquinet, master of streams and forests at Troyes.
M. Megard, Lieutenant of Surgeons at Troyes.
M. Martin, Lieutenant-general of the Marquisate of Isle.
M. l'Evesque, Procuror at that place.
M. Iamin, Master of Rolls at that place.
M. de la Rue, Vicar of Virey soubs Bar.
M. Belot, treasurer extraordinary of the wars in Guienne.
M. Belot, military Commissioner.
M. Belot, sieur du Pontor.
M. Belot, Procuror in the grand Council.
M. Hardy, Receiver of taxes at Mans.
M. Marteau, Secretary to sieur Prevost Morel.
M. Bajouë, Master of Rolls at the bailiwick of Monfort Lamaury.
M. de Cresse, Clerk to Monsieur Estienne, Controller of the King's buildings.
M. du Val, Judge and Guard of Justice at Lantage.
M. de la Creuse, Secretary of Monsieur de Chastille.
Jean, Mathieu and Gregoire de Fleuchey, brothers of the Patriarch.
Pierre Roussel, his brother-in-law.
Ferry Roussel, son of Gabriel Roussel, of said Lantage.
Robert Roy, Sergeant Royal, Forester of the forest of Romilly.
Claude Jouguelat.

Quand aux femmes on a donné des filleules à celles qui ensuiuent.

Madame la Princesse de Condé.
Madame la Princesse de Conty.
Mad. la Comtesse de Soissons.
Mad. la Duchesse de Neuers.
Mad. de Guise.
Mad. de Longueuille. [24]
Mad. de Praslain mere du Sieur de Praslain.
Mad. de Praslain.
Mesdamoiselles Catherine, Blanche & Claude filles dudit sieur de Praslain.
Mad. la Comtesse de Tonnerre.
[160] Mad. Anne de la Val Dame de Ricey.
Mad. Françoise de Faulch femme du sieur Delantage Baratier.
Mad. Charlotte leur fille.
Mad. de Grieu.
Mad. de la Berge.
Mad. de Sauare.
Mad. Anne Arlestain femme du sieur de l'Estain.
Mesd. Philippes & Charlotte de Arlestain ses sœurs.
Madam. Regnard femme dudit sieur Regnard.
Mad. Belot Tresorier.
Madame Simony vefue de Monsieur Simony Procureur en Parlemẽt.
Mad. de Beaulieu.
Mad. Marguerite Simony.
Mad. Hardy.
Mad. Belot femme de Mõsieur Belot Procureur.
Mad. Bajouë.
Mad. Ieanne des Marets femme du sieur Megard Chirurgien à Troyes.
Barbe Ramin mere dudit Patriarche.
Barbe de Fleuchey sa sœur.
Ieanne, Clemence Roussel & Valentine Drouin fẽmes desdits Fleuchey freres dudit Patriarche.

As to the women, goddaughters were given to the following.

Madame the Princess de Condé.
Madame the Princess de Conty.
Mad. the Countess de Soissons.[24]
Mad. the Duchess of Nevers.[25]
Mad. de Guise.[26]
Mad. de Longueville. [24]
Mad. de Praslain, mother of Sieur de Praslain.[27]
Mad. de Praslain.
Mesdemoiselles Catherine, Blanche, and Claude, daughters of sieur de Praslain.
Mad. the Countess de Tonnerre.
Mad. Anne de la Val, Lady of Ricey.
Mad. Françoise da Faulch, wife of sieur Delantage Baratier.
Mad. Charlotte, their daughter.
Mad. de Grieu.
Mad. de la Berge.
Mad. de Savare.
Mad. Anne Arlestain, wife of sieur de l'Estain.
Mesd. Philippa and Charlotte de Arlestain, his sisters.
Madam. Regnard, wife of Sieur Regnard.
Mad. Belot (wife of Treasurer.)
Madame Simony, widow of Monsieur Simony, Procuror in Parliament.
Mad. de Beaulieu.
Mad. Marguerite Simony.
Mad. Hardy.
Mad. Belot, wife of Monsieur Belot, Procuror.
Mad. Bajouë.
Mad. Jeanne des Marets, wife of sieur Megard, Surgeon at Troyes.
Barbe Ramin, mother of the Patriarch.
Barbe de Fleuchey, his sister.
Jeanne, Clemence Roussel, and Valentine Drouin, wives of said Fleucheys, brothers of the Patriarch.

Voila ce que i'ay extrait d'un ordre confus des parins & marines, lesquels i'ay voulu coucher icy pour les inuiter a faire du bien à ceux qui ont eté baptizez soubs leurs noms, dont ie veux bien esperer méme de ceux de basse condition. Que si la conversion de ces peuples ne va par milliers, il faut considerer l'estat du païs qui n'est si frequent en hommes que noz villages de France. On pourroit faire plus grande moisson qui voudroit passer plus outre: mais il faut vouloir ce que l'on peut, & prie Dieu qu'il vueïlle faire le reste, puisque les hommes ont cette entreprise tãt à mépris.

The above are the extracts I have made from a confused list of godfathers and godmothers, whom I wish to enumerate here so that they may do some good to those who have been baptized under their names, which I am willing to hope for, even from those of humble condition. And if the conversion of these people is not effected by thousands, we must consider the state of the country, in which there are not as many men as in our villages in France. A greater harvest could be reaped by those who could go farther beyond; but we must be willing to do what we can, and pray God that he may consent to do the rest, since men look upon this enterprise with so much contempt.

[25] EXERCICES.

La pieté du sieur de Poutrincourt veut que le premier [162] exercice de la journée en ce païs là soit de prier Dieu, à l'imitation d'Abel, lequel (ce dit Philon) offrit au matin son sacrifice. Ce que ne fit Cain. Et les sages remarquent par la comparaison de Iacob qui receut la premiere benediction d'Isaac, laquelle fut plus forte que celle qui fut donnée à Esau: que ceux qui prient du matin, receuans la premiere benediction de Dieu, ont aussi plus grande part en ses grâces. C'est pourquoy vn illustre personnage de nôtre temps entre ses preceptes moraux & sentences vrayement dorees, a écrit.

Avec le jour commence ta journee

De l'Eternel le sainct nom benissant:

Le soir aussi ton labeur finissant,

Louë-le encor, & passe ainsi l'annee.

[25] OCCUPATIONS.

Sieur de Poutrincourt's piety requires that the first exercise of the day in this country be to pray to God like Abel, who (as Philo says) offered his sacrifice to God in the morning; which Cain did not do. And sages observe, by citing Jacob, who received Isaac's first blessing, which was stronger than that given to Esau, that those who pray in the morning and receive the first benediction of God, always have a greater share in his mercies. Hence an illustrious personage of our times has written, among his moral precepts and truly golden sentences;

With the light thy day beginning,

Then praise the name of the Eternal One;

Again at evening when thy work is done,

Thus spend the year his praises singing.

C'est ainsi que ledit Sieur en a fait, ayant exprés mené à ses dépens le susdit Patriarche, lequel ie voy par les memoires que i'ay ne s'estre iamais épargné à ce qui estoit de sa charge s'estant transporté quelquefois quatre, quelquefois douze lieuës loin pour baptizer des enfans de Sauvages, au mandement qu'ilz luy en faisoient, disans qu'ils vouloient estre comme Membertou, c'est à dire Chrétiens. Quelquefois aussi il a conduit sa troupe en processiõ sur vne montagne qui est au Nort de leur habitation, sur laquelle y a vn roc quarré de toutes [26] parts, de la hauteur d'une table, couvert d'vne mousse épesse où ie me suis quelquefois couché plaisammẽt: i'ay appellé ce lieu le mont de la Roque au pourtraict que i'ay fait du Port Royal en mon Histoire, en faveur d'un mien amy nõme de la Roque Prevost de Vimeu en Picardie, qui desiroit prendre là vne terre, & y enuoyer des hommes.

The Sieur has done this, having brought here, expressly at his own expense, the aforementioned Patriarch, who, I see from memoranda which I have, has never spared himself in the performance of his duties, going sometimes four, sometimes twelve leagues away to baptize some of the children of the Savages, in answer to their requests, saying they wanted to be like Membertou, namely, Christians. Also sometimes he has led his band in a procession to a mountain North of their settlement, upon which there is a square rock [26] as high as a table, covered with thick moss, where I have sometimes enjoyed a pleasant rest. I have called this place mount de la Roque, in the sketch I made of Port Royal in my History, after one of my friends named de la Roque, Provost of Vimeu in Picardy, who desired to take up land there and to send over some men.

Le second exercice c'est de pourvoir aux necessitez de la vie, à quoy il employa ses gens chacun selon sa [164] vacatiõ, estant arriué à la terre, qui au labourage, qui aux batimens, qui à la forge, qui a faire des ais, &c. Le Patriarche susdit s'empara de mon étude, & de mes parterres & jardinages, où il dit auoir trouvé arrivant là, quantité de raves, naveaux, carottes, panais, pois, féves, & toutes sortes d'herbes jardinieres bonnes & plãtureuses. A quoy s'estant occupé, il y a laissé à son retour (qui fut le 17. de Iuin dernier) vn beau champ de blé à beaux épics, & bien fleuri.

The second duty was to provide for the necessities of life, and to this end he employed his people, each according to his trade, as soon as they arrived; some were employed in tilling the ground, some in building, some at the forge, some in making planks, etc. The Patriarch took possession of my apartment, and of my parterres and gardens, where he says he found, at his arrival, a great many radishes, parsnips, carrots, turnips, peas, beans, and all kinds of good and productive culinary herbs. Occupying himself with these things, upon his return (which was the 17th of last June), he left a beautiful field of wheat with fine, well-flowered heads.

Plusieurs autres se sont occupés à la terre, comme estant le premier métier & le plus necessaire à la vie de l'homme. Ils en ont (comme ie croy) maintenant recuilli les fruicts, hors-mis des arbres fruitiers qu'ils ont plantés, lesquels ne sont si prompts à cela.

Several others were occupied in agriculture, this being the occupation of prime importance, and most necessary to human life. They have now (I suppose) reaped the harvest thereof, except that of the trees they planted, which are not so prompt in bearing.

Quant aux Sauvages ils ne sçauent que c'est du labourage, & ne s'y peuvent addonner, courageux seulement & penibles à la chasse, & à la pécherie. Toutefois les Armouchiquois & autres plus esloignés plantent du blé & des fevés, mais ils laissent faire cela aux femmes.

As to the Savages, they know nothing about cultivating the land, and cannot give themselves up to it, showing themselves courageous and laborious only in hunting and fishing. However, the Armouchiquois and other more distant tribes plant wheat [32] and beans, but they let the women do the work.[33]

[27] Nos gens outre le labourage & iardinage, avoient l'exercice de la chasse, de la pécherie, & de leurs fortifications. Ils ne manquerent aussi d'exercice à remettre & couvrir les batimens & le moulin delaissez depuis nótre retour en l'an 1607. Et d'autant que la fonteine estoit vn peu eloignée du Fort, ils firent vn pui dans icelui Fort, de l'eau duquel ils se sont fort bien trouvez. De sorte que (chose emerueillable) ils n'ont eu aucunes maladies, quoy qu'il y ait eu beaucoup de sujet d'en avoir par la necessité qu'ils ont soufferte. Car le Sieur de Sainct Iust fils dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt ayant eu mandement de retourner dans quatre mois (comme nous avons dit [166] ci-dessus) on l'attendoit dans la fin de Nouembre pour avoir du rafraichissement, & toutesfois il n'arriva que le iour de Pentecoste, qui fut le 22. de May ensuivant. Cela fut cause qu'il fallut retrencher les vivres qu'ils avoient en assez petite quantité. De manger toujours du poisson (s'il n'est bõ & ferme) ou des coquillages seuls sans pain, cela est dangereux, & cause la dysenterie, cõme nous avõs rapporté ci-dessus de quelques Sauuages qui en sont morts, & pouvons en avoir autre témoignage par les gens du Sieur de Monts, qui moururent en nombre de vingt la premiere année qu'ils hivernerent à Kebec, tãt pour la nouveauté de la demeure, que pour avoir trop mangé d'anguilles & autres poissõs. La chasse aussi ne se trouve pas à foison en vn lieu où il faut viure de cela, & où l'on fait vne demeure arrestée. C'est ce qui rend les [28] Sauvages vagabons, & fait qu'ilz ne peuvent vivre en vne place. Quand ils ont esté six semaines en vn lieu il faut changer de demeure. Ilz prindrent au terroir du Port Royal six Grignaces ou Ellans, cet hiver, dont ils en apportoient vn quartier ou moitié aux nótres. Mais cela ne va gueres loin à tant de gens. Le iour de Pasques fleuries le fils ainé de Membertou dit Louïs, en poursuivoit vn, qui s'estant venu rendre au Port Royal passoit l'eau, quand la femme dudit Louïs vint faire vne alarme en criant plusieurs fois, Ech'pada, Ech'pada, c'est à dire, Aux épées, Aux épées. On pensoit que ce fussent quelques ennemis, mais il fut le bien venu. Le Sieur de Poutrincourt se mit dans vne chaloupe pour aller au devant, & avec vn dogue il le fit tourner en arrière d'où il venoit. Il y avoit du plaisir à le cotoyer si proche de sa ruine. Si-tost qu'il approcha de terre, ledit Louïs le transperça [168] d'une fleche, le Sieur de Iouy luy tira vne arquebusade à la téte, mais Actaudinech' dit Paul fils puisné de Membertou lui coupa dextrement vne veine au col, qui l'atterra du tout. Ceci donna vne curée & consolation stomachale aux nótres. Mais cela ne dura pas toujours. Il fallut revenir à l'ordinaire. Et faut penser qu'en ce retranchement de vivres dont nous avons parlé il y eut de grandes affaires pour le chef, car des mutineries & conspirations survindrent, & d'vn costé le cuisinier déroboit vne partie de la portion des autres, & tel crioit à la faim, qui avoit abondance de pain & de chair dans sa [29] cellule, ainsi que s'est veu par experience. Ceux qui portoient le blé au moulin, de quinze boisseaux n'en rendoient que douze de farine au lieu de dix-huict. Et de la necessité d'autrui ils troquoient avarement des Castors auec les Sauvages. Neantmoins (par trop de bonté) tant de fautes leur furent pardonnées apres visitation faite. Pauvres sots qui font des conseils si legers, & ne voyent point ce qu'ils deviendront par apres, & que leur vie ne peut estre asseurée que par vn perpetuel exil de leur patrie, & de tout ce qu'ils ont de plus cher au monde.

