SECTION LXXII
"Virata said, 'Why, O best among the Pandavas, dost thou not wish to accept as wife this my daughter that I bestow upon thee?'
"Arjuna said, 'Residing in thy inner apartments, I had occasion always to behold thy daughter, and she too, alone or in company trusted me as her father. Well-versed in singing and dancing, I was liked and regarded by her, and, indeed, thy daughter always regardeth me as her protector. O king, I lived for one whole year with her though she had attained the age of puberty. Under these circumstances, thyself or other men may not without reason, entertain suspicions against her or me. Therefore, O king, myself who am pure, and have my senses under control, beg to thee, O monarch, thy daughter as my daughter-in-law. Thus do I attest her purity. There is no difference between a daughter-in-law and a daughter, as also between a son and son's own-self. By adopting this course, therefore, her purity will be proved. I am afraid of slanderous and false accusations. I accept, therefore, O king, thy daughter Uttara as my daughter-in-law. Surpassing all in knowledge of weapons, resembling a celestial youth in beauty, my son, the mighty-armed Abhimanyu is the favourite nephew of Vasudeva, the wielder of the discus. He, O king, is fit to be thy son-in-law and the husband of thy daughter.'
"Virata said, 'It behoveth the best of the Kurus, Dhananjaya, the son of Kunti, who is so virtuous and wise, to say this. O son of Pritha, do thou carry out what thou thinkest should be done after this. He that hath Arjuna for the father of his son-in-law, hath all his desires gratified.'"
Vaisampayana continued, "The monarch having said this, Yudhishthira, the son of Kunti, gave his assent to what was thus agreed upon between the Matsya king and Arjuna. And, O Bharata, the son of Kunti sent invitations to Vasudeva and to all his friends and relatives, and Virata also did the same. And then, after the expiry of the thirteenth year, the five Pandavas took up their abode in one of Virata's towns called Upaplavya, and Vibhatsu, the son of Pandu, brought over Abhimanyu and Janardana, and also many people of the Dasarha race from the Anarta country. And the king of Kasi, and also Saivya, being very friendly to Yudhishthira, arrived there, each accompanied by an Akshauhini of troops. And the mighty Drupada, also with the heroic sons of Draupadi and the unvanquished Sikhandin, and that foremost of wielder of weapons, the invincible Dhrishtadyumna came there with another Akshauhini of troops. And all the kings that came were not only lords of Akshauhini, but performers of sacrifices with gifts in profusion to Brahmanas, conversant with the Vedas endued with heroism, and ready to die in battle. And beholding them arrived, that foremost of virtuous men, the king of the Matsyas, adored them duly, and entertained their troops and servants and carriers of burdens. And he was highly pleased to bestow his daughter upon Abhimanyu. And after the kings had come there from different parts of the country, there came Vasudeva decked in floral garlands, and Halayudha, and Kritavarman, the son of Hridika, and Yuyudhana, the son of Satyaki, and Anadhristi and Akrura, and Samva and Nisatha. And these repressers of foes came there bringing with them Abhimanyu and his mother. And Indrasena and others, having lived at Dwaraka for one whole year, came there, bringing with them the well adorned cars of the Pandavas. And there came also ten thousand elephants and ten thousand cars, and hundred millions of horses and hundred billions of foot-soldiers, and innumerable Vrishni and Andhaka and Bhoja warriors of great energy, in the train of that tiger among the Vrishnis, Vasudeva of great effulgence. And Krishna gave unto each of the illustrious sons of Pandu numerous female slaves, and gems and robes. And then the nuptial festival set in between the families of the Matsya king and the Pandavas. And then conchs and cymbals and horns and drums and other musical instruments appointed by the Pandavas, began to play in the palace of Virata. And deer of various kinds and clean animals by hundreds were slain. And wines of various kinds and intoxicating juices of trees were profusely collected. And mimes and bards and encomiasts, versed in singing and legendary lore, waited upon the kings, and chanted their praises and genealogies. And the matrons of the Matsyas of symmetrical bodies and limbs, and wearing ear-rings of pearls and gems, headed by Sudeshna, came to the place where the marriage knot was to be tied. And amongst