[27] Our people, besides the farm and garden work, passed their time in hunting, fishing, and in making fortifications. Work was not wanting also in repairing and roofing the buildings and the mill, abandoned since our return in 1607. And, as the spring was some little distance from there, they dug a well in the Fort, and found the water very good. So that (wonderful to relate) they had no sickness, although there was sufficient cause for it in the privations they suffered. For Sieur de Sainct Just, son of Sieur de Poutrincourt, having been ordered to return in four months (as we have said above), was expected the last of November, with fresh supplies; yet he did not come until the day of Pentecost, the 22nd of the following May. For this reason they were obliged to diminish their rations, of which they had rather a small quantity. To always eat fish (unless it is good and firm) or shellfish alone, without bread, is dangerous, and causes dysentery, as we have observed above in regard to certain Savages who died of it. We can prove this also by Sieur de Monts' men, who died, to the number of twenty, the first year they wintered at Kebec, both on account of their change of dwelling, and because they ate too many eels and other fish. Furthermore, game is not always to be found in abundance in a place where people are obliged to live on it, and where there is a permanent settlement. This is what makes [28] nomads of the Savages, and prevents them from remaining long in one place. When they have been six weeks in a place, they are obliged to leave their habitation. This winter, in the neighborhood of Port Royal they took six Grignaces [34] or Elks, and brought a quarter or half of them to our people. But that did not go far with so many men. On Palm Sunday, Louis, the eldest son of Membertou, was on the trail of one which had reached Port Royal and was just crossing the river, when his wife caused an alarm by crying out several times, Ech'pada, Ech'pada, that is, "To arms, to arms." They thought it might be an enemy, but it was a welcome one. Sieur de Poutrincourt got into a boat to go and head it off, and, with the help of a big dog, made it turn back whence it came. There was some sport in chasing it so near its death. As soon as it approached the land, Louis pierced it through with an arrow, Sieur de Jouy discharged his arquebuse at its head, but Actaudinech', or Paul, the younger son of Membertou, dexterously cut a vein in its neck, which completely finished it. This gave our people some game, and consolation to their stomachs. But it did not last always, and they had to come back to ordinary fare. You must bear in mind that, in this cutting down of supplies, of which we have spoken, there were great responsibilities for the commandant; for mutinies and conspiracies arose; and on the one hand the cook stole a part of what belonged to the others, while a certain one cried "hunger" who had plenty of bread and meat in his [29] cell, as has been proven. Those who carried wheat to the mill, from fifteen bushels brought back only twelve of flour, instead of eighteen. They also took advantage of the necessity of others, in miserly traffic in Beaver skins with the Savages. Nevertheless (through too much kindness), all these faults were pardoned after they had been looked into. Poor fools, who take good counsel so lightly, and do not see what will become of them afterwards, and that their lives can only be assured by a perpetual exile from their country, and from all they hold dearest in the world.

En cette disette on eut avis de quelques racines que les Sauvages mangent au besoin, lesquelles sont bonnes comme Truffes. Cela fut cause que quelques paresseux se mirẽt avec les diligens a fouiller la terre, & firent si bien par leurs iournées qu'ils en defricherent environ quatre arpens, là où on a semé des segles & legumes. C'est ainsi que Dieu sçait tirer du mal vn bien; il chastie les siens, & neantmoins les soutient de sa main.

During this scarcity they heard of some roots which the Savages eat in their time of need, and which are as good as Truffles.[35] To seek for these, some of the lazy ones, as well as the more industrious, began to dig; and did so well that, by working daily, they cleared about four acres, in which rye and vegetables were planted. It is thus that God can draw good from evil; he chastises his people, and yet sustains them with his hand.

Quand l'hiver fut passé, & que la douceur du temps allecha le poisson à rechercher les eaux douces, on dépecha [170] des gens le 14. Avril pour faire la quéte de cela. Il y a nombre infini de ruisseaux au Port Royal, entre lesquels sont trois ou quatre où vient à foison le poisson au renouveau. L'vn apporte l'Eplan en Avril en quantité infinie. L'autre le Haren, l'autre l'Eturgeon & Saumõ, &c. Ainsi furent lors deputez quelques vns pour aller voir à la riviere qui [30] est au profond du Port Royal, si l'Eplan estoit venu. Ils y allerent, & leur fit Membertou (qui estoit cabanné là) bonne chere, de chair & de poisson. Delà ils allerent au ruisseau nommé Liesse par le Sieur des Noyers Advocat en Parlement, là où ils trouverent tant de poisson, qu'il fallut envoyer querir du sel pour en faire bonne prouision. Ce poisson est fort savoureux & delicat, & ne fait point de mal comme pourroient faire les coquillages: & vient enuiron l'espace de six semaines en ce ruisseau: lequel temps passé il y a vn autre ruisseau audit Port Royal, où vient le Haren, item vn autre où vient la Sardine en méme abondance. Mais quant à la riuiere dudit Port, qui est la riviere de l'Equille, depuis nommée la riviere du Dauphin, au temps susdit elle fournit d'Eturgeons & Saumons à qui veut prendre la peine d'en faire la chasse. Quand le Haren fut venu, les Sauvages (selon leur bon naturel) firent des feuz & fumees en leur quartier, pour en dõner avis à noz François. Ce qui ne fut negligé. Et est cette chasse beaucoup plus certaine que celle des bois.

When the winter was over and the mildness of the weather allured the fish to seek fresh water, upon the 14th of April, men were sent out fishing. There are a great many streams at Port Royal, and among them three or four where the fish swarm in the spawning season. One contains vast numbers of Smelts [36] in April. Another, Herring, another, Sturgeon and Salmon, etc. So some were then sent to the river at the [30] back of Port Royal, to see if the Smelts had come. When they reached the place, Membertou (who was encamped there), received them hospitably, regaling them with meat and fish. Thence they went to the stream called Liesse [37] by Sieur des Noyers, an Advocate in Parliament, where they found so many fish that they had to send and get some salt, to lay in a store of them. These fish are very tempting and delicate, and are not so injurious as shellfish are apt to be. They remain about six weeks in this stream; after that there is another small river near Port Royal, where Herring is found, also another to which Sardines come in great abundance. But as to the river of the Port, which is the river Equille, since named the Dauphin,[38] at the time of which we speak it furnished Sturgeon and Salmon to any one who would take the trouble to fish for them. When the Herrings came, the Savages (with their usual good-nature) let the French know it by signaling from their quarters with fires and smoke. The hint was not neglected, for this kind of hunting is much more sure than that of the woods.

RETOVR EN LA NOVVELLE-FRANCE.

Il estoit le 10. de May quand la derniere cuisson du pain faite, on tint conseil de retourner en France, si dãs le mois n'arriuoit secours. Ce qui fut prest [172] d'estre executé. Mais le iour de la Pentecoste [31] Dieu envoya son esprit consolateur à cette compagnie ja languissante, qui lui suruint bien à propos, par l'arrivée du Sieur de Sainct Iust, duquel il nous faut dire quelque chose: car ci-devant nous l'avons laissé au port de Dieppe, sans avoir veu ce qu'il a fait depuis. S'estant presenté à la Royne; elle fut merveilleusement rejouïe d'entendre la conversion de plusieurs Sauvages qui avoient esté baptizés avant le depart dudit sieur de Sainct Iust, dont ie fis vn recit public que ie presentay à sa Majesté. La dessus les Iesuites se presẽtẽt pour aller au secours. La Royne le trouve bon. Elle les recõmande. I'eusse desiré qu'avant partir quelqu'vn eust remontré à sa Majesté chose qu'elle n'eust fait que trop volontiers: C'est d'envoyer quelque present de vivres & d'habits à ces Neophytes & nouveaux Chrétiens qui portẽt les noms du feu Roy, de la Royne Regente, & de Messeigneurs & Dames les enfans de France. Mais chacun regarde à son profit particulier. Ledit sieur de Sainct Iust apres son rapport fait, pretendoit obtenir quelques defenses pour le cõmerce des Castors, cuidant que la cõsideration de la religion lui pourroit faire aisément accorder cela. Ce qu'il ne peut toutefois obtenir. Et voyant que cette affaire tiroit en longueur, & qu'il falloit aller secourir son pere, ayant mandement de faire en forte d'estre de retour dans quatre mois, il print cõgé de la Royne, laquelle luy bailla de compagnie deux Iesuites pour la conversion des peuples Sauvages de delà. Mais puis que le sieur de Poutrincourt avoit pris vn [32] homme capable à son partement, il me semble que ceux-ci (qui peuvent estre plus vtiles pardeça) se hasterẽt trop pour le profit dudit Sieur: Car [174] le retardement écheu à leur occasion lui a prejudicié de beaucoup, & causé la rupture de son association. Et faut en telles affaires fonder la Republique premierement, sans laquelle l'Eglise ne peut estre, ainsi que i'ay des-ja écrit ci-dessus. I'en avoy dit mon avis audit sieur de Sainct Iust, & qu'il falloit asseurer la vie avant toutes choses, faire vne cuillette de bledz, avoir des bestiaux, & des volatiles domestics, devant que pouvoir assembler ces peuples. Or ceste precipitation pensa, outre la perte susdite, reduire la troupe qui estoit pardela à vne miserable necessité, n'y ayant plus que la cuisson de pain ja faite & distribuée.

RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

It was the 10th of May, when the last bread was baked, that they took counsel about returning to France, if help did not come within a month. This they were ready to do. But on the day of Pentecost [May 22nd] [31] God sent his consoling spirit to this company, already so disheartened, and it came to them very opportunely in the arrival of Sieur de Sainct Just, of whom we must say a few words; for awhile ago we left him at the port of Dieppe, and have not seen what he has been doing since. When he was presented to the Queen, she was wonderfully pleased to hear about the conversion of several Savages, who had been baptized before the departure of sieur de Sainct Just, an account of which I published and presented to her Majesty. Thereupon the Jesuits offered themselves to aid in the work. The Queen favored the plan, and recommended them. I should have been glad, if, before their departure, some one had suggested to her Majesty a thing which she would willingly have done; namely, to send some presents of food and clothes to these Neophytes and new Christians, who bear the names of the deceased King, of the Queen Regent, and of my Lords and Ladies, the children of France.[39] But every one looks out for his own interests. Sieur de Sainct Just, after his report had been made, meant to obtain protection for the Beaver trade, believing that considerations of a religious nature would easily secure this for him. However, he could not obtain it. And seeing that the affair was dragging on, and that he must go and relieve his father, having been ordered to so arrange affairs as to be back in four months, he took leave of the Queen, who sent with him two Jesuits for the conversion of the Savage tribes over there. But as sieur de Poutrincourt had taken an [32] able man at his departure, it seems to me that these men (who can be more useful here) were in too much of a hurry for the best interests of the Sieur; because the delay, which took place on their account, was very detrimental to him, and caused a dissolution of his partnership. In such undertakings the State must first be founded, without which the Church cannot exist, as I have said before. I expressed my opinion on this subject to sieur de Sainct Just, to the effect that it was necessary to guarantee a living before anything else, to obtain a crop of wheat, to have cattle and domestic fowls, before they could bring these people together. Now this blind haste came very near, besides the above-mentioned losses, reducing the company that was over there to misery and want, as they had nothing left but the one baking of bread, already made and distributed.

Ledit Sieur de Poutrincourt s'estoit associé de deux marchans de Dieppe, lesquels voyans les susdits Iesuites, sçavoir le Pere Biar homme fort sçavant Gascon de nation duquel Monsieur le premier President de Bordeaux m'a fait bon recit; & le Pere Nemon prest à s'embarquer, s'opposerent à cela, & ne voulurent permettre qu'ils fussent du voyage, disant qu'ils nourriroient volontiers toute autre forte d'hommes, Capucins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, &c. mais quant à ceux-ci qu'ils n'en vouloient point, & ne pouvoient tenir leur bien-asseuré en leur compagnie. Que si la Royne vouloit qu'ils y allassent, on leur rendist leur argent, & qu'ils fissent ce que bon leur sembleroit. Là dessus voila vn retardemẽt. [33] Il faut écrire en Cour, remontrer à sa Majesté l'occasion de cela, demander de l'argent pour rembourser lesdits Marchans, faire des allées & venuës: cependant la saison se passe. La Royne leur ordonna deux mille escus, outre lesquels ils firent des collectes par les maisons des Princes, Seigneurs, & personnes devotes, d'où ilz tirent aussi de bon argent. Bref ilz remboursent lesditz Marchãs de chacũ deux milles livres, [176] & se mettent en fin à la voile le 26. de Ianvier 1611. Le temps estoit difficile, la plus rude saison de l'hiver. Ils furent quelque temps en mer pensans combattre le vent, mais ils furent contraints de relacher en Angleterre, là où ils furent iusques au 16. de Février. Et le 19. Avril ils furent sur le grand Banc des Moruës, où il trouverent des Navires de Dieppe & de Sainct Malo. Et le 29. estans entre ledit Banc & l'ile de Sable, ils cinglerent l'espace de douze lieuës parmi des glaces hautes comme montagnes, sur lesquelles ils descendirent pour faire de l'eau douce avec icelles, laquelle se trouva bonne. Au sortir desdites glaces, fut rencontré vn Navire du Sieur de Monts, auquel commandoit le Capitaine Champlein, duquel nous attendons le retour, pour entendre quelque nouuelle découverte. Depuis lesdites glaces, ils en rencontrerent d'autres continuellemẽt l'espace de cinquante lieuës, lesquelles ils eurent beaucoup de peines à doubler. Et le cinquiéme de May, ils decouvrirent la terre & port de Campseau, duquel on peut voir l'assiette dant la grande Table geographique de mõ Histoire. [34] Là ledit Pere Biar chanta la Messe. Et depuis ils allerent cotoyans la terre, en forte que le 21. de May ils mouïllerẽt l'ancre à l'entrée du passage du Port Royal.

Sieur de Poutrincourt had gone into partnership with two Dieppe merchants,[40] who, seeing the two Jesuits,—namely, Father Biar[d], a very learned man, a native of Gascony, of whom Monsieur the first President of Bordeaux has given me a high opinion; and Father Nemon [Ennemond],—ready to embark, they objected, and did not want them to go upon the voyage, saying that they would willingly provide for all other kinds of men, Capuchins, Minimes, Cordeliers, Recollets, etc.;[41] but, as to these, they did not want them at all, and could not consider themselves safe in their company; that if the Queen wished them to go there, let their [the merchants'] money be refunded, and they might do whatever they wished. Now there is a delay. [33] The Court must be written to, her Majesty must be informed of the situation, the money to reimburse the Merchants must be collected, and journeys must be made: meanwhile, the season is passing away. The Queen granted them two thousand écus, in addition to which collections were made from the families of Princes, Nobles, and people devoted to the cause, whence they obtained a great deal of money. In short, they reimbursed each of the Merchants two thousand livres, and at last set sail, the 26th of January, 1611. The weather was disagreeable, this being the roughest part of the winter. They were some time upon the sea, thinking they would be able to resist the winds, but they were compelled to put into port in England, where they remained until the 16th of February. And the 19th of April they were upon the great Codfish Banks, where they found some Ships from Dieppe and Sainct Malo. The 29th, being between these Banks and the island of Sable, they sailed before the wind a distance of twelve leagues, in the midst of ice, mountain high, upon which they disembarked to get some fresh water, which they found good. In emerging from this ice, they met one of Sieur de Monts' ships, commanded by Captain Champlein,[42] whose return we are awaiting to learn of some new discoveries. Afterwards, they continued to encounter other masses of ice, for a distance of fifty leagues, which they had much difficulty in outsailing. The fifth of May, they sighted the land and port of Campseau, the location of which can be seen in the great geographical Chart in my History.[43] [34] Father Biar[d] sang Mass there; then they sailed along the coast, so that the 21st of May they cast anchor at the entrance to the passage which leads to Port Royal.

Le sieur de Poutrincourt avoit cedit iour fait assembler ses gens pour prier Dieu, & se preparer à la celebration de la féte de Pentecôte. Et comme chacun c'estoit rangé a son devoir, voici environ trois heures apres le coucher vne canonade, & vne trompette, qui reveille les dormans. On envoye au devant. On trouve que ce sont amis. Là dessus allegresse & rejouïssance, [178] & actions de graces à Dieu en procession sur la montagne que i'ay mentionné ci-dessus. La premiere demande que fit ledit Sieur à son fils, ce fut de la santé du Roy. Il luy fit réponse qu'il estoit mort. Et interrogé de quelle mort, il lui en fit le recit selõ qu'il l'avoit entendu en France. Là dessus chacun se print à pleurer, méme les Sauvages apres avoir entendu ce desastre, dont ils ont fait le dueil fort long temps, ainsi qu'ils eussent fait d'vn de leurs plus grands Sagamos.