those beautiful females of fair complexion and excellent ornaments, Krishna was the foremost in beauty and fame and splendour. And they all came there, leading forth the princess Uttara decked in every ornament and resembling the daughter of the great Indra himself. And then Dhananjaya, the son of Kunti, accepted Virata's daughter of faultless limbs on behalf of his son by Subhadra. And that great king, Yudhishthira, the son of Kunti, who stood there like Indra, also accepted her as his daughter-in-law. And having accepted her, the son of Pritha, with Janardana before him, caused the nuptial ceremonies to be performed of the illustrious son of Subhadra. And Virata then gave him (as dowry) seven thousand steeds endued with the speed of the wind and two hundred elephants of the best kind and much wealth also. And having duly poured libations of clarified butter on the blazing fire, and paid homage unto the twice-born ones, Virata offered to the Pandavas his kingdom, army, treasury, and his own self. And after the marriage had taken place, Yudhishthira, the son of Dharma, gave away unto the Brahmanas all the wealth that had been brought by Krishna of unfading glory. And he also gave away thousands of kine, and diverse kinds of robes, and various excellent ornaments, and vehicles, and beds, delicious viands of various kinds, and cardinal drinks of diverse species. And the king also made gifts of land unto the Brahmanas with due rites, and also cattle by thousands. And he also gave away thousands of steeds and much gold and much wealth of other kinds, unto persons of all ages. And, O bull of the Bharata race, the city of the Matsya king, thronged with men cheerful and well-fed, shone brightly like a great festival."
The end of Virata Parva.
Footnote 1:[(return)]
Brahma Vadini—Nilakantha explains this as Krishna-kirtanasila.
Footnote 2:[(return)]
This speech of Vaisampayana is not included in some texts within the second section. To include it, however, in the third, is evidently a mistake.
Footnote 3:[(return)]
The sloka commencing with Adushta and ending ratheshu cha does not occur in texts except those in Bengal.
Footnote 4:[(return)]
A difference reading is observable here. The sense, however, is the same.
Footnote 5:[(return)]
An independent female artisan working in another person's house.—Wilson.
Footnote 6:[(return)]
Some of the Bengal text and Sarvatramaya for Sarvamantramaya. The former is evidently incorrect.
Footnote 7:[(return)]
This is a very difficult sloka. Nilakantha adopts the reading Sanjayet. The Bengal editions read Sanjapet. If the latter be the correct reading, the meaning then would be,—'Let none talk about what transpires in the presence of the king. For those even that are poor, regard it as a grave fault.' The sense evidently is that the occurrences in respect of a king which one witnesses should not be divulged. Even they that are powerless regard such divulgence of what occurs in respect of them as an insult to them, and, therefore, inexcusable.
Footnote 8:[(return)]
The Bengal editions read Rajna in the instrumental case. Following a manuscript text of a Pandit of my acquaintance I read Rajnas in the genitive.
Footnote 9:[(return)]
Mahishasura, the son of Rambhasura. Durga had to fight for many years before she could slay this formidable Asura. The story occurs in the Markandeya Purana. To this day, Bengal during the great Durga Puja festival in autumn, worships the goddess with great veneration.
Footnote 10:[(return)]
Literally, one that rescues from difficulty.
Footnote 11:[(return)]
Kamachara is explained by Nilakantha thus, although in other places it bears a quite different meaning.
Footnote 12:[(return)]
Krita—attack; Pratikrita—warding it off; Sankata—clenched. Some texts read Sankatakais. The meaning then would be 'cased in gauntlets.'
Footnote 13:[(return)]
Bhuti, Hri, Sri, Kirti and Kanti are respectively the feminine embodiments of Prosperity, Modesty, Beauty, Fame and Loveliness.
Footnote 14:[(return)]
What Draupadi means is that instead of passing her days in joy and happiness, instead of being able to wish time to be stationary with her, she is obliged in consequence of her misery, to wish time to pass off quickly.
Footnote 15:[(return)]
Jayate asyas—i.e., she from whom one is born.
Footnote 16:[(return)]
Some texts read, Vilwam nagaviodhara—i.e., 'As an elephant lifts up a vela fruit.'
Footnote 17:[(return)]
Weri means both a kettle-drum and a trumpet. The latter however conveys a better meaning here.
Footnote 18:[(return)]
Literature, force of his thighs.