The same day sieur de Poutrincourt had called his people together to pray to God, and to prepare themselves for the celebration of the Pentecostal feast. And, as each one had placed himself at his post of duty, suddenly, about three hours after bedtime, there is heard the sound of cannon and trumpet, which awakes the sleepers. Scouts are sent out; they are found to be friends. Then there is joy and gladness, and thanksgivings to God in a procession to the mountain of which I have spoken above. The first question which the Sieur asked his son, was about the King's health. He answered that he was dead. In reply to further inquiries, he told the story as he had heard it in France. Thereupon, they all began to weep, even the Savages joining in after they had heard about the catastrophe; and they continued to mourn for a long time, just as they would have done for one of their greatest Sagamores.

A peine fut arriué ledit sieur de Sainct Iust, que les Sauvages Etechemins (qui ayment le sieur de Poutrincourt) lui vindrent annoncer qu'il y avoit en leurs cótes trois Navires, tant Maloins que Rochelois, lesquels se vantoient de le devorer ainsi que feroit le Gougou vn pauvre Sauvage. Ce qu'entendu par ledit sieur de Poutrincourt, il n'eut la patience de faire descharger le vaisseau nouuellemẽt arrivé, ains à l'instant méme alla ancrer au-devant desdits [35] trois Navires, & fit venir tous les Capitaines parler à lui, qui preterent obeïssance, & leur fit ledit sieur reconoitre l'authorité de son fils, comme Vic' Admiral esdictes terres du Ponant. Vn Navire Maloin voulant faire quelque rebellion, fut prins, mais ledit sieur selon sa debonnaireté accoustumée, le relacha, apres lui avoir remontré de ne plus venir en mer sans sa Charte partie. Là le pere Birat dit la Messe, & fit ce qu'il peut pour ranger vn chacun à ce qui estoit du devoir. Et particulierement il fit reconoître sa faute à vn ieune hõme qui avoit passé l'hiver parmi les hommes & les femmes Sauvages, lequel demanda pardon à qui il appartenoit, & receut la Communion de sa main. Cela fait chacun revint au Port Royal en grãde rejouïssance.

Sieur de Sainct Just had hardly arrived, when the Etechemin Savages (who love sieur de Poutrincourt) came to announce to him that there were three Ships upon their coasts, from St. Malo and Rochelle, which were boasting that they would devour him as the Gougou [44] would a poor Savage. Upon hearing this, sieur de Poutrincourt would not even wait to have the lately-arrived ship unloaded; but straightway went and anchored opposite [35] these three Ships, and summoned all the Captains to come and speak with him. They obeyed, and the sieur made them acknowledge the authority of his son, as Vice-Admiral in the said lands of the West. One of the Malouin Ships, while trying to make some resistance, was taken, but the sieur, with his usual good-nature, released it, after having admonished it never again to come to sea without its Charter-party.[45] There Father Birat [Biard] said Mass, and did all he could to bring each one to a sense of his duty. In particular, he caused a young man to acknowledge his transgressions, who had passed the winter with the men and women Savages: he [the young man] asked pardon from him [Poutrincourt] to whom this was due; and received the Communion from his [the Father's] hand. After this they all returned to Port Royal, with great rejoicing.

[180] Le retardement susdit est cause que lesditz navires & autres estãs arrivés devant ledit sieur de S^ct. Iust; ils ont enlevé tout ce qui estoit de bon au païs pour le commerce des Castors & autres pelleteries, lesquelles fussent venuës és marins du Sieur de Poutrincourt si son fils fust retourné par-dela au temps qui lui avoit esté enioint. Et davantage on en eust sauvé pour plus de six mille escus que les Sauvages ont mangées durant l'hiver, lesquelles ilz fussent venus troquer audit Port Royal s'il y eust eu les choses qui leur sont necessaires. Vne faute aussi fut cõmise avant le partement de Dieppe par l'infidelité du Contre-maistre de navire, lequel ayant charge d'enruner (c'est à dire mettre dedans) le blé, le détournoit à son profit. [36] Ce qui ayda à la disette que noz François ont par-dela soufferte. Et neantmoins Dieu les a tellement sustentés, qu'il n'y a eu aucun malade: voire ceux qui en sont de retour se plaisent à cela, & n'y en a pas vn qui ne soit en volonté d'y retourner.

In the delay previously mentioned may be found the reason why these ships and others, having arrived before sieur de Sainct Just, took away all that was valuable in the country as regards the Beaver and other fur trade, which would have reverted to Sieur de Poutrincourt's sailors if his son had returned from over the sea at the time stipulated. And besides, more than six thousand escus [écus] worth of peltries would have been saved which the Savages devoured during the winter, and which they would have come to Port Royal to exchange, had they found there what they needed. A wicked act was also committed before the ship's departure from Dieppe, by the Overseer of the boat, who, being charged to load [enruner] the wheat, appropriated it to his own profit, [36] which contributed to the scarcity which our countrymen suffered over there. And yet God so sustained them, that no one has been sick; even those who have come back, are fortunate in that respect, and there is not one of them who would not like to return to that country.

EFFECTS DE LA GRACE DE DIEU EN LA NOUVELLE-FRANCE.

Nous pouvons mettre ce que ie viens de dire entre les effects de la grace de Dieu: comme aussi les racines qu'il leur envoya au besoin, dont nous avons parlé, & sur-ce l'exercice des paresseux qui ne s'estoient voulu occuper à la terre, lesquels sans y penser en cultiverent vn beau champ en cherchant desdites racines. Mais particulierement encore l'exemption de maladies, qui est vn miracle tres-evident. Car és voyages precedens il ne s'en est iamais passé vn seul sans mortalité, quoy qu'on fust bien à l'aise. Et en cetui-ci non seulement les sains ont esté preseruez, [182] mais aussi ceux qui estoient affligez de maladie en France ont la receu guarison. Tesmoin vn honéte personnage nommé Bertrand, lequel à Paris estoit journellement tourmenté de la goutte, de laquelle il a esté totalement exempt par dela. Mais depuis qu'il est de retour, le méme mal est retourné avec plus d'effects de douleurs qu'auparauant, quoy qu'il se garde sans aucun exercice.

EFFECTS OF GOD'S GRACE IN NEW FRANCE.

What I have just related may be attributed to the grace of God; as also the roots that were sent them in their need, which we have already mentioned; and furthermore, the exercise given the lazy ones who would not take part in tilling the soil, and who, without intending it, prepared for cultivation a fine field, while seeking for these roots. But more particularly the exemption from sickness; which is a very evident miracle. For, as to former sojourns, not one has been passed without some deaths, although they were well provided for. And in this one not only the healthy remained well, but also those who were afflicted with ill-health in France have there recovered. A witness of this is a worthy man named Bertrand,[29] who, at Paris, was daily tormented with the gout, from which he was entirely free over there. But, since he came back here, the same trouble has returned with more severity than ever, although he takes care not to indulge in excesses.

[37] Mais qui ne recoignoistra vne speciale grace de Dieu en la persone dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt & ses gens, lors qu'il fut porté par vn vent de terre à la haute mer en danger d'aller voir la Floride, ou d'estre accablé des ondes, au retour de la conduite de son fils, ainsi que nous avons rapporté ci-dessus.

[37] But who will not recognize God's peculiar grace in the case of Sieur de Poutrincourt and his crew, when, upon his return from accompanying his son, he was carried by a land breeze out into the open sea, in danger of making a visit to Florida, or of being overwhelmed by the billows, as we have stated above.

I'appelle aussi miracle de voir que les pauvres peuples de delà ont conceu telle opinion de la Religion Chrétienne, que si-tost qu'ilz sont malades ilz demãdent estre baptizez, voire encore qu'ilz soient sains, ils y vont avec vne grande Foy, & disent qu'ilz veulent estre semblables à nous recognoissans fort bien leur defaut en cela. Membertou grand Sagamos exhorte vn chacũ des Sauvages à se faire Chretiens. Et tesmoignẽt tous que depuis qu'ils ont receu le baptéme ils ne craignent plus rien, ilz vont hardiment de nuict, le diable ne les tourmente plus.

I call it also a miracle that these poor people have conceived such an opinion of the Christian Religion, that as soon as they are sick they ask to be baptized; and, even when they are well, they approach it with great Faith, saying they wish to be like us, fully recognizing their own shortcomings. Membertou, the great Sagamore, exhorts every one of the Savages to become Christians. All bear witness that since they have been baptized they are afraid of nothing, and go out boldly at night, the devil no longer tormenting them.

Quand le Sieur de Sainct Iust arriva à Campseau, les Sauvages non baptizez s'enfuioient de peur. Mais les baptizés en nombre d'environ cinquante s'approcherent hardiment disans, Nous sommes tes freres Chretiens comme toy, & tu nous aymes. C'est pourquoy nous ne fuyons point, & n'avons point de peur: Et porterent ledit Sieur sur leurs bras & épaules jusques en leurs cabannes.

When Sieur de Sainct Just arrived at Campseau, the Savages who had not been baptized ran away in fear. But those who were baptized, about fifty in number, approached boldly, saying, "We are thy brothers, Christians as thou art, and thou lovest us. Hence we fly not away and are not afraid:" and they carried the Sieur upon their arms and shoulders to their wigwams.

[184] Sur la fin du Printemps les enfans de Membertou estans allés à la chasse, en laquelle ilz firent long seiour, avint que ledit Membertou fut pressé de necessité de vivres, & en cette disette [38] il se souvint de ce qu'il avoit autrefois oui dire à noz gẽs que Dieu qui nourrit les oiseaux du ciel, & les bétes de la terre, ne delaisse iamais ceux qui ont esperance en lui, selon la parolle de nôtre Sauveur.

Towards the end of Spring, when Membertou's children had gone hunting, where they remained a long time, it happened that Membertou was sorely pressed for food; and in this time of need [38] he remembered that he had formerly heard our people say that God, who feeds the birds of the air and the beasts of the fields, never abandons those who have hope in him, according to the words of our Savior.

En cette necessité donc il se met à prier Dieu, ayant enuoyé sa fille voir au ruisseau du moulin s'il y auroit point apparence de pouuoir faire pecherie. Il n'eust esté gueres long temps en prieres que voici sadite fille arriver criant à haute voix, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok: c'est à dire: Père, le haren est venu; le haren certes est venu. Et vit par effect le soin que Dieu a des siens, à son contentement. Ce qu'il avoit vne autrefois eprouvé, ayant eu (ou les siens) à tel besoin la rencontre d'un Ellan, & encore vne autrefois vne Baleine échouée.

So, in this necessity, he began to pray to God, after having sent his daughter to see if there were any signs of fish in the mill-creek. He had not been a long time in prayer, when lo, his daughter comes running back crying in a loud voice, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok; that is, "Father, the herring have come; the herring have come indeed." And he saw effectually, and to his satisfaction, God's care over his own. He (or some of his family) also had proof of this upon another occasion, in a like time of need, when he encountered an Elk, and another time a stranded Whale.

Qui voudra nier que ce ne soit vn special soin de la providence de Dieu envers les siens, quand il enuoya au Sieur de Poutrincourt le secours desiré le iour de la Pentecoste derniere, duquel nous avons fait mention cy-dessus?

Who will deny that it was a special manifestation of the providence of God towards his own, when he sent to Sieur de Poutrincourt the desired help upon the day of last Pentecost, of which we have made mention above?

Ie ne veux rememorer ce que i'ay écrit en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, livre 4. chap. 4. de la merveille avenuë au premier voyage du Sieur de Monts en la personne de Maitre Nicolas Aubri Prestre d'vne bonne famille de Paris, lequel fut seze iours perdu dans les bois, & au bout dudit temps trouvé fort extenué, à la verité, mais encore vivant, & vit encore à present, aymant singulierement les entreprises qui se font pour ce païs là, où le desit [39] le porte plus [186] qu'il ne fit iamais, comme aussi tous autres qui y ont fait voyage, lesquels i'ay préque tous veux desireux d'y hazarder leur fortune, si Dieu leur ouvroit le chemin pour y faire quelque chose. A quoy les grans ne veulent point entendre, & les petits n'ont les ailes assez fortes pour voler iusques là. Neantmoins c'est chose étrange & incroyable de la resolution tant dudit Sieur de Monts, que dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, le premier desquels a toujours continué depuis dix ans d'envoyer par delà: & le second, nonobstant les difficultez que nous avons recitées ci-dessus, n'a laissé d'y r'envoyer nouuellement, attendant ici le renouveau, pour aller revoir les gens. Dieu doint à l'vn & à l'autre le moyen de faire chose qui reüsisse à la gloire de son nom, & au bien des pauvres peuples que nous appellons Sauvages.

A DIEV SEVL HONNEVR
ET GLOIRE.

I will not repeat what I have written in my History of New France, book 4, chap. 4, of the wonderful thing which happened, during Sieur de Monts' first sojourn, to Master Nicolas Aubry,[46] Priest, of a good family in Paris, who was sixteen days lost in the woods, and at the end of that time was found, very much emaciated, in truth, but still living; and he is living yet, and is singularly devoted to the enterprises being carried on in behalf of that country, whither his [39] desires more than ever attract him, as well as all others who have once made the voyage; these I have observed are almost all desirous of risking their fortunes there, if God would open up the way for them to do something. To this the great do not care to lend their ears, and the small have not wings strong enough to fly so far. Nevertheless there is something strange and incredible in the perseverance of both Sieur de Monts and Sieur de Poutrincourt; the former having continued to send expeditions over there for ten years; and the latter, in spite of the difficulties enumerated above, having recently sent over another one, awaiting here the return of spring, to go again to see his people. May God grant to both the means of doing something which may succeed to the glory of his name, and to the welfare of the poor people whom we call Savages.

TO GOD ALONE THE HONOR
AND GLORY.

[40] Extrait du Priuilege du Roy. [188]

Par grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Iean Millot Marchant Libraire en l'Vniversité de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout nostre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou charactere que bõ luy semblera, vn liure intitulé Histoire de la Nouvelle-France contenant les nauigations faites par les François és Indes Occidentales, & terres-neuves de la Nouuelle-France, & les decouuertes par eux faites esditz lieux, A quoy sont adjoutées les Muses de la Nouvelle France. Ensemble plusieurs Chartes en taille douce, où sont les figures des Provinces, & Ports, & autres choses seruans a ladicte Histoire, composée par Marc Lescarbot Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jusques au temps & terme de six ans finis & accomplis, à cõpter du jour que ledit livre sera achevé d'imprimer. Pendant lequel tẽps defenses sont faictes à tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque estat, qualité ou condition qu'ils soient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, sur peine de cõfiscation des exemplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitié à nous, & moitié aux pauvres de l'hostel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & despens, dommages, & interests dudit exposant: Nonobstant toute clameur de Haro, Charte Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppositiõs formees à ce contraires faictes ou a faire. Et veut en outre ledit Seigneur, qu'en mettant vn extraict dudit Privilege au cōmencement, ou à la fin dudit livre, il soit [190] tenu pour deuëment signifié, cõme plus amplement est declaré par les patentes de sa Majesté. Donné à Paris le 27. iour de Novembre, l'an de grace 1608. Et de nostre regne l'vnziéme.

Par le Roy en son Conseil.

Signé, Brigard.

[40] Extract from the Royal License.

By the grace and Prerogative of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book entitled, History of New France, containing the voyages made by the French to the West Indies, and new countries of New France, and the discoveries made by them in said places. To which are added The Muses of New France. Also a number of Charts in copper-plate, which represent the Provinces, Ports, and other things appertaining to said History, composed by Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the expiration of six full and complete years, counting from the day upon which said book shall be finished. During said period of time, all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition, are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book, or any part thereof, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one half of which is to be paid to us, and one half to the poor of the public hospital of this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages and interests of the aforesaid petitioner. Notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter, Licenses, letters, or other appeals and counter-claims, opposed to this, now or in future.[47] And His Majesty also wills that in placing an extract from said License in the beginning or at the end of said book, it shall be regarded as a notice duly served, as has been more fully described in the patents of his Majesty. Given in Paris the 27th day of November, in the year of grace 1608, and of our reign the eleventh.

By the King in Council.

Signed, Brigard.

[Facsimile of Champlain's perspective sketch of fort at Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613).]

[Larger image]

A. Logemens des artisans.
B. Plate forme où estoit le canon.
C. Le magasin.
D. Logemẽt du sieur de Pontgraué & Champlain.
E. La forge.
F. Palissade de pieux.

G. Le four.
H. La cuisine.
O. Petite maisonnette où l'on retiroit les vtansiles de nos barques; que de puis le sieur de Poitrincourt fit rebastir et & y logea le sieur Boulay quand le sieur du Pont s'en riuint en France.
P. La porte de l'abitation.
Q. [K] Le cemetiere.
R. La riuiere.

XII

Relatio Rerum Gestarum
in Nova-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614

Lyons: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618

Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Iesu, Anni CIↃ IↃC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annuæ; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.

RELATIO

Rervm Gestarum

Novo-Francica Missione

Annis 1613 & 1614.

Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis Iesv impressis

LVGDVNI,
Apvd Clavdivm Cayne,
typographvm.

CIↃ IↃC XIIX

A RELATION

Of Occurrences

IN THE

Mission of New France

DURING THE YEARS 1613 AND 1614.

From the Published Annual Letters of the Society of Jesus

LYONS,
Claude Cayne,
PRINTER.

1618

[iii] Tabvla Rervm [196]

		Pag.
I	QUID sit Nova Francia	1
II	De climate	2
III	De moribus gentivm	4
IV	De prima exploratione Novæ Franciæ	4
V	De situ, flvviis et incolis	5
VI	De promontorijs, de quinqve Francorvm domicilijs	8
	De ortu domicilij Sancti Saluatoris ad ostivm amnis Pentegoetij	9
VII	Appvlvnt nostri ad Portvm Regalem	16
VIII	De laboribus nostrorvm	17
IX	De rebvs angvstis	25
X	Patres radices legvnt et pisces ad svstentvm domicilij [iv]	36
XI	Saussæus ex Francia solvit ad novas missionis sedes collocandas et Sancti Saluatoris domicilivm inchoat	37
XII	De impetu Anglorum in missionem Sancti Saluatoris et de ruina Sanctæ Crucis et Regii Portis arcium	41
XIII	Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam deportati	53
XIV	Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica missione gestarvm	59

[iii] Table of Contents.

		Page.
I	WHAT New France is	1
II	Climate	2
III	Customs of the people	4
IV	First exploration of New France	4
V	Location, rivers, and inhabitants	5
VI	The capes; the five settlements of the French	8
	Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at the mouth of the river Pentegoët	9
VII	Our fathers land at Port Royal	16
VIII	Labors of our fathers	17
IX	Their hardships	25
X	The Fathers gather roots and fish for the support of the colony [iv]	36
XI	La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur	37
XII	Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal	41
XIII	The Fathers are carried to Virginia and thence to England	53
XIV	Summary of occurrences, in the mission of New France	59

[562] In Novam Franciam, sev Canadiam Missio. [198]

NOVA FRANCIA, Brasiliæ ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vastissima regio, Aquitanico Galliæ littori ad occasum obuersa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contrà, lineas cum [563] nostra Francia communes habet; ab eaque non ita longo maris traiectu octingentarum, aut is vbi latissimus est, mille leucarum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiusmodi oppositu & vicinitate nostratis Frãciæ, Nouam Franciam maiores eam appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & illa altera, rei maximè congruens, accessit ex euentu causa, quòd eam terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mortalium Franci nostrates deprehenderunt, crebrísque nauigationibus, centum eóque ampliùs abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadiæ verò nomen, quod vulgò vniuersam in eam regionem confertur, eius modò plagæ Septemtrionalis proprium est, quæ Canadæ fluminis, & nobilis sinus, cui à Sancto Laurentio nomen est, copiosis aquis alluitur. Enimuerò vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridæ confinia, multò licet quam nuper contractior, vndequadragesimo tamen gradu, versùs Austrum, determinatur: vltráque nostratis Franciæ latitudinem non paucis leucis porrigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aquilonem, sicut & immẽsis tractibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: quà denique Eurum spectat, nostro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicóque, ipsi linearum parallelis obiecto, definitur.

[562] The Mission in New France, or Canada.

NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern region which is washed by the abundant waters of the river Canada,[48] and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than formerly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is nevertheless bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West; finally it is bounded Eastward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying opposite and between the same parallels.

[200] Caeli eadem omnino, quæ nostri Gallici temperatio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiusdem, quam indicauimus, inesse illi regioni debet, vti reuera inest. Soli autem quin par quoque sit ratio, nihil prohiberet, si iugis adesset campestris terræ cultura: & perpetuarum ferè siluarum abesset densa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuersi terreni viscera, facilè prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas: summam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbescens terræ viriditas ostendit.

There ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cultivation of the plains were long continued upon the uplands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the almost unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleasing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.

Gens ea distinctis lingua & sede multis populis continetur, nulla vsquam consiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuinctis: nulla nec lege, nec arte; nullo nisi piscatus, & venatus vitæ subsidio instructis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut salutis cura informatis: ad omne opus ignauis: stupidis ad artes, quæ ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in summa, belluinis pænè hominibus constat ea natio. Populus cum longinquo propinquóve populo vix habet commercium, nisi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo potest interuenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci regione, ac tugurioram vicinitate iunctus, fermè vnquam coire solet, nisi vt de armis, aduersùm communes hostes capita conferat. Exterarum verò nationum Francicam vnam ferè suos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiusmodi pellibus suis distrahendis, necessariáque veste, ac supellectile permutandis.

The people comprise many tribes diverse in language and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests; possessing neither laws nor arts, and knowing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation; indolent in every occupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race consists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the prosecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common location and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of foreign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of disposing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.

Hanc noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millesimum [202] quingentesimum; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendæ nauigationis, vel comites, vel æmulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentissimè, tum Normannos, turn cæteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicesimo pòst anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus, vicesimo item, ac tricesimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gallus, Brito, cum imperio missi ab Francisco Primo, Gallorum Rege, ipsius auspiciis occupatam regionem illam, eius posterorumque Regum iurisdictioni vindicarunt, cuius possessionem, per interualla sussectæ aliæ atque aliæ Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vsque diem Gallorum Regibus asserere perseuerarunt. De nostris verò missi quoque sunt anno superiore, qui Henrici Quarti auctoritate populos, Francico nomini amicitia & Societate iunctos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto sanctiore fœdere, Christo regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio antè quàm instituamus dicere, præter ea quæ generatim complexi sumus, necesse est de loco ac gente sigillatim quædam capita enucleatiùs explicemus.

Among French navigators, the Bretons first explored this part of the new world in 1504;[49] and after they brought back reports of it, they had in subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals,—not only the Normans, but also other dwellers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French expeditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general description, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.

Nova Francia Gallis adeuntibus gemino littore patet; altero, quod angusta fronte Oceano nostro, & Orienti obtenditur: altero, quod productiore tractu ad Floridæ vsque confinia Austro obiacet. Istud latus portubus, atque ostiis fluminum frequens est, quibus commodè penetrari possit in regionis mediterranea, & hàc ferè Galli terras illas ineunt: illud verò, Franciæ nostræ obiectum littus, quoniam oppositu ingentis insulæ, quam Nouam Terram appellant, importuosum pænè est, ea regione nostrates non subeunt. Eius [204] orbis vastissimã planitiem ingentissimi aluei, aquis copiosissimum flumen irrigat, directo limite ab vltimo pænè occasu ad ortum, quoad angusto freto ad insulam Terræ [566] Nouæ, ipsiúsque insulæ oppositu, eius ostia in Austrinum littus inflectantur. Ei fluuio gentile nomen est Sacqué, Sanctum Laurentium Galli appellarunt; cuius caput ampliùs quingentis inde leucis indigenæ ab lacu in trecentas patente leucas repetunt. In hunc amnium principem alij amnes nobiles ab Aquilone influunt, nempe Saguenaiüm, Tergeminus amnis, seu tres amnes, simul coëuntes, Algomequium, & cæteri non pauci. Saguenaij quingentarum, Tergemini quadringentarum leucarum nauigatio longè porrigitur in Boream. E montibus, ad ripam Austrinam Saquéi amnis, transuersi feruntur in Meridianum Oceani littus alij quoque fluuij celebres; vnde populis, atque illius tractus regionibus plerisque gentilia ducta sunt nomina; sed eorum nonnullis sui moris appellationes Franci posteà indiderunt. Fluuij autem sunt hi ad Austrum conuersi, Sanctus Ioannes, Pentegoëtius, Quinibequius, Choüacoetius, Norembega, quem postremum amnem Champlænius eumdem ac Pentegoetium esse contendit. Populi trans Saquéum, Sanctúmve-Laurentium, versùs Aquilonem, non procul illius ostiis, sunt Canadij & Excomminquij: longè verò ab his, eadem Boreali ripa, versùs occasum, è regione Floridæ, incolunt Algomeguij, atque Ochasteguij. Cis Sanctum-Laurentium, in Australi ora degunt item Canadij, ad ipsum magni amnis flexum, ab Euro in Austrum declinãtis. Post eos ad Occasum [206] vergũt Souriquij, Acadiæ regionis incolæ: deinde ad Pentegoetium, seu Norembegam fluuium, Pentegoetij: [567] ad horum dextram, Occasum spectantium, circa Quebecum arcem, Montagnetij: post Pentegoetios recto tractu Eteminquij, ad amnem Quinibequium: inde Almochiquij ad flumen Choüacoetium, latissimis campis diffusi: denique inter Floridam, & Sacquéum magnum amnem, Iroquij campestribus, montosisque locis latissimè habitant. Reliquos Nouæ Franciæ populos multos, præsertim trans magnum Sacquéum amnem, Aquilonares, Galli nostrates non nisi ex auditione norunt. Ex notis autem, amicos, ac pæne Socios habent Souriquios, Eteminquios, Montagnetios, Almochiquios, Algomequios, & Ochasteguios: istis capitales hostes Iroquios, hostili quoque in se animo experiuntur, eo maximè nomine, quòd Iroquiis Galli cum ipsorum hostibus bellum intulerint. Horum quidem populorum soli agriculturam, inscienter tamen, exercent Almochiquij, Iroquij, & Ochasteguij, miliumque Indicum, & fabam Brasilicam ferunt.

New France presents to the French, as they approach it, two coasts, one which borders with a narrow frontage upon our Ocean to the East; and another far longer, which extends Southward to the confines of Florida. The former side abounds in bays and estuaries, by which one may readily penetrate into the interior; by these routes the French usually enter these regions; but, since the other coast, lying opposite our France, is rendered almost inaccessible by the intervention of a great island which they call Newfoundland, our people do not approach in that direction. The immense plain in that quarter is watered by a river of vast size and mighty volume, its course directly eastward from almost the farthest west, until, by reason of the narrow strait at the island of Newfoundland [566] and the opposition of the island itself, its mouth is broadly curved towards the Southern coast. The native name of that river is Sacqué;[50] the French have called it St. Lawrence; its source the natives seek more than 500 leagues distant, in a lake 300 leagues in width. Into this main stream other noble rivers flow from the North, such as the Saguenay,[51] the Three Rivers,[52]—or three rivers flowing together,—the Algomequi,[53] and many others. These rivers are open for navigation far Northward—the Saguenay five hundred leagues, the Three Rivers four hundred leagues, From the mountains [54] upon the Southern bank of the Sacqué River other notable streams flow across to the Southern coast of the Ocean, and from these the native names for most of the tribes and districts of that region are derived; but upon some of them the French afterward conferred names after their own fashion. The rivers flowing Southward are the St. John, Pentegoët, Quinibequi, Choüacoet,[11] and Norembega, which last stream Champlain [55] asserts to be the same as the Pentegoët. The tribes across the Sacqué or St. Lawrence, towards the North, not far from its mouth, are the Canadis [56] and Excomminquis;[10] but at a distance from these, on the same Northern shore, toward the west, in the direction of Florida, dwell the Algomeguis [57] and the Ochasteguis.[58] Across the St Lawrence, on the Southern bank, the Canadi live also, directly at the bend of the great river, which turns from the East towards the South.[59] Beyond them, toward the West, lie the Souriquois, inhabitants of the country of Acadia;[60] thence, toward the Pentegoët or Norembega River, the Pentegoëts;[6] [567] to their right, looking Westward, about the fortress at Quebec,[59] the Montagnais; beyond the Pentegoëts; directly toward the Quinibequi River, the Eteminquis; then the Almochiquois, at the Choüacoet River, scattered over a very extensive region; finally, between Florida and the great Sacqué River, the Iroquois inhabit enormous tracts of both level and mountainous country. Many of the remaining tribes of New France, especially those of the North, across the great Sacqué River, our French countrymen know only from hearsay. Among those whom they know, however, they have secured as friends, and almost as allies, the Souriquois, Eteminquis, Montagnais, Almochiquois, Algomequois, and Ochasteguis. The Iroquois, who are deadly enemies of these tribes, prove hostile to the French also, mainly because the latter have waged war against them, in company with their enemies. Certain of these tribes—the Almochiquois, Iroquois, and Ochasteguis—practice agriculture, though unskillfully, and plant Indian corn and the Brazilian bean.[61]

Promontoria celebria Franciam Nouam ineuntibus Meridiano littore occurrunt, Britonicum, ad ipsa ostia magni amnis, hoc est Sancti Laurentij; ab hoc deinde Heuæum, Arietinum, Sabulosum, Bifidum, Sanctus Ludouicus, Album, Sancta Helena. Eamdem oram à Promontorio Britonico legentibus obuij fiunt portus, Campsæus, Sesambræus, Regius, Pulcher. Mediterranea verò per Sacquéum amnem, & Canadiæ fines subire volentibus, præteruehenda sunt, Britonicum, ad ostia eiusdem fluuij; Sanctus-Laurentius; Episcopium, [208] [568] Chatæum, & alia nonnulla promontoria: Tadoussacus denique portus ad Saguenaij fluminis ostia Sacqéum ineuntis.