Footnote 19:[(return)]
What Bhima says is this.—The Gandharvas, your husbands, are always obedient to thee! If they have been able to do thee a service, they have only repaid a debt.
Footnote 20:[(return)]
Krita-krita—Nilakantha explains this to mean 'imagining themselves to have achieved success in their mission' for having learnt of Kichaka's death, they could readily guess the presence of the Pandavas there. This is too far-fetched and does not at all agree with the spirit of their report to Duryodhana below. And then the same word occurs in the very last line of the Section. I take it that in both places the word has been used in the same sense.
Footnote 21:[(return)]
This is a very difficult sloka. I am not sure that I have understood it alright. Both Nilakantha and Arjuna Misra are silent. Instead of depending, however, on my own intelligence, I have consulted several friends who have read the Mahabharata thoroughly. The grammatical structure is easy. The only difficulty consists in the second half of the sloka. The meaning, however, I have given is consistent with the tenor of Bhishma's advice.
Footnote 22:[(return)]
Indicating the unobstructed completion of the sacrifice.
Footnote 23:[(return)]
The word tirtha here means, as Nilakantha rightly explains spies and not holy spots.
Footnote 24:[(return)]
Satram is explained by Nilakantha to mean here 'false disguise.' I think, however, such an interpretation to be far-fetched. It evidently means 'forest',—the use of 'pravisteshu' in connection with it almost settles the point.
Footnote 25:[(return)]
This sloka is not correctly printed in any of the texts that I have seen. The reading that I adopt is that the second word is the participle of the root budh and not the instrumental of budhi; the last word again of the second line is a compound of valavatsu and avaleshu instead of (as printed in many books) valavatswavaleshu. Any other reading would certainly be incorrect. I have not consulted the Bombay text.
Footnote 26:[(return)]
Bhagasas lit., each in its proper place. It may also mean, 'according to their respective division.'
Footnote 27:[(return)]
Kalyana-patalam is explained by Nilakantha to mean suvarna pattachchaditam.
Footnote 28:[(return)]
One of the generals of Virata.
Footnote 29:[(return)]
Some differences of reading are noticeable here, for Yasaswinau some texts read Manaswinau, and for Vahusamravdhau-Vahusanrambhat; and for Nakha-naki—Ratha-rathi.
Footnote 30:[(return)]
Some texts read Ghanabiva for Ghanarva. The latter is unquestionably better in form.
Footnote 31:[(return)]
The word in the original is Muhurta equal to 48 minutes. Nilakantha points out very ingeniously that the night being the seventh of the dark fortnight, the moon would not rise till after 14 Dandas from the hour of sunset, a Danda being equal to 24 minutes. A Muhurta, therefore implies not 48 minutes exactly, but some time.
Footnote 32:[(return)]
Some Vikshyainam, Nilakantha explains Sama as a word spoken by Bhima for assuring the captive Virata, and Vikshya as 'assuring' or 'consoling by a glance.' Perhaps this is right.
Footnote 33:[(return)]
The adjective Bhima-sankasas as explained by Nilakantha is in this sense, quoting the celebrated simile of Valmiki.
Footnote 34:[(return)]
To understand the comparison would require in the reader a knowledge of the mechanism of the Indian Vina. Briefly, the Vina consists of a bamboo of about two cubits attached to two gourds towards its ends. Along the bamboo which serves the purpose of a finger-board, is the main chord and several thinner wires. All these pass over a number of frets, two and a half heptachords, representing the total compass of the instrument. The wires rest towards their ends on two pieces of ivory called Upadhanas in Sanskrit or Swaris in Urdu.
Footnote 35:[(return)]
Some read kaniasi for vaviasi. Both words are the same, and mean the same thing.
Footnote 36:[(return)]
Vedi-Vilagnamadhya—Vedi in this connection means a wasp and not, as explained by Mallinatha in his commentary of the Kumarasambhava, a sacrificial platform. I would remark in passing that many of the most poetic and striking adjectives in both the Raghu and the Kumarasambhava of Kalidasa are borrowed unblushingly from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata.
Footnote 37:[(return)]
Padma patrabha-nibha may also mean 'of the splendour of the gem called Marakata.' Nilakantha, however, shows that this would militate against the adjective Kankojwalatwacham below.
Footnote 38:[(return)]
The princess being of the complexion of burnished gold and Arjuna dark as a mass of clouds, the comparison is exceedingly appropriate. The Vaishnava poets of Bengal never tire of this simile in speaking of Radha and Krishna in the groves of Vrindavana.
Footnote 39:[(return)]
The words in the original is pranayam, lit., love. Nilakantha, however, explains it as meaning modesty, humility. I think, Nilakantha is right. The relations between Arjuna and the princess were like those between father and daughter.
Footnote 40:[(return)]
This sloka is not correctly printed in any of the texts that I have seen. The Burdwan Pandits read tat-samim. This I think, is correct, but then asasada in the singular when the other verbs are all dual seems to be correct. The poet must have used some other verb in the dual for asasada.
Footnote 41:[(return)]
Some texts read Diptasya for Diptayam.
Footnote 42:[(return)]
This sloka does not occur in every text. This is a typical illustration of the round about way, frequently adopted by Sanskrit writers, of expressing a simple truth. The excuse in the present instance consists in Drona's unwillingness to identify the solitary hero with Arjuna, in the midst of all his hearers. Nadiji is an exclamation referring to Bhishma, the son of the river Ganga. Lankesa-vanari-ketu is simply 'ape-bannered,' or as rendered in the text, having the devastator of the gardens of Lanka's lord for the sign of his banner. Nagahvaya is 'named after tree' for Arjuna is the name of an Indian tree. Nagri-sunu is 'Indra's son',—Indra being the foe of mountain, for formerly it was he who cut off the wings of all mountains and compelled them to be stationary. He failed only in the case of Mainaka, the son of Himavat.
Footnote 43:[(return)]
Indian insects of a particular kind.
Footnote 44:[(return)]
Most editions read chapas which is evidently wrong. The correct reading is avapas, meaning quiver. The Burdwan Pandits give this latter reading.
Footnote 45:[(return)]
Some read chandrargha-darsanas. The correct reading is chandrardha-darsanas.
Footnote 46:[(return)]
Most editions read hema-punkha and silasita in the instrumental plural; the correct reading is their nominative plural forms.
Footnote 47:[(return)]
Sayaka means here, as explained by Nilakantha, a sword, and not a shaft.
Footnote 48:[(return)]
From the colour of his steeds.
Footnote 49:[(return)]
Nilakantha spends much learning and ingenuity in making out that sixty-five years in this connection means thirty-two years of ordinary human computation.
Footnote 50:[(return)]
Some texts read,—'One large meteor fell.'
Footnote 51:[(return)]
In some editions read,—Bharata dwijam, and Maha-hardam for maha-drumam. The meaning would then be,—'The banners (of the hostile army) began to tremble in the sky, and large lakes were agitated.'
Footnote 52:[(return)]
Some texts read Maharatham (incorrectly) for hiranmayan. Indeed, Maharatham would give no meaning in this connection. The incomplete edition of the Roy Press under the auspices of the Principal of the Calcutta Sanskrit College abounds with such incorrect readings and misprints.
Footnote 53:[(return)]
The Roy Press edition adds here a line which looks very much like an interpolation.
Footnote 54:[(return)]
The true reading is Acharya in the dual number, meaning Drona and Kripa. Some texts read the word in the singular form. Nilakantha notices both these reading, but prefers the dual to the singular.
Footnote 55:[(return)]
The meaning is rather doubtful. Duryodhana seems to say that 'the hostile appearance of Arjuna has been an act of imprudence on his part. The Pandavas, after the expiry of the thirteenth year, would claim their kingdom. I, Duryodhana, may or may not accede to their demand. When, therefore, it was not certain that Arjuna would be refused by me, his hostile appearance is unwise. He has come sure of victory, but he may yet be defeated.'
Footnote 56:[(return)]
The sense seems to be that when moralists even are puzzled in judging of the propriety or otherwise of their acts, it can easily be imagined that the Pandavas, however virtuous, have, in the matter of this their appearance, acted wrongly, for, after all, the thirteenth year may not have really been over as believed by them. Or, it may mean, that as regards our presence here, we have not acted imprudently when even moralists cannot always arrive at right conclusion. It seems that for this Duryodhana proceeds to justify that presence in the following sentences.