Numerous headlands meet those who approach New France by the Southern coast: Breton, at the very mouth of the great river St. Lawrence; next in order, La Hève, Mouton, Sable, Fourchu, St. Louis, Blanc, Ste. Hélène.[62] Those who coast along the same shore from Cape Breton meet the harbors called Campseau, Sesambre, Port Royal, and Beaubassin.[63] But those who wish to journey inland, beyond the borders of Canada, by way of the Sacqué river, must pass Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence; Cap de l'Evêque, [568] Cap Chat,[64] and some other headlands,—finally reaching Tadoussac bay, at the mouth of the Saguenay river, where it enters the Sacqué.

Porrò in tam immenso terrarum ambitu, frequentibus expeditionibus, annis ampliùs centum, Franci domicilia omnino quinque constituerunt, quorum primum posuit Iacobus Quartierus posteriore sua nauigatione, non ad Sanctæ Crucis, quæ nunc est, importuosas angustias, & cautes: sed in iis pænè vestigiis vbi nunc est Quebecum, Sancta Cruce quindenis leucis citerius. Altertum Petrus du Gas, dominus de Monts, anno quarto supra millesimum sexcentesimum erexit, in angusta insula, inter Eteminquios, in Australi propemodum littore: cui domicilio ac insulæ nomen Sancta Crux indidit. Idem eodem anno, in quasi peninsula, oræ Acadicæ, ad Regium Portum, eiusdem nominis exiguam arcem fossa & aggere munitam exstruxit. Portus Regius, & portui cognominis arx, sunt in ea, quam Franciam Baïam vocant, centum quinquaginta leucis à Campsæo promontorio, leucas octo intra continentem. Baïa scilicet Francis, sicut Hispanis, est amplior terræ sinus ad oram maris, aut fluminis maioris, angulato orbiculatóve recessu, influenti aquæ ad interiora continentis præbens aditum. In extremo Francico Sinu portus est octingentorum passuum ostio peruius, duas leucas longus, vnam latus, duûm millium capax maiorum nauium, cui ab nobilitate Regius Portus nomen à Champlænio Franco est inditum. Tertiam sedem quarto pòst anno condidit dominus de [569] Monts ad Quebecium cornu, in [210] Australi ripa Sacquéi amnis, è regione Aurelianæ insulæ, in Montagnetiorum solo; quam arcem Champlænius, qui operi præfuit, Quebecum à soli nomine appellauit, & eodem pænè loco Sanctam Crucem Iacobi Quartieri arcem olim conditam fuisse obseruauit. Quinti & vltimi Francici domicilij fundamenta Patres nostri iaciebant, ad ostium amnis Pentegoetij, cùm ab irrumpentibus Anglis opere prohibiti, atque in captiuitatem contra fas, & ius gentium abducti sunt. Iis ad hunc modum præmissis capitibus, quæ alioqui moratura erant institutam rerum narrationem, ad susceptam à Patribus nostris Canadicam expeditionem stylum conferamus.

Moreover, in this great extent of territory, by means of numerous expeditions and in more than a century, the French have established only five settlements;[65] the first of these was founded by Jacques Quartier during his last voyage, not at the inaccessible narrows and rocks of the place now called Saincte Croix,[66] but in almost the very spot where now stands Quebec, fifteen leagues on this side of Ste. Croix. Another was built by Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, in the year 1604, upon a small island, among the Eteminquis, close to their Southern shore, to which settlement and island he gave the name of Saincte Croix. He also in the same year, upon a sort of peninsula on the Acadian coast, near Port Royal, erected a small fort of the same name, defended by a ditch and a rampart. Port Royal, and the fort of the same name as the harbor, are on what is called French Bay, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Campseau, eight leagues from the sea. A bay among the French, as among the Spanish, is a large indentation in the land at the shore of the sea or of a great river, angular or round in shape, giving the waters entrance to the interior regions. At the head of French Bay is a harbor, reached by a channel three-quarters of a mile long; it is two leagues long and one wide, capable of receiving 2,000 large ships, and because of its majestic appearance was named Port Royal by the Frenchman Champlain. A third settlement was founded by sieur de [569] Monts, four years later, at the point of Quebec, on the Southern bank of the Sacqué river, near the isle of Orleans,[67] in the territory of the Montagnais; Champlain, who was in charge of the work, called this fort Quebec, from the name of the district,[41] and observed that in almost the same place Jacques Quartier's post of Ste. Croix had in former days been built. Our Fathers were laying the foundations of the fifth and last French settlement at the mouth of the Pentegoët river, when they were prevented from prosecuting the work by a descent of the English, and carried off into captivity, contrary to justice and the law of nations. These details, which otherwise would have delayed the orderly narrative of events, having been thus first explained, let us devote our pen to the Canadian expedition undertaken by our Fathers.

Potrincourtius Regij Portus castellum à domino de Monts sibi dono datum, eo ipso tempore, quo condebatur, ab Henrico Quarto petiuerat, eo iure, quo optimo, sibi asseri, vindicarique? ac eius non modò vindicias, sed nexum etiam impetrauerat. Secundum quod ius arcis, & imperij prætereà certis finibus in Noua Francia Potrincourtio attributi, Rex Patri Cotono significat, velle se vti Sociorum opera in Barbaris illis ad Christum adiugendis; proinde scriberet ad Generalem Societatis Præpositum suo nomine, vti designarentur Patres in eam rem, quos primo quoque tempore illuc mittendos ipse Rex ad se accerseret, annuis duûm millium Librarum vectigalibus illi Missioni attributis. Annus huius sæculi octauus agebatur, cùm Rex ita de Canadicis rebus decerneret, cuius tamen cogitationes grauioribus negotiis aliò seuocantibus, [212] [570] eius quoque interueniente obitu, sed eorum maximè negligentia, qui Regio nomine Canadicam prouinciam, administrabant, nostrorum profectio in tertium pòst annum est dilata. Siue autem casu quopiam, siue hominum consilio, eam proferri trienni toto contigit, cùm iam in procinctu nostri essent; obortæ tamen subitò sunt eæ difficultates, quibus planum fieret, Cacodæmoni esse inuisa nostrorum in ea profectione consilia. Regina quingentos aureos nummos, ex defuncti Regis decreto numerauerat: Domina de Vernueil, de Sourdis, de Guercheuille, alia sacrum aræ instrumentum, alia linteam vestem copiosam, alia peramplum viaticum munificè contribuerant: Pater Petrus Biardus, & Pater Enemundus Massæus eò destinati animis ingentibus se comparauerant, vela & ventos auidè præstolantes. Status condictus dies vela faciendi eis conuenerat cum Biencourtio Potrincourtij filio, & Thoma Robinio, expeditionis ducibus, ad octauum calendas Nouembris anni decimi supra sexcentesimum; sed cùm eo die adfuissent, nauigium sarciebatur, & oscitanter quidem, in continenti; tantum aberat, vt idoneo commeatu & nauigationis, & Canadicæ familiæ instructum esset. Instaurandæ naui suas operas, materiamque locauerant Caluiniani duo, & quia Biencourtio ac Robinio ad operarum mercedem deerant facultates, Caluiniani mercatores certam nautici fructus partem pacti sibi erant, eóque nomine, pro dominis in ea naue gerere posse sibi videbantur Iesuitis igitur locum [214] in nauigio [571] non futurum palam, & asseueranter edicunt, aut si futurum sit, ab illius operis redemtura, & cætera omni pactione se iamiam discedere: qua de sententia nec ipsius Reginæ auctoritas, ab Domino de Cicoigne, Dieppensis vrbis regio Præside, grauiter, seuereque denunciata, Caluini asseclas non potuit dimouere. Desperata res planè videbatur, quòd hæc vna modò nauis in Nouam Franciam anno illo adornaretur; & non paterentur duo illi Caluiniani vlla se ratione demitigari: quæ nostra destitutio Dominam Guercheuillæam, religiosissimam, & ingentis animi feminam, acriter pupugit; sed ea qua est sollertia, confestim ad manum habuit rationem, qua non iam vt vectores nos, sed vt partiarios, exclusis inhumanis Hæreticis, in nauem induceret. Quattuor igitur millium Librarum stipem de principibus viris ac feminis ex Aula, paucis diebus, corrogat, quantum erat opus ad nauem instruendam; eaque collate summa, Caluinianos illos duos nautica societate deiicit, simulque idoneam fortem constituit, vnde Canadicæ negotiationis præfecti perpetuam quotannis pensionem nostræ Missioni penderent. Sublatis itaque, illius feminæ industria, quæ nos morabantur impedimentis, ternis serè mensibus adornandæ naui consumtis, huius tandem sæculi anno vndecimo, ante diem sextum calendas Februarias, è littore Dieppensi, Deo duce, soluimus, totóque quadrimestri nauigantes Campsæum in portum, Australis littoris Nouæ Franciæ appulsi sumus; inde centum viginti leucarum vel maritima, vel [216] terrestri via Portum [572] Regium lætantes iniuimus. Quæ sollemnia sunt Societatis hominibus in eo nautico cursu pietatis, demissionis, humanitatis erga omne hominum genus, hæc, tantò minùs ab nostris omissa sunt, quòd ingentis momenti expeditio instituebatur, & præter Caluinianos nonnullos, iis præfectis vel sociis rei nauticæ vtebamur, quos, nostræ consuetudinis ratione, omnino oportebat de Societatis Instituto rectiùs, quàm imbuti accesserant, imbui. Appellentibus nobis ad illius orbis littora nauigium, factus est obuiam Champlænius, cum cætera virtute, tum septenni iam illius maris nauigatione clarus, quem summo nostro stupore spectauimus aduersum glaciatas aquæ moles, ingentibus terræ collibus magnitudine pares, maximis animis, ac singulari industria & arte decertantem, interque illa pericula fortiter enauigantem. De Sancto-Laurentio, amne Canadiensium maximo, scribit idem Camplænius in nauigationum commentariis, eius summas aquas tribus totis in imum vlnis conglaciari Ianuario, & insequentibus mensibus duobus ab ostio sursum versùs, centum leucarum itinere, nec vltrà procedere rigorem aquæ, cum tamen nulla pars fluminis, directo alueo ab occasu in ortum manantis, sit Aquilonibus altera propior, aut montibus ad apricationem tectior. Addit etiam, ineunte Aprili, soluta glaciei tanta vi, Sancti-Laurenti laxissimum ostium congelatis molibus pæne obstrui, quas ait in altum mare longiùs prouectas, duodenis diebus, quotannis ferè liquari.

Potrincourt had asked of Henry IV. the fort at Port Royal, because it had been granted as a gift to him by sieur de Monts at the very time of its establishment, which was perhaps the best reason he could give for advancing and maintaining his pretensions, and had obtained not merely a claim upon it, but its possession. Following the grant of this fort, and also the government of a definite territory in New France, to Potrincourt, the King informed Father Coton [68] that he wished to employ the services of our Brethren in bringing the Savages to Christ. He also desired him to write to the General of the Society, in his own name, in order that Fathers might be selected for this undertaking, whom the King himself would take measures to send thither at the first available opportunity, while an annuity of 2,000 livres was to be allowed the Mission. It was during the eighth year of this century when the King made this decision in regard to Canadian affairs; but, in spite of his plans, by reason of more weighty business which called his attention elsewhere, [570] and also the hindrance caused by his death, but especially because of the negligence of those who were managing the Canadian province for the Crown, the departure of our brethren was delayed until the third year thereafter. Moreover, either by some accident, or by the purpose of men, it came to be delayed the entire space of three years, although our brethren were already equipped. Such difficulties, also, suddenly arose as plainly showed that our plans for this voyage were displeasing to the Evil Spirit. The Queen had paid over 500 golden crowns, according to the decree of the late King; Mesdames de Vernueil, de Sourdis, and de Guercheville had given generous contributions,—one, the sacred furniture of the altar; another, an abundance of linen vestments; the third, a very liberal allowance of money for the expenses of the voyage. Father Pierre Biard and Father Enemund Massé had been selected for the undertaking, and had prepared themselves with great courage, eagerly awaiting their departure. The day for sailing had been agreed upon by them with Biencourt, the son of Potrincourt, and Thomas Robin, the leaders of the expedition, for the 24th day of October, 1610; but, when they arrived upon that day, the ship was undergoing repairs, and that, too, in a negligent manner, upon the land; so far was it from being provided with suitable equipment either for navigation or for the Canadian colony. Two Calvinists had devoted their services and resources to the repair of the ship, and, because Biencourt and Robin lacked means to pay for the work, the Calvinist merchants had contracted for a specified portion of the profits of the voyage. By this right, as masters in the ship, they thought themselves able to declare, in the presence of the Jesuits, that there would be no place for them in the vessel; [571] and they emphatically asserted that, if it should be otherwise, they would straightway forsake the prosecution of the work, and all other business in their contract. From this resolution, not even the authority of the Queen herself, pronounced with dignity and severity by Sieur de Cicoigne, the royal Governor of the city of Dieppe, could move these servants of Calvin. The matter was apparently in a desperate condition, because only this one ship was that year being fitted out for New France, and the two Calvinists would not permit themselves to be moved in any respect. This difficulty of ours deeply pained Madame de Guercheville, a woman of extreme piety and great spirit; but her ingenuity speedily devised a method by which she might place us on the ship, not as passengers, but as partners, to the exclusion of the churlish Heretics. She therefore collected in a few days, from the leading men and women of the Court, 4,000 livres, as much as was necessary for fitting out the ship; and by raising that sum deprived the two Calvinists of a share in the vessel, establishing at the same time a sufficient capital from which there might each year be paid to the director of the Canadian undertaking an allowance for our Mission. When, therefore, by the diligence of this woman, the obstacles which delayed us had been removed, although nearly three months had been spent in equipping the ship, still, in the eleventh year of this century, on the 24th day of January, we set sail under the leadership of God, from the shore at Dieppe; and, after a voyage lasting in all four months, arrived at Campseau harbor, on the Southern coast of New France; at a distance thence of 120 leagues, either by sea or land, we joyfully entered Port [572] Royal. The exercises of the members of the Society in piety, humility, and kindness toward all manner of men, were especially observed by our brethren during that sea-voyage, because an expedition of great importance was being undertaken, and also for the reason that, besides a few Calvinists, we were associated with officers and seamen to whom it was absolutely necessary that we should, on account of our frequent intercourse, give more correct ideas concerning the Institutum [69] of the Society than they had formerly received. When we brought the ship to the coast of this region, Champlain [70] met us,—a man renowned not only for his valor in other respects, but also for his voyages in this sea for seven years past; whom, to our utter amazement, we have seen battling against masses of ice, equal in size to great hills upon land, with the greatest courage, and with remarkable activity and skill, sailing forth bravely amid all these dangers. Concerning the St. Lawrence, the greatest river of Canada, this same Champlain writes, in his commentaries upon his voyages, that its surface is frozen to the depth of three entire yards, during January and the two following months, to the distance of a hundred leagues upward from its mouth; and that the freezing of the water does not extend farther, although no part of the river, since it flows directly from west to east, is more Northerly than another, or more protected by mountains, so as to be warmer. He adds also that in the beginning of April, by the melting of so great a mass of ice, the broad mouth of the St. Lawrence is almost blocked with frozen masses, which, he says, are carried forth a long distance into the sea, and usually melt within twelve days, each year.

[218] Appvlsvs nostrorum ad Francicum Sinum, [573] Portumque Regium, in ante diem septimum calendas Quintiles, eumdemque Pentecostes sacrum felicissimo planè omine incidit. Nihil Potrincourtio accidere poterat allato commeatu opportunius, si tamen is amplus esset, vt quem rei angustiæ coegerant, Barbaris partem familiæ alendam diuidere. Vt ne autem instructiores à commeatu veniremus, fecerat tum nauigij, sexaginta dumtaxat doliorum, breuitas; tum plus instrumenti piscatorij, quàm cibariorum in nauem immissum; tum deniq; ab tricenis senis capitibus, quot vehebamur, grauior in nauticam penum illata solido quadrimestri labes. Quamobrem Potrincourtio sexaginta hominum contubernio, tenuissima re domestica, iam eum pæne ipsis initiis opprimente, maturè prouidendum fuit, ne Portus Regij penuaria cella in sequentem hiemem exhausta relinqueretur. Cuius procurationis, vt familiæ patrem decuit, sumto sibi onere, ipse in Galliam traiecturus, de Porturegiensi multitudine pæne quadragesimus medio Iulio soluit, exeuntéque Augusto Galliæ littori appulsus est, relicto Biencourtio filio, cum reliqua cohorte, qui Porturegiensi arci præsideret.

The arrival of our brethren at French Bay [573] and Port Royal occurred on the 26th day of June, and also,—certainly a most auspicious omen,—the sacred feast of Pentecost. Nothing more opportune could have happened to Potrincourt than the arrival of supplies, if only these had been abundant, since his privations had compelled him to place a portion of the colony to be supported among the Savages. Moreover, the fact that we had not come well-furnished with provisions was due, not only to the smallness of the ship, which was of only sixty tons burden, but also to the placing of more fishing tackle than provisions in the cargo; then, finally, by thirty-six persons, the number which was on board, there was a great consumption of the ship's stores during four entire months. Wherefore, Potrincourt, almost overwhelmed, at the outset, by the necessity of maintaining sixty men in this scarcity of provisions, was forced to take early precautions lest the meagerly furnished storehouse at Port Royal should be left bare for the coming winter. As behooved the father of the colony, he took upon himself the burden of managing this business, and resolved that he himself would cross over to France. With about forty of the people at Port Royal, leaving his son Biencourt in command of the fort there, and the rest of the company, he set sail in the middle of July; and, in the latter part of August, he reached the French coast.

Nostris interea, quod suarum partium esset, enixè satagentibus, cordi erat in primis popularis linguæ cognitio, quam Galli leuiter modò delibatam, si vnum exciperes, tradere præceptis, vsúve docere non poterant; vt vna dumtaxat reliqua esset ratio eius ab stupidis indigenis, non institutione, sed assidua consuetudine [220] tandem exprimendæ. His itaque, muneribus, comitate, atque [574] omni officij genere conciliandis cùm nostri nihil non tentassent, parum aut nihil permouerunt. Enimuerò, præterquam quod minimè idoneis ad disciplinam magistris vtebantur, à quibus nihil expromeres, nisi affluẽter antè saginato aqualiculo, & quos moræ, vel non diuturnæ, impatientissimos idemtidem abs te abalienaret, auelleretque studiosa cuiusque rei percontatio: ipsa quoque linguæ conditio, idoneorum, ad res etiam vulgatissimas, vocabulorum indigentissimæ, nostrorum incensa studia destituit, & animos grauiter afflixit. Rerum scilicet, quæ sub aspectum, tactum, & reliquos sensus cadunt, ex Barbarorum responsis nomenclatio vtcumque deprehendebatur: sed earum quæ sensuum vim fugiunt, summa est apud eam gentem appellationum penuria, & alta quoque rerum ignoratio. Posterioris autem generis desperata disciplina, cum neque priorem Barbari aut possent, aut vellent tradere; vna reliqua spes erat in adolescente Gallo, vernaculæ linguæ bene perito, eximia humanitate, & comitate, quem etiam Pater Biardus non vulgari beneficio sibi demeruerat. Is erat Pontgrauæus, Pongrauæi filius, egregij viri superioribus annis cum Champlænio vices Domini de Monts in Francia Noua gerentis; quem adolescentem, decem & octo leucis Regio portu non longiùs, hiemare parantem, ad amnem Sancti Ioannis, summa ipsius voluntate, nullius incommodo, nostri eius institutione Canadicum idioma erudiẽdi adire cuperent. Verumtamen Biencourtius eius profectionis [222] consultus, ac rogatus etiam à nostris, vt, eius bona venia, [575] proficere per Pontgrauæum in peregrino idiomate sibi liceret, cuius ignoratione, suæ nauigationis in Nouam Franciam fructu penitus exciderent: quòd ea communicatio cum Pontgrauæo nouarum rerum supicionem moueret Biencourtio, nihil impetrarunt. Tantisper ergo nostris has difficultates æquo animo tolerantibus, dum qua se aperiret via suo instituto conuenientior, Deus materiam non procul quæsitam subiecit, de grauiter ægroto. Henrico Membertouio, Sagamo, bene merendi; & corporis, & animi eius diligenter curanda salute. Sagamo apud eam gentem cuiusque populi præses appellatur: Sagamon verò agebat inter Souriquios, in Acadia, Membertouius, ad Aquilonare latus Porturegiensis castelli, ad Sancti Ioannis flumen. Cùm tamen dysenteria cœpit tentari, degebat in Baïa Mariana, vt vocant, hoc est, in Mariano Sinu, Portum Regium inter, Meridianumque littus, vnde asportari se iusserat in arcem, vt medicorum nostrorum curatione vteretur. Angusta sua cellula eum nostri exceperunt, diebusque non paucis, absente ipsius coniuge, ac filia, diu noctuque, in grauissimo sordidi morbi fœtore, pro assiduissimis, & maximè sollicitis ministris ei libentissimè operam suam nauauere. Is vbi Confessione fuerat expiatus, Sacróque inunctus oleo, de sepultura sua egit cum Biencourtio, seque humari velle ait in maiorum suo sepulcro. Biencourtius, qui tanti rem esse non putaret, facilè assentiebatur; auditisque Patris [224] Biardi contra suam sententiam rationibus, occurri posse incommodis censebat, si [576] sepulcrum illud ritu Christiano lustraretur; quæ Biencourtij opinio Membertouium tantò constantiorem in suo decreto cùm faceret, Pater Biardus neque id se illis assensurum confirmauit, & cur non assentiretur ostendit. Non dubium erat, quin si Sagamus in consilio perstaret, eiusque adstipulator fieri pergeret Biencourtius, offensionis atque turbarum inde quidpiam oriretur: sed huic malo Diuina occurrit prouidentia; postridie siquidem Membertouius sua sponte postulauit commune Christianorum cœmeterium, qua & in sententia mortem obiit; vti scilicet hoc suo facto fidem suam omnibus Christianis ac Barbaris testatam relinqueret, suffragiorumque Ecclesiæ fieret particeps. Magnus omnino vir fuit hic Sagamus, non suorum magis, quàm nostrorum iudicio, cuius eximiam indolem supra vulgare Canadiorum ingenium longè ideo extulisse visus est Deus optimus, vt hunc sibi iustas eius gentis primitias legeret. Ex octogenis ferè Nouo-Francis, quos ab ineunte Iunio anni sexcentesimi decimi, nulla planè imbutos catechesi, temere Baptismo impertierat Iossæus nescio quis, sui muneris parum intelligens sacerdos, vnus dumtaxat Membertouius, pro eo quantum suos omnes populares sagacitate & prudentia longo interuallo anteibat, sollerter dispexerat, quanti esset, Christianum non censeri quidem, sed reipsa idoneis eo nomine præditum moribus viuere. Et certè reliquis omnibus de illo octogenario [226] belluinum à Baptismo viuendi morem perpetuò retinentibus, hic solus vt Christiano dignum erat, in [577] multa etiam ignorantia, priusquam eò nostri aduenissent, vitam cum laude traduxit. Primus omnium de Nouo-Francis salutaribus aspersus aquis, earum vim potentissimam ita scilicet visus est combibisse, vt ei nihil longius esset quã vt eos nãcisceretur magistros, quorum disciplina Christianis institutis eò vsque instrueretur, dum idoneus fieret, qui suos inter populares Apostolicum ageret doctorem. Ardentis huius desiderij locupletes testes nostri, has voces eius ex ore sæpenumerò exceperunt: Per Deum immortalem, date operam Patres, nostrum vt idioma breui perdiscatis, vti vobis doctoribus vsus, sicuti vos estis, ego quoque concionator, & docendi magister euadã, nostráque coniuncta opera Nouo-Francorũ gens vniuersa ad Christum traducatur. Hunc virum, vix quindecim mensibus, ex quo in Christianorum numerum venerat, superstitem, paucis diebus nostra institutione informatum, multæ tamen verè Christiani ac pij animi virtutes illustrem fecerant; quam scilicet tam vberem frugem singulares probæ indolis dotes in eo nuper, patriis etiam moribus viuente, præsagierant. Omnium prouincialium testimonio, quotquot multis antè sæculis floruerant, Sagamos hic vnus animi robore, muneris militaris scientia, clientelarum multitudine, frequentiáque, potentia, & gloriosi nominis claritudine inter suos, atque ipsos hostes facilè superauit. Quem celebritatis splendorem perpetuum non potuit, [228] etiam inter Barbaros, nulla vllius rei doctrina imbutos, consequi, nisi ex certa fama, adeóque etiam notitia eximiæ in eo vigentis [578] æquitatis, atque temperantiæ. De temperantia quidem eius, vt prætereà nihil afferri possit, luculentum sanè fuit, sibi magnoperè moderantis hominis, documentum, perpetua in Membertouio monogamia, quo in genere solitarium verè phœnicem Nouo-Francia eum adhuc agnouit. Quod enim reliqui omnes indigenæ, sed Sagami præsertim, ex vxorum multitudine stirpis numerosam seriem expetunt summoperè, atque sperant, suæ vtique potentiæ singulare columen ac firmamentum; id vti more gentis vsurparet, adduci numquam potuit Membertouius, quòd altiore quadam, supra vulgus Sagamorum, sapientia perspiceret, grauiora inter discordes vxores, & earum liberos simultatum, sub eodem tecto, detrimenta existere, quàm emolumenta opum, & neutiquam consentientis potentiæ. Sollemne est illi genti, ex superstitioso ritu, quod genus omnes habent præcipuum, demortuorum neminem suo vnquam nomine appellare, sed aduentitium cuiuis, ex re nata, indere, quo cum perpetuo inter commemorandum denotent: quo ex more Henricum Membertouium ab virtutibus bellicis nuper clarissimum, congruenti eius laudibus nomenclatione, Magnum Imperatorem, suo idiomate, nuncuparunt.

Meanwhile, the greatest desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their duties, was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen—caring but little for it, with one exception—could not impart by rules, or teach with advantage; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by lessons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by [574] every sort of service, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could be obtained unless their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, indeed, which fall under sight, touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Savages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a profound ignorance of the things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Savages either could not, or would not explain the former; one hope remained, in a young Frenchman, fluent in the native tongue, of remarkable kindness and affability, whom Father Biard also had laid under obligations to himself by no ordinary favors. This was Pontgravé, the son of Pontgravé,[71] an excellent man, who in former years, together with Champlain, represented Sieur de Monts in New France; and this youth, who was preparing to pass the winter no farther than eighteen leagues from Port Royal, at the river St. John, our brethren were anxious to meet, with his own ready consent, and with inconvenience to no one, for the sake of the aid of his instruction in acquiring the Canadian language. Although Biencourt was consulted about this expedition, and also requested by our comrades that they might be allowed by his kind permission [575] to make progress through Pontgravé in the foreign idiom, by their ignorance of which, they were losing all the fruits of their voyage to New France,[72] they did not succeed; because such intercourse with Pontgravé inspired suspicion in Biencourt. While our brethren therefore patiently endured their troubles, until some path more suitable to their plans should be revealed, God placed within their reach the desired opportunity, for doing a kindness to Henry Membertou, a Sagamore who was dangerously ill, by caring diligently for the salvation of both his soul and his body. Among this people the chief of each tribe is called a Sagamore, and Membertou was Sagamore among the Souriquois, in Acadia, to the St. John river, North of the fort at Port Royal. However, when he began to be afflicted with dysentery, he was residing at Bay Ste. Marie, as they call it, between Port Royal and the Southern coast, whence he had ordered himself to be brought into the fort, in order that he might profit by the care of our physicians. Our fathers received him into their narrow cabin, and, for many days, in the absence of his wife and daughter, by day, and night, amid the noxious filth of a vile disease, freely bestowed upon him their services, as most assiduous and exceedingly solicitous attendants. When he had been absolved upon Confession, and anointed with the Holy oil, he arranged with Biencourt about his burial, and said that he wished to be interred in his own ancestral burial place. Biencourt, who did not think the matter of much importance, readily consented, and, upon hearing the objections of Father Biard to his decision, believed that trouble might be prevented if [576] that grave would be blessed according to the Christian rite. This opinion of Biencourt rendered Membertou so much the more steadfast in his resolution; Father Biard declared that he would not agree with them in this, and explained why he would not consent. There was no doubt that, if the Sagamore persisted in his purpose, and Biencourt continued to support him, some offense and disturbance would arise therefrom; but Divine providence prevented this evil. The day thereafter, Membertou of his own accord requested the usual Christian burial, in which resolution he died, evidently purposing by this act to leave his faith attested to all Christians and Savages, and to become a participant in the privileges of the Church. This Sagamore was in every respect a great man, not only in the opinion of his own people but in ours; and the good God seems to have raised this man's excellent nature high above the ordinary character of the Canadians, in order that he might gather him to himself as the first fruits in righteousness of his race. Out of some 80 natives of New France whom since the beginning of June of the year 1610 a certain Josse,[73] a priest unfamiliar with his duties, had heedlessly baptized, although they certainly had had no religious instruction, Membertou alone, who greatly excelled all his countrymen in acuteness and good sense, had wisely discerned how important it is not merely to be considered a Christian, but actually to live with a character agreeing to the name. And indeed, although the entire remainder of that 80 had continued their brutal mode of life ever since Baptism, this man alone deserved to be called a Christian, and indeed led a praiseworthy life in [577] the midst of dense ignorance, before our brethren had come thither. As he, first of all the inhabitants of New France, was sprinkled with the saving waters, it seems, beyond doubt, that he so imbibed their most potent virtue, that nothing remained for him but to secure those teachers, by whose instructions he would be trained in Christian principles until he should become fit to introduce among his countrymen an Apostolic teacher. Our brethren are competent witnesses of this burning desire; they often heard from his lips these words: "By the immortal God, Fathers, endeavor to quickly learn our language, in order that, after having employed you as teachers, I also, like you, may go forth as a public exhorter and instructor; and by our united labors the entire population of New France may be brought to Christ." This man, who survived hardly fifteen months after becoming a Christian, and was accorded but a few days of our training, was nevertheless rendered illustrious by many virtues truly Christian and belonging to a pious spirit; and, indeed, unique marks of an upright character had presaged in him this fruit which was so rich, a short time previously, while he was still living according to his ancestral customs. By the testimony of all the inhabitants of the province, this one man, in strength of mind, in knowledge of the military art, in the great number of his followers, in power, and in the renown of a glorious name among his countrymen, and even his enemies, easily surpassed the Sagamores who had flourished during many preceding ages. This universal honor and renown he could not have attained, even among Savages utterly untaught, except from an established reputation, the knowledge also of the exceptional justice of his [578] character, and his temperance. Indeed, concerning this last virtue, although nothing additional can be cited, there was certainly a distinguished example of a man of great self-restraint in the continual monogamy of Membertou, in which rank, thus far, New France has recognized him alone as a phœnix indeed. For, though all the rest of the natives, but especially the Sagamores, covet above all else from a multitude of wives a numerous train of progeny, and desire them as the especial support and foundation of their power; Membertou could never be induced to conform to this custom of the race, because, with a certain wisdom deeper than that of the mass of Sagamores, he perceived that the evils arising among the quarreling wives and among the children of these rivals, beneath the same roof, more than balanced the increase of resources and of power that might arise from a large family. It is an observance of that race, from a superstitious rite which all especially revere, to never mention by name any deceased person; but to give each, according to circumstances, an additional appellation, by which they always designate him whenever they mention him. In conformity with this custom, they called Henry Membertou, because he had of late been highly renowned in warlike virtues, by a name agreeing with his reputation, meaning, in their language, Great Chief.

Potrincovrtivs Biencourtij pater, in Galliam mense Iulio nauigarat, commeatus summittendi gratia, cuius erant magnæ angustiæ in Porturegiensi [230] familia, Octobri mense insequente; cibariorum tamen nihil è Gallia missum erat; idcirco Biencourtius ad Almochiquios, Choüacoetij fluminis [579] accolas, Indici milij copiis abundantes, nauigationem, comite Patre Biardo, instituit, Gallicarum mercium permutatione ad hibernam aliquam annonam frumentaturus. Sed quòd ex itinere ad Sancti Ioannis flumen, trans Francicum Sinum diuerterat, vt ex adolescente Pontgrauæo, reliquisque Maclouiensibus quintas exigeret Canadicæ negotiationis, diutiùs eum morantibus subortis cum ea familia discordiis, tempore frumentationis pæne exclusus est, ad quam deinde cùm est reuersus, Barbarorum delusus fraude, qui spem frumentariæ permutationis fecerant, vacuus in Portum Regium renauigauit. In ea excursione feliciter obtigit Patri Biardo, vt Pontgrauæo conciliaret Biencourtium, sicuti nuper Potrincourtium eidem insensum placauerat, & vt Merueillæo item Maclouiensi, de salute, ob nescio quas suspiciones, periclitanti grauiter, eadem pacificationis opera, vitam affereret; quo suo facto vtrumque sibi magnopere deuinxit. Nostro Sacerdoti demeritos esse beneficiis homines huiusmodi, cum ob cætera multa, tum ob id in primis opportunè accidebat, quòd eorum opera fideli, ac vtili esset vsurus in disciplina Canadicæ linguæ, quam Pontgrauæus callebat egregiè, si dies aliquot vnà viuere, aut certè frequentiùs congredi liceret. Id certè, vt Pater Biardus nõ expeteret, quod expetebat, ipsi vltrò ambiebant, delato ei perhumaniter suo contubernio; quibus [232] in præsentia Pater egit gratias, habuitque, rogatis tamen, vt sibi hanc benignitatem, in id tempus reseruarent, quo bene vti fas esset; tunc enim haud [580] decere Biencourtium, in periculosa præsertim nauigatione, ab se deseri. Biencourtio deinde redeunti ex irrita illa Quinibequiensi frumentatione, quam modò indicauimus, cùm ad Pentegoetium amnem, & Sanctæ Crucis insulam ventum esset, suadere conatus est, immo supplex fuit Pater Biardus, vt se inde, loco ex propinquo, ad Pontgrauæum dimitteret, Canadici catechismi contexendi causa, quod inter eos antè conuenerat. Huic postulationi, licet æquissimæ, is cuius nihil planè intererat, non nisi eis conditionibus assensus est, quæ & iniquissimæ, & nequaquam in potestate Patris essent. Quamobrem facultate deiectus idiomatis vernaculi condiscendi, ad otiosam pæne vitam in arce degendam adactus est, ingenti sua molestia. Nouembri exeunte, iam ferme exausto penu, nulli nuncij afferebantur è Gallia; & quod reliquum esse poterat ab venatione subsidium, niuibus obsitũ solum intercipiebat; vt ex parsimonia petendum esset vectigal, quò plures in dies annona sufficeret. Demensum igitur cuiuslibet è familia, in quamque hebdomadam, ad denas panis vncias, lardi selibram, pisi aut fabæ ternas scutellas, & prunorum vnam denique redierat. Atque tametsi familia vniuersa eo commeatu, quem nostrum è Gallia importaueramus, vitam tolerabat, nihil nobis liberaliùs, quàm cuiuis de calonibus eo tempore indultum est, neque vt indulgeretur, [234] optauimus, quamquam nebulo quidam, scripto in Gallia edito, non est veritus multa secus per summam impudentiam & calumniam disseminare. Ad nonum calendas Februarias, anni [581] sexcentesimi duodecimi, tenuerunt cibariorum angustiæ, quem ad diem in Portum Regium inuecta est nauis cum mediocri admodum annona, Dominæ Guercheuillææ sumtibus emta, & transmissa. Mille aureos nummos, ex pacto societatis cum Robinio & Patribus Canadiensibus initæ, contributos hæc pia matrona numerauerat Roberto du Thet, fratri nostro coemendis transmittendisque Porturegiensi contubernio cibariis; sed eorum quadringentis fratrem nostrum, non satis cautum depositi custodem, Potrincourtius oblata suæ syngraphæ cautione, confestim emunxit; sicque res tota rediit ad sexcentos, vnde annona nobis exigua conflaretur. Sed neque tot aureorum cibaria in nauem illata sunt, nam Potrincourtij naualis administer partem coemti frumenti auertit in Gallia, & eorum quæ aduecta erant, Porturegiensi Societati quantum collibuit, nec amplius, reddidit. Noster Gilbertus du Thet, cuius in oculis horum pleraque commissa erant, posteà quam vidit, ab eo qui annonæ transuehendæ præfuerat, nullas acceptorum rationes referri, assumto Patre Biardo, apud Biencourtium egit modestè, vti ab eo, qui mandato parentis eius, pro magistro in naui gesserat, acceptorum ratio reposceretur: interesse siquidem nauticorum omnium sociorum, vt constaret, quantũ à singulis expensum acceptũque esset. Biencourtius [236] quidem & tum, & deinde sæpius est professus, nihil moderatiùs, nihil æquiùs postulari à quoquam potuisse: nihilo tamen minùs, quasi à nostro atrociter insimularetur Simon Imbertus, cuius fides in [582] eo negotio desiderabatur; ita illius postulata isti de pinxit, vt eum nobis infensissimum faceret. Imbertus ergo vt Biencourtium sibi conciliatum à nobis abalienaret, seque referendæ rationis necessitate absolueret, malignè interpretatus consilium Dominæ Guercheuillææ, quæ paciscendæ societatis cum Robinio ansam captauerat, vt Missionis nostræ rebus tantò certiùs caueret; fraudulenter cauillatus est, per causam eius societatis intendi machinã, qua Biencourtiorum nomẽ Porturegiensi arce, atque vniuersa Noua Francia detruderetur. Ex hac calumnia illæ Biencourtij simultates exstiterunt, quibus factum est, vt nostrorum opera Nouo-francis populis, quin & ipsis quoque Gallis nihilo ferè quam isti minùs egentibus institutione, deinceps esset inutilis. Calumniatoris mendacia facile fuit nostris diluere, & semel, iterum, ac tertiò tam apertè ac validè apud Biencourtium, audiente vniuerso contubernio, diluerunt; vt postrema refutatione ad infantiam adactus Imbertus eò deueniret, vt excusandæ noxæ gratia profiteri non vereretur, sibi largiter temulento illas aduersum nos calumnias excidisse. Biencourtium acriter pupugerat nuncius, quo afferebatur, etiam conscio parente suo Potrincourtio, vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ ius imperiumque à maximo amne Sacquéo ad Floridam, [238] Portu Regio demto, Guercheuillææ Regio diplomate esse cõcessum eidémq; à Domino de Monts quidquid Henrici Quàrti beneficio nuper in eadem ora possedisset, id omne tabulis publicè consignatis esse transcriptum. Atque, vt non putaret, hæc nobis [583] auctoribus gesta esse, perinde tamen posteà in nos affectus fuit quasi credidisset. Guercheuillææ quidem mens, fuit huius principatus sui reuerentia, velut potenti freno iniecto, Biencourtiorum vtrumque, patrem & filium, fidei hactenus in nos parum sinceræ, animique minus grati, suo in officio continere; nihil autem de Porturegiensi iure ipsis detrahere. Sed fui nimio plus amantes homines alienam in re propria cautionem, suam iniuriam interpretabantur: quòd tamen res iis esset angusta domi, nec viderent vnde commodiùs cella Porturegiensis instrui posset, quàm à Guercheuillæa in gratiam nostrorum Patrum, ne hac annona exciderent, suum dolorem taciti concoquebant. Nostrorum facillima fuit apud Biencourtium purgatio, quam cum accepisset in præsentia, reconciliatis animis Patres ad institutum Canadiensis idiomatis condiscendi magnis animis reuersi sunt, partitis inter se prouinciis, vt Pater Massæus ad Ludouicum Membertouium, Henrici vita functi filium, eius rei causa demigraret; Pater Biardus magistrum eius linguæ domi Barbarum sibi adhiberet. Patri Massæo ad Sancti Ioannis flumen apud hospitem, cum adolescente Gallo socio degenti, ex diuturna inedia, & Nomadicæ vitæ continentibus vexationibus, accidit [240] grauis ægrotatio, qua tantum non confectus ad vltima delaberetur, inter quem morbum Membertouio cum hospite Patre accidit ridicula planè, ac Canadico ingenio digna sermocinatio. Ad decumbentem scilicet Patrem is adiit, vt quidem eius vultus præferebat, Patris acerbo casu [584] valdè sollicitus ac mœrens, quem in hæc verba compellauit. Audi me, Pater, moreris omnino, vt ego quidem auguror: scribe igitur ad Biencourtium, itemque ad tuum fratrem, te à nobis nequaquam trucidatum occubuisse, sed morbo consumtum, ne qua in nobis tui obitus noxa resideat. Cui contrà retulit Pater Massæus: Non committam, vt quod mones, imprudenter ad meos scribam: ne tu ex mea imprudentia factus audacior, securiorque violentas manus afferas, nihilò tamen minùs innocentiæ testes meas litteras apud te habeas, quæ te noxa eximant. Inexspectato, & arguto responso perculsus Barbarus, quasi ex alto sopore mox ad se rediit, atque renidenti ore, ait: Iesum igitur tuis precibus tibi propitium facito, vt te periculo mortis eruat, ne quis in nos tui occasus culpam conferat. Illud ipsum curo, inquit, Pater, desine esse sollicitus, nec enim me hic morbus exhauriet. In Porturegiensi quiete Pater Biardus interea doctore Barbaro vtebatur ad condiscendam barbariem, quæ se idoneum Euangelij præconem in rudi admodum gente præstaret: cui doctori quamdiu habuit vnde mensam insterneret, eius facili, vtilíque opera profecit, sed discendi docendíque cursum post aliquot hebdomadas inhibuit penus inopia. [242] Cuius angustiis quoq; prohibiti sunt nostri, ne quattuor Barbaros, quos Pater Biardus & Biencourtius in maritimo discrimine, ipsis Barbaris ratum votum habẽtibus, futuros Christianos vouerant, si è præsenti naufragio incolumes euaderent. Erepti periculo cum ad Regium Portum appulissent nauem, non fuit in cella vnde alerentur Barbari, quoad idonea Catechesi essent imbuti, qua destitutione affectis nobis rei bene gerendæ occasio periit, nec postea rediit.

Potrincourt, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the month of July for the sake of procuring supplies, of which there was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal; but up to the following month of October no provisions had been sent from France; therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choüacoet river, [579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But because he turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgravé and the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and being longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he waited almost beyond the time for obtaining corn; and, when he finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgravé, just as he had lately conciliated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at the same man; and also, by the same office of pacification, in preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great jeopardy on account of certain suspicions; by which actions he acquired the greatest influence over them both. It was advantageous to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for favors to him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in learning the Canadian language, in which Pontgravé was unusually skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord, took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired, by very politely offering him the privileges of their home; the Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks, requesting them, however, to postpone their kindness to him until that time when it would be proper for him to accept it; for it was not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for provisions, which we have just described, when they had arrived at the Pentegoët river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard endeavored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to Pontgravé from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose of composing a Canadian catechism, which had previously been agreed upon between them. To this request, although most just, and although it certainly made no difference to him, Biencourt would not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was disappointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were received from France; and what aid they might have obtained by hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground; so it was necessary to exercise the greatest economy, in order that the provisions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore, of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans, and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon the provisions which we had brought from France for our own use, we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,[74] has not hesitated to circulate many statements to the contrary, in the most shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies, bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed according to the agreement between Robin [75] and the Canadian Fathers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying provisions to the colony at Port Royal; but Potrincourt, by means of his promissory note, straightway cheated our brother out of 400, as he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store was provided for us. But not even provisions to the value of that number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval agent [76] embezzled in France part of the grain purchased; and, of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the Society at Port Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed, when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who, by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel; saying that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked by any person; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the latter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing an evil interpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guercheville, who had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and Robin, in order that he might more securely guard the interests of our Mission, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed instruction scarcely less than the natives.

It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and completely disproved them, before Biencourt, in the hearing of the whole settlement, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim, for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that, even with the knowledge of his father, Potrincourt, the possession and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river, the Sacqué to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a Royal charter to Madame de Guercheville; and that, by documents under public authority, there had been transferred to her also by Sieur de Monts everything which he had recently possessed in this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could not suppose that these things were done because of our [583] influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt little gratitude toward us; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests, considered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation, in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the time being accepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored, the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose of learning the Canadian language, dividing the business between them, so that Father Massé should go for this purpose to Louis Membertou, son of the late Henry: while Father Biard should have a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Massé, with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the continual annoyances of a wandering life; and, although he did not die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage approached the prostrate Father, very anxious and grieved, as his countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me, Father, you will surely die, as I indeed anticipate; write therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in order that no harm may come to us because of your death." Father Massé answered him in turn: "I shall not do as you advise me, and imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and more careless, because of my lack of foresight, and lay violent hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage, astonished by this unexpected and keen reply, soon came to himself, as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile: "Therefore make Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of your fate upon us." "I am attending to that very thing," said the Father, "cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me." In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue, which presented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks the scarcity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in a time of peril upon the sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of the Savages themselves, to make Christians, if they should safely escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of successfully accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards recur.

In Nouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum. [244] Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque ab^a lintrem fabricandam. |^aRectius "ad."| Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere. Chiquebi radix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum, ad Eplani piscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent. Eplanus, seu Epelanus, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quem Sardinam vulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ [246] riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.

The twelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying to do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root [77] in the forest. The Chiquebi root is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the Eplanus,[36] and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. The Eplan or Epelan is a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called the Sardine; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, our fishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.

Interea tẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant. [248] Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus. Kadesquitum, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis [250] domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.

Meantime in France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,—Father Quintin,[78] and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet,—safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it;[79] and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourt being absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hèbert,[80] who represented Biencourt, we were allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land at Kadesquit,[81] a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,[82] to which from the favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot; and since they praised their own country as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a large portion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,[83] Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.

Angli paucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam, [252] quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã, Mocosæ nomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis, neq; ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset, [254] tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi, Mosquetos vocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem [256] Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus, [258] quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè [260] gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus, [262] quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimè diuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id [264] fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma, [266] quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.

The English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name of Mocosa,[84] situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit [85] islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted,—men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.[86] When the Savage by whose information we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune their own injury, and often threatened him with violence. Meanwhile, we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they call Mosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,[87] who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had planted a settlement upon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers of the Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot [88] of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that in the meantime the pilot ought to look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,[89] had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions, La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whom one should be Father Massé, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,[90] Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec [91] harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all having been received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his name [92] and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision that Argall, with three ships, should take the Jesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.

Regio Portu digressus Argallus in Virginiam contendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat, atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt: [268] Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente coortus aduersus ventus proram in Asoras Lusitanorum insulas [598] obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas. Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos, spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus, Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri. [270] Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret ad Asoras: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat, vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant, tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani, dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter spem, [272] ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem, Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant, & deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset, citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris verò est honor habitus, & apud Maiorem Vrbis, vt vocant, Magistratum plebeium scilicet, hospitium est [274] assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate, de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus, doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, & Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in suum Collegium abunde esset.

Argall left Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early part of November of the year 1613, but, on the day after he set sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall's vessel, indeed, was finally borne to Virginia; the smaller of the two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the larger of these, which Turnell commanded, and on board of which we were, after being dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuous tempests, had reached almost desperate straits, because of the exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and we resumed our voyage towards Virginia with a favoring wind. We were distant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for this reason the voyage was hateful to us; when a contrary wind which suddenly arose turned our bow towards the Asores islands of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice, had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges of the French at Port Royal, he believed Father Biard to be a Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage; and, overcome by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly believing slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not driving them to the Asores, still, scarcity of provisions and fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their will; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage; as no danger was to be feared from them, if the ship should remain at a distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be secured by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations; for when we approached Faëal, one of the Asores islands, we were compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a ship in the same harbor by a sudden attack; whence the Spaniards, fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion, and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark upon the land, where the Spanish held him as a hostage while the interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers, in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship; but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman; but with greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by those whom he had most wickedly deprived of their liberty. This service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that time with marked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers. Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Virginia, Turnell proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward to the coast of Vuallia;[93] and when here provisions failed the ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [600] for the sake of obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of piracy upon the high seas, because, although an Englishman, he was sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials of the authority under which he was making his voyage; and when he made oath that he had been separated by a storm from his Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his statements the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman; but our brethren were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by the Mayor of the City, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely bad fare upon the ship, he directed that they should be entertained at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to them; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meeting the expense, because he thought it very unbecoming that no kindness should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to the King of Britain concerning our brethren; and, while an answer thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of the officials, and even of the ministers, [601] four of whom one of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren, with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their case had been reported at Court, the ambassador [94] of the Most Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits had been captured, and urged the release of all and especially of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage, they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of captivity, at Itius Portus,[95] a town on the French coast. Here they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal garrison, and Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at Ambians [96] [Amiens].

[276] Iam Nouo-Francicæ Missionis operæ quantum promouerint rem Christianam inter Barbaros, non facile dispiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur: qui verò negotium natura sua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam aliunde casibus valdè impeditum, æquis momentis volet æstimare, maximè idoneis, atque illustribus initiis asperrimum solum Euangelicæ sementi præparatum, fateatur necesse est. In primis enim quantum, quæso, illud est, belluini prorsus ingenij atque moris gentem, nuper ab omni commercio externo alienissimam, ab sua impotentia suspiciosissimam, sic nunc esse nobis cõciliatã, ea de nostris hominibus opinione imbutam, vt eos summo ambitu quilibet Barbarorũ cõuentus [602] expetat, in sua ora domicilium habere cupiat, de suis copiolis annua cibaria deferat, mœrore ac fletu suum eorum desiderium testetur, implacabili odio in Britannos, nostræ infestos quieti, feratur? Magnum quiddam profecto est, & ingentis ad fidem illis animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius præcones tam propensa ferri voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longè maius est, tantóque ad Barbaroram efficiendam salutem potentius, quantò alienius est ab humanarum affectionum ratione, diuinisque motionibus proprium magis. Altè iam insedit Canadiorum animis illa sententia, æternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptismi expertes è viuis decedant, vt tametsi valẽtes Christianæ legis conditiones, suo sensu paullò asperiores, haud facilè subeant, moribundi tamen Baptismum ingentis omnino beneficij [278] esse ducant, cupidéque appetant. Cuius doctrinæ quoniam Patres Societatis auctores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis sensibus, eius sua sponte illos admonent, & memores esse iubent, quoties popularium quis deteriùs affectus decumbit, hortanturque suos Doctores vti obitum ægroti præuertant, salutaribus aquis lustrantes, antè quàm occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbarissimis alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non assidua, sed frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Patres effecerunt, non leuibus certè momentis ad Euangelici verbi satus in ea gente magnis incrementis propagandos. Quam ad propagationem, sacrarum precationum, & Baptismi [603] inusitata vis, insignibus aliquot documentis apud eam nationem interdum prodita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani piscis amnem die quodam agenti affertur nuncius ab ægrota, & animam agente muliere, quæ ipsum videre atque alloqui valdè cuperet, ad Sanctæ Mariæ Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis. Eò ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis præter focum stratam deprehendit, tertia iam hebdomada miserè languentem: ægram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechesi necessaria instruit, adhibitisq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pectus appensa munit, seque vocari iubet, si quid ei posteà deterius accidat. Postridie mulier bene sana è foco exsilit, & graui onusta sacco ad maritum quattuor inde leucas vegeta contendit. Eam sanationem [280] Caluinianus Dieppensis omnium primus obseruauit, confestimque illius euentum mirabilem nunciaturus ad Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio versabatur, vbi pro instituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, ægros visebat, solabatur, precibus, ac Christianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi tertium iam mensem æger decumbebat, cuius salus erat conclamata, quem Barbari visendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido sudore totus manabat, certo fere mortis indice, cùm iam eum grauis æstus tenuisset, cui post preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cùm Pater crucem sæpius exosculandam porrexisset, eique de collo pensilem reliquisset, frequentibus Barbaris audientibus, & quæ gererentur mirè [604] probantibus ab eo ad nauẽ & Biencourtium rediit. Postera verò die Biencourtio cum indigenis in naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in eã nauem sanus ingressus ille æger, heri moribũdus, crucemque gratulabũdus, magnificè ostentãs, adiit ad P. Biardũ, ingentiq; gaudio suam ei sanitatem testatus, virtuti S. Crucis acceptã tulit. Illustrius multò est id quod sequitur, & ad Barbarorũ sensum in Baptismi laudẽ singulare. P. Biardus, & Mottæus Saussæij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vnà iuerant ad considerandam areã Sancti Saluatoris domicilio designatã, vnde redeuntibus procul ad aures accidit lamẽtabilis vlulatus quærentibusq; à Barbaro comite causã lugubris clamoris, responsum est, sollemne illud esse alicuius iam iam vita functi argumentũ. [282] Sed propiùs ad Barbarica tuguria succedentibus puer interrogatus indicauit, nõ mortui, sed morientis esse cõpliorationẽ; atque ad P. Biardum conuersus; Quin tu, inquit, accurris, si forte in viuentẽ adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptismum præuertas? Ea pueri vox, tamquã cælo missa, Patrem & comites ad cursum vehementer accendit, quibus ad agrestes casas appulsis, Barbarorũ sub dio stantium lōgissima ala, directo ordine instructa occurrit, atq; in spectãtis alæ, & mœrore defixæ oculis obambulans pater, cuius in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hic vt animam ægerrimè trahebat, interruptis debilitate singultibus ad mortem properans, miserum parentem miseratione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoslibet autem infantis singultus, horrendùm eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adstantis Barbaricæ concionis mox luctuosus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater Biardus adiit ad afflictum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipso volente moribundum infantem Baptismo esset lustraturus. Ingenti mœrore percitus Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, sed deposito in postulantis manibus puero, reipsa, quid cuperet, ostendit. Pater aquam poposcit, puellumque Mottæo ardentissimè suscipienti tenendum tradit, salutaribus aquis aspergit, Nicolaum de Mottæi nomine appellat, concepta precum formula Barbaris lumẽ ad fidei agnoscendas ingentes opes à Deo precatur. Sub eam precationem receptum de Mottæi manibus infantem matri eius præsenti defert, mater filio mammam continuò porrigit, puer oblatam [284] cupidè arripit, lac ad satietatem haurit, atque deinceps sanus vegetúsque vixit. Vniuersus interim Barbarorum, qui circumsteterat, globus rei haud vsitatæ defixus miraculo, petrarum instar immotus, ac tacitus hærebat in vestigio. Ad eos igitur sic animo comparatos noster, quæ visa sunt in rem præsentem quadrare, verba fecit, quæ auidis mentibus hauserunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iussit singulos in tuguria se recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius sermonem summa reuerentia exceperant, ita cùm cœtus facta missione receptum in suas casas indixit, alto silentio præferentes inusitatum obsequium, in sua quisque tuguria pacatissimè, citissimeque dilapsi sunt. Hæc & huiusmodi alia in Barbarorum oculis, summa ipsorum admiratione, nec minore fructu gesta, quisquis perpenderit, vtilissimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam Missionem meritò iudicabit.

Now he who measures the undertaking by ordinary standards, will not easily see how greatly the work of the Mission of New France has advanced the Christian religion among the Savages; he who will fairly estimate an enterprise very difficult in its nature, and greatly hindered also by the interruption of calamities from without; must confess that the rugged soil has been prepared for the seed of the Gospel with very advantageous and glorious beginnings. For, in the first place, is it not a great thing, I ask, that a race of utterly brutal disposition and manners, lately keeping itself far aloof from all external intercourse, extremely suspicious by reason of its impotence, should be now so conciliated towards us, and entertain such sentiments for our brethren, that Savages of every tribe seek them out with the greatest pains, [602] desire them to have a residence in their territory, offer them annual supplies from their scanty store, testify by grief and weeping to their longing for them, and regard the English, the enemies of our peace, with implacable hatred? It is indeed something great, and of the utmost importance to the implanting of the faith in those minds, that they meet its heralds with such emphatic good-will, confidence, and veneration. Moreover there is another influence far greater, and so much the more powerful in effecting the salvation of the Savages as it is remote from the sphere of human affections and more characteristic of heavenly emotions. Already there has become deeply seated in the minds of the Canadians the belief that those who die without Baptism are consigned to eternal torments; consequently, as long as they are in health, they do not readily submit to the rules of the Christian faith, which to their ideas are a little too harsh; but when at the point of death, they regard Baptism as certainly a great blessing, and eagerly seek it. Since they have the Fathers of the Society as authorities for this doctrine, and have absorbed it into their inmost souls, of their own accord they warn and remind their Teachers of it, whenever any one of their friends is prostrated by some severe complaint, and urge them to anticipate the death of the patient by sprinkling him with the saving waters, before he shall perish. And, indeed, these emotions of the mind, in men who are in other respects most savage, two Fathers have created by a training of two years, and that indeed not continuous, but interrupted by numerous difficulties, which is certainly no light incentive toward propagating the seed of the Gospel among that race with flourishing increase. To this propagation, the unaccustomed power of holy prayers and of Baptism, [603] sometimes disclosed among this people in several remarkable instances, seems likely to be no small incentive in the future. When Father Biard was occupied one day at the river of the Eplan fish, a message was brought to him from a sick woman at the point of death, who was very anxious to see and converse with him, at Bay Ste. Marie, two leagues from that river. He had one of the colonists as a guide thither, and found the woman lying, according to the manner of her race, near the hearth, and now miserably languishing in the third week of her illness. He instructed the invalid, as far as her disease permitted, in the necessary parts of the Catechism; strengthened her by prayers adapted to the circumstances, and a cross hung upon her breast; and directed that he should be called, if she should thereafter grow worse. The next day the woman arose from the hearth entirely well, and, loaded with a heavy bag, started briskly for her husband, who was at a distance of four leagues. A Calvinist from Dieppe first of all observed this cure, and immediately ran to Father Biard to announce the wonderful event. The same Father was with Biencourt on the banks of the Pentegoët, where, according to his custom, he was going about among the cabins of the Savages, visiting and comforting the sick and aiding them with prayers and Christian instruction. There a sick man was lying, who had already been ill three months, whose recovery had been despaired of, and whom the Savages brought to the Father's notice. He was completely bathed in cold perspiration, an almost certain sign of death, since a heavy fever had taken possession of him. After prayers had been said and a short lesson in the faith given, when the Father had held out a cross to him to be repeatedly kissed, and had left it hanging about his neck, many Savages listening to him, and heartily [604] approving what was done, he returned to the ship and Biencourt. But the next day, when Biencourt was engaged upon the ship in trading with the natives, that sick man, yesterday at the point of death, came on board in a state of health, and, joyfully and reverently displaying the cross, went to Father Biard, and, testifying with great delight to his recovery, ascribed it to the power of the Holy Cross. That which follows is much more remarkable, and by the Savages was ascribed solely to the merit of Baptism. Father Biard, La Motte, the Lieutenant of La Saussaye, and Simon the Interpreter, had gone together to examine the site selected for the settlement of St. Sauveur. While returning thence, they heard at a distance a lamentable wail, and, when they asked of their Savage companion the cause of this mournful outcry, the answer was made that it was the customary token that some one had already departed this life. But as they approached nearer to the huts of the Savages, a boy, on being questioned, informed them that the lamentation was not for a dead, but for a dying person; and, turning to Father Biard, he said: "Why do you not hurry thither, if perchance you may find him still living, and administer Baptism before his death?" The voice of that boy, just as though sent from heaven, caused the Father and his companions to run swiftly, and as they reached the rude dwellings, there appeared a great crowd of Savages, drawn up in regular order, standing in the open air; and among this mournful-looking company a father walked about, in whose arms a delicate boy was dying. As the child struggled for breath, hastening towards death, and weakly gasping, it tortured the unfortunate parent with grief and sorrow. Moreover, at each gasp of the infant, the father wailed dreadfully, and his lamentation was immediately answered by a howl from the gloomy throng of Savages standing near. [605] Father Biard went to the afflicted parent of the boy, and asked whether he might, with his consent, baptize the dying child. The Savage, overcome by the depth of his grief, could not utter a word; but his action showed, by placing the child in the arms of the petitioner, what he desired. The Father asked for water, and giving the child to La Motte to hold, who eagerly received it, he sprinkled it with the saving waters, christened it Nicholas de la Motte, and formulating a prayer, begged from God light for the Savages, that they might recognize the immense blessings of the faith. After this prayer he took the infant from the hands of La Motte and gave it to its mother, who was present; the mother immediately gave her breast to the child, who greedily accepted it, partook of the milk to satiety, and finally lived, healthy and vigorous. In the meantime, the whole circle of Savages who had stood about, struck by the marvelousness of the unusual occurrence, remained motionless as stones, and stood silently in their tracks. Therefore, while they were thus prepared in mind, our brother addressed to them such words as seemed appropriate to the subject in hand; and when he had finished, bade them depart to their own huts. As they, trembling and reverential, received his discourse, with the greatest respect, so when, the object of their gathering having been accomplished, he ordered them to depart to their huts, they slipped away, silently exhibiting this unusual obedience, quietly and quickly, each to his own dwelling. Whoever shall carefully examine these and other like acts which have been performed in the sight of the Savages, greatly to their astonishment, and no less to their benefit, will justly conclude that the Mission of New France has been commenced under very advantageous beginnings.